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EDITORIAL
BENGALURU
THE HINDU
A promise
to redeem
he issue of implementing the One Rank One
Pension (OROP) principle for the veterans of
the defence services continues to be in the
news for all the wrong reasons, with a nal
announcement nowhere in sight. With the Narendra
Modi government in its second year, its major poll
promise of OROP remains unfullled. While Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his Ministers have reiterated
the governments commitment to the scheme, that by
itself does little to contain the growing unhappiness in
the community of ex-servicemen that has been waiting
for years for a fair deal. Their demand goes back over
three decades. Successive governments have intermittently raised hopes on it according to political convenience, but the feeling has grown that the soldier who
puts the nation ahead of his own life in the line of duty
faces political apathy after retirement. The previous
UPA government cleared the deal in principle and allocated Rs.500 crore, but there was no progress beyond
that. In the run-up to the Lok Sabha election last year,
the Congress once again brought the issue to the limelight. OROP was one of the top election promises of the
BJP that helped garner the support of the large community of ex-servicemen and their families. And the huge
mandate the BJP received had convinced them that at
long last the scheme would see the light of day.
While the government has given in-principle clearance to the proposal, the process of completing the
administrative procedures across different departments
seems to be an unending one. Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar had on several occasions said his Ministry
had nished its part of the work and that the le was
with the Finance Ministry. He has promised 80-90 per
cent satisfaction for the service personnel. OROP essentially seeks parity for all service personnel retiring on
the same rank and tenure irrespective of when they
retire, and is expected to benet two and a half million
ex-servicemen and women immediately. That said, the
exercise of calculating the dues is a complicated process
in itself. In Budget 2015 an initial allocation of Rs.1,000
crore was made but it has been estimated that the cost
could come to about Rs.8,300 crore. There is the view
that it would still go up by substantial measure depending on the method and criteria adopted. It has to be seen
how the government makes the nancial provision for
such a recurring outgo. But the early implementation of
the scheme has now become an imperative: mere rhetoric and assurances will not suffice. It is high time the
government came out with a clear road map and a rm
date for its implementation, and then adhere to it. This
country owes its defence forces as much.
A war of categories
This generation too had been caught in a
Cold War of categories of right-left, secular-communal, and official-informal. By
making a fetish of these categories, we have
destroyed ourselves. I remember a sensitive
member of the Communist Party of India
(CPI) telling me that they had become commissars of the mind. Still worse, they had
policed themselves into mouthing Shibboleths. He added,Think of Stalin. He seems
outdated and slapstick today but Stalin policed our lives. Stalin was the litmus test of
truth, a cybernetic exercise which kept history on the right path. I wish we had read
Czesaw Miloszs The Captive Mind, Arthur
Koestlers Darkness at Noon or George Orwells 1984, less as murky stories, and instead had treated them as everyday fables,
warning against the totalitarian of everyday.
Such a vision that is open to doubt but at ease with itself can
rework the functioning of a majoritarian democracy into a
pluralistic world. This is a vision which has seen the pain and
the joy of the last few decades.
ideologies blinded us into intolerance. We
treated Lenin, Stalin, Marx as gods but unfortunately as monotheistic, monolithic
gods. Our political beliefs should have been
syncretic like our religions. Our one-sided
beliefs created one-sided histories. Fifty
years later, our political parties, especially
the CPI and the Communist Party of India
(Marxist) started to become relics. They
were forms of political autism but they swallowed and destroyed so many of the best.
Today, these parties need a mourning wall
for the casualties they created. Ironically, in
a dream of freedom expressed at the time of
Independence, we seem to have ended up
destroying dissent, eccentricity and marginality. In objectifying a slice of history, we
have only ended up with an impoverished
state of politics. In trying to be stupidly sci-
CARTOONSCAPE
A diktat and
some questions
hen the authorities of a governmentfunded and administered institution of
repute chooses to de-recognise a student
group based on an active position it takes
on social and ideological issues, there is something very
wrong with the approach. The Ambedkar-Periyar
Study Circle (APSC) at the Indian Institute of Technology-Madras has been distributing pamphlets and
posters that call for, among other things, removal of
brahminical tyranny. The circle has also been extremely critical of Narendra Modi and his government,
objecting to what it terms anti-poor and Hindutvaoriented policies. Detractors, in turn, have objected to
what they call the casteist and political message the
APSC has been seeking to spread. An anonymous complaint received by the Ministry of Human Resource
Development was forwarded to the IIT-M management. The management, in what appeared to be a
knee-jerk reaction, derecognised the APSC, saying student bodies cannot use the Institutes name as part of
their title without approval, adding that the APSC
could seek a review anyway. With the political climate
today being so charged, the incident has had national
repercussions, with leaders and commentators seeing
in the move a grave attack on the freedom of speech.
They are right and justied in taking the position.
The IIT-M does not allow political activity or politically-affiliated unions on its campus. Student bodies,
including the APSC, are recognised by the Institute in
order to foster healthy debates on the campus. There
are apprehensions that political parties would nd a
backdoor entry through such bodies, but the APSC is
not formally associated with any political party. In this
case, the APSC has campaigned against certain political
parties by naming them, and taken positions against
religious orthodoxy, even questioning organised religion itself. These radical positions should not really
surprise anyone as Tamil Nadu is a State that has had a
rationalist political tradition. The APSCs activism has
been criticised by detractors and it has been sought to
be associated with hate speech. But such an association will be spurious, as questioning orthodoxy and
conservatism is not tantamount to hate speech, which
is characterised by a deliberate targeting of communities rather than beliefs. What the IIT-M management
must seek to do is to not let political discussions and
debates to descend into vituperative attacks and hate
speech. Instead, by resorting to a quick ban, being
passed off as a temporary de-recognition, the IIT-M
management is playing into the hands of short-sighted
critics. Academic excellence, freedom of speech and
expression, and freedom of association should go hand
in hand; they should not be seen as mutually exclusive.
CM
YK
happened when political leaders across ideologies found themselves in jail. It was when
the Left and the Right discovered that courage and resistance belonged to no one
ideology.
I am sure somewhere that Mr. Yechury
and many others in the Left must have
thought of bringing all the strands of the left
together Naxalite, Left Liberal, Gandhian,
Lohiate, Feminist, Trade Union, CPI(M),
CPI, the liberation theology and the Dalit
Left. One has to do this before the Left fades
into irrelevance. As the old joke goes, the
October Revolution faded into the Octogenarian Revolution in India. The party is dying of Stalinist senility.
Letters emailed to letters@thehindu.co.in must carry the full postal address and the full name or the name with initials.
Strategic reserves
How pragmatic is it for countries to
stockpile fuel for future needs
especially as such hoarding,
whether strategically regulated or
otherwise, could create a shortage
in the present? Thousands of crores
of rupees being spent by relatively
less developed countries, including
India, in this mission can be better
spent on R&D of renewable energy
(Building on strategic reserves,
May 28). Stockpiling could also be
one way where the developed
countries have a hold on the global
economy by hoarding huge reserves
of an essential commodity.
Ramya Singh,
Anand, Gujarat
BG-MY
www.jobsalerts.in
EDITORIAL
BENGALURU
THE HINDU
Separate
lives
ithin just a year of the bifurcation of Andhra Pradesh and the creation of Telangana the two States could not have learnt to
live without each other. Both States still
have to negotiate through the terms of separation,
beyond the division of assets and the sharing of resources. Telangana saw in the bifurcation new possibilities and opportunities for growth and development,
and the Telangana Rashtra Samithi government under
K. Chandrasekhar Rao doubtless began with a tremendous amount of goodwill. After years of struggle for
statehood that entailed much suffering and disruption
of normal life, the people of Telangana seem prepared
to wait a little longer for the promised transformation
to materialise. But while the demand for a separate
State took the form of identity politics, issues of backwardness and uneven development remain at the top of
the peoples list of grievances. Unlike earlier when they
could blame the elite sections of coastal Andhra for
taking away the fruits of development, especially Hyderabad, the people of Telangana now have none but
their own elected representatives to find fault with.
Investments in infrastructure and the leveraging of the
strengths of Hyderabad, especially in information
technology (IT), are good beginnings, but the people in
Telanganas hinterland would want a more even distribution of growth and development. They did not support a separate Telangana merely to replace a ruling
elite from coastal Andhra with one from Hyderabad.
With perhaps greater justification, Andhra Pradesh
Chief Minister N. Chandrababu Naidu concentrated
his energies on building a new capital. After the bifurcation, rebuilding Andhra Pradesh was the constant
theme and the search for a new capital, which ended in
Amaravathi, symbolised this more than anything else.
Mr. Naidu, who can take credit for giving Hyderabad a
head start in IT during his earlier term as Chief Minister of the undivided State, is quite understandably
putting all his efforts into developing the capital region.
However, as in Telangana, unless development is even
and the benefits of growth are shared by all, resentment
is bound to swell in the regions far removed from the
capital. An excessive fascination for IT services and the
urban landscape had proved to be Mr. Naidus undoing
in 2004, and he appears to have learnt his lessons well.
Alongside the fascination for IT, there is now concern
for the welfare of farmers and landless labourers, and
people in far-flung regions with varying needs. Just as
for Telangana, the bifurcation can present new possibilities for Andhra Pradesh too. But the two States
must see the advantages of greater cooperation and put
the painful memories of the separation behind them.
An awakening
That the party (the Aam Aadmi Party)
which stopped what appeared unstoppable
has since imploded and, in any case, had no
serious analysis of what has been chronically
wrong in the nations politics and political
economy in the last two and a half decades, is
not the main point of relevance. What is
heartening rather is that it awakened people
to correct their judgement of only nine
tematically taken actual and potential resources and opportunities away from the
working people of both rural and urban India and handed them over in grotesquely
large measure to a minuscule domestic and
foreign elite. The manner in which this is
done is shrouded in high-sounding economic policy rhetoric and so it appears to have a
veneer of respectability, but it is a criminal
transfer that any clear-eyed analysis would
reveal to be a form of corruption that is far
more deep-going than the more visible, titillating (and, no doubt) venal acts of politicians that the media pruriently displays,
while hiding from public view the more
structural malaise which has vastly more
An understanding of corruption
The acquisition of land has been at the
centre of this ideal of development and what
is encouraging about the agitation against it
is that it may be the beginning of a spread of
CARTOONSCAPE
The blight of
militarisation
aithripala Sirisenas victory over Mahinda
Rajapaksa in the Sri Lankan presidential
elections in January 2015 was enabled by
massive support from minorities in the
country the Tamils and Muslims. Clearly, the mandate was not just for a more accountable and democratic government that would reverse the creeping
authoritarianism and family rule heralded by Mr. Rajapaksa, but also for addressing systemic issues that had
gripped, and continues to nettle, Sri Lankan society.
Chief among them is the issue of militarisation. Following the triumph against the Liberation Tigers of
Tamil Eelam (LTTE), the military has taken a preponderant role in Sri Lankan society, particularly in the
north. In the Tamil-majority provinces, the large-scale
presence of the military has been sought to be justified
as a security response to the possible rise of post-LTTE
insurgent forces. But as the participation of the Tamil
community in election after election since the war
suggests, that reasoning is flawed and unacceptable.
The Rajapaksa regime sought to utilise its triumphalist phase by allowing the military to diversify into
commercial activity, development, education, tourism and even policing, among others. The expectation
from the new regime especially among the minorities was of a quick reversal of this dangerous trend.
Recent findings from the U.S.-based think tank, Oakland Institute, based on research and surveys done
during the period December 2014-January 2015, have
pointed to hardly any reconciliation between the government and the Tamils. And the occupation by the
military of the land of those displaced in the civil war is
a prime cause of resentment, not to mention the longpending but ignored task of devolution of powers to the
provincial councils. The promise of a process of reconciliation and investigation of alleged war crimes has
remained unmet, adding to the resentment. Recent
reportage by this newspaper from the Northern Province has pointed to steady progress in the release of
army-held land to some of the displaced Tamils. This,
and the setting up of a new Presidential Task Force on
Reconciliation headed by former President Chandrika
Kumaratunga, are steps in the right direction. But
these are not enough. The extant militarisation holds
dangerous portends; the example of Pakistan is there
for all to see. International pressure and electoral results have thus far pushed the envelope for the Sirisena
presidency to take minimal steps to reverse the authoritarianism of the Rajapaksa regime. But the need is for a
comprehensive demilitarisation plan that includes
ways to demobilise recruits to the bloated military, so
that Sri Lanka would soon be back to its normal self.
CM
YK
Stirrings of an opposition
The second encouraging feature of the agitation is that a wide spectrum of parties has
supported it, raising the hope of a growing
united front of opposition. And Sonia Gandhis initiatives in the agitation reflect a potentially interesting emergence in the
Congress party, one in which the technocrats approved by international economic
interests and domestic elites might cease to
be the dominant influence on its political
and economic agenda. If that were to happen, there may be real prospects for an alliance to emerge against the present
government in which the Left parties and
the AAP put aside their seemingly unburiable hatchets with the Congress, hatchets
that owed to their perfectly justified disgust
with the second regnum of the United Progressive Alliance (UPA).
In the present political situation, these
parties are natural allies, just as the BJP is a
natural ally of the development-minded
core (one hopes, in the future, a rump) of the
Congress. (Indeed, I have heard from completely reliable sources that a member of this
core, a close economic adviser to the second
UPA government, actually found more
promise in the BJP government to pursue
policies that his own government was prevented from pursuing by those overly concerned to provide employment and food to
people instead.)
As I said, it is utterly premature to think
that these two shafts of light in the darkness
of the past year that I have been commenting
on really do have the scope suggested by
these preliminary possibilities that seem to
have surfaced. But if they do, and the hard
work of pursuing their potential is undertaken without once again falling prey to the
current illusions around development that
are slowly beginning to be exposed, then the
wide-spectrum united front of opposition
that emerges could prove to be formidable. It
is far too early to tell whether this is even so
much as seriously conceivable and the roadblocks in the path are many and long-standing, not least among which is the fact that the
learning curve of some of the parties I mentioned, especially the Congress, has in recent
years been close to flat. Still, to repeat, the
past year, as we have known it, has offered
nothing else of any hope, and the prospects
as I have presented them, even if slim, are
not negligible.
(Akeel Bilgrami is Sidney Morgenbesser
Chair in Philosophy; Professor, Committee
on Global Thought, and Director, South
Asian Institute, Columbia University.)
Letters emailed to letters@thehindu.co.in must carry the full postal address and the full name or the name with initials.
disheartening. It is now up to
parliamentary managers to pull up
their socks and try to build up
consensus to get the land Bill passed
the right way in the next session.
Agam Singh Bedi,
Mohali, Punjab
A visit to Israel
Forming an opposition
Oil reserves
Oil is not only the hedge against the
crises that arise following turmoil
in the OPEC countries but also the
foundation upon which India can
rest on to fight any battle (Building
on strategic reserves, May 28).
Unlike China which is dependent
upon the narrow Malacca Straits,
we have secure passage for our oil
supplies. Still, geopolitics demands
that we are not lulled into
complacency. Building storage
reserves and land routes are
essential. We also need to promote
our oil companies so that they
become our guarantor of secured
supplies; for this, they need to be
given more freedom and money.
For example, Chinese oil majors are
flush with forex which helps them
win contracts the world over. With a
growing demand for energy, India
needs to invest heavily in the
renewable energy sector too.
