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SociologicalForum,Vol. 10, No. 3, 1995
INTRODUCTION
393
0884-8971/95/0900-0393$07.50/0 ? 1995 Plenum Publishing Corporation
394 Miller
has long been thought to be the most promising place for the family to
flourish. Indeed, the very rise of the suburbs in the early 19th century was
closely connected to a new preoccupation with domesticity, one that arose
out of changes in the family that transformed it from a center of economic
activity to a unit that emphasized raising children and providing affection
to its members. At the same time as the family was being redefined as a
source of companionship and emotional sustenance, the suburbs began to
be seen as the ideal location for it.
In this paper, I show how the suburban ideal has, from its beginnings,
been associated with a particular vision of family life. This vision regards
the family not only as a domestic alliance that creates a household to take
care of its members' basic needs for food and shelter, but also as a group
of people who enjoy one another's company and share leisure pursuits. This
is a vision of family togetherness,2 meaning that husband, wife, and children
choose to spend the time not claimed by wage labor or school with one
another, preferring each other's company to the competing attractions of
the outside world.
It is partially in order to realize this image of cozy family life that so
many have turned to suburbia.3By 1990, 46.2% of the U.S. population was
living in the suburbs. This compared to 31.3% living in central cities, and
22.5% in nonmetropolitan areas (based on United States Bureau of the
Census, 1993:1). The move to the suburbs, which originally was a white
middle-class phenomenon but now includes a much wider range of the
population, probably always was and still is largely motivated by a desire
to escape the mix of classes and racial and ethnic groups that characterize
urban areas. This migration has also been fueled by government- and mar-
ket-shaped economic incentives that make suburban property not only af-
fordable to large numbers of people, but among the most wise investments
individuals can make. However, the meaning of suburban life for its resi-
2The term "togetherness"was not coined until 1954 by the publishersof McCall'smagazine
(Friedan, 1963/1983:48).Nevertheless,the ideas behind it can still be applied (while
acknowledgingvariationsin emphasisand intensity)to an earlierera.
3Socialscientistsand urbanplannershave not agreedupon any definitionof suburbia,but it
is useful to thinkof it as both a geographicand socialenvironment.The suburbis generally
characterizedby proximityto a large city (along with a close economic relationship)and
low-densityhousing.Yet as Jacksonsays,suburbiais also a "stateof mind"(1985:4),and so
bringswith it certainexpectationsabout a family-centered way of life. Part of the problem
in definingsuburbiais that the prevailingformsof urbanspace are changing.Some analysts
even argue that the suburbhas been eclipsed. Instead, they speak of the "technoburb"
(Fishman,1987), "exopolis"(Soja, 1992),or Edge City (Garreau,1991), neithersuburbnor
city, but an altogetherdifferentkind of decentralizedenvironmentcontainingjobs, services,
and housing. While I agree that it is importantto recognize the transformationof the
traditionalcity-suburbrelationship,I do not think it is necessaryto posit an entirelynew
urbanentity.The city-suburbdistinctionis still a useful one. For an extendeddiscussionof
this issue, see the symposiumon suburbiain AmericanQuarterly 46(1), March1994.
FamilyTogetherness 395
rarely make problematic the very ideal of family life contained in the sub-
urban dream. On the other hand, those critics who do suggest that the
family shoulders too much responsibility for its members' well-being and
happiness have rarely looked at how social and geographic environments
contribute to this problem.
Because it is an environment formed to a large degree in order to
encourage family interaction, suburbia is especially useful for highlighting
the meanings and incongruities attached to the notion of togetherness. My
intention, therefore, is to look at the connections between suburbia and
family togetherness, first, through an examination of the history of the sub-
urban ideal, and second, through an analysis of how that ideal fits with the
suburb's spatial and segregatory features. In the process, I will challenge
two assumptions that have long been central to the family-suburbia con-
nection: that public sociability is incompatible with familial sociability, and
that family togetherness is identical to family harmony.
as sinful and providing temptations that can lure individuals away from fa-
milial pursuits. Connected to this is a strong desire to escape the "danger-
ous" classes and races that are almost unavoidable in city living. Those
participating in suburbanization anticipate a home-centered lifestyle, with
parents and children finding gratification in homemaking as well as both
indoor and outdoor activities that involve the whole family.
