Bio-Divinity and Biodiversity: Perspectives on Religion and Environmental Conservation in India

Author(s): Emma Tomalin

Source: Numen, Vol. 51, No. 3 (2004), pp. 265-295
Published by: BRILL
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3270584
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BIO-DIVINITY AND BIODIVERSITY: PERSPECTIVES ON

RELIGION AND ENVIRONMENTALCONSERVATIONIN INDIA
EMMA TOMALIN
Summary
teachthattheEarthis
Religiousenvironmentalists
arguethatreligioustraditions
sacredandthatthishas traditionally
servedto exertcontroloverhowpeopleinteract
withthenaturalworld.However,whiletherecognition
of "bio-divinity"
is a feature
of manyreligioustraditions,
this
is
to
be
from
Hinduism,
including
distinguished
environmentalism
which
involves
the
conscious
of
religious
application religious
ideasto modemconcernsabouttheglobalenvironment.
Religiousenvironmentalism
is a post-materialist
environmental
thathas emergedfromtheWestand
philosophy
has its rootsin theeighteenth
century
European"RomanticMovement."
Usingthe
of
sacred
in
this
assesses
the
extentto
example
grovepreservation India,
paper
whichclaimsthatHinduismis environmentally
are
the
of
friendly
product an elite
middle-class
environmentalist
and
hence
of
little
relevance
to themajority
ideology
of Hindus.However,thefactthatdiscoursesaboutsacredgrovepreservation
have
becomecommonwithindiscussionsabouttheconservation
of biodiversity
in India
does havea broaderrelevance.While
mightsuggestthatreligiousenvironmentalism
institutions
on
the
little
attention
to environmental
issues
have,
whole,paid
religious
in India,one area whereecologicalcauses have made an impactis withinHindu
nationalist
groupssuchas theVishvaHinduParishad(VHP). Thispaperconcludes
witha discussionof the similarities
betweenthehistoricist
of theHindu
strategies
and
and discussestheanti-Tehri
dam campaign
Right
religiousenvironmentalism,
whererepresentatives
of bothhave been involvedin protestactivityto protectthe
RiverGanges.

Introduction
One themewithincontemporary
environmentalist
discourseconcernstheidea thattheway in whichpeopletreattheirnaturalenvironment
can be relatedto theirreligiousbeliefsand practices.
While
ofstudieshavetendedtoemphasiseinstances
themajority
wherereliis
believed
to
in envihave
a
and
beneficial
role
gion
played positive
ronmental
of
conservation,
religioncan also act againsttheinterests

o Koninklijke
BrillNV,Leiden(2004)

Also availableonline- www.brill.nl

NUMEN,Vol.51

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266

EmmaTomalin

environmental
(Nelson 1998; Harris1991). For instance,
protection
theJudaeo-Christian
tradition
is oftenportrayed
as responsible
forthe
crisis"
because
of
its
hierarchical
of
"environmental
separation God,
and
nature
much
of theliteraNevertheless,
(White
1967).
humanity
turethatdeals withthisarea of environmentalist
depictsrethinking
traditions
as
(Gottlieb
ligious
inherently
"environmentally
friendly"
it is arguedthatreligioustradi1996; Banwari1992).1In particular,
tionsteachthattheearthis significant
beyonditsuse valuetohumans
(it has "intrinsic
value") because it is sacred.It is claimedthatthe
of
this
hasencouraged
recognition
"bio-divinity"
peopletorespectthe
environment
and to be carefulin theirtreatment
of thenaturalworld
While
has
been
a feature
ofmany
(Tomalin2000,2002).
"bio-divinity"
traditions
itis,however,
history,
religio-cultural
throughout
important
to distinguish
thisfromwhatI havecalled"religiousenvironmentalism"(Pedersen1995),whichinvolvestheconsciousapplication
ofreideas
to
concerns
about
an
crisis.
environmental
ligious
contemporary
Thispaperwillinvestigate
therelevance
ofreligiousenvironmentalistdiscourseto India.The Hindutradition,
in particular,
has received
muchattention
withinreligiousenvironmentalist
literature
withcommentators
towardsthenaturalworld
arguingforitsinnatesensitivity
(Dwivedi1996;Shiva1988).As Banwarimaintains:
We haveneverthought
of nature
as inanimate
andneverdid we makethe
mistake
ofexploiting
itforourbenefit.
Be itourreligious
orliterature,
scriptures
wehavebeenmadetorealizethatnature
is something
divine.
That
everywhere
is whyanaverage
Indian
hasalwayshadaninclination
toworship
in
everything
nature.
Wegenerally
believethatall things
innature
needtobe preserved
and
weusethem
useis essential
forthecontinuity
and
onlywhenwefeelthattheir
ofourlife(1992:7).
preservation

Despitesucha strongassertionthatHinduismhas alwaystaught

thispaperquestionsa straightforward
peopleto be environmentalists,
1Thereareexamplesofgroupsandindividuals,
inbothdevelopedanddeveloping
thataimtodeveloplinksbetweenenvironmentalist
andreligionin
countries,
thinking
orderto arrestfurther
theAllianceforReligionand
ecologicaldamage.Forinstance,
Conservation
intheUK (see Tomalin2000).
(ARC) basedinManchester,

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on Religionand Environmental
Conservation 267
Perspectives
ofbio-divinity
anda concernforenequationbetweentherecognition
vironmental
the
eassustainability.
Although conceptof bio-divinity
fromwithintheHindutradition,
thereis an immense
ilyfindssupport
difference
betweenthepriorities
andconcernsofthemodemenvironofmuchearlierHindusages,poetsand
mentalist
andtheworld-views
one
must
also questiontheextentto which
Moreover,
philosophers.
HindusinmodemIndia,manyofwhomhavelittleornoknowledge
of
thelanguageand conceptscentralto contemporary
environmentalist
thinking,
actuallysharethereligiousenvironmentalist's
goal of ecologicalsustainability.
In orderto addresstheseissues,I will investigate
one area where
entered
the
has
environmental
debate
in
India.
religion
My analysis
will be concernedwiththeprotection
of sacredgroves,which,it is
been preserveddue to the influenceof
claimed,have traditionally
humaninterference.
religiousbeliefsthatrestrict
Usingexamplesfrom
own
well
a
I will
as
as
review
of
fieldwork,
my
existingliterature,
discusstheextentto whichdiscoursessurrounding
therelationship
of sacredgrovesto natureconservation
a
narrow
and elite
comprise
middle-class
tothoselivingintheir
agendaorhavea broaderrelevance
environs.
tendto leaveone
While,on thewhole,religiousenvironmentalists
withan inflated
of thecontribution
of Hinduismtowards
impression
a
one
natural
area wherereligion
awareness,
fostering
ecological
has recentlyenteredthe environmental
debateis fromwithinthe
movement.
To date,thisemerging
has
Hindunationalist
phenomenon
receivedlittleacademicattention
and thispaperwillconcludewitha
discussionofthecampaignagainsttheTehridam,locatedontheRiver
of theVishva
affiliates
Gangesin theHimalayas,whichhas attracted
HinduParishad(VHP) as well as ecologicalactivists(Rajalakshmi
in environmental
issues,suchas
2001). I will arguethatthisinterest
thefateoftheRiverGangesfromwithintheHinduRight,is a doubleofthe
raisedtheprofile
edgedsword.On theonehand,ithas certainly
damcampaignbut,on theotherhand,as Sharmacautions,
anti-Tehri
is
the typeof discoursewe findwithinreligiousenvironmentalism
becauseofitsuse of"ideologiesandlanguages
dangerous
potentially