Shashank Jain,
New Delhi
BG-MY
www.jobsalerts.in
EDITORIAL
BENGALURU
THE HINDU
The right
decision
he Karnataka governments decision to file an
appeal against the acquittal of the Tamil Nadu
Chief Minister, Jayalalithaa, is bound to be
welcomed by all those who value probity in
public life and believe that the courts are the right
forums to take forward issues relating to corruption in
high places. The Congress dispensation in Karnataka
understandably took its time to arrive at a decision on
whether to file an appeal in the Supreme Court. It has
gone by sound legal principles by examining the recommendations of the Special Public Prosecutor, the States
Advocate-General and the Law Department. The primary question it had to contend with was raised by the
legal wing of the Karnataka Pradesh Congress Committee itself: what is Karnatakas interest in the outcome of
the case? The argument was that the State had already
discharged its duty by hosting the trial in Bengaluru,
appointing a Special Judge and Special Public Prosecutor, obtaining a conviction in the trial stage and seeing it
overturned by the High Court. Should the State go beyond this specified administrative function by filing an
appeal in the Supreme Court, taking on the role of an
aggrieved party? The question may appear valid, but to
abandon a legal process midway is also untenable. The
Supreme Court has made it clear that Karnataka is now
playing the role of the prosecuting State and has stepped
into the shoes of Tamil Nadu. Its duty now includes
taking up the mantle of the aggrieved party and pursuing
the legal process to its logical end.
Moreover, the Karnataka High Court judgment acquitting the Tamil Nadu Chief Minister is widely seen as
flawed in many respects, especially in the computation
of the quantum of disproportionate assets that ultimately formed the basis of her acquittal. Special Public
Prosecutor B.V. Acharya has said the arithmetical errors
are glaringly obvious. Some aspects of the High Courts
reasoning are controversial: it has included cash gifts of
high value as legitimate income and given credence to a
newspaper subscription scheme that had been termed
fake by the trial court. It has gone zealously by a 1976
Supreme Court ruling that unexplained assets up to the
value of 10 per cent of known income is acceptable, even
though the anti-corruption law has since been amended
to make disclosure as per statutory requirements the
standard to assess legitimate income. The prosecution
believes revisiting the computation itself will propel the
quantum of disproportionate assets beyond this 10 per
cent limit. Overall, it will be in the public interest to have
an authoritative pronouncement by the highest court on
whether the trial court or the High Court was right in
appreciating all the evidence. It will also be in Ms.
Jayalalithaas own interest that her exoneration if she
succeeds in sustaining it is a vindication that clears
her political path rather than one that depends on a
conclusion seen to be perennially under dispute and in
the realms of legal debate.
Malaysia, responsible for much of the construction work and infrastructure development there. Beginning 2012, however, a less
number of Bangladeshis have been able to go
to Malaysia through official channels because of insufficient demand despite a government-level agreement to send 14 lakh
Bangladeshi workers to Malaysia. At a time
when the government could not ensure regular labour export, traffickers, in the guise of
middlemen and government agents, lured
workers into treacherous waters.
Paradoxically, the same desires for upward mobility are deemed entrepreneurial if
the migrants are among the elite class and
know the laws well enough to never break
them. Going back to the case of Bangladeshis
in Malaysia, in the same period too, Bangladeshis formed the second largest group to
apply for a residency programme called Malaysia My Second Home, aimed at wealthy
families in developing countries who would
Economic migrants face a somewhat different reality. The logic of globalisation requires that labour be freely mobile across
markets for efficiency reasons, at least theoretically. Yet, despite high economic integraExit as escape
tion, labour migration is often criminalised,
The Rohingya in Myanmar are perhaps creating an inherent contradiction between
the worst off among many minority groups
that have been repressed by the military
The Muslim factor feeds into the calculation as well.
government of Myanmar as they were
stripped of their citizenship and rendered
The global war on terror has effectively legitimised
stateless between 1974 and 1982. The govanti-Muslim sentiments and attacks across the world, even
ernment sees them as Bengali Muslims from
Bangladesh who migrated there during the
when links to the al-Qaeda are at best tenuous.
colonial period (and continue to do so)
whereas the Rohingya see themselves as
(Muslim) natives of Arakan (Rakhine), a the incentives to migrate and immigration like to take advantage of state-sponsored
state in Myanmar. In turn, Bengali Muslims laws that limit migration. What this means is facilities in Malaysia (unavailable in their
in Bangladesh and India do not see the Roh- that there are profits to be made from migra- own countries) and eventually invest there.
ingya as their kin in any respect, making the tion that governments restrict artificially,
Thus, while there was no demand for BanRohingya the safest scapegoat. The Roh- which then incentivises illegal migration. gladeshi unskilled labour, wealthy Banglaingya are thus deemed outsiders and contin- When the workers are desperate, unskilled, deshis were welcome to go and live there.
ue to be persecuted and denied citizenship. and willing to pawn off their lives worth of Perhaps, this highlights Malaysias developIn fact, the Rohingya are among the most assets to access job markets abroad, they mental path; Malaysia needed Bangladeshi
persecuted minorities in the world accord- become easy targets of extortion, exploita- (manual) workers when its primary investtion and trafficking. As the many interviews ments were infrastructure-based. Now, as it
ing to the UNHCR.
Many had participated in Myanmar Oppo- of rescued migrants in the past weeks in- tries to shift to a consumer-driven economy,
sition leader Aung San Suu Kyis pro-democ- dicate, these migrants often have no idea it no longer requires unskilled labour as
racy movement as members of the National that what they were doing was illegal; after much as it requires a strong consumer base.
League for Democracy (NLD), the main Op- all, many had paid huge sums of money for At the same time, the many tales of workers
position party, only to realise that the NLD, migration services often by selling land/ finding jobs in Malaysia just as they land and
like the junta, has no place for the Rohingya assets, taking on loans, or mortgaging future rumours that Malaysian women like Banglain its democracy. There were and continue earnings.
deshi men as husbands because they look
A small example from Bangladesh pro- like Shah Rukh Khan all keep the lure of
to be fringe armed groups mobilising to increase pressure on the government, but ac- vides a microcosm of the larger issues at going to Malaysia strong. While wealthy
tivists complain that there is no solidarity hand. Since the 1990s, Bangladesh has been Bangladeshis found their way to their secamong the Rohingya let alone any consensus one of the two largest suppliers of labour to ond homes, the unskilled, poor migrants
CARTOONSCAPE
Coping with
the heat
xtreme weather conditions have become such
a part of life all across the world over the last
decade and more, that ways and means to
understand and cope with them have become
an essential element of survival strategies. Heatwaves
in summer, cold waves in winter and extreme rainfall
when it is least expected have almost become the norm.
Each of these rounds takes its own toll on lives and
livelihoods even as those in other areas are forced to
stand as mute spectators. This summer in India, the
number of lives lost to heatwave conditions has exceeded 2,000. While shrinking winter-spans are considered
by specialists as a sure sign that climate change is a
reality we cannot ignore, at the other end of the spectrum, hot summers are no less debilitating. Prediction
of these phenomena is itself so difficult, not for lack of
effort but because of the theoretical limitations of the
models being used in the calculations. Broadly speaking, there is no doubt that summer heat is worsening by
the year in parts of India. This fact is reflected in some
climate studies. For instance, one on climate in the
subcontinent over the period from 1961 to 2010 by
scientists of the India Meteorological Department
based in Pune and Chennai, found that compared to the
first four decades, the number of heat-wave (HW) days
per season was higher during 2001-2010 in many parts
of north, north-west and central India. An increase was
observed in the number of severe-heat-wave (SHW)
days per season in some stations, mainly in north-west
India. The study also found that the frequency, persistence and area coverage of HW/SHW days were more
than average in years succeeding El Nin~o years.
The question remains whether humankind is preparing for eventualities such as this. For those in denial
of climate change, there are clear pointers that cannot
be ignored. Also, from the point of view of disaster
mitigation, the rising number of heatwave related
deaths should serve as an urgent signal to develop
innovative methods to control summer-time losses. It
is somewhat ironical that while the long, hot summer
takes such a toll, in this subcontinent it is also a necessary condition for the monsoon to set in and provide
adequate rainfall. In a sense, the unendurable heat and
the rains that follow are tied together in a delicate
balance. While it is important to preserve this balance
by focussing on factors to mitigate climate change, it is
also necessary to develop methods to cope with the
impact of each of these when they go beyond normal.
CM
YK
Anti-Muslim rhetoric
In India, the Hindu right traditionally
used anti-Muslim sentiments as a rallying
force, but in subversive ways. With global
Islamophobia on the rise, anti-Muslim rhetoric has been normalised, it seems. Recently,
Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced
that religious minority groups (Hindus) in
Bangladesh and Pakistan would be given residency in India if they so desired. In conjunction with his speech during his election
campaign in West Bengal and Assam in 2014
on illegal Bangladeshis needing to pack
up their bags or face consequences this
indicates that the Bharatiya Janata Partys
interest may lie in the consolidation of a
supranational Hindu space; to which Hindus
of the region belong, but even Indian Muslims may not. Historically, anti-Bengali
Muslim sentiments in Assam had emphasised the Bengali part. Moving forward,
would the Muslim factor become more dominant? What would be the fate of Muslim
populations in enclaves that India received
as part of the land-swap with Bangladesh?
Despite the various uncertainties, several
things become clear: in spite of varied circumstances, the migrants at sea are predominantly Bengali Muslim (defined broadly),
unwanted in their own homelands; Islamophobia has become a global force that has
allowed countries like Myanmar (and the
democratic voices there) to disregard the
lives of (Bengali) Muslims without fear of
any repercussion; a climate of anti-Muslim
sentiments in India, the de facto regional
hegemon, has excused and normalised repression against Muslims in the entire region
(including
in
Sri
Lanka);
Muslim-majority countries also prioritise
state interests and will not necessarily come
to the rescue of Muslim migrants on the
basis of humanity or religiosity, as can be
seen in the case of Indonesia and Malaysia;
hope lies with the people Indonesian fishermen were the first to rescue migrants defying government orders to turn away boats
carrying migrants. It is among ordinary people that we can find humanity.
(Navine Murshid is Assistant Professor of
Political Science, Colgate University, U.S.,
and the author of The Politics of Refugees in
South Asia: Identity, Manipulation,
Resistance.)
Letters emailed to letters@thehindu.co.in must carry the full postal address and the full name or the name with initials.
Dare we hope?
Advertisement ratio
The advertisement ratio prescribed
by the government in respect of
large newspapers, as mentioned in
the report headlined, Newspapers
only on paper make a killing from
govt. ads (May 28) at 30 per cent
is incorrect to the extent that the
total of allocation for large/
medium/small newspapers as
indicated there does not add up to
100 per cent. The allocation for
large newspapers provided for in
the governments Advertisement
Policy is currently 50 per cent, and
not 30 per cent as mentioned.
Naresh Mohan,
Executive Committee member,
Indian Newspaper Society,
New Delhi
BG-MY
www.jobsalerts.in
EDITORIAL
BENGALURU
THE HINDU
Against
the grain
t a time when the Right to Fair Compensation
and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement (Second Amendment) Bill, 2015 is being examined by a joint
committee of Parliament, the promulgation for a
third time of an Ordinance shows scant regard on the
part of the Narendra Modi government for democratic
norms. Despite public expressions to the contrary by
even Mr. Modi, the BJP-led NDA government appears
disinclined to concede any ground to the Opposition on
its key demands to restore clauses relating to consent
and social impact assessment that were integral to the
2013 Act. Not surprisingly, therefore, Opposition MPs
on the joint committee are planning to disassociate
themselves from it. Sitaram Yechury, CPI(M) general
secretary and a member of the committee, has described the re-promulgation of the Ordinance as absolutely untenable constitutionally in a democracy. Even
as the ruling dispensation shows no sign of relenting,
murmurs of unhappiness have come from within the
BJP itself, especially from MPs who represent rural
constituencies. In fact, at the first meeting of the joint
committee some BJP members, worried about the political fallout of the proposed changes, expressed their
concern. Even the BJPs NDA allies, the Shiromani
Akali Dal and the Shiv Sena, have raised questions about
the wisdom of persisting with such an unpopular move.
Evidently, the Modi government misread the signs:
for even senior officials who see merit in the proposed
changes (as they feel it would simplify land acquisition
and put infrastructure projects on the fast track) say the
government should have engaged the Opposition in a
discussion before bringing the Bill forward. It should
have also, they add, conducted a countrywide exercise
of opinion-making before attempting to initiate changes. Now, the Opposition, led by the Congress, has had
sufficient time to run its campaign against the government-sponsored changes. Reports from the ground suggest that a substantial swathe of the population believes
the government draft goes against the interests of the
rural poor and is anti-farmer. Unfortunately for the
government, all this has coincided with unseasonal rain
that has damaged crops, and a hike in fertilizer prices.
Yet, the minimum support price for crops has not been
increased commensurately. Taken together, the message is that this is indeed a suit boot ki sarkar in
Congress vice-president Rahul Gandhis shorthand
that does not care for the agricultural class; it just wants
a land law that would favour the corporate rich. The
ruling dispensations plan to call a joint session after the
current Land Bill is defeated in the Rajya Sabha, flies in
the face of pragmatic politics, as it would just give the
Opposition even more ammunition. The only explanation is that its numbers in the Lok Sabha have blinded
the government to the predominant national mood.
As arms importer
To see a nation with global aspirations
blundering so egregiously when it comes to
meeting critical defence requirements is
nothing short of treason. As a result of our
woefully inadequate defence production, India has become the worlds largest importer
of arms. In contrast, China, with a much
from abroad because of a morality paralysis that sought to ban every major foreign
supplier on the basis of uninvestigated allegations. Obviously, defence purchases must
be corruption-free but, equally, defence
ministers must have the guts not only to be
concerned about their own personal integrity but also about the crucial security interests of the nation.
CARTOONSCAPE
Beyond the
rate cut
he 25 basis-point cut announced in the repo
rate, the rate at which the Reserve Bank of
India lends to banks, was indeed on expected
lines, although there might be some disappointment with regard to the quantum of the reduction.
Why is the RBI playing so cautious, however? The reasons are not far to seek. The banking sector, which has
been struggling to bring down the bad loan load, has
shown a certain defiance when it came to passing on rate
cuts to borrowers. It took a no fresh rate cut warning
from Governor Raghuram Rajan to goad them on to
cutting lending rates, however reluctantly. With the
latest cut, the third this year and announced as part of
the policy cycle this time for a change, the RBI appears
to have given banks a fresh message. Given the level of
bad loans in their books, and also considering the stress
on their margins, the banks will now have to do a tough
balancing act. The RBI has only limited width to go
beyond taking a measured step. The central bank is still
unsure if the inflation clouds have disappeared completely. Concerns over the below-normal south-west
monsoon predictions, oil prices firming up amid volatility, and the ever-present geopolitical risks, appear to
be bothering it. A combination of macro-numbers
such as of falling retail inflation and factory output
and political pressures has put the RBI in a spot. So it
has, quite understandably, chosen to tread with caution.
Given the complexities of the Indian economy and its
inter-connections with the outside world, a rate reduction by the monetary authority alone will not suffice at
the present juncture. Oftentimes the RBI has indicated
this in a subtle manner. The latest policy suggests that
the fiscal bosses cannot avoid the onus of pushing the
economy to a higher growth trajectory without inflationary consequences. Strong food policy and management will be important to help keep inflation and
inflationary expectations contained over the nearterm, the RBI has said. At the same time, it has advocated a step up in public investment in several areas
that could crowd in private investment. To remove
supply irritants and aid disinflation, public investment
is critical. With stressed assets eating into its vitals, the
banking industry is largely reluctant to commit itself to
fresh credit exposure. A targeted infusion of capital
into scheduled public sector commercial banks is also
warranted so that adequate credit flows to the productive sectors as investment picks up, the RBI has stated.
It takes two to tango, the central bank appears to suggest. The ball is now in the governments court.
CM
YK
Letters emailed to letters@thehindu.co.in must carry the full postal address and the full name or the name with initials.
The Bay of Bengal Initiative for Bollywood actors face FIR, June 3).
Multi-Sectoral
Technical
and It would be ideal if a note on the
Economic Cooperation must now potential health hazards a food
find a solution to this developing product can cause is printed on the
humanitarian crisis, especially since labels of such drinks/products, as is
the key players in this crisis are also done in the case of tobacco products.