The American vision of ideal family life in the suburbs has not, of
course, remained static over time. Rather, it intensified and grew more
widely accepted since its origins, perhaps reaching its height during the
1950s. Still, this ideal persists today. What has remained consistent over
time is a valuation of private life, centered on the family, over all forms
of public intercourse.
were not only crowded,dirty,noisy, and populatedby the poor and immi-
grants,but they were also filled with the temptationsof saloons, gambling
dens, dance halls, and other amusementsconsideredimmoralto the proper
19th-centurywhite, middle-classChristian.While the family could try to
establishan enclave of moralityand repose amid the dangerouscity, min-
isters and domestic advocatesagreed that a ruralsetting offered the best
hope.5Naturewas seen as a source of truthand beauty,as well as encour-
aging a quiet, peaceful life. By the latter half of the 19th century,houses
themselveshad become integratedwith nature. Not only did a semirural
setting help reach this end, but designerspromotedporches,bay windows,
and earth colors for the home (Clark,1986:17,24).
The residentialsuburbwas thus seen by many as the perfect innova-
tion. It encouragedcontinuouscontactwith godly natureand shelteredthe
familyfrom the evils of the city, yet still allowedthe familyto take advan-
tage of urban economic opportunitiesand the urban amenities available
for the home. In severalrespects,then, the suburbanway of life epitomized
middle-classVictorianconceptionsof domesticity.This lifestylegrew even
more popular by the turn of the century as city life became ever more
untenable.
From the Turn of the Century to the Postwar Era: The Move from
Morality to Fulfillment
the turn of the century, husband, wife, and child were redefined as sharing
more interests, particularly recreational ones.
During this period, there also began to be a flood of periodical arti-
cles, stories, and books that advocated the good life in the suburbs (Stilgoe,
1988:168). As before, publicists were portraying the suburbs as the best
locale for a family-centered lifestyle, but the features they chose to fore-
ground had changed somewhat. Along with a continued preoccupation with
independence from outside interference, the suburban ideal now empha-
sized recreation and affectionate family relationships (Clark, 1986:99). This
was joined to a heightened interest in consumerism, nurtured by a growing
advertising industry, which raised new opportunities for familial expression
(Braden, 1992:146; Clark, 1986:140; Spigel, 1992:19).
Changes in domestic architecture again highlighted the new ideals.
The first major modification in floor plans in nearly 150 years occurred in
the 1890s as entrance halls and front and back parlors were eliminated in
favor of a multipurpose living room (Clark, 1986:132). That single room
was not only practical in terms of the smaller houses being built, but it
demonstrated a greater willingness to expose family life to the view of
guests. Furthermore, the centrality of the living room signaled the family's
intent to spend more time in one another's company. Even larger homes
did away with the extra rooms that had previously been the designated
retreats of husband, wife, or children (Fishman, 1987:150).
The stress on family togetherness perhaps came across best in new
ideas about appropriate recreation. While reading aloud, playing games, and
talking were central home activities, there was a surge in enthusiasm for the
outdoor amusements that suburban living made so accessible. Lawns were
put to use for croquet and archery, and the scenic suburban landscapes be-
came settings for roller skating and bicycling by the whole family. Suburbs
also created golf and tennis clubs, as well as other types of cultural and
social clubs that involved both husbands and wives (Marsh, 1988:178-179).
Even though the image of life in the suburbs had switched from one
of moral redemption to opportunities for fulfillment in the context of family
life, a fear of the immoral city continued to be a primary concern. Such
fears were often put in terms of how difficult it was for the urban family
to thrive. For instance, Marsh reports that at a 1909 American Sociological
Association meeting, "a number of the participants warned explicitly that
city life and family togetherness had become contradictory" (1988:178).
While these expressions reflected concerns about urban-inspired competi-
tiveness and individualism, the preoccupations of middle-class residents still
focused on urban diversity. These families not only continued to worry
about European immigrants, but also about the migration of Southern
blacks into Northern cities (Jackson, 1985:150).
Family Togetherness 401
Those families hoping to leave the city were aided by the railroads,
which had opened up large tracts of land that speculatorsand developers
seized on for their suburbanization potential.Even more people were able
to consider this lifestyle by the 1920s,when an enormousamount of sub-
urban constructiontook place, spurred by the rising wages of potential
homeownersand the impact of the automobile(Jackson,1985:175).How-
ever, the suburbanboom was interruptedby the Depression and World
WarII. During this period, new constructioncame to an almost total halt.
After the end of the war,pent-updemandfor housing,combinedwith
governmentpolicies regardinghome construction,mortgages,and highway
building,led to a flood of families movingto the suburbs.The suburban
ideal becamethe hope of unprecedentednumbersof Americansas the pos-
sibilityof owninga home became availableto even working-classfamilies.