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268

EmmaTomalin

inIndia"(Sharma
ofHinducommunalism
thatcanonlyaid thegrowth
2002).
TheOriginsofReligiousEnvironmentalism
to emphasisethefactthat"religiousenvironmentalIt is important
thanthe1960s
ism"is a modemphenomenon
datingbackno further
movement
and thebirthof themodemenvironmental
(Macnaghten
to
and Urry1998:50-51; Merchant1992; Pepper 1994). Contrary
forreligiousenvironmentalists
toportray
this,thereis a tendency
preto
as inherently
environmentalist.
industrial
communities
Integral this
ofprimitive
ecologicalwisdom"(Milton1996:109)areassump"myth
tionsabouttheexistenceofan "eco-goldenage" (thatwas maintained
becauseof religiousbeliefsand practices)whenpeoplelivedin haris considered
to
This,however,
monywiththeirnaturalenvironment.
of thecapitalist
modeof prohavebeenlostdue to theglobalisation
Whileall religioustraditions
ductionandthespreadof secularisation.
in a way thatsupports
environmentalist
can be interpreted
thinking,
and thereare numerous
where
examples
religionhas servedto preit is anachronistic
to claimthatreligioustradiservenaturalfeatures,
or thatthepeoplewho
tionsare inherently
environmentally
friendly
themwereenvironmentalists
(Pedersen1995;Milton1996;
practiced
withthe
Tomalin2000, 2002). I do notpointout thisanachronism
as some sortof
intention
of dismissingreligiousenvironmentalism
re-invent
themselves
constantly
fallacy.Religioustraditions
precisely
in
claims
about
the
order
to
new
accommodate
making
past
through
ideas. Moreover,all social movements,
includingtheenvironmental
to
the
movement,
operatethrough appeal ideologiesthatrestuponparofhistorical
tialinterpretations
eventsandpersonalities.
of narratives
aboutreligionsandthe
However,thede-construction
environment
is an important
thedynamicsof
stepin understanding
environmentalism
and
the
networks
Suchanalytical
it
global
supports.
workis necessaryin orderto separatefactsaboutthe stateof the
and the natureof people's concernsfromthe
global environment
discoursesthathave evolvedaboutthem.At the veryleast it will
contribute
towardslooseningtheholdthateliteideologieshaveover

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on Religionand Environmental
Conservation 269
Perspectives
the interpretation
of "subaltern"needs.2For instance,in addition
to beingmodem,religiousenvironmentalism
is originally
a western
discourse.It is a legacyoftheeighteenth
century
EuropeanRomantic
visionofnatureas a realmofpurity
andintrinsic
valuethatevolvedin
ofthenatural
reaction
tothemechanisation
andindustrialisation
world
While
Merchant
environmentalist
1992).
(Tomalin2000;
religious
discoursehas an appeal thatextendsacrosstheglobe,its tendency
to universalise
and to considerecologicalawarenessas authentically
religiousmasksitsparochialgenesis.
is Hinduism
The "Romantic"
Perspective:
ReallyEnvironmentally
Friendly?
All representations
of "theenvironment"
hidepowerrelationsand
certain
others.
above
Guha,forinstance,
employ
knowledgesystems
considersthatthe depictionof Indianreligio-cultural
traditions
as
is
inaccurate
and
"us
far
"biocentric"
anachronistic,
inherently
telling
moreabouttheWestern
commentator
and his desiresthanaboutthe
or"ecocentrism,"
is thebeliefthatthe
'East' " (1989:77).Biocentrism,
Earthnotonlyhas a valuebeyonditsuse valueto humans(intrinsic
value) but also thathumansoughtnot to act in such a way as to
innatural
has
interfere
processes.Whilethisenvironmental
philosophy
such
as
itsrootsinwestern
Deep Ecology(Naess
ecologicaltraditions,
ofthe
1973;DevallandSessions1985;Bradford
1989),orthewriting
thinker
Aldo Leopold3whois frequently
earlierAmericanwilderness
forbiocentrism
Ecologist,thereis a tendency
depictedas a proto-Deep
tobe seenas "natural"
to India.
However,thisis notjust an issue of hermeneutical
accuracyfor
To depictthepooras "ecoits own sake buthas widerimplications.
view
of theiractualpriorities
can
lead
to
a
distorted
wise"
logically
2 "Subaltern"
refers
tothelowerclasses,specifically
peasantclasses.
3 In 1949 he publishedThe Sand CountyAlmanac,in whichhe advocatedhis
theintegrity,
famous"LandEthic":"a thingis rightwhenittendstopreserve
stability,
It is wrongwhenit tendsotherwise"
and beautyof thebioticcommunity.
(Leopold
1968:224-25).

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270

EmmaTomalin

andgoalsforthefuture
(Baviskar1997).GuhaconsidersthatbiocenIn particular,
to Indiawithdubiouseffect.
trismhas been"imported"
he drawsourattention
to thewayin whichit has influenced
attitudes
within
Indianenvironmentalism
thatcall forthepresertowards
nature
ofnationalparks(Guha 1989;
vationof"wilderness"
andthecreation
GuhaandMartinez-Alier
1997:106;Baviskar1999:22).Thereis a tensionbetweendepictions
ofthepoorin Indiaas "inherent
environmenof the
talists"and a view thattheyare to blameforthedestruction
As Baviskarsumsup: "onlywhenlocal people
naturalenvironment.
to
are presented
notas 'poorvillagerswho destroytheenvironment
makebothendsmeet'butas ecologicallywise 'adivasis'or 'hillpeooftheir
consideration
ple' is therelikelytobe somesympathetic
rights"
(2001:10).
I havedrawnfrommyownresearch
The conclusions
echothefindsuchas Guha and Baviskar.4The
ingsof indigenouscommentators
and thatrecognition
idea thatHinduismis environmentally
friendly,
of thesacrednessof theEarthcan be a solutionto a perceivedenvironmental
or post-materialist
undercrisis,drawsupona first-world
ofenvironmental
issueswheretheEarthis considered
tohave
standing
"intrinsic
value"(Inglehart
the
ethic
ofthe
1977, 1995).By contrast,
to findin developingcountries
"intrinsic
value"of natureis difficult
suchas Indiawherethemajority
of peoplecannotafford
to putthe
"Earthfirst"
(Tomalin2002; Guhaand Martinez-Alier
1997). Neverin
there
are
environmentalists
India
who
theless,
readilyemploythis
rhetoric,
post-materialist
religiousenvironmentalist
arguingthatIndia
of carefornature,whichhas onlyrecently
has a longtradition
been
brokenduetothewestern
influences
ofcolonialism
andconsumerism.
Forexample:
4Thispaperdrawsupona seriesof fieldwork
visitsto Indiain 1997and 1998to
links
between
and
environmentalism.
The material
investigate
religion contemporary
usedinthesection"SacredGroves:repositories
ofbiodivinity
orhotspots
ofbiodivera
reflects
series
of
interviews
I
with
conducted,
sity?"
mainly
ecologists,concerning
theirviewsabouttheroleof sacredgrovesin natureconservation.
Thisresearchwas
carriedoutwithfinancial
assistancefromtheBritish
and
a
Leverhulme
Trust
Academy
"StudyAbroadStudentship."