S. Srinivasan,
its member countries. With its focus
Chennai
areas of agriculture, poverty
alleviation, and people to people
contact, the grouping must now take
This refers to the article Dialysis
the lead in settling the matter.
Rajpartap Singh, and the good life (Open Page, June
Patiala, Punjab 2) which had, among other things,
an optimistic account of a solitary
patient who happens to be a doctor
To my mind, there is not a single himself. Though many poor people
laboratory report that suggests that suffer from kidney failure, it is often
the consumption of leading soft difficult to convince them to
drink brands is good for health. On undergo dialysis. Most often, the
the contrary, they are harmful; the influence of quacks and dubious
high sugar content causes a loss of advertisements
that
promote
tooth enamel, decay, diabetes and miracle
cures
make
them
other related problems. This apart, discontinue dialysis. Due to the
there is the worry of pesticides being prohibitive cost, I find that the
present and beyond prescribed earning member of the family has
limits, as was reported some time usually set aside most of his limited
ago in the case of a soft drink made resources for exigencies or
by
a
food
multinational. priorities such as a daughters
Nevertheless,
several
film marriage than for the procedure.
personalities
and
cricketers The unregulated growth of dialysis
continue to endorse such unsuitable centres across India without a
food items. They ought to verify the nephrologist or a physician in
laboratory report issued by the supervision, often results in the
government before promoting any dialysis failing, which in turn gives it
food product else they should be a bad name. One has to think about
held squarely responsible for health how many can afford to undergo
hazards such products may cause. dialysis four times a week. If poor
Across India, there are people who people with kidney failure are to live
mindlessly consume such drinks/ as happily as the patient in the
products because they are endorsed article, and with multiple dialysis,
by celebrities. Therefore, I find the only way to do so is to bring
nothing far-fetched in the move to down the cost of the procedure
prosecute celebrities who have drastically.
Dr. N. Mohandas,
endorsed a food product which is
Thanjavur
now said to be unsafe (Maggi case:
On dialysis
10
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EDITORIAL
BENGALURU
THE HINDU
No short cuts
to safety
he rapid response of the Centre and the States
to concerns about the safety of mass-marketed branded noodles is a welcome departure
from the culture of governmental indifference to matters of public safety. Several States have
initiated testing of samples of Nestles Maggi noodles
to assess levels of lead, monosodium glutamate (MSG)
and other chemicals. The rst tests commissioned by
Uttar Pradesh last year, which were repeated in an apex
laboratory in Kolkata for conrmation, indicated that
the levels of lead in the snack were much higher than
legally permissible; MSG, a avouring salt normally
added to preserved foods, was also found, although on
the label there was no indication of its presence. This is
plainly unacceptable. Food safety, particularly in the
case of aggressively promoted packaged snacks aimed
at children, is critically important. The Food Safety and
Standards Act, 2006, which requires the States to deploy an effective enforcement mechanism, seeks to
achieve that with a regime of stiff penalties ranging
from nes to a life term in prison. Data presented to
Parliament last month show that over 10,200 prosecutions were launched under the law in 2013-14, but
they resulted in only 913 convictions; in some States
and Union territories, none was secured.
In the Maggi noodles case, a fuller picture will
emerge when the results of tests ordered by the Food
Safety and Standards Authority of India are known. It
is important to trace the origin of the problem, and its
possible linkages to other food articles. This requires
State governments to maintain vigilance and undertake sincere, transparent efforts to identify unsafe
foods. For its part, the food industry, which deploys
enormous resources for lobbying and advertising,
would help its own cause by cooperating with the
investigation. What stands out as overreach in the
entire episode, however, is the targeting of celebrities
for their endorsement of Maggi products in the past.
As actor Preity Zinta tweeted, it is puzzling that she
received a court notice for an endorsement made a
dozen years ago. Celebrities must choose with great
care the products and causes they endorse, but there is
little doubt that their support has advanced many campaigns for public health, women and child rights, and so
on. It is also relevant to point out here that food safety
cannot exist in a vacuum, where the government neglects social determinants of health such as clean water, pollution control, elimination of adulteration,
access to energy and freedom from corruption. In contrast to big corporations that have easy access to resources, Indias food business also has small,
informal-sector participants who depend on it for livelihood. Without a supportive state, even well-meaning
food laws cannot be comprehensively enforced.
Democratic danger
The sluggish performance of the Koirala
government in the aftermath of the earthquake is lost on no one. The Prime Minister
has not been able to lead from the front with
spark and vision, nor generate collective ownership within his cabinet even at this time of
crisis.
But comparative perspective is needed to
gauge the Nepal governments response, considering that the earth shook in the most
difficult and densely populated mountain terrain in the world. The government was not as
devastatingly inept as projected in the imme-
door and from afar, was limping towards normalisation following the elections of November 2013. In March-April this year, the
constitutional negotiations seemed to be
moving towards resolution, with the Maoists
on the back foot after the failure of an announced three-day national bandh.
That was when the earthquake struck, and
it took no more than a couple of weeks of
quiet before the political opportunists were
casting about. But the hard-won Nepali democracy cannot be upturned by an earthquake, nor can geopolitical shifts be dictated
by geological strata.
The overwhelming show of national and
international military hardware and khaki
prowess following the disaster sent an exag- International contribution
The worldwide response to the Nepal digerated message to the public that the civilian
saster has been heart-warming, but has been
concentrated on the high-prole rescue and
relief phase. International attention is alThough the sluggish performance of the Koirala government in
ready tapering off, long before the reconthe aftermath of the earthquake is lost on no one, the
struction phase has begun, with the National
Planning Commission still engaged in pregovernment was not as devastatingly inept as projected
paring the Post Disaster Needs Assessment
(PDNA).
in the immediate aftermath
The Congress and UML must work to give
new energy to government, taking the
professional appointments from outside the authority was weak in contrast. Indeed, for a Maoists and the Madhesi Morcha on board
political realm. The Congress and the UML whole month, Nepal was a staging ground for only as required, and prepare for the pledging
must avoid an unbecoming reght at a time a dozen military rescue contingents, includ- conference. The target of $6-7 billion will not
when there are still bodies to be recovered ing India with the largest force and the United be easy to achieve, as past experience with
from under destroyed houses and landslide States and China. Nepals experience indi- disasters elsewhere in the developing world
rubble. A political tug-of-war would serve on- cates a need for enhancing civilian capacity has shown.
First of all, the ruling coalition must be able
ly to deect the need to plan reconstruction, for disaster response in each of the countries
to broadcast the message of unity and comincluding preparing for an international of South Asia.
mon purpose, and prove its ability to plan and
pledging conference, scheduled for June 25.
spend with competence and transparency.
Says sociologist Chaitanya Mishra: Politi- National constitution, local bodies
But the most pressing question for now is India, whose response to the earthquake was
cal bargaining at this time would divert attention and utterly fail to recognise the human whether there is a need to go beyond recon- immediate and generous, can help in the resignicance of the disaster and the need for guring the Congress-UML coalition, to ex- construction process by ensuring a substanrecovery. It would prioritise political power pand it to include the Maoists and the tial contribution to get the ball rolling. Prime
Madhesi Morcha. Under any other circum- Minister Narendra Modi had actually proover public service.
The shift of the tectonic plates could not stance this would be a travesty within democ- posed hosting the pledging conference in
have been more inopportune. The Nepali racy, but given the nature of Nepals New Delhi, and his visit to Kathmandu for the
state, severely weakened by a decade of con- transitional polity, the answer would be purpose would have positive impact both in
ict and another decade of confusion and yes, if the Congress and UML can leverage the terms of publicity and volume of contribuintervention by foreign forces, from next invitation to national government into ob- tions overall.
Social justice
CARTOONSCAPE
Nepals geography seems designed for natural disasters, from cloudbursts and oods to
landslides, heatwaves, frigid spells, droughts,
glacial outburst oods and earthquakes. The
country has to learn to cope and respond, and
one of the gifts of the April earthquake was
the spontaneous rise of young professionals
in the rescue effort, who now constitute a new
category
to
engage
in
national
reconstruction.
All the responders, from the young professionals to government officials and international supporters, must not lose sight
throughout the rebuilding phase that it was
the poor that were disproportionately hit by
the quake it was the houses made using
mud mortar that collapsed. Therefore, the
entire reconstruction effort must be anchored on social justice, which requires
watch-dogging of the party bosses used to
feudal era patronage politics and
rule-by-syndicate.
Nepal could come out of this as exemplary
in its response to mega disaster, but this will
not happen for the wishing, and without political stability deriving from a new constitution and participatory local democracy. The
alternative is continuing political disarray
even as the monsoon approaches, to rain
down on a landscape weakened by the tremors and aftershocks of April.
(Kanak Mani Dixit, a writer and journalist
based in Kathmandu, is Founding Editor of
Himal Southasian magazine.)
FIFA should
turn the page
ust a week ago, on the day of his election as
FIFA president for a fth term, Joseph S. Blatter remarked: We dont need revolutions, we
need evolutions. After resuming office he
went further and said: Why would I step down? That
would mean I recognise that I did wrong. However,
days later, in a widely welcomed move he resigned,
saying the organisation needed a profound overhaul.
It is unclear what prompted the hard-nosed football
administrator, who displayed such Machiavellian ability to stay in control of the body even as it was engulfed
in a series of corruption scandals. Whether it was
because the noose was tightening around the FIFA
general secretary and his second-in-command, Jrme
Valcke, alleged to have authorised $10 million in bribes
for World Cup bidding votes, and fears that it would
nally reach him, or pressure from the Michel Platiniled UEFA, or ultimately his own conscience, remain
questions. Mr. Blatter believed he was a part of the
solution and not the problem, although hardly anyone
accepted that. In politics it is said perception is reality,
and in the political theatre that FIFA had become over
the years it was no different. Any effort to turn FIFA
around would have rung hollow with him at the helm.
Accountability has to begin at the top, and Mr. Blatters
resignation is the rst step towards that.
Going forward, the need is to transform the way
FIFA works. In 2011, before starting his fourth term,
Mr. Blatter engaged Mark Pieth, a Professor of criminal
law at Basel University, to create a road map for reform.
His recommendations included xing term limits for
the president and executive committee members,
proper scrutiny of candidates nominated to the executive committee and greater nancial controls. None of
these has been acted upon, and the time to do so is now.
The deeply entrenched quid pro quo system between
Mr. Blatters regime and regional football associations,
with the development funding route turning into a tool
to buy votes and thereby creating divisions within the
footballing fraternity, has to end. But that shouldnt
mean a throwback to an era when Europe dominated
the football scene: that was precisely the reason why
Mr. Blatter was so popular in the developing world. It is
imperative that a truly democratic system is put in
place. And the leader should work not just for his
backers but for everyone. The selection process of
World Cup hosts should become more transparent.
The mess that a awed system can create is there for
everyone to see in the fact of Russia and Qatar having
become hosts. It is high time the lessons were learnt.
CM
YK
Letters emailed to letters@thehindu.co.in must carry the full postal address and the full name or the name with initials.
Impact of GST
Apart from curtailing the scal and
political autonomy of States,
uniform GST is denitely going to
been completed on these
prototypes towards certication
of the platform. The basic
platform is proven. The Initial
Operational Clearance (IOC) is
being targeted by the end of this
year, with limited series
production being planned in
2016-17 after this.
HAL has constantly worked
towards strengthening Indias
defence preparedness. It supports
the maintenance of age-old
platforms of the countrys defence
forces through indigenisation.
The companys activities in this
area include development and
import substitution efforts,
needed in the manufacture as well
as in the repair and overhaul of
aircraft, engines and associated
systems. Every year, more than
2,000 items are indigenised, with
considerable foreign exchange
savings.
Gopal Sutar,
Chief of Media Communications,
Hindustan Aeronautics Limited,
Bengaluru
10
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EDITORIAL
BENGALURU
THE HINDU
Monsoon worries,
real or not
y downgrading the monsoon forecast for the
year to deficient, the India Meteorological
Department has pressed the panic button. The
forecast now talks of 88 per cent of the longperiod average, down from the preliminary figure of 93
per cent. The revised estimate is indeed cause for concern, as it holds the possibility of the country being
pushed into a drought situation. These are forwardlooking numbers no doubt. Yet the signals can hardly be
ignored. Finance Minister Arun Jaitley has sought to
talk up the sentiment by suggesting that the fears are
exaggerated, and he may well be right. In his view, the
geographical distribution of rainfall and its timing will
matter more than the total volume of precipitation. Yet,
policy-planners at the fiscal and monetary levels have
not shied away from articulating their anxiety. The
Centre has said it is ready to face a deficit monsoon.
Union Agriculture Minister Radha Mohan Singh has
made it clear that the situation is being monitored on a
daily basis and that a contingency plan is in place. The
immediate worry, nay task, is to quickly devise an emergency plan to tackle the social and economic consequences of a possible drought. In the near-term, the
government may do well to prepare a ready-to-roll out
action programme to provide farmers a support system
and fallback mechanism to ensure that they arent consumed by the severity of the impact, should there be a
drought. This could well prove to be one of the toughest
tests yet for the year-old Narendra Modi government.
To minimise the annual concerns on this front, governments at the Centre and the States will have to go
beyond mere mitigation strategies and work out a longterm irrigation plan in an integrated and holistic manner to optimise the groundwater potential as well.
If the forecast does come true, however, India could
be facing the 12th worst drought since 1950. Already hit
by unseasonal rain during the rabi season, this portends
further trouble during the kharif cycle. This could lead
to serious problems on the food front with consequences on the price situation. Already, lack of rural demand
is dragging the economy down. The inflation-focussed
Reserve Bank of India will have no more leeway to cut
the interest rate in such a situation. Three quick rate
cuts by the RBI totalling 75 basis points this year have
not really seen any major reduction in lending rates by
banks at the ground level. With mounting stressed assets and poor credit off-take, the banking industry has
so far chosen to be a reluctant actor in the play. The
missing X-Factor has conspired with the existing shortfalls in capacity utilisation to make the industry look
forlorn. The situation demands proactive action.
Fault lines
Primarily, this visit was to repair the IndiaChina relationship, because regardless of the
optics, the past year has been a particularly
bad one for the equation between the two
neighbours along all the fault lines: on the
Line of Actual Control (LAC), across the subcontinent, and in the South China Sea.
On the LAC, a three-month long stand-off
at Chumar in Ladakh cast its shadow on Chinese President Xi Jinpings visit to India in
September 2014. Next came another standoff over the subcontinent, most visible in Sri
Lanka, over the issue of Chinese submarines
in Indias ocean. Other Indian initiatives
such as relief efforts undertaken by both
countries, among others, in Nepal after the
earthquake there in April; Mr. Modis visit in
March 2015 to the Indian Ocean island nations (Seychelles, Mauritius and Sri Lanka);
or the extension of credit lines to Bangladesh
and Afghanistan were, often erroneously,
played up in the public narrative as Indias
way of countering China.
On the subject of the neighbourhood, Ms.
Swaraj made it clear that India is upset with
the $46 billion China-Pakistan Economic
Corridor (CPEC) through India. That Mr.
Xi made the announcement of projects in
Pakistan Occupied Kashmir (an 870MW hydropower project and the Havelian-Thakot
highway) just weeks before Mr. Modis China
visit was in itself both puzzling and worrying.
Finally, there was the fault line that upsets
China the most that of the South China Sea
and Indias perceived shift towards the United States and Japan on the issue. Each of Mr.
Modis references to Chinese aggression and
ensuring the freedom of navigation during
his speech in Japan in September 2014, his
discussions with the Vietnam Prime Minister during his visit to India in October 2014,
People contact
All this meant that Mr. Modi had his task
cut out for him when he landed in Xian,
China, to a grand reception and several hours
of interactions with Mr. Xi, finally capped by
a Tang dynasty style banquet. His interactions at the Tsinghua University, and Fudan
University, on subsequent days, were equally
friendly. As the Director of the Institute of
China Studies, Alka Acharya, who visited
China two weeks later said, The visit has left
a positive impact, especially at the level of
citizens.