Furthermore,beliefs about domesticity,familytogetherness,and life in the
suburbsbecame more tightlyintertwinedthan ever before. As May states,
The legendary family of the 1950s, complete with appliances, station wagon,
backyardbarbecues,and tricyclesscatteredon the sidewalks,represented. . . the
firstwholeheartedeffortto createa homethatwouldfulfillvirtuallyall its members'
personalneeds throughan energizedand expressivepersonallife. (1988:11)
worked, but children had greater rights to more areas of the house-the
most important spaces belonged to all (Clark, 1989:179-180).
71 analyzedthe weeklyreal estate section of the San Diego Unionfor every second Sunday
in Maybetween1960 and 1990.These yearssaw tremendousdevelopmentin the San Diego
region, especiallyin the outlyingareas to the north and east. Of course, as a prototypical
sunbeltmetropolis,San Diego is often characterizedas being all suburbwith no city center.
But such a characterizationoverlookspatternsof developmentthat have placedmost newer
residentialneighborhoodsawayfromcommercialand industrialareas,awayfromolder,more
denselypopulated,and more heterogenousneighborhoods,and often beyondthe city limits.
As I will show, these ads make quite explicita divisionbetween "in town"where the jobs
and most servicesare, and outlyingsuburbswhere people live and play.
Family Togetherness 403
tisements stress the physical and mental distance between home and the
public realm. And these ads are clearly speaking to families-even as the
demographics of the suburbs change to include more households without
children.
Certainly the features most touted in these advertisements (the ma-
jority of which are promoting homes in "master-planned communities") are
the houses' luxury and affordability. But along with this, the use of pictures
and text conjure up a fuller image of life in the suburbs-one that is in-
tended to resonate with the desires of readers. While in some years it is
much more pronounced than in others, the image of these suburbs as being
the ideal locations for families is one that endures: "Dorado. A community
of family values," announces the headline of one ad (San Diego Union,
May 14, 1989:F18). These family-friendly developments are often counter-
poised to a menacing and troubled world that lies just down the freeway.
Another ad begins, "More and more thinking-ahead families are forsaking
concrete jungles for the friendly slopes of Vallecitos" (San Diego Union,
May 14, 1972:F14). In contrast to the advertisements for houses and con-
dominiums "in town," which stress the convenience of being near shopping,
cultural facilities, and the absence of a commute to work, ads for suburban
areas present these sites as domestic refuges, even as they play down the
commute suburban living necessitates. "What kind of person would want
to drive an extra half hour a day?," asks a headline:
Only one kind!The kindwho feels that the qualityof familylife is more important
than sheer quantity.And the kindwho feels that an extrahalf houron the highway
is a small price to pay for the privacyand safety of a privatecommunity,crystal
clear skies, over 300 days of sunshine,and the assuranceof an uncrowdedfuture
for you and your children.(San Diego Union,May 9, 1976:F7)
These ads tell the reader what a relief it would be to escape the "hus-
tle and bustle," "noise," and "push and shove" of the city. But not only
do cities apparently offer too much excitement, they also offer unpre-
dictable and unwelcome neighbors. These two themes come together in the
stress on privacy in these ads. On the one hand, privacy appears to be a
code word signaling the suburb's distance from urban crime and other bad
elements. "Country private. Country safe" (San Diego Union, May 9,
1982:F26). "A village-like atmosphere. . . . The ultimate in security and
seclusion" (San Diego Union, May 9, 1976:F3). Privacy also extends to the
now common practice of restricting neighborhood facilities to residents,
thus assuring that encounters with different kinds of people are minimized.
"Designed for family fun!. . . Starlight's delightful park is NOT public! It
belongs to the 116 lucky families that buy a home here. It's YOURS! YOU
own it!" (San Diego Union, May 9, 1965:F14). On the other hand, privacy
is valued for its own sake. These ads assume that one of the best-selling
404 Miller
points of the suburbs is that they offer families the opportunity to be left
alone. "Our best feature is that nobody can find us up here," proclaims
one ad (San Diego Union, May 11, 1981:F10). The separation between
home and the outside world is firmly in place.
Related to this is a ubiquitous emphasis on country living and the
healthful effects of residing amid tranquil nature. Oddly enough, the term
"suburb" is rarely used in these ads. Rather, they attempt to transform
what are, after all, massive real estate developments into an image of open
sky, fresh air, and undisturbed nature. Indeed, these "open spaces" are very
often "landscaped," belying their supposedly natural settings. Nevertheless,
the notion of living in the country, with its "genuine family atmosphere
where nature sets the pace" (San Diego Union, May 14, 1989:F16), remains.