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on Religionand Environmental
Conservation 271
Perspectives
In the past Hindus and Buddhistswere carefulto observemoralteachings
the treatment
of nature.... But now in the twentieth
the
regarding
century,
oftheWesthas equallyaffected
materialistic
orientation
thecultures
oftheEast
(Dwivedi1996:151).
In theancientspiritual
manwaslookeduponas a partofnature,
linked
traditions,
andpsychological
bondswiththeelements
aroundhim.
byindissoluble
spiritual
This is verymuchmarkedin the Hindutradition,
probablythe oldestliving
in theworld... thenaturalenvironment
also receivedclose
religioustradition
fromtheancientHinduscriptures.
attention
Forestsandgroveswereconsidered
as sacred,andflowering
treesreceivedspecialreverence.
... TheHindutradition
is fullof reverence
fornatureand all formsof life,vegetableor animal,and
a powerful
in
tradition
whichneedsto be re-nurtured
and re-applied
represents
ourcontemporary
context(WWF 1986:17-19).5

Whatis notablein theseexcerptsis theromantic

viewof thecontributionthattheHindutradition
hasmadetowards
theprotection
ofthe
environment
in thepast,as well as a veryoptimistic
opinionabout
therole Hinduismmightplay in averting
futureenvironmental
destruction.6
there
is
an
of
the
reaMoreover,
overlysimplistic
analysis
sons behindenvironmental
problemsin India withtheappealto an
ofpost-colonial
East/West
(characteristic
dichotomy
critique)obscuranduneven
ingtheclass,casteorgenderbasisofresourceexploitation
resources.
accesstonatural
Those whoholdsucha religiousenvironmentalist
positionin India
well
are farmorelikelyto be middle-class,
as
as upper-caste,
than
to
have
access
and
draw
environmentalist
ideas
"subaltern";
they
upon
thanlocal in focus,and speakaboutnaturein a
thatare globalrather
waythatgoes beyonditsuse value(Baviskar1999:24).Thisis notto
destruction
saythatthemiddleclassesdo notrespondtoenvironmental
life.Itis rather
tosuggestthatthe
whenitimpinges
ontheirday-to-day
pleasthattheearth
poorareless likelytorespondto environmentalist
5This excerptis partof theHinducontribution
to the 1986 Assisi Declarations
to
whenfiveof theworldreligions
joinedtogether collectively
expresstheenvironmentalist
natureoftheirtraditions.
6 For a morecriticalapproachsee selectedessaysin Nelson(1998), Chappleand
Tucker(2000),CallicottandAmes(1991), BruunandKalland(1995).

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272

EmmaTomalin

intofamiliar
hasintrinsic
traditions
value,evenifthiscanbe translated
can be interpreted
and teachings.The factthattheHindutradition
tells us littleabout attitudes
to supportenvironmentalist
thinking
towardsnatureheldeitherin thepastor thepresentby themajority
of Hindus.It is important
to realisethatreligiousenvironmentalism
offers
andnota traditional
an interpretation
oftradition
interpretation.
fitsthepattern
of middle-class
Thus,if religiousenvironmentalism
inIndia,orthe"full-stomach"
of
environmentalism
environmentalism
theNorth,
caniteverbe meaningfully
linkedtothe"environmentalism
of the South
of the poor,"or the "empty-belly"
environmentalism
(Guha and Martinez-Alier
1997:xxi)?Is religiousenvironmentalist
discoursea purelyromanticideologyremovedfromthe lives and
experiencesof mostpeoplelivingin India,or does it have a wider
relevance?
I am highlyscepticalaboutthevalueandrelevanceofan eliterelithatromanticises
andvalorisesthebeliefsand
giousenvironmentalism
of
subaltern
communities.
thefactthatHindu,
Nevertheless,
practices
as well as pre-Hindu
withreferences
toare resplendent
traditions,
wardsnatureand promotepracticesthathave servedto protectfeaturesof thenaturalworld,suggeststhatreligiousenvironmentalism
suchtradiHowever,whether
oughtnotto be dismissedcompletely.
tionscan be translated
intoethicsand actionthatpromoteenvironmentalpreservation
cannotbe assumed.Forinstance,
peopleworship
theRiverGangesas thegoddessGanga Ma and considerthatshe is
sacred,butthishighreligiousvaluethatis placedupontheriveris not
intoenvironmental
translated
values.WhilepeoplebatheintheGanges
toremove"impurities"
itseemsas though
littledistinction
is madebetweenritualandmaterial
Ma
herself
has an
Ganga
impurity.
Although
infinite
andremainsritually
capacitytoremoveritualimpurities,
pure,
theecologicalhealthoftheriveris suffering
fromthefailureto seriouslyconsiderthatthereis a limitto thevolumeof materialwastes
therivercan effectively
carryaway.Thus,thehighregardwithwhich
hold
Ma
tends
tolead themto theconclusionthatthere
people
Ganga
is nothing
theycando toharmorpolluteher(Alley1998,2000).

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onReligionand Environmental
Conservation 273
Perspectives
Whilefeatures
ofthenaturalworldemergeas a focuswithinHindu
belief
and
practice,anyassessmentof theextentto which
religious
suchelements
ofthetradition
can actuallybe translated
intoethicsand
ofenvironmental
actionthatservetheinterests
needsto
conservation,
to specificsituations.
The fact
be carriedout withcarefulreference
thatnormative
ethicsprescribing
behaviour
environmentally
friendly
can be easilysourcedfromtheHindutradition
tellsus nothing
about
ornotpeoplewillbe willingor ableto actualisethoseethics.
whether
As Baviskarwrites:"all beliefsystemsare embeddedin social and
politicalstructures;
simplyappealingfora changeof heartis not
about,the
enough.Ifan ecologicallysoundwayoflifeis tobe brought
for
need
be
andexploitation to transformed"
arrangements extraction
(1999:27).
Althoughenvironmental
projectsthatare based uponreligionare
far
few
and
between,one area thathas receivedattention
relatively
ofsacredgroves(GadgilandVartak1974a,
concernsthepreservation
and
1974b,1981;Gadgil1989;GadgilandChandran1992;Chandran
Chandrakanth
and
Ramakrishnan
1996;
Hughes1997;
Nagaraja1997;
Ramakrishnan
et al. 1998; Apffel-Marglin
and Mishra1993; ApffelMarglinand Parajuli2000; Kalam 1996; Khurana1998; Nirpunge
et al. 1988). To this day one can findpatchesof forestall over
India thathave been protected
due to religiouscustom,"sometimes
in
hectare
extent"
as muchas twenty
(GadgilandVartak1974b:152).
In comparisonto surrounding
land, these refugiaare
agricultural
of biodiversity,"
bothin termsof theage and
describedas "hotspots
of ecologicalsignificance
and
claimed
to
be
to
of
are
range species,
watershed
functions
thelocalityin providing
or,in thecase oflarger
groves,helpingto regulatetheclimate(Ram Manohar1997). Thus,
farmed
thesurrounding
landfortheirdailyneeds,
whilstcommunities
are depictedas havingremainedmoreor less
thegrovesthemselves
whereeven"theremovalof evena smalltwig,is taboo"
untouched,
(GadgilandVartak1981:273).As M.G. Nagaraja,a local campaigner
forthepreservation
of sacredgroves(devarakadus),explainedwith
to
SouthIndia):
respect sacredgrovesinCoorg(a regioninKarnataka,

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274

EmmaTomalin

willhavea god,a sanctum.

thatsanctum
or
Everydevarakadu
.... So around
the
is
...
The
never
never
forest
maintained.
cut
the
trees,
they
temple
people
willbe wasted,
itwillbe retained
taketheleavesandnotevena singlebranch
Ifa treehasdiedbecauseoftheoldage itwillbe madeto
intheforest
itself.
fallthere
aloneandthismanwillnottouchit,he willnotcutit. In India
.... here.
is strong
thistradition
is strong,
thegodadoration
particularly
mentality
the
or
the
he
So therefore
wherever
thetreesthatgrowaround temple,
sanctum,
doesn't
forests
aremaintained.7
cut,heleaves.Thesacred