While the welcome accorded to Mr. Modi
was unusually warm, eventually the visit will
have to be judged, as Ms. Swaraj put it, not by
Unresolved issues
At her press conference, Ms. Swaraj listed
these substantive issues as being: Economic issues, i.e. the trade deficit, and political issues, i.e. LAC clarification, stapled visas,
land boundary agreement (settlement) and
the sharing of hydrological data. All prior
engagement with China, she said, had been
goodie goodie and merely customary
(rasm-rivaaz). While one may discount her
casual dismissal of all boundary talks so far
(including the 1993 Agreement on Maintenance of Peace and Tranquility along the
Line of Actual Control in the India-China
of the LAC by the Indian and Chinese Armies, respectively, were far removed from
each other. Changing tack, Mr. Vajpayee then
agreed to set up the SR [Special Representatives]-talks to resolve the boundary issue
once and for all, rather than to try and clarify
the LAC.
Therefore, it is significant that the latest
Joint Statement (paragraph 11) also only records a commitment to the SR talks and the
three-stage process, while agreeing to operationalise a new confidence-building measure, of hotlines between the militaries.
Subsequent public exchanges between National Security Adviser Ajit Doval and the
Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs officials
over the McMahon Line and the LAC clarification only underline the gap in
perception.
The issue of stapled visas for residents of
Arunachal Pradesh remains unresolved, as it
is linked to the boundary issue, Ms. Swaraj
CARTOONSCAPE
Taxis and
technology
The Delhi governments rejection on Wednesday of
fresh licence applications of app-based taxi firms such
as Uber and Ola is justified if it is premised on, as has
been widely reported, their failure to comply with an
earlier ban. The administration had banned app-based
taxi services in December 2014 after it was alleged that
a cab driver working for Uber raped a woman passenger. Following this, these taxi firms were asked to
apply for licences to operate. They did so. But then they
have been accused of not complying with the ban. The
rejection of the application comes just days after a
passenger aboard Uber was molested by the driver.
Run-ins with authority arent anything new for techenabled firms such as Uber. The world over, Uber has
clashed with governments and of course with the old
order of organised taxi services, which it inevitably
disrupts. It is hardly surprising when old, regulated
businesses cry foul about new, smart technologies that
disrupt them. The disrupters are marketplaces they
own no cars but make their money linking people who
want a cab ride and drivers who want business. The
government, at some point, as in the case of the rape
incident, has to show it is acting tough. And it does so by
means of bans. But even without getting into the question of whether the ban was justified in the first place,
the point to wonder about is why Uber and others
didnt comply with the government order. Did they?
How are they going to explain this?
Now, with the Department of Telecom asking Internet service providers to block the websites of the
taxi services in Delhi, the ban order is finally enforceable. Nonetheless, it is still important to question the
ban in the first place. The reasons were weak in December when the ban order was first sent out. And they
continue to be weak, notwithstanding the fact that they
were not complied with in the first place. It can be
stated without a doubt that hiring a cab is far easier
now than before. The ban doesnt make any party
better off. And the problem of safety in Delhi isnt one
that was caused by these app-based services. The problem is bigger and older. Governments across the world
and businesses across the world will be increasingly
confronted by new offerings, enabled by technology
and by a new world order where innovation is the order
of the day. Today, the battle is over app-based taxis.
Tomorrow, it could be over something else. The governments point is: without a licence, there is no keeping tab. But the police, by smartly downloading the taxi
apps and catching drivers who were violating the ban,
showed how it can be done. The new world needs new
methods, not old rules. The wiser thing is to work
together to ensure safety standards. The intense urge
to regulate everything will only make things worse.
CM
YK
Restart in ties
As a consequence, Mr. Modis visit may not
have been a gamechanger on the substantive
issues outlined by Ms. Swaraj, but should be
seen as a restart point for those ties, with
fresh commitments from the leadership on
both sides to address issues whose resolution
has evaded them for decades. It has also put
Mr. Modi centre-stage in China, where he is
seen as a man who means business with the
mandate to get that business done. Most significantly, it has brought Mr. Modi and the
NDAs foreign policy full circle in a year when
he has engaged China early and often. Completing that circle of initial engagement is an
important first step as they follow through on
Deng Xiaopings idea, often repeated by Mr.
Modi, of an Asian century, possible once
the two countries resolve their differences.
suhasini.h@thehindu.co.in
Letters emailed to letters@thehindu.co.in must carry the full postal address and the full name or the name with initials.
manufacturing is a complex
process and usually takes decades
to fine-tune, from R&D to
production, it still is not such an
insurmountable time frame for a
country like India. What the DRDO
needs is encouragement from endusers like the Indian Air Force and
the Indian Navy, which will aid
The DRDO may be doing great evolution and improvement.
Jacob E.,
work in defence technology, but
Coimbatore
the fact is that the pace at which it
works is really slow (Underarmed and underprepared, June
4). India is situated in a hostile Be it our busy lifestyles or sheer
neighbourhood and we need to be laziness, we seem to be resorting to
ever ready as far as arms and radars the easy way out by consuming
are concerned. While FDI in ready-to-eat products despite
aware
of
hazardous
defence is a great initiative, we being
need to have dynamic focus as far preservatives used to store them
as the whole defence production for months together (T.N.,
Gujarat also join Maggi ban wagon
process is concerned.
Dhiraj Giri, and Editorial, both June 5). Our
New Delhi obsession with instant foods has
provided an opportunity for food
Successful defence production manufacturers to cash in on our
needs a quality industrial base and weakness. Ironically, some of these
wider R&D penetration, which advertisements promoting these
India lacks traditionally. This is the products claim to have been filmed
prime reason why defence in research labs where celebrities
production has failed to meet its go out of their way to certify the
indigenisation target. The import- purity of the ingredients. The least
loving mentality of the three food regulatory authorities can do
services along with the use of now is to enforce strict guidelines
second-grade
technology
is as far as all food products and their
another reason for surging consumption are concerned.
Ippili Santhosh Kumar,
purchases of foreign equipment
Hyderabad
and a development which seldom
finds discussion in Parliament and
the media. While fighter aircraft It is a mystery how many more
Defence preparedness
www.jobsalerts.in
EDITORIAL
BENGALURU
THE HINDU
Modis day
in Dhaka
he Peoples Republic of Bangladesh represents
one Muslim-majority society where the majority is against it being an Islamic state. Yet,
its largest and strongest neighbour had refused
to understand and process for nearly half a century the
fact that the country to the east of West Bengal, fraught
with religious and political polarisation, was expecting
India to play a momentous but friendly role for it, sans
its big-brother identity. Finally, a head of state, who had
shown deep commitment in the past to a particular
religion in his own country, realised that an overwhelming majority in Bangladesh greatly admires Indias political stability and zeal for progress, refuting challenges
handed down by its one-time colonial masters. Bangladesh at large detests militant fanaticism though it has
seen severe undercurrents of it over time. Narendra
Modi has quickly assimilated the sense of what the
iconic Bengali poet Sudhindranath Dutta wrote, that
hell does not fail to let loose if one remains blind. The
Prime Minister realised that if South Block did not
move, the reasonably friendly neighbour may quickly
turn into another distraught regional detractor. Mr.
Modi stepped up his pace, and the primary task for him
was to get Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee on board.
Mr. Modis team made Ms. Banerjee understand the
geostrategic significance of Bangladesh and how she
may indeed expedite her own fall by working against its
interest. Thereafter Ms. Banerjee made two quick visits
to Dhaka, after having refused to accompany the then
Prime Minister on his visit in 2011. Secondly, Mr. Modi
ensured the safe passage of the land boundary settlement bill and managed to assemble a clear consensus
across party lines a rarer than rare commodity in
India on Bangladesh. That unanimity helped Mr.
Modi put in place a road map to reduce the trade gap,
facilitate transit and trans-shipment, and finally to
promise a solution on river-water sharing. The consensus-building across India did not go unnoticed in Bangladesh, where Mr. Modi is now being referred to as a
genuine friend. Thus, it is not coincidental that most of
the mainstream media have had only favourable reportage and comments on the deals. The two key opponents
of the Awami League the Jamaat-e-Islami, Bangladesh
and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party have also welcomed the visit and the deals respectively. To an extent,
at least a certain part of the credit for the impressive set
of deals struck, goes to the previous UPA government
and to at least one decisive action it took. The UPA
managers convinced the international community that
rattling India over Bangladesh is not a wise thing to do.
Now, in the next phase, India needs to implement the
agreements, before another season of election sets in.
function in very similar ways. I am sure read- longing to another community over the naers with a larger linguistic repertoire will be tion for example, another nation, or a
The notion of belonging lies at the heart able to add other examples.
State (think of Jammu and Kashmir or Nagaof all communities, real and imagined
land or Punjab as extreme examples), or
whether they be those of birth, blood, prox- More than linguistic
even if we value our sense of belonging to a
My point is not a linguistic one though, but community shaped by our friends or family,
imity, or of choice. Everyone belongs, and
a sense of belonging is often crucial to a rather is to draw attention to a social and over that of the nation-state, the latter punipersons well-being. At the same time, we cultural phenomenon. I would like to sug- shes us for usurping its putative primacy in
dispute belonging, vociferously. Such dis- gest that the same word, apparently indicat- our sense of belonging. We belong to the
putes can be competitive, in the sense of my ing two different meanings, is much more nation, in both senses of the word.
community is better than yours, or they can than a linguistic coincidence. In fact, I would
Or, we can think of even smaller commuoccur when different ideas of belonging in- go further and argue that social and cultural nities. Jati and gotra survived over centuries
tersect and overlap, with different ideas of practices of belonging, necessarily, and al- because institutions such as proximity, marbelonging competing for primacy. Wars, most always, bring both senses of the word riage, occupations, landholding or commenriots, sports rivalries, some forms of electo- into play. The carrot of an affective, emo- sality, promoted an affective sense of
ral politics, and certainly many family dis- tional bond with something larger than one- belonging, of identity, that was important to
putes, are ultimately about competing self is always accompanied by the stick of the members of the communities. Yet, as the
visions of belonging. Given its overwhelming possessive authority that demands that one actions of the leaders of the khap panchayats
centrality to human life, it is somewhat sur- comply with the rules and hierarchies of the in Haryana demonstrated a few years ago,
prising how little attention is paid to un- community. Mr. Bhagwat revealed, albeit in the two senses of belonging clearly overpacking this idea. We use the word often an extremely gross fashion, how the two lapped. While the diktats of the khap elders
CARTOONSCAPE
CM
YK
And, perhaps where this dual idea belonging is most apparent, and least recognised, is
the community closest home literally.
Families, we are often led to believe, are a
site of affective and unconditional love. Despite so much everyday evidence to the contrary, this notion persists. Whether it is in
the realm of politics, of business, the identification of the idea of the family (the parivaar in Hindi) is brought to the fore to
suggest a sense of affective bonds that hold
people in the institutions together. But, as
cinematic or televised melodramas repeatedly tell us, families are hardly the sites of
only affective love and togetherness. Indeed,
melodramas would not be possible if love,
togetherness, and harmony were the only
characteristics of families. There are sons
who dont follow their fathers wishes.
Daughters refuse to follow the conventions
of the familys womenfolk. Daughters-in-law
dont obey their mothers-in-law. Such are
the stuff of these melodramas. And, what are
they if not differing ideas about belonging?
What are they but situations that occur
when established ideas about belonging
clash with the changing social realities that
produce new forms of affection and
belonging?
It is in the microcosm of families that we
can also, most clearly, see the extent to
which ideas of belonging are connected both
to affection and to power. The modern family, at least, is believed to be rooted in ideas of
affectivity. Carrots of affection are what
keep families together. Yet, whether generational or gendered, the stick of power is
never far from the surface. Through gifting
the bride, or the change of her surname,
rituals indicate that the woman now belongs to a new set of owners. And, it is in
the way we think about and act towards our
own children perhaps, that we most clearly
reveal the duality inherent in the notion of
belonging. That we love and cherish our children is, for most part, beyond doubt. But,
until they are able to act independently, we
do seek to control them as if they were our
possessions. Choice of words aside, how different is that from what Mr. Bhagwat said
about the possessions he believed had
been stolen from him?
The two meanings of belonging do matter,
because while we tend to celebrate the first
sense of belonging, a feeling of togetherness,
we often ignore the other. From the nationstate, through religious communities, down
to the family, the power to define belonging
is confined to the few. That power allows the
government, the sarsanghchaalak, or the elders to exercise the stick of authority and
treat members of the community as belongings. My purpose with this article is not only
to point to the two inextricably-linked aspects of belonging, but also to suggest that it
is only from this recognition that we can
either hope to contest the power exercised
through the politics of belonging, or find
other and more creative and less oppressive
ways of belonging. Alternatively perhaps, we
could change how we think of people with
whom we share so much; and start at the
most fundamental level of belonging, as
Khalil Gibran did, when he wrote: Your
children are not your children./They are the
sons and daughters of Lifes longing for itself./They come through you but not from
you, And though they are with you, yet they
belong not to you.
(Sanjay Joshi is a Professor of History at
Northern Arizona University, U.S.)
Idea of family
For introspection
Two States,
one challenge
year after their formation, the States of Telangana and Andhra Pradesh continue to grapple with resource-sharing issues with respect
to power, water and other assets. Andhra Pradesh without the revenue flow from Hyderabad (which
accounted for 22 per cent of the total revenue of the
undivided State) is in dire financial straits as the special
status promised by the previous UPA government has
proved to be elusive. As an ally of the BJP at the Centre,
the Telugu Desam Party that rules Andhra Pradesh is
hoping for a special financial grant. But that too appears
to be a distant dream today as too many States are in the
queue seeking such packages. As in the case of similar
disputes among other States, water-sharing remains a
contentious issue. While the people at large are reconciled to the post-bifurcation reality, it is the political
grandstanding of the two governments that is really
coming in the way of a harmonious coexistence between
the two. For instance, the Telangana government in
April went ahead and imposed its own motor vehicle tax,
unmindful of concerns on the other side. Every single
issue be it the division of the secretariat premises,
public sector institutions, State cadre officers or the
High Court has become a bone of contention.
Each time there has been a dispute, the two States
have knocked on the doors of the Centre seeking mediation. But the truth is that beyond trying the persuasion
route, New Delhi can do precious little on any of it.
Andhra Pradesh has to find ways to mobilise resources
to fund its ambitious infrastructure projects. Besides
securing the promised quantum of funds from the Centre, Chief Minister N. Chandrababu Naidu has to explore
the possibility of accessing funds from private and external sources to realise plans for the development of a
capital region, and to build airports, seaports and smart
cities. Hyderabad being retained as an integral part of
Telangana has made all the difference for both States in
terms of revenues, as it accounts for 99 per cent of the
total IT and ITeS exports from the two States. The stark
reality is reflected in the 2014-15 and 2015-16 budgets of
the two governments. Telangana registered a revenue
surplus of Rs.301 crore and Rs.531 crore, while Andhra
Pradesh ended up with a deficit of Rs.6,064 crore and
Rs.7,300 crore respectively. However, the challenge for
the Telangana Rashtra Samiti government led by K.
Chandrasekhar Rao is to ensure progress all across the
State, particularly in the districts of Warangal, Adilabad,
Karimnagar and Nizamabad, which have historically
seen hardly any progress on the manufacturing front.
The hinterlands mainstay is in mining, poultry, food
processing, dairy and farming. The way forward is to put
behind the distrust and bitterness that preceded the
bifurcation process, and get down to the real issues.
