Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
EDITORIAL
by VETON SURROI
The Kosovan public functions based on injections. In the first years of the disintegration of
Yugoslavia those were optimistic injections the population was getting from political leaders
and newspapers and sometimes from international institutions and associations, meanwhile
reality gave injections of pessimism. In the last years, the roles changed a bit and now the
only ones who are giving injections of optimism are the political activists. I recalled this last
week, when the (bilateral) recognition of Belgrade's sovereignty over Kosova arose from the
local newspapers and some statements of foreigners. A friend of mine, one of the best jurists
we have, made a list of our pessimistic statements. I, on the other hand, asked my friend how
relevant was it to be optimistic or pessimistic when taking a case to defend in court. "Not at
all", he said, "Facts are relevant in court". The truth is that Kosova is not at trial, and if it
were, it would be one of the trials we are used to in this area, when the chairmen of the Party
committees (today it is the Serbian administration) dictate the verdict and sentence by phone.
Thus we would reach the answer to the question why isn't Kosova being recognized as an
independent state, when this is a just solution for 90% of the Kosovan people. It is a just
solution, but in this historical moment it is not a product of political balance in the Balkans,
Europe and the world. In this balance, justice plays almost no role, and who doesn't believe
this should just look at Bosnia. The issue of the recognition of the Republic of Kosova as an
independent state is a political movement that seeks the approval of many actors (the ones
who declare this reality want the others to recognize it) and this issue has become more or
less clear to the Kosovan leaders after Dayton. Dayton is not surprising, for these things were
clearly said since The Hague and London conferences: borders will not change. At least for
the time being. The disappointment and surprise of those who were waiting to have the
recognition of the Republic of Kosova to sort of happen somehow in some conference is
surprising. But, the reality is so and it is thrown to our faces, but there is the other side of
reality which is being easily eliminated in the comments: Kosova, needs self-determination to
fulfill the interests of its people. Even more, based on this need and its juridical development
so far and the general development of legal notions in the world, it has the right to
self-determination.
And, finally, in the recomposing Balkans, the right to self- determination is in the interest of
the new architecture of security nd cooperation in the Balkans. There is not much need for
more actors to give this interpretation of the Kosovan reality; and if one says that Kosova is
this or that, no one has the right to deprive Kosova from feeling the right to decide about its
The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton
Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha
soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the
name of Koha Ditorë. W ith the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on
http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.
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own fate and to express this feeling. And, any international policy which wouldn't take into
account this element would play the game of the ostrich, sinking the head in sand. In a near
future we will be surprised: there are more people on the side of this idea outside Kosova that
we imagine, especially in these moments of collective depression.
KOSOVA
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Referendum stressing the necessity of starting serious Albanian-
Serb negotiations, between the legitimate and equal
representatives of both sides, with the assistance of an
international mediator, but not mentioning the temporary civilian
administration (as a guarantee for the peaceful and just
solution), and expressing the need for institutional coordination
between Kosovan and Albanian subjects in general. According to
our sources, this project-proposal was approved to a significant
extent by the LDK and this may mean that an obstacle to the
celebration of the meeting has been eliminated. On the other
hand, it is not certain whether his (non) participation will
bring up a misunderstanding, but the statements made by another
undisputable person, Demaçi, in the meeting with the Swedish
diplomats, "that no one wishes to replace Rugova" seems to be an
explanation meant for the public that the Consultation should not
be understood as a putsch venue. On the other hand, one of the
organizers of the Consultation, PPK's chairman Bajram Kosumi, in
the last issue of "Zëri i Kosovës", published by the People's
Movement of Kosova (whose last issue speaks widely of Rugova's
underestimation of the meeting" and the fact "that the invitees
didn't show up") declares that the beginning of the Consultation
is a very important act in Albanian politics, because we are
looking into the situation without wasting time or looking back
and because there is willingness of the Albanian intellectual
potential towards the realization of Kosova. He finalizes by
saying that "the seriousness of the political moment incites the
need of unity of the political subject and the need to enliven
the Albanian politics...". This should in a way eliminate some of
the "obstacles" to convene the meeting, even though it is very
hard to imagine an institutionalized political movement, as the
Presidency of the Republic of Kosova pretends to be, could be
replaced by a Consultation. If it is so, then either the
Consultation is not one, or the Presidency is not one either.