This is echoedby thedirector

of an environmental
NGO in Virajpet,
Coorg:
So thesedevarakadus,
nooneusedtoreally
takeanything
from
them.
Theywere
notevenfire-wood
Thisis why
undisturbed
wouldbecollected.
forests,
pristine
ofbiodiversity,'
becauseit
forests,
youstillhavethesevirgin
literally
'hotspots
hasn'tbeendisturbed.8

The followingsectionof this paper will assess the discourses

of the
the relationship
betweenthe ancientinstitution
surrounding
sacredgroveandenvironmental
To whatextentarethey
conservation.
theproductof an eliteenvironmentalist
ideologyor do theyhave a
broaderrelevance?
SacredGroves:Repositories
or Hotspotsof
ofBio-divinity
Biodiversity?
Whileexamplesof these"pristine
forests"stillexistacrossIndia,
in
are
number
due
to
a
Forexample,in
they dwindling
rangeoffactors.
from
ofsacredgroves,ordevarakadus,
1905to 1985theextent
Coorg
shrunk
from15,506to 6,299.61acresbecauseof"encroachments,
deforcoffeecultivation
andothercommercial
nudation,
acquisition
purof
the
I
interHowever,
(Kalam
1996:25-26).
poses"
many
people
7Interview
1/5/97,
Bangalore.PradipSaha,ManagingEditoroftheIndianecology
to methatsacredgroveswhicharelocatedon a
magazineDown To Earth,suggested
tendtohousemoremalevolent
andferocious
deitiesthanothergroves.
steepgradient,
This is because such a forested
hillsideservesa particularly
important
ecological
tothelandbelowandthemoremalevolent
function
thedeitythegreater
thedeterrent
inthegrove(personalconversation
20/08/03).
againstinterfering
8 Interview
11/2/98,
Virajpet,
Coorg.

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onReligionand Environmental
Conservation 275
Perspectives
viewedalso consideredthatsacredgrovesare decreasing
becauseof
thedilutionof traditional
and migration.
As a
values,westernisation
student
fromtheUniversity
of Agricultural
Sciencesin
postgraduate
it:
Bangaloreput
thisoneis thegreedyousee. Itis duetomaterialism
andthe
Basicallyunderlying
influence
ofwestern
culture.
Becauseofthatwe havelostourvaluesandculture.
... Thesethingswouldn'thavehappenedtenyearsback,twenty
yearsback- it
was unthinkable.
tomorrow
thesacredgroveswill
Todaytheyare encroaching,
be denuded.9

Whileagreeingwiththisdepiction,
his tutor,Professor
M.V. Chanalso
stressed
for
who
come
to
work
on the
that
drakanth,
migrants
"thereis no sacredness
oftheforest.
Itis onlyfortheCoorg
plantations
who
because
of
their
culture.
Those
fromoutside,
people,
migrate
....
evenfromKerala,theyjustdon'thaveanyfeeling."10
ofthelandhas
Thus,withrespectto Coorg,thecommercialisation
in "traditional"
lead to a transformation
practicesand has
farming
to
the
institution
of
the
sacred
brought
grove.Beforetheinchanges
of coffeeintothe regionby the Britishin 1854, Coorg
troduction
was almostcompletely
coveredwithforestand in itsEasternregion
withthickjungle(Pouchepadass1990:6).Thus,thelanduponwhich
the sacredgrovesstandacquireda new economicvalue and, while
existto prevent
statelevel instruments
enchroachment,
theoretically
manyfeel thatpoliticsand economicsoftenget in theway of seriin
sacredgrovesacrossthecountry.
ous attempts
to protect
Crucially,
pointsout,"there
Coorg,forinstance,as one local environmentalist
is a disputeaboutwhomtheland belongsto, whetherit is to the
or theforestdepartment""1
and thishas slowed
revenuedepartment
down measuresto protectthe remainingsacredgrovesin the region.
of thisdispute,we need
In orderto understand
the significance
of forestsintodifferent
to look backto theBritishdesignation
types
9 Interview
ofAgricultural
30/1/97,
Sciences,Bangalore.
University
10Interview
of
Sciences,Bangalore.
30/1/97,
University Agricultural
11Interview
11/2/98,
Coorg.
Virajpet,

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276

EmmaTomalin

undertheForestActof 1865 (Pouchepadass1990:10).It is reported

thatthe Britishconsideredsacredgrovesto be a "contrivance"
on
the partof villagersto denythe statefromclaimingtheirrights
overall forestlands(ChandranandHughes1997:423).Mr Thamiah,
of the DeputyCommissioner's
office,Madikeri,Coorg,explained
to me thatsome sacredgroveswere classifiedas "reserveforest"
(a class of forestthatwas closed to all uses exceptthoselicensed
by the state)while otherswere designatedas "protectedforests"
suchas
(a class of forestthatcouldbe usedforsmall-scaleactivities
timber
andfuelcollection,
orgrazing).12
Wheresacredgrovesbecame
foundthattheycould no longer
"protectedforests"communities
restrict
access to whathad once been communally
regulatedlands
(Chandranand Hughes 1997:422).In Coorg sacredgrovesbecame
classifiedas "protected
forests"in 1905,placedunderthecontrolof
theRevenueDepartment,13
andhavebeenheavilyencroached
(Kalam
since
there
have
been
moves
to
1985
1996:51).Although
reassignland
thathas notbeenheavilyencroached(including
devarakadus)to the
of
"reserve
which
would
forest,"
category
place it underthecontrol
of the ForestDepartment,
thesetransferences
are slow in coming,
withmanyblamingtheKarnataka
Government
forbowingtopressure
frompowerfulplantation
owners(Sharma2003). Accordingto Mr
Thamiah:
Thereis a moveto convert
it intoreserve
forest.
Reserveforest
meansthat
is
even
of
trees:
is
everything
prohibited hunting,
felling
everything
prohibited.
It is notreserve
forest
... Atthemoment
itbelongs
now,itis villageforest.14
totheForest
neither
or
to
It
is
the
Revenue
Department
Department. likethat
now.Buttheforest
authorities
areconducting
a survey
andtheymaytakeit
can't
declare
the
as reserve
ifit
devarakadu
forest
[However,]
shortly.
they
....
is under
encroachment.
... Whatis thegood of declaringit devarakaduif it
12Interview
9/2/98,
Madikeri,
Coorg.
13The RevenueDepartment
collectstaxeson landbelonging
to thegovernment.
14A categoryof
and
protectedforest(Pouchepadass1990:18). Chandrakanth
Nagarajawritethatmostdevarakadusin Coorg are paisari devara kadu: "owned
and are jointlymanagedby the villageand the government"
by the government,
(1997:220).