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Net hegemony
10
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EDITORIAL
BENGALURU
THE HINDU
High stakes
in Bihar
n the months that followed the BJPs spectacular
victory in last years general election, it rapidly
won Haryana, Maharashtra (with some post-poll
help from the Shiv Sena) and Jharkhand, while
making political history when it became part of the
ruling coalition in Jammu and Kashmir. And then early
this year, the BJP crashed out of the Delhi Assembly
polls, routed 3-67 by the Aam Aadmi Party. Suddenly,
the BJP no longer looked invincible. An emboldened
Opposition confronted the BJP with renewed vigour.
The Congress-led campaign against the Modi governments Land Bill began to gain traction in a rural India
already in the grip of an agricultural crisis. And though
inflation was down, prices of essential food items continued to climb. It is against this backdrop that the Bihar
Assembly elections later this year need to be viewed. For
the BJP, bruised by the results of the Delhi poll, it is an
opportunity to reaffirm its political dominance; for the
Opposition, it is the moment to develop the Delhi story
into a possible comeback narrative. If the 2014 Lok
Sabha poll saw the Congress being decimated nationally,
it also resulted in both the ruling Janata Dal (United)
and the Rashtriya Janata Dal being cast aside to the
margins of politics in Bihar. For the two Janata Parivar
parties, it seemed the end of the road.
In the years since they had broken off from the parent
Janata Dal and gone their separate ways, their fortunes
had see-sawed in successive general elections. Of undivided Bihars 54 Lok Sabha seats, the two together won
27 and 25 seats in 1998 and 1999 respectively. After
Jharkhand was carved out in 2000, in a shrunken Bihar
they managed 28 (in 2004) and 24 (in 2009). In all four
elections the RJD and the Samata Party/JD(U) fought
each other their fortunes alternated, one always getting
substantially more than the other. But in 2014 the two
found themselves staring at a total of six seats, the
BJP-led alliance scooping up 31. Today, despite their
differences the fear of extinction has brought the two
parties on to one platform, with RJD supremo Lalu
Prasad Yadav even accepting Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar as the alliances next chief ministerial candidate. They have realised that to remain politically
relevant they must pool their resources, even urging the
other anti-BJP outfits, the Congress and the Left, to join
a grand alliance. For the Congress the stakes in Bihar
may not be high, but the fact that a BJP defeat here
would make it a gainer nationally saw it even playing a
role in bringing the two Bihar leaders together. For if the
Congress is seen to be part of a winning team again, the
alliance forged in Bihar could become the core of an
anti-BJP front. For the BJP, a defeat in Bihar would send
out the message that it peaked last year with the J&K
polls and that it could well be downhill from now on.
The benefits of GI
Muga Silk is a GI. GI is a genre of IP that is
Indias strength. Practically everything that
we grow, make or produce is linked to a
particular region. For example, we often
hear these examples in every day conversation: Leave your Kolhapuri chappals over
there. Come in and wash your hands with
Mysore Sandal soap. Have those idlis made
with the Coimbatore wet grinder. The Darjeeling tea in the Jaipur pottery cup. Where
did you buy that Sanganeri print? All of
them are GIs.
The Geographical Indications of Goods
(Registration and Protection) Act, 1999 provides for the registration, the protection
against infringement, and also protection for
authorised users. Our people have always
been closely linked with the soil, the vegetation, in short the local environment to make
or grow our products. So, the promotion of
GI has other socio-economic and environ-
Low awareness
The golden yellow Muga Silk was registered as a GI in 2007. But only two persons
applied to be its authorised users till 2014. So
the focus of the GI camp at Lakhimpur was
to examine this single GI and the reason
behind such low awareness. It was found
people applying to be registered as authorised users. So, even small steps bear results,
which is a very valuable lesson to all State
governments. With some imagination and
effort, they can make the legislation work so
that quality is maintained and GI products
do not face extinction.
The veena is made from the wood of the
jackfruit tree; the Thanjavur Veena is a GI.
But it may soon become a distant memory
because the raw material is becoming scarce
and expensive and craftpersons are turning
to other sources of income. It is not enough
granting a product a GI; the State should
nourish the craft. The Thanjavur Veena
probably has a more hoary history than the
Stradivarius violin. But it does not inspire
the national passion that the violin has. In
2013, cyclone Thane which crossed the Tamil Nadu coast caused severe damage to
crops and trees, which included jackfruit
trees, in Cuddalore district. The State could
have ensured that some of that was supplied
CARTOONSCAPE
A mistake
is rectified
he decision of the Indian Institute of Technology, Madras, to restore recognition for the
Ambedkar Periyar Study Circle (APSC) organised by a group of students, brings to an end
an unseemly episode that was threatening to politicise
the campus and distract from its academic focus. The
restoration was on a technicality the meeting of the
study circle that supposedly violated the guidelines for
student groups was held on April 14, four days before
the institute publicised the guidelines on its website.
But after hours of discussion with representatives of the
study circle, the IIT-M management also agreed to look
into issues raised by the APSC with regard to uniform
application of the guidelines for independent student
bodies. While some of the requests for modification of
the guidelines would be implemented by the Office of
the Dean (Students), the others would be taken up for
consideration by the Student Affairs Council, the Board
of Students and the Senate in due course as per established procedure. That the management did not stand
on prestige after members of the APSC campaigned
against the withdrawal of recognition as an issue of
freedom of expression is a good sign, and the student
representatives would do well to drop their demand for
an unconditional apology. The withdrawal of recognition was a mistake. With that mistake corrected, matters must now be allowed to rest.
The episode, beginning with the hasty withdrawal of
recognition based on an anonymous complaint to the
Ministry of Human Resource Development, is a reminder of the vulnerability of freedom of expression in
the face of institutional authority. Quite unmistakably,
the controversy is closely related to recent attempts of
the Sangh Parivar and Hindutva elements to appropriate the name of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar. A study circle that
sought to bring his legacy in line with that of the iconoclast Periyar (notwithstanding some irreconcilable ideological differences between the two) must have upset
many in the ruling establishment. Indeed, the RSS supported the withdrawal of recognition on the ground that
the study circle was indicative of the pervasiveness of
the red ideology of the communists on campuses, and
that while Ambedkar might not have adhered to all the
tenets of Hindutva, he was certainly anti-communist.
As one of the charges against the study circle was that it
was extremely critical of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the inescapable conclusion is that the withdrawal of
recognition came at the prompting of the powers-thatbe in New Delhi. In such a context, the study circles
success in its battle for recognition is surely a victory for
liberal forces, and a blow for freedom of expression.
CM
YK
Reviving GIs
The government has also announced the
USTTAD (Upgrading the Skills and Training
in Traditional Arts/Crafts for Development)
scheme in Varanasi, which is expected to
enhance the traditional skills of craftsmen
and artisans there. Banarasi Silk is a GI too.
If the scheme is worked as conceived, it will
benefit the silk-weaving families and their
40,000 looms, and ensure that the exquisite
art lives on. Let me cite another example.
Ikat (a GI) weaving may not last this decade.
Chennais Kalakshetra has taken up the revival of the ancient Kodalikaruppur weaving
tradition. During the 19th century, these traditional saris were produced at Kodali Karuppur village, about 30 km from
Kumbakonam, for the royal family of Thanjavur, using natural vegetable dyes. They
went out of fashion due to a variety of reasons. Though Kodalikaruppur is not a GI,
this case must be used as an example to
revive fading GIs. However, there is another
issue. When the GI is made in another area
by the original craftsmen, will they be entitled to retain the indication? This is a question that evolving jurisprudence will
address.
A scheme called the Kanchi Mahaswami
Kalvi Kalachara Kaitozhil Maiyam has been
framed by private initiative in Kalavai to
nurture the skills of the five groups of Vishwakarmas, who are creators who work with
wood, iron, panchaloha, gold and black
stone. The students will be taught the creative skills and, alongside, will also learn
mainstream subjects. The Swamimalai
bronze and the Nachiarkoil kuthuvilakku are
GIs too. Unless this generation transmits the
skill, and unless the continued existence of
all the GIs is ensured, there will be no riders
of these lost arts.
In the Payyanur Pavithra Mothiram case,
the Intellectual Property Appellate Board
directed that the notice to the public must be
issued in Malayalam, the regional language.
The board also set aside the grant of GI
registration to the Payyanur Pavithra ring
in the name of a society. It said: The main
object of the Geographical Indications of
Goods (Registration & Protection) Act is to
protect those persons who are directly engaged in creating or making or manufacturing the goods. When these creators or
makers complain that the application has
been made behind their back, we cannot
allow the registration to remain. The Mothiram, a uniquely crafted ring, is made of gold
and silver by the artisans at Payyanur in
Kannur district of Kerala, and it is believed
to bring luck and grace to anyone who wears
it with deep devotion. In the making of the
ring, one requires great expertise and dedication and the artisan is isolated for at least
three days to make it. The point is that language should not be a barrier.
The craftspeople who come from the east,
the northeast or the south may not know
either Hindi or English, but that cannot
make their rights less valuable. In fact, the
GI camp in Lakhimpur was conducted in
Assamese, as it is the language of the Muga
silk weavers.
In short, we must take the cue from the
Northeast initiative which is a very important one and must be replicated across the
country.
(Prabha Sridevan is a former judge of the
Madras High Court.)
Letters emailed to letters@thehindu.co.in must carry the full postal address and the full name or the name with initials.
On belonging
The writers linguistic analysis
(What does it mean to belong?
June 8) doesnt account for the fact
that the two different meanings of
the word belonging are used for
different categories of entities and
in different contexts. In the case of
people, the word cant be used in the
sense of possession by a community
or the nation-state. The writers
view regarding the relationship of
people
and
a
nation-state
represents the classical theory of
sovereignty as advocated by Jean
Bodin and John Austin which is
unsuitable for modern societies.
This view has been aptly rejected by
pluralist thinkers like Harold Laski
and Robert MacIver. The concept of
possession
of
people
by
communities and nation-state is
detrimental to democracy and will
promote
tyranny
and
authoritarianism. A human being is
a rational, socio-psychological being
Summer of 2015
SP leaders remark
BG-MY
10
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EDITORIAL
BENGALURU
THE HINDU
The zeal
for yoga
t is ironical that at a time when yoga is increasingly being recognised around the world as
an efficacious discipline that aids physical and
mental well-being, the ancient Indian system is
caught in a needless controversy, mainly due to its
aggressive promotion by the Narendra Modi government. It is difficult to avoid the impression that the
government is showing excessive zeal as well as a tendency to use its employees and institutions to propagate
its own view of culture and tradition. Mobilising staff
members and students seems to be this regimes way of
promoting an idea. If it was Good Governance Day last
Christmas, it will be International Yoga Day on June
21. It is indeed true that Prime Minister Modis address
to the United Nations General Assembly in September
2014 provided the platform for the international community to recognise the importance of yoga. In December, the UNGA passed a resolution with the backing of
over 170 countries to designate June 21 as International Yoga Day. No doubt, the benefits of yoga ought to be
widely disseminated. However, does promoting it require the mobilisation of tens of thousands of people at
Rajpath in Delhi for a massive demonstration? There
are apprehensions that employees and students would
be asked to participate in related events on a Sunday,
even though it has not been made mandatory.
The government is even aiming for an entry in the
Guinness World Records for the single largest yoga
demonstration. It appears that having international
impact is a key objective behind the promotional activities. If yoga is all about health, peace and harmony,
there really is no need for a demonstrative approach to
it. The visible presence of the state in the promotion of
yoga will only detract from the idea of making it a
peoples movement. Rather, the governments role
should be confined to providing facilities for the practice of yoga in various institutions under it and disseminating information about its benefits. A related issue
that has given a sectarian dimension to the yoga campaign concerns a perception that the practice of yoga,
especially the surya namaskar part of it, is against the
tenets of Islam. Recognising this, the government has
dropped surya namaskar from the list of asanas to be
performed on June 21. While it is true that yoga is part
of a wider heritage and attracts practitioners from
among adherents of various religions, the government
is obviously unable to convince everyone that its programmes are free of all religious or cultural association.
It should work to remove its initiatives from areas of
contestation so that even programmes having universal value do not take the hue of its ideology.
sons, also daily wage labourers, are now unable to find work because his identity is
known. Since they are his sons, they too must
be punished like Cinna the poet in Shakespeares Julius Caesar. The family, his wife,
their sons, their wives and children as a
result of the media investigation now face
the agony of starvation and of intense livelihood insecurity. There is no work available
to them.
If passive euthanasia was the gift of the
first half of the courts judgment, on the tragic
Aruna Shanbaug case, preventing unjust
punishment must be the gift of the second
part of the courts intervention. In a constitutional democracy, the court does not only
have to adjudicate, but also has the responsibility to educate the citizen-public about the
CARTOONSCAPE
Setback for
Erdogan
he outcome of the general election in Turkey
could not only end the dominance of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) but also
derail President Recep Tayyip Erdogans
plans to consolidate his power. Mr. Erdogan had heavily campaigned for the ruling party that he helped
found, even after technically quitting it last year to
stand for the supposedly non-partisan presidency. He
built his campaign around the promise of transferring
power from Parliament to the Presidents office, claiming that would make Turkey more powerful and administratively efficient. The AKP aimed for at least 330
seats, which would have enabled it to hold a referendum to change the system. But the voters denied it even
a simple majority, for the first time in 13 years. With
99.9 per cent of votes counted, the conservative party
won only 258 seats. In order to stay in power, the AKP
will have to either form a minority government, or
enter into an alliance with its rivals. The plan to transfer more power to the presidency is clearly off the table.
Mr. Erdogan rose to power by stitching together a
social coalition of the rural poor and religious and
social conservatives. While his development rhetoric
attracted the former, the AKPs Islamist leanings directly appealed to the conservative constituency,
which was historically sidelined from power by a secular Turkey. Mr. Erdogan brought this new class into
the mainstream through his brand of political Islam.
But of late a number of factors, including his own
inherent dictatorial tendencies, worked against the
AKP. A slowing economy, rising inflation and unemployment, allegations of corruption, and fears that Mr.
Erdogan was becoming another sultan, added to the
liberal-secular opposition to the AKP. This triggered
street battles in Istanbul between protesters and the
security forces in May 2013. Smaller parties such as the
pro-Kurdish Peoples Democratic Party (HDP) were
emboldened to counter the AKP on a broader ideological plank. The HDP, which projected itself as a secular,
left-of-centre political outfit, surpassed for the first
time the 10 per cent threshold needed to enter Parliament, securing 80 seats. This will give the countrys
18-million strong Kurdish minority, which has been at
odds with the ruling elites for decades, a platform to
push for its political cause and counter the AKPs
attacks on secular traditions. Mr. Erdogans supporters
would say the AKP had ensured stability for 13 years
and the country was now back on the brink of instability. But the question before Turkish voters was
whether they should accept a stable, quasi-dictatorial
presidential system with Islamist characteristics or
stand firm for parliamentary democracy despite its
shortcomings. They seem to have gone for the latter.
CM
YK
Letters emailed to letters@thehindu.co.in must carry the full postal address and the full name or the name with initials.
degradation.
If
an
activist
organisation is trying to contribute
its mite in saving the environment,
and
something
which
the
government should be doing, we
need to support its efforts. Being
hostile is not the way out.
Anmol Gulecha,
Chennai
Ishrat case
The importance of GI
Constitution,
June
9)
is
Parliaments unabridged authority
under Article 3 to bifurcate States
the division of the composite State
of Andhra Pradesh and the
consequent suffering of the people
is a prime example. Similarly, one
can think of the election of members
to law-making houses, with only
elected members of the Lok Sabha
voting to elect members of the Rajya
Sabha. To the legislative councils of
States, the word elected is not
incorporated, which leads to
confusion. Here, even a nominated
member to the State Assembly can
vote to elect. It is time the
Constitution is rewritten to ward off
these ambiguities.