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actors of this drama said - "I don't believe that all of these
dilemmas and prejudices could take us that far that we will stop
talking to each-other"! This leads to the conclusion that
dilemmas - "in favor" of organized action, or "against" result in
the misinterpretations helped with a series of rumors that
observe this initiative as a "national championship" (match
between the teams) or "national team" (playing against other
national teams). The "institutionalization" of this Consultation,
or keeping alive one team and idea - which as Kosumi said -
allows "the Albanian subject to be maximally prepared to face the
political movement", should be observed from this aspect. How
much can this idea stand, we will see soon, maybe even this week
when the next meeting could take place. Until then, we could
witness an attempt to "institutionalize the national team" or
"the national league" (which also implies it's "captain"). Maybe
the most pessimistic option would be the non-existence of the
game, therefore, of the teams too. For the time being, the wish
expressed by the participants, at least in public, is in favor of
the first variant ("the national team"). Let's wait and see...
KOSOVA
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These are only some questions whose answers penetrate deeply in
the value axis of our system, which reveals a determined mental
structure, inherited from previous systems. The works for
children seldom reveal new approaches, and when they appear, they
are marginalized. "Rilindja për Fëmijë" (Rilindja for Children)
or "Pionieri" as well as many other works published as special
publications which are offered as winter lecture and maybe
somewhere as summer lecture, are full of old socialist-realist
verses with cosmetic changes in the contents. Thus, e.g., in many
poems we can see how "Socialism" is substituted with "Democracy",
"Xhaxhi Enver" (Uncle Enver) with "Xhaxhi Ibrahim", "Labor Front"
with "Patience", "Worker" with "Martyr of Democracy", etc. Any
replacement of these expressions with one-another gives the same
socialist-realist poetry as a result. The difference is that one
is dedicated to Xhaxhi Enver and the other to Xhaxhi Ibrahim. The
essence is that both are dedicated to the Leader, with a capital
L. This reminds us of the totalitarian slogans which were often
addressed to the children or by the children to the Leader, as,
e.g., one of them says, "The great Leader loves small children".
DEMOCRACY
SOCIALISM
OUR LEADER
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you teach us patience
You will be immortal
Uncle Ibrahim
OUR LEADER
Even the verses of our writers for children are such that they
serve them as models for them to write in the same way. But, the
good luck is that children have always original and ironic
replies.
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overlapping with personal interest (!)...." What is this
formulation? What child is aware of what statal interest is? When
have the statal and human interest met? This is not something our
political activists know. Not even our national interest has a
clear definition, and we want our children to know it, or to have
them define it in their verses!
The publications for children are full of facts that can orient
towards a fruitful psycho-social analysis. These writings and
publications are accompanied by poor illustrations of non-
ecologic factories and primitive socialist technology in times of
software and the elevated ecological conscience.
This only speaks of the fact that our children are still served a
determined pattern of thinking and expression. A totalitarian and
authoritarian pattern, which restricts the rich imagination of
children, the imagination that is nourishedfrom chocolate houses
in nice fairy tales.
BRUSSELS
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the better.
The euphoria of the western allies after the treaty was signed
and the beginning of its implementation by NATO, is getting ever
paler. And, instead of statements about "the great success" and
the "renewed unity" among the westerners, there are again
contradictory opinions about the next steps to be undertaken in
the Balkans, first of all in Bosnia but also in rump-Yugoslavia,
in which the Kosova question is (at least publicly) very
disputable. In regard to Bosnia, the western allies have started
quarrelling about IFOR's mandate in the field and about the
American plans to train the governmental army of Bosnia for self-
defence. The Europeans are not happy with the American idea to
"create a military balance between the parties in conflict", nor
with Washington's posture to withdraw its' soldiers after one
year in Bosnia. The British and the French have started warning
that they will stay in Bosnia even after the American's withdraw.
