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formal authority symbolize reason in western societies (Rogers, 1983: 6). This was noted as
a problem because bureaucratic rationality ultimately moulds bureaucratic knowledge.
However, as Garfinkel tries to argue, the lives of practical people contradict bureaucratic
knowledge since social sciences artificially abstract from everyday life (Garfinkel, 1967: 40).
For that reason, bringing scepticism about truthfulness and validity of such knowledge, the
gulf people experience between knowledge and action concerns the divide between scientific
knowledge and everyday action (Rogers, 1983: 6). Garfinkel would then argue that
ethnomethodology and its concerns are able to bridge the gap and ease tensions of this
crisis of legitimacy issue, as the approach claims to be closer to reality and the everyday
actions of the real person. Therefore, as is argued, the ethnomethodological approach is
useful for the understanding of the everyday functioning of society as it is a step closer to
understanding, for the reason that it is an interpretation of everyday life by the same means
as the people that it claims to study.
The ethnomethodological approach criticises how commonsense knowledge goes
unrecognised, and is undeserving of the significantly inferior status it holds next to scientific
knowledge. Garfinkel argued that, inescapably, other sociologists themselves use
commonsense understanding to attempt to explore and study the social world.
Furthermore, these understandings are used to recognize peoples actions and intentions.
However, these sociologists are still not mindful of this reliance on mundane commonsense
knowledge. Durkheims study of suicide (1897) is an example that is able to illustrate this
point. Durkheim (cited in Macionis and Plummer, 2005) argued that there were four types of
suicide which related to the extent to which people are integrated and morally regulated.
Altruistic suicide is one type of suicide that Durkheim identified, which occurs when an
individual is too integrated and commits suicide on behalf of a wider community. It could be
maintained that Durkheim would have had to use his commonsense knowledge to decipher
the intentions of suicide. Ultimately, he could have never known whether someone
committed suicide for their wider community or, in fact, any other reason for someone
committing suicide. But as Garfinkel would have argued, Durkheim was neglectful of how he
came to interpret the intentions of such people. Garfinkel is disapproving of how, in this
sense, mundane and everyday knowledge is used to create grand theories which then
become manipulated and distorted, creating an abstracted empiricism that is unable to
advance a truly credible theory. The summary of Garfinkels concerns can be summed up in
a quote by the phenomenologist Mehan: smoke is not the phenomenon of interest; fire is
(cited in Rogers, 1983: 87). Ethnomethodology claims to explore the credible realities of the
social world because the foundations of structure, order and interpretation stem from
mundane, commonsense practices. Therefore, the ethnomethodological approach is useful
for the understanding of the everyday functioning of society because, as it claims, it is more
in touch with real knowledge of the practical person.
As neglectful as ethnomethodology argues mainstream sociology to be, it could also be
argued that ethnomethodology is in turn neglectful of the importance of studying society on
a wider scale. It could be seen that ethnomethodology neglects the way in which mundane
activities of people are constrained by social factors that cannot be appreciated through such
small-scale analysis. Critical theorists would challenge Garfinkels use of only studying smallscale phenomena. Feminists would argue that patriarchy must also be examined on a larger
scale, not just looking at specific interactions in order to really uncover the oppression of
women in society. Similarly, Marxists would argue the same in the case of the proletariat and
bourgeoisie. Both of these critical theories believe that research should not be value-free
and should be used to highlight inequality in the social world. On this issue, the
ethnomethodological approach could be criticized for not promoting equality changes to the
existing social world, especially constrained by its methodology, and therefore from this
perspective is limited in its usefulness of studying the everyday functioning of society. The
work of C Wright Mills (1959) and the sociological imagination can also be related to this
strand of thought. Wright Mills stressed the importance of the sociological imagination in
peoples everyday lives, which he argues is our most needed quality of mind (1959: 2). To
obtain this way of thinking, Wright Mills argues that there must be an understanding of the
differences between personal troubles and public issues, and how they interact. Wright
Mills notes how many are seldom aware of the intricate connection between the patterns of
their own lives and the course of world history (1959: 1). This example of the sociological
imagination illustrates how it is still important to acknowledge aspects of human activity that
do not fall into the category of everyday mundane activity.
Even though ethnomethodology has undeniably brought a new wave of thinking about
experience and knowledge, it cannot stand on its own. It would appear that the approachs
foundation lies in setting itself up against other mainstream approaches, pointing the finger at
where other approaches have gone wrong. In this instance, ethnomethodology seems to
have become, in part, a sociology of sociology. However, critical of the way others conduct
social research, ethnomethodology still doesnt provide much of an answer on how it should
be conducted. The ethnomethodological approach does not provide rules as to what to
memory (Bryman, 2004: 296). In the case of the breaching experiment, it might not always
be possible for a researcher to remember every specific detail in relation to the reactions of
un-knowing participants. The conversation analysis sphere of ethnomethodology also has its
own limitations; making it possible to gain access to real, normal conversation has many
implications to do with the invasion of privacy. To truly examine a conversation it cannot
only be heard once; therefore, to carry out an examination fully the conversation must be
recorded the problems with this are obvious. It would appear the approachs own
methodological concerns can inhibit practicality and accessibility for understanding the one
thing it seeks to explore. Therefore, it could be argued that the usefulness of the approach
in understanding the everyday functioning of society is then hindered.
In conclusion, it would seem that there are both negative and positive implications in
adopting the ethnomethodological approach to understanding the everyday functioning of
society. However, most significantly, it would appear that the approach is restricted by its
own thoughts, especially when it comes to methodological concerns. Although it claims to
create an understanding of everyday society that is closer to reality, the practicality of
carrying out such research is perhaps not viable. The ethical considerations of the breaching
experiment and conversation analysis illustrate how sometimes naturally occurring research
sites are inaccessible, which is the explicit focus of the approach. Thus, any usefulness is
stunted by its own distinctive logic of inquiry. The ethnomethodological approach appears to
be more descriptive and exploratory rather than explanatory and therefore is perhaps not
always so useful.
Bibliography
Bryman, R. (2004), Social Research Methods (second edition), Oxford, Oxford University
Press
Button, G. (1993), Ethnomethodology and the human science, Cambridge, Cambridge University
Press
Garfinkel, H. (1967), Studies in Ethnomethodology, Englewood Cliffs, Prentice-Hall
Macionis, J. and Plummer, K. (2005), Sociology: A Global Introduction (third edition), Harlow,
Pearson Education Limited
Rogers, M. (1983), Sociology, ethnomethodology, and experience, Cambridge, Cambridge
University Press
Wright Mills, C. (1959), The Sociological Imagination, Chapter 1 - The Promise, Oxford,
Oxford University Press