One of the advertised benefits of living in "the country" is the en-
hanced recreational opportunities available there. As one ad with the head-
line "City Close, Country Quiet" puts it, "EastLake is a place where family
values are still treasured. Where a neighbor is a friend. Where recreation
abounds-swimming, sailing, fishing, biking, jogging, tennis . . . it's all
here" (San Diego Union, May 11, 1986:F17). Family values are thus asso-
ciated with, and appear to be bolstered by caring neighbors and outdoor
activities. In fact, so prominent are listings of available leisure facilities that
the image of suburban life presented in these ads is one of carefree and
healthy fun for families who apparently have little more to do than swim,
hike, and golf together.
Togetherness is therefore an implied virtue of moving to these devel-
opments. However, these ads are not stressing an unrelieved togetherness.
Rather, they convey the message that family members can have it all-both
the room to pursue their own individual activities (in solitude, not with
other people), and the incentive to join with one another in common pur-
suits. "Rancho Bernardo. . . . Room to be together and places to be alone.
Time to really get to know your kids" (San Diego Union, May 13, 1973:F13).
"Family warmth and tradition begin at Cimarron. . . . There is plenty of
space for a variety of interests while still retaining the unity of family in-
volvement, in junior's studies, in mom's projects, in dad's work" (San Diego
Union, May 11, 1986:F11).
Of course, during this 30-year period, various changes can be seen.
For instance, by the end of the 1960s, ads stopped mentioning develop-
ments' proximity to churches. In the mid-1970s, gated communities begin
to make an appearance. Perhaps most prominently, this period sees the
growth of suburban retirement and adults-only communities, as well as con-
dominium developments [the latter of which are notoriously difficult to sell
to families with children (Daniels, 1976:F1)]. Yet these changes do not di-
minish the importance of the family for selling the suburban ideal. In fact,
Family Togetherness 405
what is striking about these ads is what could be called the gratuitous use
of the word "family." This term is frequently sprinkled throughout the ads
for suburban developments, so that "family-sized" is a euphemism for
"large," features are designed to please "you and your family," and com-
munities are not just populated by nice people, but by nice families. The
underlying message is clearly that children are welcome and will thrive here.
These ads are employing the concept of the family to sell homes, and in
the process, they are selling an image of the suburban ideal. The continuing
use of these devices by advertisers indicates that the suburban ideal remains
firmly connected to notions of domesticity.
The suburban ideal does not simply exist in its residents' imaginations.
In many ways, suburbia's social space actually concretizes this ideal. While
analysts are not in complete agreement, it appears that to a large degree,
suburbia isolates families, and consequently promotes togetherness. This
happens in two senses: suburban families are isolated from different classes
and races, and the individual family is isolated from everyone else. Of
course, this is not to say that the suburban family has no outside social
life, or that nonwhites cannot be found in the suburbs, or that the middle-
class urban family does not also try to achieve some form of familial soli-
tude. But there are particular aspects of the suburban environment that
make the family's isolation effortless.
It is important to recognize that both the suburban ideal and the re-
ality of suburban life are not simply, or even primarily, creations of the
people who move to the suburbs. Other governmental and private groups
have been crucial for promoting and realizing the suburban dream. A num-
ber of governmental policies, beginning during World War I, encouraged
the middle class to buy suburban, single-family dwellings. In recent decades,
these have included tax policies that reward new construction over improve-
ment of existing buildings, and that allow mortgage interest and property
taxes to be deducted from gross income, but that do not provide compa-
rable deductions for renters (Jackson, 1985:191). Of vital importance for
the postwar suburban boom was the Federal Housing Authority (FHA) and
Veterans Administration, which insured mortgage loans and established na-
tional standards for construction (1985:204). FHA policies favored the sub-
406 Miller
Suburban Segregation
relative terms, the former is still the home of the privileged. As is common
knowledge, the middle class has left the city in droves.
Data from the 1990 census present a mixed picture of racial integra-
tion in the suburbs. The results show that in 1990, the suburbs were 82.4%
non-Hispanic white, down from 86.9% in 1980. Blacks in 1990 made up
6.7% of the suburbs; Hispanics, 7.5%; and Asians and other groups, 3.4%.
However, the proportion of whites in the central city declined by an even
greater amount: this figure was 59% in 1990, down from 64.7% in 1980.