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onReligionand Environmental
Conservation 277
Perspectives
is fullyundercultivation,
fullyencroached
bysomepeople?... The government
insomecasesareverypoor,iftheyarethrown
cantakeactionbuttheencroachers
outofthelanditwouldbe verydifficult
forthem.15

While thereis evidenceto suggestthatthe absorption

of sacred
into
secular
in
has
cases
congroves
management
programmes
many
to theirdecline,otherscholarshavepointedoutthattheuse
tributed
of sacredgrovescan changeovertimeforreligiousreasons.For instance,thedeitiesthatliveinsacredgrovestendtobe uniconicandnot
housedwithinanystructure
(GadgilandVartak1974b:156).However,
as Gadgilexplained:
We havedonea studyrelating
to sacredgrovesto showhowwhentheBrahmin
take
of
locatedin sacredgrovestheydeliberately
control
deities
tend
priests
to replacetheworshipof trees,of naturalobjects,by idols. Theywantto cut
downtheforestanduse themoneyto construct
a temple.... As youcomefrom
themoreremotevillagesto thosewhichhavebetter
communication
... thelow
casteindigenous
is
taken
over
the
Brahmin
and
priesthood
by
priests whenthe
Brahminprieststakeover,andmoresortofinstitutionalised
religioncomesinto
play,theworshipof naturegiveswayto worshipof idolsin thetempleandthe
sacredgrovestendto be cutdown.16

reliviewtheshiftto Brahmanical
Althoughmanycommentators
more
localised
as
gion undermining
indigenous
religio-cultural
pracsacredgrovesintact,otherscholarsarguethat
ticeswhichpreserved
this depictionmay actuallybe misleading.While this processof
has meantthatsome encroachments
sanskritisation
maybe carried
out "on behalfof the divine"(Kalam 1996:51),in orderto build
templesto keep up withthechangingtimes(Gadgil and Chandran
andHughes1997:420),itcannotbe assumedthat
1992:187;Chandran
forest"(Jeffery
theauthentic
formof thesacredgroveis as "pristine
1998).
Freeman'sresearchon sacredgroves(kavus)in Kerala,suggests
thatsacred groveshave always takena varietyof formsthatdo
idea of
coincidewiththemodernenvironmentalist's
notnecessarily
15Interview
Madikeri,
9/2/98,
Coorg.
16Interview
IndianInstitute
forScience,Bangalore.
4/2/97,

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278

EmmaTomalin

relicsfroma primeval
"pristine
past"(1994:11).He writesthata "kavu
mayindeedresultfromthededicationof a patchof virginforestto
a deity,butI also knowof thosedevelopedfromwhatwas once a
standof cultivated
fromsmallstandsof shrubbery
on
toddy-palms,
lateritehillocks,and in one case, froman old tankin themiddleof
paddyfields"(1994:11). Moreover,a "kavumayreferto a temple
thatno longerhas anyassociatedgrove,[thus]thesemanticweight
of thetermrestswiththededication
of thesiteto a deity,rather
that
withthe floraof the site,per se" (1994:12 n.14). The purposeof
sacredgrovesis to providea pleasuregardenfortheuse of thedeity
it
and,whilstencroachment
accordingto humanneedsis forbidden,
is oftenthecase that"whatwe mightregardas humandisturbance,
resourceexploitation,
and encroachment
are happilyaccommodated
withintheculturalframework
of thegroveas thedeities'preserve"
(1994:11).
has arguedagainstthetendency
of much
Freeman,in particular,
discoursearoundthesubjectof sacredgrovesto assume,or at least
to give theimpression
of,the existenceof an ideal typeof sacred
forest"(1994:9 n.11). He challengesthe writing
groveas "pristine
of Gadgiland Vartak(1981) as particularly
vulnerableto thistype
of oversimplification.
Whiletheirworkgenerallyconcentrates
upon
theWesternGhatsthereis a tendency
forit to read as thoughthey
aremakingmoregeneralpointsaboutsacredgrovesthroughout
India.
and
Vartak
no
means
the
scholars
are, however,by
Gadgil
only
whose workseems to generaliseabout certainfeaturesof sacred
groves.Writingon sacredgroveseasily lends supportto religious
environmentalist
wherepracticessuchas preserving
sacred
discourse,
are
seen
as
evidence
of
a
groves
"primitive
ecologicalwisdom"that
colonial
in
interference
natural
resource
on the
predates
management
sub-continent.
Freeman'sresearchsuggeststhatany protection
of
By contrast,
was
coincidental
rather
thanintentional
and thatsacred
biodiversity
were
of
out
for
the
rather
thanbecause
groves
protected
respect
deity
of an innatebeliefin theintrinsic
valueof nature.As Kalampoints
out:"wherewas theneedtopreserve/conserve
theforests
as therewas

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on Religionand Environmental
Conservation 279
Perspectives
no dangerat all of depletionof forestresources?"(1996:52).17This
romantic
beliefthatreligiouspracticeshavepreserved
sacredgroves
intacthas lead peopleto believethattheyare rathermoreextensive
thantheyactuallyare,withtheeffect
offailingtorealisetheextentof
theirdecline.According
in Coffeeland
toKalam,writing
News,a local
Coorgpublication:
Till my 1996 publicationSacred Grovesin Kodagu Districtof Karnataka
(SouthIndia): A Socio-Historical
Study,manypeople sincerelybelievedthat
theDevarakaduswereindeedpreserved
and werein a good shape.Some even
thatbeinggods'/deities'
abodesthesewerein factconservedin almost
thought
to notonlyby thelaypeople
virginclimaxform.Such beliefsweresubscribed
butalso bysocialandnaturalscientists
(Kalam2000).

thereare manycommentators
who employmodern
Nevertheless,
conceptsto describeandexplainthepurposeanduse ofsacredgroves
in thepast,ortheyembarkupona romantic
eulogyabouta lost"ecogoldenage." For instance,Chandranand Hughesmaketheunlikely
claim that,"sacredgrovesbelongto a varietyof culturalpractices
whichhelpedIndiansocietymaintain
an ecologically
steadystatewith
wild livingresources"(1997:418,myemphasis).Similarlyanachronisticis theassertion
andNagarajathat,"wherever
by Chandrakanth
a devarakaduhas been preserved
well by thevillagecommunities,
therehas beenthealtruistic
motiveandtherecognition
thatbirdsand
animalsalso have rights"(1997:223,myemphasis).Otherscholars
Forinstance,
Professor
and activists
takea less romantic
perspective.
thosewho
P.S. Ramakrishnan18
acceptsthattherearetwoviewpoints:
considerthatpeoplewereawareoftheecologicalvalueofconserving
sacredgrovesandthosewhoconsiderthatenvironmental
preservation
sacredgrovesforreligiousreasons.
was a by-product
of conserving
to resolvethisdifference
of opinion
thanattempting
However,rather

17Moreover,theprotection
of sacredgrovesdoes notmatchmodemecological
thantheentire
as
affords
toparticular
areasofnaturerather
it
thinking only
protection
naturalenvironment.
18SchoolofEnvironmental
NehruUniversity,
NewDelhi.
Sciences,Jawaharlal

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280

EmmaTomalin

ofwhatis thereaintothiscontroversy
he concludes:"without
getting
in lookingat it froma contemporary
son behind,it I am interested
in
can
we
makeuse ofit."19
what
way
perspective
In line withthisthinking,
a numberof theecologiststhatI interin sacredgroves
viewedexplainedhow theyhad becomeinterested
in conservation.
and pragmatic
interest
a scientific
For inthrough
sacred
stance,Madhav Gadgil told me how he had been studying
in
I
interested
since
"I'm
an
and
was
1973:
finding
groves
ecologist
... thebest
wellpreserved
natural
vegetation
examplesofundisturbed,
Dr
weresomeofthesacredgroves."20
Similarly,
examples,strikingly,
in:
K.G. Saxena21claimedtobe interested
howsacredgroves
ofsacredgrovesintheenvironmental
thefunction
perspective,
are relatedto the social mechanismsof resourceusers,restraints
placed by
use. .... Thefundamental
objectiveor challengethesedays
societyuponresource
is in whatwayyoupromotesustainableresourcemanagement. Insteadof
.... So thatis
andcontrolling
thepeopleyoubuildon religion,
culture.
commanding
one wayofmobilising
people'sparticipation.22