Suddapalli Bhaskara Rao,
Muscat, Sultanate of Oman
Incomplete statement
BG-MY
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EDITORIAL
BENGALURU
THE HINDU
Arun Kumar
Inside Myanmar,
in hot pursuit
y striking at militant camps across the border
and inside Myanmar territory, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has demonstrated that he
is willing to bite the bullet and take tough
action when it comes to the killing of Indian soldiers.
Days after the June 4 killing of at least 20 personnel of
the 6 Dogra Regiment in Chandel district of Manipur
allegedly by militants of the National Socialist Council
of Nagaland (Khaplang), a robust response has come
from the Indian Special Forces. Confirmation of the
strike on two militant camps inside Myanmar territory
has come from none other than Minister of State for
Information and Broadcasting Rajyavardhan Singh
Rathore. He confirmed that the Indian forces carried
out strikes on two of the militant camps, annihilating
the entire camps, and have returned safely. He pointed out that Prime Minister Modi had taken a very bold
step and given the go-ahead for hot pursuit into Myanmar, adding that the response was a message to other
countries that might be inimical to India. Meanwhile,
the official Army version simply spoke of the forces
having engaged two separate groups of insurgents
along the Indo-Myanmar border, without referring
to any cross-border operation.
India had traditionally justified its links with the
military-run Myanmar government by pointing to the
need to keep its eastern borders tranquil. Keeping the
Myanmar government in the loop on any cross-border
operation can only strengthen Indias efforts to ensure
that more attacks do not take place. The Indian Army,
for its part, has spoken of communication and close
cooperation but stopped short of saying whether or not
prior information was given on a cross-border operation. Other than the number of casualties inflicted on
the militants, very few details on the exact nature of the
military operation have been made available. For its
part, the Khaplang faction has denied that any of its
cadres were killed by the Indian Army in the crackdown. There are, as Mr. Rathore said in his statement,
implications beyond Myanmar reflected in the nature
of the operation conducted by the Indian Army. If the
intention is to be surgical and engage in long-term
anti-militancy operations, the Modi government and
the BJP should desist from chest-thumping. While
India makes it clear that as a nation it would not take
attacks such as this lying down, the Myanmar operation sends its own signal to the rest of South Asia. It
would be contextual to recall that even a major operation in end-2003 against anti-India separatist groups
that were based in Bhutan was conducted by the Bhutanese army with support from India. The operation by
the Indian Special Forces can only be welcomed. But at
the same time, collateral damage in government-togovernment relationships must be avoided.
A paper tiger
Let us start with the so-called Black Money Bill passed with ease in both Houses of
Parliament. No party wanted to be seen opposing it given the prevalent anti-corruption
climate in the country. Since the Bill seeks to
bring back illegally stashed wealth from
abroad, opposing it would have appeared to
be anti-national. It also passed easily because most realise that it will do little to
bring back the treasure! The views of the
high-profile activists from within the ranks
of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), Ram
Jethmalani and Subramanian Swamy, make
it clear that the Bill is a paper tiger.
It provides for stringent punishment of
those Indians who hold undisclosed wealth
and/or earn undisclosed incomes abroad.
Excluded from its purview are Non-Resident
Indians (NRI) who are genuine holders of
wealth abroad and can earn incomes there.
They are not obliged to declare their assets
or incomes to Indian authorities. So, Indians
who are moneyed, work out an arrangement
with NRIs to hold their wealth and show
their incomes through legal arrangements.
Further, the provisions of the Bill will be
applicable only if the government is able to
detect incomes and wealth held abroad. The
Bill has no mechanism for doing so. Hence,
the draconian punishment a jail term and
300 per cent fine can hardly be implemented. An amnesty scheme is being offered
to come clean. There will be no punishment
if one discloses the assets and incomes
abroad in the specified period and pays the
taxes within six months. Thus, the inexperienced ones who had held illegal wealth
abroad in their own names and earned incomes on them would have a chance to come
clean. The HSBC list revealed that some Indians who did take out funds in their own
names have now got caught. The experienced ones would not have made the mistake of holding funds in their own names.
The process of layering has been available for a long time. It hides a persons identity by using shell companies in tax havens to
transfer funds. It is no surprise then that the
Swiss government revealed that Indians
hold only Rs.14,000 crore in Swiss banks.
This is mostly legitimate money, of Indians,
and in their own names. The black wealth of
most experienced Indians would be parked
there via shell companies in tax havens and
hence not be counted as Indian money. The
CARTOONSCAPE
The battle
for Delhi
fter months of sparring by means of official
notifications, rounds of litigation, and orders
of transfer and dismissal of various officers,
the seemingly endless battle for the control of
Delhi between the Aam Aadmi Party and the BJP-led
Central government has taken an ugly turn with the
extraordinary arrest of Jitender Singh Tomar. The Delhi Law Minister, who allegedly holds two fake educational degrees, resigned hours after a court sent him to
police custody. It must be said that the AAP has handled the issue of Mr. Tomars qualifications with a
complete lack of political nous. This has been the subject matter of a case in the Delhi High Court after the
issue came up in February, and the party could have
either asked the Minister to step down till he was
cleared of the charges, or simply made his degree diplomas public on its website. It might be said that the AAP
deserves sympathy in its ongoing face-off with a Goliath of a Centre, but lapses such as these are but
another reminder that it could no longer really claim to
be a party with a difference. The Delhi Police have gone
strictly by the letter of the law in ordering the arrest.
However, the manner in which they have gone about
the process has left no one in doubt that it has essentially been a show of strength against a political party
that is determined to put an end to corruption. To
arrest Mr. Tomar the Delhi Police sent a posse of 40
officers, and then deployed heavy security around the
police station where he was being held. The police
worked late into the night to file a first information
report, got it signed by Lieutenant Governor Najeeb
Jung around midnight, and then appeared at Mr. Tomars residence around 6 a.m. to make the arrest. The
sudden drive and determination to arrest on the basis
of charges of forgery a person who is hardly likely to go
absconding, made it seem politically motivated.
The governmental tussle over Delhi has meanwhile
reached its zenith, and one battleground is the States
Anti-Corruption Branch. The Lt. Governor recently
created a senior post in the ACB so that he could post
an officer of his choice who, incidentally, was conducting the investigations when a farmer committed suicide at the venue of an AAP rally. The AAP cried foul
and ordered him sent back. That order was cancelled by
the Lt. Governor. In retaliation, the AAP transferred
out the official who had appointed him. All of this
points to just another bizarre turn to a bizarre situation
where the two governments just seem to be itching for
a fight. The people of Delhi, interminably caught in the
crossfire, may be the only real losers.
CM
YK
Letters emailed to letters@thehindu.co.in must carry the full postal address and the full name or the name with initials.
Fake degrees
Unfinished case
BG-MY
www.jobsalerts.in
EDITORIAL
12
BENGALURU
THE HINDU
Key choices,
some questions
he appointments of Vijai Sharma as Chief
Information Commissioner (CIC) and K.V.
Chowdary as Chief Vigilance Commissioner
(CVC), which have been a long time coming,
also raise some concerns about the Narendra Modi
governments level of engagement with institutions
that form the life breath of Indian democracy. The CIC
presides over the Right to Information, crucial to a
participatory democracy in making institutions accountable, while the CVC is tasked with overseeing the
vigilance administration. As watchdogs, both are premised on the principles of transparency and autonomy.
For this reason, utmost transparency is called for in
these appointments, and it is imperative that the processes by which the names are arrived at are in the
public domain. Yet, in the last one year, amid all the
achievements of the Modi government, the delay in
appointing suitable candidates to these posts had been
a matter of some concern, flagged by political parties,
informed citizen groups and others. At last count, the
Central Information Commission, which has been
functioning without a chief for the last 10 months, has
nearly 37,788 cases to clear. Three posts of information
commissioners in the CIC are vacant. The CIC bench is
authorised to hear appeals with respect to the PMO,
the Department of Personnel, the CVC, the CAG, and
crucial government Ministries.
Democracy is also about processes. Here, the governments intentions cannot be said to have been strictly
above board. If the purpose was to appoint Mr. Sharma,
the seniormost Information Commissioner, as the
chief anyway, why did the 10-month-long delay occur?
After all, the convention so far had been to appoint the
seniormost Commissioner as CIC. More important, in
March the PMO decided to take away the financial
autonomy of the CIC by delegating the powers to a
government-appointed secretary, prompting many citizen groups to say the government had weakened the
CIC and trampled on its autonomy. In the case of Mr.
Chowdary, the process of appointment started after
the Supreme Court gave the go-ahead, directing the
government to ensure transparency by providing the
selection committee headed by the Prime Minister the
details of all 130 applicants who applied for the CVCs
post (according to media reports), and not just of those
shortlisted by a panel of three bureaucrats. The court is
yet to complete hearings on a public interest litigation
petition questioning the process of appointment of the
CVC. The Opposition, whose role is crucial in the process of appointment of the CVC, may have become an
ally of the government in this instance. But unless the
government addresses concerns over whether it has
gone through all the processes and procedures laid
down under law, questions and doubts will remain.
he consensus among those evaluating Prime Minister Narendra Modis performance at the end of his
first year in office is that while the
jury is still out on domestic issues, the Bharatiya Janata Party-led National Democratic
Alliance (NDA) governments performance
on the foreign policy front has been praiseworthy. While some of it may be true, it is
important to note that foreign policy outcomes are merely the tip of the iceberg when
compared to the entirety of a countrys foreign policy architecture. In that sense, Mr.
Modi has so far not sought to improve the
competence and capacity of the countrys
foreign policy establishment. Therefore,
lets move beyond the euphoria surrounding
his spectacular foreign policy performance
to examine the deep-seated inadequacies in
Indias foreign policy architecture.
Organisational inadequacies
The principal drawback of the foreign policy establishment is that it is miserably understaffed. While New Delhi does have some
first-rate diplomats, what we really need are
not a few overworked senior officials but
more, well-trained personnel. On account of
financial constraints, bureaucratic inertia
and inter-ministerial disagreements, all we
have are around 900-odd Indian Foreign
Service (IFS) officers to operationalise Indias ambitious foreign policy initiatives.
Even as the volume and nature of Indias
foreign policy workload is steadily increasing and transforming, especially under the
new regime, the recruitment of IFS officers
has increased only by 3-4 per year despite
recommendations to increase the intake.
Though the aim is to have around 1,200 officers by 2018, even that will prove inadequate. The fact is that IFS officers are
generalists by training, and are routinely
transferred around the world to man varied
diplomatic and foreign policy assignments.
This means that key elements of todays international relations such as trade diplomacy and climate policy, among others, will be
neglected, even as they are the centrepiece of
Mr. Modis international engagement.
Intellectual weaknesses
Diplomacy today is much more than mere
courtesies, photo-opportunities and protocols: it is primarily about pursuing ones national interests in a globalised and highly
networked world that is far more complex
than before. New-age diplomacy then needs
as commerce or finance and vice versa. Currently, no more than one or two IFS officers
are posted in other Union Ministries. This
means that various Union Ministers with
interests in Indias foreign policy decisions,
including the MEA, continue to remain in
their cozy enclaves, resulting in suboptimal
foreign policy formulation.
Ideational shortcomings
The Indian foreign policy establishment
also suffers from an acute inability to ideate
outside the box. Much of the intellectual
energy is spent on routine management of
the ministry where adhocism, outdated
precedents and pragmatism are the guiding
principles. Moreover, our foreign policy establishment, by design, tends to be reactive
in nature, rather than proactive or creative.
Such adhocism is a direct result of deep-
CARTOONSCAPE
Battling
Islamic State
year after it captured Mosul, the major Iraqi
city, Islamic State remains a formidable force
in the West Asian region. The U.S.-led coalitions bombing campaign shows no sign of
checking its momentum. Barring some setbacks suffered at the hands of Kurdish and Shia militias, IS has
expanded its zone of influence beyond its base in Syraq over the year. It recently captured Ramadi, the
capital of Iraqs Anbar province, and the ancient Syrian
city of Palmyra. It now has branches in countries including Lebanon, Libya, Afghanistan and Nigeria. President Barack Obama all but admitted on June 10, the
anniversary of the fall of Mosul, as he ordered an
additional 450 military advisers to join the 3,500 already in Iraq, that his anti-IS strategy wasnt working.
To be sure, IS has no dearth of enemies in the battlefield. The Syrian and Iraqi armies have declared war on
it; Gulf monarchies are a party to a U.S.-led coalition
bombing IS locations; Egypt had struck IS militants in
Libya; and Hezbollah, the Lebanese Shia militia, has
said it would fight IS along the Lebanon-Syria border.
Still, why does IS appear so formidable?
ISs advantage perhaps is that its rivals have no
coordinated strategy: they are driven not by a common
goal of defeating the enemy but by their own selfinterest and sectarian calculations. In Syria, the regime
of Bashar al Assad is the most potent force against IS.
But the U.S. and its allies such as Saudi Arabia and
Qatar want a regime change in Damascus. The efforts of
Saudi Arabia and Turkey to weaken the Syrian regime
are helping IS grow. In Iraq, the army, disbanded and
rebuilt by the Americans, is largely sectarian and too
inefficient to mount a major attack on its own. The
Hezbollah may be able to protect the Lebanese-Syrian
border from IS, but it is considered a terrorist outfit by
the U.S., and an Iranian lackey by the Saudis. The
Kurdish guerrillas in the Syrian and Turkish border
regions had resisted IS effectively, but Turkey doesnt
want them to be brought into the anti-IS coalition. Iran
has sent Shia militia groups to the battle-front, but they
are viewed with suspicion in Iraqs Sunni-dominated
areas owing to sectarian reasons. IS feeds off this complex sectarian-geopolitical game, and with savagery
and extremism tightens its grip over victims. But all
this doesnt mean IS is invincible: it could be defeated,
as Kobane and Tikrit show. But to turn such isolated
victories into a comprehensive triumph, the forces
battling IS need to come up with a cohesive strategy
cutting across sectarian fault-lines. Until that happens,
West Asia will continue to see more bloodshed.
CM
YK
common sense. Non-official literature dealing with long-term strategic planning is often dismissed as academic, meaning,
useless.
There is inadequate and inconsistent focus on major policy initiatives. The focus
between two prime ministerial visits or crises, is on the mundane. Clearly, major initiatives cannot be undertaken in a sustained
manner with a handful of officials distracted
by routine matters, and with the political
bosses showing neither the aptitude nor the
appetite for it. The political leadership under
Mr. Modi may make grand foreign policy
declarations and promises, but the chances
of such declarations translating into outcomes are few, given the establishments
short attention span.
Letters emailed to letters@thehindu.co.in must carry the full postal address and the full name or the name with initials.
commentary
by
right-wing
elements that is cause for concern.
While the sun is the source of
energy for living beings, let it be
abundantly clear that the sun is a
god for Hindus only. An
imposition
of
controversial
religious connotations is bound to
invite opposition to a good cause.
Sunday is also a day of worship for
some communities. In the craze
and hurry to create all kinds of
records, religious sentiments
cannot be trampled upon.
Matthew Adukanil,
Dharmapuri, Tamil Nadu
10
www.jobsalerts.in
EDITORIAL
BENGALURU
THE HINDU
Urban despair
The formal city alongside, grows with different considerations. Given the desperate
demand for space, only its constantly changing and unmade character is apparent. Behind grimy, monsoon-stained walls and
dust-laden, glass facades, people build according to antiquated regulations and halfbaked formulas, adding rooms, breaking
walls, enclosing balconies. Like the tenements, the city they make appears as a shifting, unfocussed transformation of masonry
irregular, disjointed, even illegal an
urban landscape on which the paint never
dries. Without social connections or public
life, the place too only has an air of purposelessness and futility, with each man for
himself.