In 1990, blacks made up 21.4% of the central city population; Hispanics,
14.8%; and Asians and others, 4.8% (Frey, 1992:10).
While these figures may lead one to believe the suburb (if not the
city) is gradually becoming more integrated, one observation by Frey sug-
gests otherwise. White flight is not only a phenomenon whereby whites
leave the central city for the surrounding suburbs. As nonwhites increase
their numbers in the suburbs, whites are actually leaving the suburbs of
one metropolitan area for the suburbs of other metropolitan areas that have
fewer people of color (1992:12). Other researchers have also found con-
tinued racial segregation by suburb, especially for African Americans (Alba
and Logan, 1993; Massey and Denton, 1988).8 Thus, it appears that social
homogeneity continues as an important element in the suburban ideal of
the white population (and perhaps for other ethnic groups as well).9
What has developed in many places is a hierarchy of suburbs (see
Logan, 1978) whereby the most privileged settle in the outlying suburbs,
and those with fewer resources remain in the inner circle. This latter popu-
lation now watches as their communities develop urban congestion and
other urban problems, yet they are without the urban infrastructure to help
them cope. The reality of life in these suburbs is becoming ever more distant
from the ideal.
The long-standing desire of suburbanites to segregate themselves from
the lower classes and people of different ethnicities and races is a mixture
of racism, economic calculation, the hope for a community of like-minded
people, and the attempt to find an environment good for family life. White
suburbanites are keenly aware that both nonwhites and people who do not
keep up a general appearance of affluence in the neighborhood lower prop-
erty values for all-and by acting on these beliefs, they help perpetuate
that reality. The suburbanite also hopes that by bringing together similar
8Suburbs with large numbers of African Americans tend to be older, closer to the central
city, more densely populated, and of a lower socioeconomic status than suburbs dominated
by whites (summarized in Massey and Denton, 1988:593).
9For a journalist's account of middle-class African Americans developing their own suburbs,
see Dent (1992). Alba and Logan, however, are skeptical that voluntarism can fully account
for the presence of suburbs that are disproportionately black (1993:1423).
408 Miller
The rise of women's participation in the paid labor force means that
the majority of women, like their husbands, leave the house each work day
to spend time in the public realm. But since so many Americans consider
their "real" lives to begin at the time they leave the job, these after-hours
take on enhanced importance. For most people, most of those hours are
being spent at home or out with family. Even in the indulgent 1980s, this
trend appeared to be increasing. A 1985 Use of Time study found that,
compared to 20 years earlier, Americans were spending a greater propor-
tion of their social time with immediate family, and less with friends and
Family Togetherness 409
also increases the options for destinations, allowing people to travel further
and to previously inaccessible spots. While the car increases spontaneity,
as people can go out whenever they please, without concern for weather
or public transportation schedules, it also makes traveling more deliberate
as one almost always must have a destination in mind. In contrast, when
on foot, and when the neighborhood is the scene, one can wander about
looking for friends and entertainment. In cars, people do not meet each
other by chance.
Suburbs, most of which were built after the first decade of the 20th
century, have generally been designed for the automobile. Consequently,
suburbs are characterized by extreme decentralization, with homes sepa-
rated from commercial enterprises by large distances. Indeed, services fre-
quently must be sought in entirely different towns. But proximity is not the
only factor that limits people's use of public space. Social conventions are
also important. Obviously there is great variation between suburbs. But in
many communities, suburbanites pride themselves on their respect for their
neighbors' privacy. For example, in the New York City suburb studied by
Baumgartner, people who use streets, parks, or other public places more
than usual, especially for socializing, are considered deviant (1988:101-103).
Halle also found that many suburbanites would rarely congregate idly on
the streets, or even in front of their own homes, viewing such behavior as
socially inappropriate (1993:45).
In several different ways, then, the geography of the suburbs interacts
with and intensifies a culture of individualism and familism. Aries argues
that the cult of privacy, aided by the automobile and the television, has
caused suburbanization and the vanishing of social intercourse in the city.
As this occurred, he claims, "the whole of social life was absorbed by pri-
vate, family living" (1977:233-234). In this conception, the denigration of
public space and the bourgeois attraction to privacy and domesticity are
mutually reinforcing processes. The modern family, exemplified by the sub-
urbanites, manages to achieve profound isolation when away from job and
school. The trade-off for this isolation is supposedly greater family togeth-
erness.
The suburban ideal and the geography of the suburbs have attempted
to promote a way of life that builds closer, happier, more stable families.