beliefs
Ramakrishnan
echoedthisconcerntomakeuseoftraditional
and practices.He explainedthatwhenhe firstwentto workin the
NorthEast of India,twenty-five
he was interested
yearspreviously,
in whythegovernment's
and
conservation
development
projectshad
largelyfailed:theywere "rejectedby the local people." He soon
noticed,however,thattherewere small patchesof forestthathad
"a fewhectaresto a fewsquarekilometres
beenpreserved:
whichare
local
communities
He
became
interested
to:
protected
by
..."23
tryto see whatare thepossibilitiesin termsof buildinguponthistraditional
whichadheres
knowledgebase ... in orderto be able to definea strategy
withthevalue systemof thelocal communities
[so that]theyhave a senseof
intheprocessofdevelopment
rather
thatsomething
participation
beingimposed
19Interview
NehruUniversity,
Jawaharlal
NewDelhi.
24/4/98,
20Interview
IndianInstitute
forScience,Bangalore.
4/2/97,
21SchoolofEnvironmental
NehruUniversity,
NewDelhi.
Sciences,Jawaharlal
22Interview
Jawaharlal
NehruUniversity,
New Delhi.
24/4/98,
23Interview
Jawaharlal
NehruUniversity,
NewDelhi.
24/4/98,

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on ReligionandEnvironmental
Conservation 281
Perspectives
fromoutside. WhenI wentthere,and I startedworkingon my mundane
....
on it I hitagainst
everytimeI started
working
biological,ecologicalproblems,
bitsandpiecesI couldpickup,andamong
thehumandimension.
.... In whatever
a wholevariety
of thingsthatI did,theculturaldimensions
of ecologybecame
concern.24
an important

and conservation
bodies are beThus, the scientific
community
to
take
this
of
nature
serisystem "indigenous
preservation"
ginning
ously(e.g. Jamirand Pandey2003; Upadhayaet al. 2003; Ramanujam and Cyril2003; Ramanujamand Kadamban2001). Ramanujam
and Kadambannote,forexample,withrespectto theirstudyofplant
in twoforests
nearPondicherry,
SouthIndia,thattheforbiodiversity
as a sacredgrovewas "morespecies
est thathad been maintained
rich"(2001:1203) thantheotherforestthathad "lost the statusof
to Eucalyptusplantations"
a sacredgrovebecause of its conversion
(2001:1203).Theyconcludethat,"theconceptof sacredgrovesaptoolinbiodiversity
conservation
worthconpearstobe an efficacious
intothenextmillennium"
(2001:1215).
tinuing
or conservato notethatfroma scientific
However,it is important
thestudyof sacredgrovesformsone of thecomtionistperspective,
and the
concernwithsustainabledevelopment
of
a
broader
ponents
are not
of biodiversity.
Religiousvaluesin themselves
preservation
As
the
role
to
director
seen
as
play.
havinganynecessary
generally
ofan environmental
NGO inVirajpetCoorgargued:
beliefsdoes not
andpreserving
devarakadusmerelyforsuperstitious
Protecting
atthegrassrootslevelwouldhelp
bearrelevanceinthismodernage ... training
spreadthemessageof thenecessityto protectthesedevarakadusforscientific
reasons.(Belliappa1998)

are not
Whilemembersof thescientific/conservation
community
views abouttherole thatreligion
immuneto holdingromanticised
formof
in the past (or aboutthe authentic
playedin conservation
more
to
consider
are
sacredgrovesas "pristine
forests"),
likely
they
are in declineand thatit is thejob of the
thatreligiousinstitutions
24Interview
New Delhi.
NehruUniversity,
Jawaharlal
24/4/98,

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282

EmmaTomalin

thebiodiversity
ofthesacred
ecologisttofindotherwaysofpreserving
I have spokento genuinely
groves.Althoughsome of thescientists
values abouttheforest,othersare
lamentthedeclinein traditional
andarehappytopromote
theintroduction
ofsecular
notso concerned
to
the
management
groves.
programmes preserve remaining
the
of
environmentalism
discussed
contrast,
By
examples religious
at thestartof thispapernotonlyholdromanticised
viewsaboutthe
in thepast,butthatreligion
rolethatreligionplayedin conservation
has a specialanduniqueroleto playin averting
environmental
problemsmorewidely.However,
or
individuals
thatadheretothis"strong"
versionofreligiousenvironmentalism
arealso morelikely
"romantic"
to be religiousthemselves
and to have a personalviewof theEarth
as sacred.Thus,a "strong"
or "romantic"
versionofthediscoursecan
be contrasted
witha "weak"or"pragmatic"
Whiletheforexpression.
meris committed
topursuing
a religiously
environmentalism,
inspired
thelatterconsidersthatreligionplayeda rolein protecting
biodiverin themodernage (except
sityin thepastbutthatthisis less relevant
whereit is stillstrongor as a meansof encouraging
in
participation
environmental
whereasthestrongversionofthe
projects).Moreover,
discoursebelievesthatsacredgrovesoughtto be protected
because
scienvaluable,theweaker,
theyaredivineand,therefore,
intrinsically
is
more
in
interested
tific/pragmatic
expression
preserving
biodiversity
foritslong-term
benefits
andforscientific
interest.
practical
Whilstthis is a goal thatshouldbe encouragedin a country
such as India, wherehuge swathesof indigenousforestcontinue
to be denudedyearby year,it cannotbe assumedthatthe goals
of scientific
conservation
will necessarilymatchthe culturaland
economicneedsof local communities,
wherethesedeny
particularly
human
interference
whatsoever.
We
need
to
ask
any
whysacredgroves
to
intact:whoseinterests
does sucha goal serve?
ought be preserved
Whileone mightassumethatthepracticalworkofecologistsis more
likelyto benefitpeople thanthe romanticvisionthatreligioncan
liberatepeoplefromecologicaldisaster(becausereligioustraditions
teachthattheEarthhas intrinsic
that
value),it mustbe remembered
scientific
is
not
a
neutral
It
makes
use
of
elite
ecology
enterprise.

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onReligionandEnvironmental
Conservation 283
Perspectives
discoursesthatemploysophisticated
languageandconceptsthatoften
have littlerelevanceto theenvironmentally
In fact,where
illiterate.
conservationists
of boththe romanticand the pragmatictypesare
keento prevent
in sacredgroves,traditional
anykindof interference
religiouspracticehas allowedpeopleto use theforestin linewiththe
wishesofthedeity,
eventotheextent
ofclearingthegroveanderecting
a temple.Thus,itis notonlyenvironmentalists
whoareexplicitly
ecocentric(i.e. believethatnaturehas intrinsic
who
value),
expressthe
ethicofwilderness
discussedat lengthby Guha(1989).
conservation,
It is also reflected
in thethinking
of morescientific
and instrumental
attitudes
towardsconservation,
wheresacredgrovesare of interest
becauseoftheprotection
ofrarespeciesthathavemedicinal
properties
orfortheirwiderecologicalfunction.
While discussionsabout the preservation
of sacred grovesare
conservation,
makingan impactat the level of scientific
religious
in India are much less concernedwithenvironmental
institutions
thanthemoreromantic
would
degradation
religiousenvironmentalists
lead us to believe.However,one area withinmainstream
religion
in Indianwhereecologicalissues are beginning
to makean impact
is amongstsome affiliates
of the Hindu Right.The remainder
of
thispaperwill discusstheway in whichreligiousenvironmentalist
discourseinIndiacloselyresembles
thehistoricist
strategies
employed
theextenttowhichitis possible
bytheHinduRight.I willinvestigate
to distinguish
betweenthosewhoemploysuch"orientalist"
or "neotraditionalist"
(Sinha et al. 1997) readingsof Hinduismout of a
and thosewhoeulogise
genuineconcernforthenaturalenvironment
a divisiveand
abouta grandHindupast as a meansof bolstering
nationalist
aggressive
agenda.
and theHinduRight
Environmentalism
inIndianhas largelyoccurred
The writing
ofenvironmental
history
withinthe contextof post-colonialcritique(e.g. Gadgil and Guha
of Grove(1998), in particular,
1993; Shiva 1988). Whilethewriting
has attempted
to debunktheidea thattheBritishcolonialistswere
aboutecologicalissues,such as deforestacompletely
unconcerned