Such unstructured physical blight also reflects in a daily atmosphere of urban despair. Wherever you go, you come face to
face with the sad consequence of a degenerate, defeated city. Tired faces greet you behind bank computers, broken bricks and
CARTOONSCAPE
The Ukraine
imbroglio
he G-7 nations put on a brave face against
Russia at a summit held this week in the
Bavarian Alps and decided to continue their
sanctions against President Vladimir Putin
for what they called his war in Ukraine. U.S. President
Barack Obama in fact accused Mr. Putin of wrecking
his country in pursuit of a wrong-headed desire to
recreate the glories of the Soviet empire. Russia countered by warning that it would prolong its own countersanctions, indicating there would not be any change in
its Ukraine policy. While all this is happening, a fresh
outbreak of violence between government troops and
pro-Russian separatists in eastern Ukraine is threatening to derail a tenuous ceasefire. Ukraine is paying a
heavy price for this stand-off. It has lost Crimea to
Russia, is fighting a deadly civil war in the east, and its
economy is in a state of collapse, it having contracted
by nearly 18 per cent in the first quarter of 2015.
The real crisis of Ukraine is that it is caught in a game
of one-upmanship between the West and Russia. The
West wants to punish Russia for its annexation of
Crimea and for helping separatists in eastern Ukraine.
Moscow, on the other hand, sees Western involvement
in the ouster of Ukraines pro-Moscow President Viktor Yanukovych, and seems determined to resist the
North Atlantic Treaty Organisations outreach to its
backyard. If the Wests real intention is to get Russia to
change its policy towards Ukraine, it should rethink its
sanctions regime, which has been demonstrably ineffective over the past 15 months. Supporters of the
sanctions might argue that those worked in the case of
Iran and might work in Russias case as well. But Russia
is not Iran. It is a geopolitical giant, a former superpower and a huge country that still has substantial leveraging power in Central Asia and Eastern Europe.
Given the way policy-making works in the Kremlin, it is
illogical to believe that any kind of coercion would
work against Mr. Putin. Besides, there is little to suggest that the Western policy of isolating Russia is working at all. More than a year after Russia was suspended
from the G-8 following its annexation of Crimea, the
leading powers still need Russia to deal with pressing
global issues ranging from the Iranian nuclear talks to
the Syrian civil war. So a more pragmatic approach
would be to start a diplomatic engagement in a mutually conducive environment. The inept handling by both
sides of what was a domestic issue in Ukraine has
turned it into a regional problem. Left unchecked, the
problem could well turn into a war. It is high time the
West and Moscow set aside rhetoric and started addressing the problem directly.
CM
YK
The best cities are ironically built on undemocratic ideals. Even when innovating
and providing opportunity, they enforce severe restrictions on daily life. London would
not have some of the worlds most natural
urban parks without ordinances controlling
the building around them, and the imposition of a congestion tax that restricts polluting cars from entering the centre of town.
Singapores auction of a limited number of
vehicle registrations achieves a similar purpose. Along the East Coast of the U.S., many
small towns are designated for pedestrians
only. Such restrictions have been designed
for the larger common good, and clearly
state preferences for better public health,
green space, and enriching the experience of
surrounding heritage. Similar restrictive
practices in future civic design will be necessary if the problems of the current city are to
be avoided.
Of the many threats to urban life, nothing
is more repressive and mind-numbing than
daily living without spontaneity, imagination and a ready dose of the unfamiliar. A
radical move away from current city conventions would allow greater densities and
more fluid approaches to design. Hong
Kongs elevated sidewalks and street escalators allow people to cross into buildings
without descending to street level. Houses
in traditional Italian towns connect with
each other above the streets. In some of the
new towns in Spain, train stations are incorporated in municipal and commercial
structures. The importance of innovative
combinations of public uses lends a civic
uniqueness to utilitarian places.
What would it take to combine Mumbais
Victoria Terminus with a cricket stadium or
a public club? Or retrofitting Delhis main
Metro stations with swimming pools or libraries? Could cycle tracks in Bengaluru
have benefited from an alignment along the
city park system? Like the public chaikhannas of Uzbekistan or the baths of Turkey,
wouldnt the Indian public too gain from the
insertion of innovative social uses inserted
into its daily movement through the city?
At this stage in the life of Indias older
cities, perhaps that is too much to ask. But
the designs for Indias hundred new cities
cannot be allowed to emerge from a mere
business model; without an innovative, cultural and social blueprint, the plans might as
well be shelved.
(Gautam Bhatia is a Delhi-based architect
and sculptor.)
Letters emailed to letters@thehindu.co.in must carry the full postal address and the full name or the name with initials.
Yoga day
Health and education are two areas
that have been relegated to the
background in our country, unlike
in the West where they are
accorded top priority. At a time
when the benefits of yoga have
been internationally acclaimed,
acknowledged and practised by
millions of people across the globe,
especially in the Arab and Western
countries, and where a vast
majority
of
people
are
predominantly
Muslim
or
Christian, it is a matter of utmost
regret that calculated attempts
have been made to denigrate and
undermine its relevance in the
country of its origin. (Muslim
groups back Yoga day, Catholics
On foreign policy
Legible prescriptions
prescriptions
(Doctors
prescriptions to be in capital
letters soon, June 12) is a
progressive thought as there are
many cases where medical shops
have delivered wrong medicines/
dosages based on illegible writing. I
also feel a prescription should be
computer-generated and should
have details of the illness, etc.
Recently, while buying a medicine
prescribed by the doctor at a
pharmacy, instead of 500 mg
tablets of 10, I was given 6 tablets of
250 mg and 4 of 500 mg while also
billed for the rate of 500 mg. I feel
that there must be regular
inspections of medical shops.
N. Mahadevan,
Chennai
I was reminded of a joke where a
teacher once told his class that all
students who wrote illegibly would
become doctors in the future.
When many application forms
follow the requirement and
procedure of information being
given in capital letters, why not the
same for the vital and life-saving
subject of medicine? Saving a life is
possible only with the right
medicine, the right frame of mind
and the right handwriting!
A.J. Rangarajan,
Chennai
This can do a lot of good to patients
as well as pharmacists. But with the
present draft notification, there is
absolutely
no
penalty
for
violations. Therefore, most doctors
are likely to continue to do what
they have been doing till now -scribble. A penalty for violations
must be considered by the
authorities.
J. Eden Alexander,
Thanjavur
BG-BG
www.jobsalerts.in
EDITORIAL
BENGALURU
THE HINDU
A key right
from Telangana
ven as the Central government ghts to create
a business-friendly environment, the brandnew Telangana government led by K. Chandrasekhar Rao has walked the talk by announcing a unique and highly welcome Right to
Clearance policy. This is a signicant move in the new
States industrialisation programme, and could prove
to be a crucial differentiator in the near future. Akin to
the Right to Information, the Right to Clearance recognises that businesses have the right to know why project proposals are being delayed and to demand redress
for unnecessary procrastination. Bureaucratic redtape and corruption have not really come to an end in
India despite the death of licence raj; industries are still
at the mercy of whimsical policies and procedural
nightmares. The Right to Clearance will involve a provision to impose a ne of Rs.1,000 on officials for each
day of delay in granting clearance to a project, besides
allowing businesses to know the exact reason why a
proposal is stuck. It also lays down a 15-day time limit
for the clearance of mega-projects involving over
Rs.200 crore, and of one month for smaller projects. If
government departments miss the deadline, the project will get automatic deemed approval. These, and
other features such as single-window clearances, automatic renewals and self-certication, will go a long way
towards creating an ecosystem that eases doing business in the State. The opportunity costs of clearance
delays are enormous. Such cost and time overruns
impact the viability not just of industries but also of
lending institutions. Across the country, projects
worth crores of rupees are mired, awaiting clearance.
It is this fact that makes the Chandrasekhar Rao
governments move particularly laudable. Naturally, it
has been welcomed by leading industrialists, with some
of them already announcing projects. They now have a
sense of reassurance and renewed belief that the Telangana government is serious about creating an outstanding industrial hub. Extending the out-of-the-box
thinking, the Chief Minister has assured industry of a
graft-free and hassle-free system that will remove
lobbies and middlemen. Moves such as this will help rid
the bureaucracy of inertia, and inject a sense of urgency
and responsibility into the system. The Telangana governments move not only empowers industries but also
raises the bar considerably, and other States will have
to match the offer if they dont want to lose out amid
the growing inter-State competition for investment.
There is, however, one thing the government must
note. Project-appraisal is not only about speedy clearances. Proper due diligence is also a sine qua non for
clearance. Speed should not result in ill-conceived or
poorly-structured projects being rushed through, and
it is to be hoped that the policy will also ensure that.
A weakening of states
IS derives its strength from the weakening of nation states. And there are at least
three factors that have contributed to the
weakening of states in contemporary West
Asia: external interventions; the Arab revolts and Saudi-Iran antagonism. The rst
two, relatively newer phenomena, gave the
Saudi-Iran balance of power conict a new
context and battleelds, and together are
reshaping West Asian geopolitics.
The Saudi-Iran competition dates back to
the days before the Iranian Revolution. Both
the Pahlavi dynasty of Iran and the al-Saud
royal family of Saudi Arabia vied for regional
inuence as well as for an edge in the global
energy market, even as they remained the
the two pillars of the U.S.s West Asian
policy. The Islamic revolution of 1979, that
overthrew the monarchy in Iran, brought
about an ideological twist to this competition: Shia Islamist Republicanism versus
Sunni Wahhabism. In the early months of
the revolution, Radio Tehran used to air
propaganda, targeting monarchy rule in
general and the al-Saud family in particular.
Kings despoil a country when they enter it
and make the noblest of its people its meanest, began a broadcast on March 14, 1980,
quoting from the Koran. Iranian Supreme
Leader Ayatollah Khomeinis call to the oppressed in the Muslim world to turn against
their rulers did not go down well with monarchs in the region. The Saudis, who pre-
CARTOONSCAPE
Sub-optimal
accord
n the face of it, the 16-point agreement
signed on June 8 among Nepals four largest
political parties should bring closure to the
long-delayed process of promulgating a new
Constitution for Naya Nepal. Reeling from the earthquakes in April and May, Nepal sorely required its
polity and its elected Constituent Assembly (CA) to
push for an accord to resolve outstanding issues the
key ones being state restructuring and the form of
governance. On the latter issue, the accord decided to
retain the Westminster parliamentary model with an
executive Prime Minister and a constitutional head of
state in the President. The Maoists had been opposed
to the parliamentary model, but have agreed to take the
process of promulgation forward. On state restructuring, the accord has vaguely identied an eight-state
model whose boundaries would be decided by a federal
commission. Effectively, it pushed the envelope on the
much-debated issue to be decided by a committee of
experts. Per se, this was a kind of compromise by both
sides of the federalism debate. The former accepted the
presence of identity as a criterion of federal determination, while the latter stopped insisting that the CA
alone would nalise the federal nature of the state.
There is no doubt that the earthquake, which showed
up the Nepali state as wanting in its response to the
disaster in terms of relief and rehabilitation (and preparedness) efforts, accelerated the process of getting
over the constitutional deadlock. But the sudden spurt
of activism in nalising the accord begs the question
whether it merely postpones the resolution of the state
restructuring issue rather than resolving it. State restructuring was a key demand among the plains-dwellers, minorities and jana jatis in the run-up to the rst
CA elections in 2008. The demand and need for a CA
came about because the rst Jan Andolan that brought
about a constitutional monarchy in 1990 did not do
enough to break the hegemonic hold of communities
such as the Bahun and the Chhetris over the state. The
decision under the accord to leave the task of resolving
what is effectively a political issue to an unelected
commission is therefore not an optimal one. Ironically,
the rst iteration of the CA, before its dissolution in
2012, had managed to nearly resolve the state restructuring issue before some elements from the Communist Party of Nepal (Unied Marxist-Leninist) and the
Nepali Congress managed to prevent a clinching solution. It is to be hoped that the proposed commission
manages to bring about a federal structure that is close
enough to what was nearly arrived at by the rst CA.
CM
YK
Letters emailed to letters@thehindu.co.in must carry the full postal address and the full name or the name with initials.
Smart cities
Gautam Bhatias article, For a
smart city with a heart (June 13),
offers a range of ideas from cities
across the globe that our cities
must look up to, but his article is
superuous. Consider the line,
What would it take to combine
Mumbais Victoria Terminus with
a cricket stadium or a public club?
which underlines the brilliance of
his analysis as any of the crores of
people who use this station will tell
you. Further, lamenting on the lack
of cultural spaces and spontaneity
in urban areas is another example
of elitist thinking which faults the
government for not prioritising the
needs of the most privileged
sections of urban India who cant
enjoy the luxuries of London,
Istanbul and New York once they
get back to India. All of these will
happen and are already happening
but no government should
prioritise these over basic
infrastructure and reforming
public service delivery. While his
analysis of the larger sociocultural
context which prompts crimes is
welcome, it is problematic to
assume that xing this aspect can
resolve most crimes. Do we see a
crime-free society in cities with
museums, parks and lots of
recreational spaces like London or
New York? As a nal point, here is
an insightful solution to xing
Indias builder lobby-led issues
nowhere in the new scheme
should government extend private
and commercial home ownership
to private parties.
Vinay Menon,
New Delhi
BG-MY
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EDITORIAL
BENGALURU
THE HINDU
More than
an indiscretion
egardless of whether External Affairs Minister
Sushma Swaraj was only acting on humanitarian grounds while recommending the grant of
a temporary travel document to Lalit Kumar
Modi, the former commissioner of the Indian Premier
League now living in exile in Britain, her action will be
seen as helping a man wilfully evading investigation in
India. The government and the ruling BJP are backing
Ms. Swaraj, and have accepted her explanation that she
had done nothing wrong and there was no big moral
issue involved. She claims she had merely said the Government of India had no objection if Britain chose to
allow Mr. Modi to travel to Portugal to sign consent
papers for his wifes surgery for cancer. However, there
are doubts whether there was a requirement for such
consent from her husband at all. Further, there appears
to be a conscious change in the governments policy
towards Mr. Modi, who is wanted by the Enforcement
Directorate for suspected involvement in violations of
the Foreign Exchange Management Act. The previous
UPA government revoked his passport in 2011 on the
ground that he was avoiding personal appearance before
the authorities and that he had contravened FEMA
provisions to the tune of hundreds of crores of rupees
and parked money outside India. The cancellation of his
passport was a means to bring Mr. Modi, who has been
living in London since 2010, back to India. Ms. Swarajs
communication to the British government, therefore,
constituted an unwarranted change of policy and an
unacceptable concession to one who has shown no inclination to join the investigation on the specious claim
that he faces a threat to his personal safety in India.
There is another dimension to this issue: the clear
presence of a conict of interest in Ms. Swaraj dealing
with Mr. Lalit Modi. Her daughter was counsel for the
former IPL chief in a case that led to the Delhi High
Court, in August 2014, quashing the order revoking his
passport. This verdict has not been challenged by the
present government. A British MP interceded on his
behalf with the immigration authorities there, citing Ms.
Swarajs name. All this gives the impression that the
Narendra Modi government, and not merely Ms. Swaraj,
has been soft on Mr. Lalit Modi. It is not surprising,
therefore, that the party and government are solidly
behind her. However, Opposition criticism is getting
strident, and questions are being raised whether the
Prime Minister is condoning what appears to be a case of
a senior Minister using her discretionary power in favour of a friend. The government cannot remain silent
and wait for the storm to pass, but must act to remedy
the situation. It also ought to spell out how it intends to
pursue the ongoing investigations against Mr. Modi.