How do they think they will manage without the Americans - they
are the only ones to know, but he experts say that this is only a
bluff so the Americans are kept longer in Bosnia.
The international public asked and keeps asking why wasn't this
action undertaken earlier, but so many victims had to fall so the
hard option against Serbs would win. The UN was sacrificed in
Bosnia, because it was evident that the application of a more
aggressive policy against Serbs was being stopped by the European
governments, mainly France and Great Britain, but also in a way
but differently, Germany, which is very important for Kosova too,
because of the Albanian "myth" on the "historical friendship"
or the "traditional" one between the Albanian and the German
peoples.
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Anyhow, the recognition of the FRY and conditioning the
recognition with Kosova, is only the peak of the ice-berg in the
divergences about Kosova. These is a huge gap between the allies
for the final solution of Kosova's problem.
The Bosnians say now that they will never forget the arms'
blockade imposed them as well as the obstacles that the German
Intelligence Agency puts before them in their attempts to
purchase weapons in the former East Germany. At the same time,
this service has actively worked on arming the Croats and giving
logistic assistance to the Croat Army. But, Bosnians' anger
reaches the culmination because of "badly kept secret" that the
German diplomacy in Dayton, promised the Serbs that the Muslim
part of Bosnia will soon "be placed" under Croat patronage. In
the meantime, the same rumors claim that in relation to Kosova,
the Germans were very active to convince the Americans that it
should not be part of the Dayton package. The controversial role
of Hans Koschnik, the administrator of Mostar - and his idea to
divide Mostar in two towns, is the freshest example of the German
policy in the former Yugoslavia.
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pressure on Serbia to solve Kosova's problem. However, the
experience so far proves that reality is different from rhetoric.
Instead of the pressure, the German government favors Belgrade
and Shkup respectively.
Apart from the Dayton story, in other two occasions was Germany
an obstacle to the American initiatives. Firstly in 1994, when
the German diplomacy insisted on not including Kosova as one of
the conditions for the lifting of the sanctions and secondly,
last week when the German minister Kinkel categorically refused
the American request to have Kosova as one of the conditions for
the recognition of FRY. Kinkel has reportedly told Christopher
that the only condition will be the recognition of Macedonia by
Belgrade.
BRUSSELS
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was it a newly created country - because of the importance of the
rights that derive from succession. If the previous state was
disintegrated (and this was Badinter Commission's posture) then
all the states created in the territories of the Former
Yugoslavia must undergo the procedure to be recognized. Since
France and England are requesting the recognition of the
continuity of Yugoslavia, then what will happen with the
principles of Badinter's and the Dayton documents? And, if the
political arbitrage and international relations rules are still
valid?
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continued, then this would mean to accept the continuity of this
state. Therefore, France is the first one to violate the game
rules by denying Badinter's document and the Dayton Agreement,
which France has signed. France's posture was also supported by
England and Italy, i.e., both ministers of exterior, Malcolm
Riefkind and Susana Agnelli. Riefkind thinks that "Kosova's
problem should not be linked to the outer wall sanctions, because
we have signed a peace document on the Former Yugoslavia and
Kosova's problem should be solved within Yugoslavia's
sovereignty". Agnelli was even more cynical to say that "Some
think that Kosova is more important than the recognition of
Yugoslavia".
This is a clear view of the new political bloc in Europe and the
divergences about the recognition of the new state.
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These sources say that the American Secretary of State will
"oblige" Milosevic to start the dialogue with the Albanian party
as soon as possible.