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284

EmmaTomalin

ofIndia'sforests,
forinstance,
hasbeen
tion,blameforthedestruction
and uncritically
tracedto the Britishgreedfortimber.
consistently
Sivaramakrishnan
describesIndianscholarship
on theenvironment
as
in
the
of
the
nation
colonialism,
state,
"caughtup
critique
developmentand thetransitions
to capitalismthatengrosseda widernationalistandpostcolonial
(2003). However,in thesearch
historiography"
foran authentically
Indianenvironmental
history,
manyscholarsofthe
in Indiahaveengagedin a processofromanticising
environment
and
thepastthathas similarities
withthenarrowconstrucessentialising
tionof historythatbolstersthe nationalist
movement
(Chakrabarty
environmental
histori2000). Again,accordingto Sivaramakrishnan,
anshavebeen"instrumental
inpropagating
a strategically
essentialist,
celebratory,
indigenism
(inspiredequallyby Gandhianideas and romanticprimitivism).
Thisperspective
has on occasionstimulated
ethandformsofreligiousnationalism
drawnonationalism,
regionalism,
the
romanticized
and
ingupon
precolonial/premodern
subject society
thattheyevokeintheirwritings"
(2003).
For instance,the "ecologicalniche"theoryof caste (Gadgil and
Guha 1993; Gadgil and Malhotra1998) arguesthatthe caste systemservedto prevent
theexploitation
of naturalresourceswherethe
resourcesin a givenlocality
"monopolyof lineagesoverparticular
favoured
thecultural
evolution
ofsocialrestraints
on resourceutilizause" (GadgilandMalhotra1998:27).
tion,leadingto theirsustainable
Dwivedi
"in
writes
can
that, a sense,theHinducastesystem
Similarly,
be seen as a progenitor
of theconceptof sustainabledevelopment"
While
the
extent
to whichsucha perspective
is premised
(1996:159).
uponthebeliefthatthecastesystemoughtto be retainedis unclear,
foritsimplicit
fora system
ofsocialorganisamanyarecritical
support
tionprincipled
on injustice(Baviskar1999:27-28).As Sharmawarns,
however
"atcertain
times,environmental
discourses,
well-intentioned,
fallintothetrapof valorisation
andromanticisation
of somedangerous formsof indigenism
thataid obscurantist
forces,albeituninten(2002).
tionally"
discoursemayhavea very
Thus,whilereligiousenvironmentalist
nobleaim,itdoesruntheriskofbeingtakenup tosupport
unintended

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on ReligionandEnvironmental
Conservation 285
Perspectives
causes,or of becomingimplicitly
alignedwithunwelcomepolitical
shareswithHindunationalism
the
forces.Religiousenvironmentalism
backinhistory
forevidencethatsupports
desireto searcheverfurther
Where
is conitscontemporary
the
agenda.
religiousenvironmentalist
is an authentic
cernedtoprovethatenvironmental
awareness
feature
of
from
to
theHindutradition
its
times
the
throughout history, pre-Vedic
theHindunationalist
looksforevidencetosupport
a viewof
present,25
Some scholHinduismas thegenuineand originalIndianreligiosity.
betweenthosewhoemarsdo not,however,
makea cleardistinction
"Hindu
for
a
civilisation"
to
ethics
response argue conservationist
ploy
andthosewhosupport
theHinduRight.Baviskar,forinstance,
seems
who
to
the
Hindu
to implicitly
those
look
tradition
for
align
ecological ethicswiththeHinduRight.Thus,commentators
suchas Vandana
Shiva(whofamously
contemsupports
arguesthattheHindutradition
his
Madhav
and
ecofeminist
(with
thinking)
Gadgil
ecological
porary
fromthosewho
nichetheoryof caste) are notclearlydifferentiated
areassociatedwithgroupssuchas theRashtriya
Swayamsevak
Sangh
(RSS) andtheVishvaHinduParishad(VHP). I agreethattherecourse
thatis superior
to otherIndiantraditions,
to a unifiedHindutradition
forcethathas
as wellas western
is a potentially
civilisation,
worrying
in
recent
decades.
becomedangerously
However,it is arpoliticised
betweenthosewho look to theHindu
guablypossibleto distinguish
or soas a meansof encouraging
tradition
ecologicalconsciousness,
movecial justice,and thosewhohave"hijacked"theenvironmental
a
that
otherwise
mentas a meansofpromotingbroaderpoliticalagenda
has littletodo withconservation.
that
Evidenceforthisview can be foundin the recentinterest
to the HinduRighthave shown
a numberof highprofileaffiliates
for environmental
issues. Sharmadescribeshow the "Vrindavana
ForestRevivalProject"in UttarPradesh,initiated
by someprominent
25Chandrakanth
tracetheHindureverence
fortreesback
andRomm,forinstance,
to thepre-Vedicdepictionson seals uncoveredfromtheIndusValleyCivilisation
(1991).

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286

EmmaTomalin

and religiousorganisations
in 1991, sharesthesame
environmental
languageas theHinduRight(2002). He writesthat:
Vrindavana
is seenas thebirthplace
ofKrishna
andafter
theRamJanmabhumi
of
liberation
and
the
destruction
of
the
Babri
Mosque,the"liberation
campaign
Krishna
has
become
central
to
the
of
Hindu
conservatives.
Janmabhumi"
agenda
Thelanguage
ofthisenvironmental
as causesofenvironmenunderlines,
project
ofVrindavana,
the"abandonment
oftraditional
Hinduvaluesand
talproblems
ofMuslim
andBritish
ruleas detrimental
totraditional
"centuries
technology,"
in
Hinduculture
andpractices,"
theinjunctions
suchas thosefound
"forgetting
onentirely
newsocio-political
solutions
Manusmriti,"
grounds,
thereby
offering
shrub
andsewagesystems
trees,
(2002).
goingbeyond
planting

ForestRevivalProjectis firstand foreHowever,theVrindavana

itslanguageechoesbroader
mosta conservation
movement,
although
nationalist
sentiments
withinmodernIndia.It providesan exampleof
or
"romantic"
a revival
religiousenvironmentalism
whereby
"strong"
ofpresumed
Hinduvaluesabouttheenvironment
areconsidered
tobe
in
order
to
halt
further
The
fact
that
destruction.
necessary
ecological
thesevaluesintersect
is cerwiththoseheldby"Hinduconservatives"
but
should
not
an
identification
tainlyproblematic,
necessarily
imply
of thisreforestation
with
and
political
project
religiousnationalism.
Theproblem
that
those
resort
to
a
"Hindu
civilisation"
facing
response,
suchas intheabovepassage,is thattheyarelikelytobe takenas showforthenationalist
movement
ingsupport
bycriticsoftheHinduRight.
Anotherexampleof theblurring
of theboundariesbetweenecomovements
concernstheRiverGanges.While
logicaland nationalist
to
attempts encouragereligioussupportforprojectsto clean up the
have
successful,
Gangeshave notbeen particularly
religiousfigures
been rathermoreprominent
in voicingobjectionsto theTehridam,
whichis beingconstructed
on theRiverBhagirathi,
a tributary
ofthe
in
the
The
veteran
Gandhian
activist
Sunderlal
Ganges
Himalayas.26
thisprotest.
Sharmawritesthatthe
Bahugunahas largelychampioned
whichwas set up to originally
movement
oppose thedam,back in
26See Alley(2000) fora discussionof similar
religiousobjectionsto theGanges
Canal inHaridwarintheearlytwentieth
century.