In large part, this is done by encouraging family members to spend their
free time with one another, and less time, or at least not as meaningful
time, with others. Many analysts have argued that a large portion of Ameri-
FamilyTogetherness 411
Signs of Stress
Undoubtedly the suburb helps push people into the home. But there
are many indications that what occurs indoors does not exactly match the
expectations of family togetherness. To begin with, many observers of the
suburbs, as well as the people they study, assume that home-centered lei-
sure is equivalent to family leisure. Yet the stress on privacy that places a
boundary between family and others also serves to separate family members
from each other. For instance, in the suburb studied by Baumgartner, much
of the time inside the house was spent alone in private bedrooms. Addi-
tionally, in this affluent town where homes were relatively large, there were
enough communal rooms so that family members could spread out without
having to share space. Corresponding to this, Baumgartner says, family
members avoided sharing personal possessions, preferring to accumulate
their own clothes, cars, telephone numbers, etc. (1988:61). These individu-
als deliberately try to minimize their contact and cooperation.
Furthermore, as both Halle (1984) and Perin (1988) point out (while
not making the home/family distinction themselves), much suburban leisure,
especially for men, is centered on home-improvement projects. Although
this may be oriented toward improving the quality of life for the family
(though most probably the primary aim is to improve property values), it
does not mean that family members are engaged in the same pursuits. In
contrast, women spend a good deal of their time away from paid jobs doing
housework. The "technological systems" of the suburban home were cre-
ated with the assumption that someone would be on the premises to run
them. Appliances such as the washer and dryer, or children who must be
chauffeured to various destinations, demand a considerable amount of time.
Even as women have entered the paid labor force, they continue to be
responsible for the bulk of these tasks (Cowan, 1983:212; Hochschild, 1989;
Shelton, 1992). The domestic division of labor thus continues to separate
men and women.
But when all the cleaning and fixing up is finished, families still try
to relax. Without question, the major chunk of Americans' leisure time is
spent watching television. A 1985 study found that TV took up 38% of
Americans' free time (Robinson, 1990:39). Watching television together
may promote a shared worldview, but it is debatable whether it promotes
much interaction. Furthermore, while some of this time is undoubtedly
spent in the company of other family members, probably a significant pro-
Family Togetherness 413
portion is not. Not only do children view when parents are absent, but as
the number of television sets per household grows, individual family mem-
bers can retreat to separate rooms to watch what they like. Television, the
VCR, and now the personal computer may keep the family housebound,
but they hardly facilitate meaningful family connections.
In addition to family members going their own ways, the large amount
of divorce, domestic violence, child abuse, and talk of "dysfunctional" fami-
lies demonstrates that the family often does not resemble a tranquil and
supportive haven. Such domestic pathologies are of course not new, and
the publicity they receive is as much a product of political circumstances
as their actual frequency in the population (see Gordon, 1988). Moreover,
these problems do not respect class or geographic boundaries. But their
persistence raises questions about whether the family, in its present form
and social circumstances, is the most reliable provider of support and com-
panionship.
On one level, suburbia may increase familial tension by contributing
to the "time squeeze" faced by many Americans. According to Schor, the
amount of leisure time available to Americans has been shrinking since the
late 1960s. Suburban life may add to this problem in a couple ways. For
many workers, once a house has been acquired, overtime or an extra job
may be necessary to meet the monthly payments (1991:63). In addition, as
people move to ever more distant environs in order to be able to afford a
home, commuting time goes up. Schor claims that travel time to and from
work has been rising since 1975, adding an average of 23 hours a year
(1991:33). As people work longer hours, have fewer days off, or work more
than one job, they have less time to divide between the obligations of family
togetherness and other possibilities for social contact. Additionally, as Schor
suggests, work may leave them too tired to do much else other than watch
TV (1991:161).
Suburbia also adds to familial tension in that not all family members
benefit equally from suburban living. The differences between responsibility
for housework indicates one way in which the man's suburban refuge can
become the woman's endless series of rooms to clean. Furthermore, it ap-
pears that for teenagers, suburbia can be something of a disaster. While
they are less likely than their inner-city counterparts to worry about dodging
bullets between home and school, they frequently suffer boredom and frus-
tration from a lack of recreational facilities and gathering places (Gaines,
1991; Gans, 1982; Oldenburg, 1989). Suburban adolescents, defiant in their
support of ties with peers, and perennially looking for something to do,
may provide some of the most glaring evidence that family togetherness is
on shaky ground.
414 Miller
CONCLUSIONS
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
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