INTERVIEW
MOORE: Yes. Bosnia has been split in two. Either the Serbs leave
Pale, either B&H will totally be separated in the future, at the
administrative, cultural and political levels. Before war this
country was a multi-ethnic state, but the committed crimes will
need too much time to heal. I am sorry that the international
media made no mention or vaguely mentioned the Croat aggressor,
and this is why the conflicts in Mostar still continue. The
Bosnians had no other way out but accept this "cease-fire", i.e.
the Dayton agreement. In fact, all previous agreements were in
favor of the Bosnians and the existence of their state. The
Carrington Plan offered more to them than Dayton. They rejected
it - the circumstances and demands then were different.
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his politics, Serbia finds itself in a catastrophic situation. It
shouldn't be forgotten that thousands of Serbs were killed and it
is surprising how after all, he comes out a winner. I am really
surprised why has the Serbian people supported him. I just
visited Belgrade, and there I was told by all that Milosevic
makes all the decisions. When it comes to negotiations, I would
have conditioned them with the persecution of war criminals. But,
I would like to add one more practical thing: European states
have supported the Croatian state despite the crimes they have
committed. I am not against Croatia, but I am against all
criminals, whoever and wherever they are.
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KOHA: Do you believe that the Balkans problem is in the same
phase as before the conflicts?
MOORE: No, I don't believe so. The minorities in the Balkans have
more rights today than they used to have. I am a bit worried
about Macedonia, for Greece is the only EU member that hasn't
recognized it. But, the essential thing is that if there is a
conflict in Europe, it will start in Kosova, and in this case,
Albania would intervene, together with Montenegro and Macedonia.
This would be catastrophic for us Europeans. And, I repeat again,
that the situation in Kosova today has a priority - the
misfortune is that it depends on the media.
MOORE: Yes. Dayton doesn't take Kosova into account. The problem
is not solved; this will provoke, and this is my personal
opinion, war or difficulties in the future.
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MACEDONIA
And, the opening of these files finally came on the agenda of the
Parliament of Macedonia. The MPs insisted and finally managed to
have this extremely sensitive issue regulated by law. The
Macedonian government (maybe it is the last one belonging to the
former Eastern world to open the files!) claims that there are 14
thousand files, while MP Rufi Osmani declares to KOHA that this
number is much bigger, without excluding the possibility that a
part of the dossiers could have been lost. He also expresses the
conviction that 90% of the dossiers are related to Albanians".
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in Sweden: "I finished elementary and superior studies in my own
language, and in areas populated with mixed population, Swedish
is in equal use with Finnish - said the Swede, former defense
minister of Finland.
ROUND TABLE
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the former Yugoslavia doesn't mean that the new Yugoslavia
should be recognized the continuity. It should be recognized as a
new state. And in that case, we should be asked whether we want
to be part of it or not.
BEHLUL BEQAJ: I agree that the conditions have changed and they
are quite unfavorable for the Albanians, but the change of the
circumstances does not change the right to declare the political
will of Albanians. I believe that the right to self-determination
has not been consumed.
FATMIR FEHMIU: Since this will is not consumed, then the will of
this people is going back to the situation when it decided to
become part of the association. Yugoslavia disintegrated and it
is normal for Kosova to declare itself once again.
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juridical effect.
BEHLUL BEQAJ: I will mention three reasons why we need the third
party's presence. In the reasons I will state, I will also
express my opinion about the grounds the FRY was established on.
Firstly, the distrust of Albanians is a result of the century
long discrimination by the Serbian hegemony - created through
myths whose victims were the Albanians. Serbia tries to cover up
this discrimination without any witnesses and judges around.
Objectively, there are no relevant forces in Serbia which would
discuss about Kosova as an issue outside Serbia, therefore there
is no willingness to emend the anti-Albanian policy.
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not only is the presence of the third necessary, but it is a
condictio sine qua non at the same time a warrant for the
realization of the problem. The reason is the following: this
regime has first ruined the autonomy with police-military forces;
further on, it established a colonial - apartheid - rule. This
regime knows only the language of the force... but, there are
many other arguments that explain why the presence of a third
party is necessary.
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elections the legitimacy belongs to the Speaker of the
Parliament, if constituted, the President, the Premier, all based
on the competencies defined in the constitution.
(The End)
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