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onReligionand Environmental
Conservation 287
Perspectives
resorted
to usingHindumyths
to speakaboutthe
1978,has routinely
consequencesof thedamand also activelyseeksto gainthesupport
of religioussadhus(2001; 2002). However,morerecently
an organisedHindupresencehasbecomeinvolvedinthecampaignthrough
the
VHP, and variousralliesand marcheshavetakenplace to voice obSharmaquotesa sadhvi27
a rally
jectionandgarnersupport.
attending
to
organised
bytheVHP in 2000: "theTehridamis beingconstructed
the
This
is
forever.28
an
to
deimprison Ganga
organisedconspiracy
molishourreligionandculture.
Thewaywe hadtodemolishtheBabri
mosqueat ourownrisk,we haveto getreadynowforthedemolition
oftheTehridam"(2001).
Fortheoriginalanti-dam
movement
therecourseto religiousideas
abouttheGangesis onestrategy
forencouraging
peopletotaketoissue
theseriouslyand has certainly
raisedtheprofileof thecontroversy
the Tehridam. By contrast,
surrounding
manyof those who are
the
stimulated
rhetoric
thedam seemmore
by
surrounding
religious
concernedwiththeGangesas a symbolof Hinducultureand nation
thanwithitsecologicalimplications.
In fact,Alleysuggeststhatthe
HinduRighthijackedtheanti-Tehri
damcampaignas a politicaltool
once theysecured
duringthe 1998 election,butquicklylostinterest
environmentalist
discourse
Thus,
victory(2002:223-26).29
religious
27A femalemendicant.
28ThisechoesKipling'sstory"The
setduring
theBritish
colonial
Bridge-Builders,"
period,whichrelates"MotherGunga's"rageatbeinglockedinbya newlyconstructed
bridgeandherappealtotheotherGodsforhelp.They,ontheotherhand,havedecided
thatit is timeshe backsdownand takes"herappointedplace in thenew imperial
(Prakash1999:168).
geography"
29Alleywritesthatinterest
in thedamissuearose"becauseoftheperspective
and
a religiouspoliticalleaderwhoplaysa promiconcernsof a particular
sadhu-saint,
nentrole in stateand nationalpolitics"(2002:223). Once thatsadhu-saint,
Swami
was electedto office"thecampaignagainstriverpollution
however,
Chinmayananda,
andtheopposition
totheTehridamfellawayalmostimmediately"
(2002:226).Alley
tothedamdoesperiodically
enterhispoliticalideconcludesthatalthough
opposition
hisearlierconcernintoa sustained
ology,on thewhole,he has nottranslated
critique
of government
policy.

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EmmaTomalin

288

dam campaignwherediverse
roles in the anti-Tehri
has different
movements
and ideologieshave coalescedovertheissue: fromthe
GandhianidealismofSunderlalBahugunato thedivisivenationalism
Baviskarsuggeststhatthedistancebetween
oftheVHP.Nevertheless,
thesetwomaynotbe so great.Bahuguna,forinstance,is "reported
metthePrime
to have been one of theVHP delegatesthatrecently
of a templeat the site
Ministerpressingforthe earlyconstruction
Sharmapointsout that
of the Babri mosque"(2001:6). Similarly,
aboutthe
has
been
observed
"invoking
popularstereotypes
Bahuguna
Muslimcommunity"
(2002:5). Thus,theyquerytheextentto which
devicesto
thisveteranof ecologicalactivismis usinginstrumental
courtthe supportof conservative
Hinduism,or whetherthismore
the
of
the
Hindu
broadlyreflects spirit
Right.
Conclusion
issues
To date,theresponseof theHinduRightto environmental
to theissue of theTehri
has remainedsporadicand largelyconfined
it
has
difficult
that
been
dam.Alley,forinstance,
suggests
particularly
in campaignsto clean
forthe HinduRightto maintainan interest
Muslim
does notemergeas
the
because
the
community
up
Ganges
an obviousculpritto take the blame forits pollution(2000:370).
whileshearguesthat"theMuslim'other'stagedinstruggles
However,
oversacredspacefadesawayin discussionsaboutGanga'ssacrality"
(2000:381), objectionto the Tehridam does employanti-Muslim
rhetoric.
thedepiction
ofthe"Muslimother"as responsible
Although
forthedamming
of theGangesat Tehriis notclearlyor consistently
we do findthe linkingof the Tehriissue to the Ram
articulated,
Janmabhumi
movement
(Alley2002:224). This locatestheconcern
of theHinduRightforthedammingof theGangeswithina broader
whichis considered
politicalcampaignagainsttheMuslimcommunity,
tobe intent
Hinduculture.
upondestroying
Whetheror not theresponseof groupssuch as the VHP to the
Tehridam is sustainable,or likelyto be repeatedwithrespectto
inIndia
otherecologicalconcerns,
itis arguablethatenvironmentalists
fromexclusively
Hinduinterpretations
oughtto distancethemselves

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onReligionand Environmental
Conservation 289
Perspectives
of ecologicalissues.This way theycan avoidbeingidentified
with
theHinduRight.The elevationof theSanskrit
tradition
has beenone
of thecriticisms
suchas Shivaand
widelylevelledat commentators
drawuponBrahmanical
Hinduism
toexpress
Banwari,whoinvariably
theirecologicalethics(Baviskar1999).Thisignoresordownplays
the
of
traditions
that
exist
in
India
from
adivasi
diversity religio-cultural
traditions
to Islam, Sikhism,Christianity
and
("tribal"/indigenous)
Buddhism.In fact,althoughnotwithoutits problems,theliterature
sacredgrovepreservation
is a welcomecontribution
to
surrounding
the over-emphasis
the
elite
Sanskrit
tradition
that
feel
upon
many
has become synonymous
withreligiousenvironmentalism
in India
Unless
the
of
sacred
(Baviskar1999).
practice preserving
grovescan
be linkedto eventsor personalities
of classicalHinduism(as with
theexampleof Krishna'sforestsin Vrindavana),
or to the"Muslim
enemy,"thesacredgroveis unlikelyto appeal to theHinduRight.
While the literature
on sacredgrovesdoes tendto classifysacred
it is morecorrectly
as partof the"Hindu"tradition,
groveprotection
to be seen as partof a religio-cultural
landscapethatpre-datesand
existsalongsidethepan-IndianeliteBrahmanical
In fact,
tradition.
theprocessof "Sanskritisation"
has had an impactuponthedemise
of the institution
of the sacredgrove,as regionaldeitiesbecome
withthe pan-IndianGods and the grovesare clearedto
identified
makewayfortemples.Nevertheless,
muchoftheliterature
on sacred
betweentheidea that
grovesis limitedby its failureto distinguish
of
Hinduism
can
be
to
interpreted supportcontemporary
aspects
environmentalist
andthefarstronger
assertion
thatHinduism
thinking
As
this
has
is "environmentally
the
friendly."
paper argued, recognition
of"bio-divinity"
does notmakeone an environmentalist.
School of Theology and

ReligiousStudies
ofLeeds
University
Leeds LS2 9JT
UnitedKingdom
E.Tomalin
@ leeds.ac.uk

EMMA TOMALIN

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290

EmmaTomalin
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