CARTOONSCAPE
The makings of
a game-changer
he nal report of the Bibek Debroy Committee
on restructuring the Indian Railways has suggested a process of gradual reforms, involving
the introduction of commercial accounting
practices and greater decentralisation of powers, allowing the entry of the private sector, and the setting up of
an independent regulator. The committee has indicated
a ve-year time frame to implement the measures. One
of the most transformative suggestions made is allowing
private sector players to run trains. It has suggested
exposing railway production units to competition, and
the creation of an environment conducive to private
investment by giving condence to private players
through transparent accounting processes. This has to
be seen in the context of the failure of the public-private
partnership route so far in both the road and railway
sectors. There have been different reports in the past
that have pointed to what ails the Indian Railways. For
instance, in 2012 a committee headed by Sam Pitroda,
then Adviser to the Prime Minister, submitted plans for
the modernisation of the Railways at a cost of Rs.5.6 lakh
crore over a 10-year period. The Debroy Committee
report stands out in having identied denitive measures to effect a transformation, and setting a timeline.
But it will be a challenging task, especially the recommendations relating to opening up to the private sector
and setting up an independent regulator. The committee has acknowledged that restructuring would be a
humongous task, and quite cautiously used the term
liberalisation for the entry of private players rather
than privatisation or deregulation. The railway employee unions are already up in arms over the references to
the private sector. This would be a difficult equation to
manage. The suggestion to set up an independent regulator will equally pose a challenge. This will essentially
mean setting up a body outside of the powerful and
centralised Railway Board, which might resist such a
move. The setting up of an independent super-regulator
has been spoken about in the nancial services space,
but not much has happened on that front. However, all
these suggestions merit immediate consideration. The
Railways has suffered huge under-investment in capacities and today its very viability is a question mark. Now
the onus is on Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who
initiated the setting up of this Committee, and Railway
Minister Suresh Prabhu, known for his dynamic approach, to take the railway unions into condence and
implement the measures. Both have declared the Railways is not going to be privatised, but the unions do not
appear pleased. Winning their trust would be key to the
implementation of the measures. That would determine
if this will remain just another report or a game-changer.
CM
YK
Khaplang when he signed a truce with Myanmars Thein Sein government, one of the 14
rebel groups in Myanmar to strike a ceasere
deal with it. Having secured that ceasere,
Khaplang has ensured that his bases in Sagaing will be protected from the occasional
raids by the Tatmadaw (Myanmar Army).
Even after the attacks on Indian forces by
Khaplangs ghters in the last two months,
the Myanmar government has not broken off
the truce with his faction. For the Myanmarese Army which has to battle half-a-dozen
powerful home-grown insurgencies at any
given point of time, tackling the Kachin or
the Kokang guerrillas is a bigger priority, not
Khaplang. After the June 9 raid by India,
Paresh Barua reiterated that his rebel coalition had not faced any problems in Myanmar so far. The second phase of forming
that coalition was in extensive negotiations
between the constituents. Now, reports
about these negotiations have been trickling
out of Myanmar off and on. They have been
reported in the Northeast Indian media but
not picked by the big media guns in faraway
Delhi. This is what Indian intelligence seems
to have largely missed out. The way the ghters of Khaplang slowly trickled out of their
Indian camps in the rundown to the breakdown of the ceasere was completely missed, despite alerts sounded to Indian
intelligence by factional rivals. Then came
the actual breakdown of the ceasere but
New Delhi was not concerned because it felt
the Myanmarese Naga rebel leader had been
isolated and conned to his lair in the jungles of Myanmar. They underestimated his
strike power on Indian soil.
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Pension parity
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EDITORIAL
BENGALURU
THE HINDU
Test of
integrity
y ordering the cancellation of the All-India
Pre-Medical and Pre-Dental Test held on May
3 and the conduct of a fresh test within four
weeks, the Supreme Court has acted in time
to save the purity of the evaluation process for admission to medical courses, and underlined the need to
ensure the integrity of all such exercises. A small gang
operating with advanced equipment and using technology had managed to send out answer keys to candidates taking the entrance test in different parts of the
country. The tainted candidates were wearing vests
tted with electronic devices to receive the answers.
On a comparative scale, the number of those likely to
have beneted from the malpractice may be small
358 mobile numbers received the answer key from the
main suspects and only 44 beneciaries have been
identied. However, the fact that the information may
have been transmitted to many others, and the likely
frustration it would cause to hard-working students,
persuaded the court to annul the entire test. After all, it
is unexceptionable to insist that nobody who used
unfair means be allowed to benet from it. Further, the
beneciaries were ready to pay Rs.15 lakh to Rs.20 lakh
to get the right answers delivered to them. As many as
102 in a set of 123 solved answers found on the mobile
phone of one suspect, and 42 out of 50 found on
another, were correct. Two of those arrested in connection with the scam admitted to having passed AIPMT
2014 by adopting the same modus operandi.
The Central Board of Secondary Education (CBSE)
tried to save the test it had held by requesting that the
results of those identied as beneciaries be segregated and the rest of the process allowed to stand.
However, the court has rightly held that such segregation would not be acceptable as there is a larger need
to preserve public condence and prevent further injury to merit. It will indeed be an onerous task to hold a
fresh test within a month and stick to the time-schedule under which the academic session has to begin on
August 1. While there has been no lapse on the part of
the CBSE in the conduct of the entrance test, it cannot
be unmindful of the fact that its systems are still vulnerable to organised deceit. It had indeed tried to
provide safeguards by distributing different sets of
question papers and varying the sequence of questions
in each set. The Board may now have to revisit its
systems and processes so that it becomes much less
susceptible to the designs of a few unscrupulous elements, and so that over six lakh students who vie for
about 3,000 seats get a fair deal.
Public misconceptions
Can neutrinos cause cancer? Not at all!
Neutrinos are the least harmful of all elementary particles, as they almost never react with solid bodies. The mean free path for
iron, or the average distance a neutrino will
travel in say an iron rod, before interacting
with an atom, is about 1 light year
(9,460,730,472,580 km). Needless to say,
The research may create a faster way to send data than the
current around the earth model using towers, cables or
satellites, creating opportunities for telecom and Net services.
which would otherwise choke an over-theground neutrino detector. Neutrinos have
been in the universe literally since forever,
being almost 14 billion years old as much
as the universe itself.
Neutrinos occur in three different types,
or avours ve, v and v. These are separated in terms of different masses. From experiments so far, we know that neutrinos have a
tiny mass, but the ordering of the neutrino
mass states is not known and is one of the
key questions that remain unanswered till
today. This is a major challenge INO will set
to resolve, thus completing our picture of
the neutrino.
Neutrinos are very important for our scientic progress and technological growth
for three reasons. First, they are abundant.
Second, they have very feeble mass and no
charge and hence can travel through planets, stars, rocks and human bodies without
any interaction. In fact, a beam of trillions of
neutrinos can travel thousands of kilo-
CARTOONSCAPE
The OROP
struggle
housands of ex-servicemen converged on the
national capital over the past weekend to protest against the delay on the part of the government in announcing a rm timeline for
the implementation of the One Rank One Pension
(OROP) scheme. Others have gone on a relay-hunger
strike across the country, saying they would do so till
their demand is met. In the run-up to the 2014 elections and after, the Bharatiya Janata Party held out
several assurances on OROP, raising expectations
among the community of veterans. OROP is meant to
bring parity among retired military personnel based
only on rank and tenure and irrespective of the date of
retirement. As Prime Minister Narendra Modi accepted in his Mann Ki Baat broadcast, the government
had underestimated the complexity of the process. One
of the major concerns of the government as it works out
the details relates to similar demands that could potentially come from the Central police and paramilitary
forces. The logic of OROP stems from the fact that
unlike in other government services where the retirement age is 55, 58 or 60, in the military services a
soldier retires around 35. So extending the scheme to
non-military cadres will nullify its very rationale. In
order to pre-empt any legal issues in the future, the
government is working to call it military pension, making it a provision that applies only to the armed forces.
Another issue relates to allocating nances for the
immediate rollout phase and making the necessary
provision for enhancements in future. Wary of any bid
by the government to redene OROP, veterans are
demanding that it stick to the accepted denition.
The scheme, once implemented, is expected to benet two and a half million ex-servicemen and women
immediately. While the veterans anguish over the delay is understandable, they should appreciate the complexity of the process. Also, with OROP being one of the
BJPs top election promises, commitment for its implementation had been reiterated at the highest level by
Mr. Modi. The issue, pending for four decades, has seen
more progress in the last one year than over the last few
decades. So while keeping up pressure on the government, it would be wise to give it room to work out the
details. The government, on its part, should realise that
these veterans fought for this country while in service,
and it is indeed their legitimate right. In addition, they
represent a strong voter base, as the last Lok Sabha
elections proved. This is pertinent as protesting organisations have announced they would agitate in Bihar,
where Assembly elections are due this year. The government should come out with a clear road map in the
interests of the nation as well as its own. The existing
mismatch between expectations and delivery could
prove problematic in more ways than one.
CM
YK
Data transmission
Third, as we now know, neutrinos can
pass right through the earth. They may open
up a faster way to send data than the current
around the earth model, using towers, cables or satellites. Such a communication
system using neutrinos will be free of transmission losses as neutrinos rarely react with
the atoms in their path. This can open up
new vistas for telecom and Internet services. Some scientists further believe that if
there is any extraterrestrial form of life,
neutrinos will also be the fastest and most
trusted way to communicate with them.
Fourth, neutrinos are the information
bearers of the universe which are almost
never lost in their path. Indias effort in
studying neutrinos at INO may help us unravel the deepest mystery of the universe
why there is more matter than antimatter in
the universe.
Some scientists believe that formidable
neutrino research can help us understand
dark matter. Dark matter and dark energy
make up 95 per cent of the universe, far
more predominant than ordinary matter in
the universe but we hardly understand it.
Neutrinos are the only way to detect this
great mystery which may completely alter
our understanding of the universe and physics. Searches for this dark matter can only be
carried out in INO.
We believe that the neutrino is our mode
of access to some of the most unimaginable
technologies, and therefore, with INO, India
is poised to take its rightful place at the helm
of neutrino research. For example, the particle detectors developed for the neutrino
experiment at INO can also be used to detect
the photons in positron emission tomography (PET) which is used to identify cancerous tumours.
Hundreds of thousands of years ago, a
species, Homo sapiens, went about rubbing
two small rocks until they ended up producing the spark and then the re which helped
man master the planet. Today, we stand at a
point in time when we are on the verge of
manipulating fundamental particles with
the possibility that they may allow us to
master the universe.
(Dr. A.P.J. Abdul Kalam is a former
President of India. Srijan Pal Singh is an
adviser to Dr. Kalam.)
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EDITORIAL
BENGALURU
THE HINDU
Mixed
fortunes
ontinuing its decline for the fourth consecutive day, the rupee hit a 21-month low of
64.26 against the dollar on Tuesday. This was
ahead of the crucial meeting of the U.S. Federal Reserve. The impact of the falling rupee has played
out in predictable ways on Indias trade front. The
just-released trade numbers for May reveal a contrasting picture. On the one hand the trade deficit has
narrowed to $10.4 billion in May from $11 billion in
April and $11.2 billion in May 2014. On the other hand,
exports contracted to $22.3 billion in May 2015 from
$27.99 billion in May 2014. No doubt imports, too, have
contracted to $32.75 billion in May, down by 16.5 per
cent compared to the May 2014 figure. If you factor in
the oil import bill, which has declined due to a drop in
international prices, the trade scene doesnt look rosy
at all. The reasons are obvious. Given the geopolitical
sensitivity of the commodity, it is impossible to expect
global crude oil prices to remain at the very low levels
seen not long ago. Also, the continuing weakness on the
economic front in countries that import Indian products does not offer any cause for cheer. Neither has the
falling rupee helped bring any immediate gains, if we
interpret the declining export numbers. In a sense
Indias trade now finds itself caught in an extremely
tricky spot. And foreign exchange management is proving to be a canny exercise in extremely interconnected
international play. Given the complications involved,
the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) has to be proactive so
that the rupee does not encounter undue turbulence in
the event of any unanticipated global disturbance.
The depreciating rupee has, however, come as a boon
to inward remitters. So much so that today India is a
global leader in terms of inward remittances. The rupee has shed just 1.25 per cent against the dollar so far
this year. If this brings some cheer to those who remit,
it has given the countrys monetary authority the leeway to marshal its proactive strategies efficiently. The
net spot dollar buying by the RBI in the first four
months of 2015 totalled $33.1 billion. For the entire
period of 2014, dollar-buying by the RBI totalled $34
billion. The RBI does not appear to be unduly bothered
by the resultant depreciation of the rupee. Two factors
should have driven the RBI to intervene in the market.
Dollar purchase gives a cushion to face any possible rise
in crude prices in the near-to-medium term. Also, the
dollar buffer insulates from any adverse fallout of a
possible pullout of foreign funds from the Indian market should the Fed hike the interest rate. The question,
however, is: how much of a fall would be too much for
the rupee? That is easier speculated than answered.
Desperation could lead to misplaced optimism in politics. Perhaps, one such instance
is seen in the enthusiasm around Rashtriya
Janata Dal (RJD) chief Lalu Prasads willingness to accept Nitish Kumars leadership in
an emerging alliance of the Janata Dal (United), the Congress and the Rashtriya Janata
Dal (RJD) in Bihar. The alliance has turned
out to spell renewed hope for those who are
eager to see Prime Minister Narendra Modi
suffer some kind of a setback.
Axiomatic as it may be, politics is all about
chemistry and little about arithmetic. The
social chemistry of a Lalu-Nitish-Congress
combination is such that it is certain to create a lot of gas and noise, but may not necessarily lead to any political alchemy that will
add new shine to the soulless and clichd
narratives on offer against Mr. Modis
politics.
CARTOONSCAPE
A looming
refugee crisis
new report by Amnesty International on the
global refugee crisis should prove a wake-up
call for the international community. The
Global Refugee Crisis: A Conspiracy of Neglect says the world is facing the worst situation on this
front since the Second World War, with the number of
people forcibly displaced from their homes exceeding
50 million. Its not really a surprise given the serial
collapse of states in West Asia and Africa, and reports
of persecution of vulnerable communities in several
countries. What is more appalling is the apathy of the
worlds powerful leaders towards this humanitarian
problem. The Amnesty report rightly says that the
international communitys response to the refugee crisis has been a shameful failure. Syria is a case in point.
More than half of its population has been displaced by a
civil war, and some four million people have fled the
country. The burden is almost entirely on Syrias
neighbours such as Turkey, Lebanon and Jordan, while
richer nations across the Mediterranean have turned a
blind eye to it. The European Unions decision to limit
rescue operations in the Mediterranean has led to a
dramatic rise this year in the number of people who
have drowned during boat journeys. The U.S., a country
proud of its tradition of welcoming people from foreign
lands, has accepted fewer than 1,000 Syrian refugees in
the past four years. The schemes of the United Nations
High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) that is
meant to address the problem remain under-funded.
People flee their homes to escape desperate situations. If Syrians and Libyans are fleeing deadly wars,
those from Myanmar and Eritrea are trying to escape
long-standing persecution. Resettling such vulnerable
people is a global humanitarian obligation. But sadly, in
the current world order this responsibility is not evenly
distributed. Powerful nations, which often send bombers to poorer countries to solve their domestic problems, as the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation did in
Libya in 2011, are not as forthcoming when they face
refugee crises and poverty. At present, almost 86 per
cent of all refugees are in the developing countries,
which lack the infrastructure and resources to tackle
the challenge. A more coordinated approach is needed
to address the problem. Richer countries in the West
and the Asia Pacific should find more room for refugees
from stricken lands, in order to share the burden more
equitably. And, agencies such as the UNHCR that deal
with millions of refugees should be sufficiently funded
to fulfil their missions. More important, there have to
be more meaningful efforts, driven not merely by geopolitical calculations but by moral, humanitarian conviction, to solve the worlds crises. That could be the
first step towards addressing the causes of the problem.
CM
YK
BJP strategy
From then on, the contest will depend on
how the BJP plays its cards. If the BJP goes
to the polls without projecting a leader, it
will be a confusing situation like in February
2005 the upper castes will fear the emergence of a strong-headed backward caste
leader within the BJP, while the backward
castes will fear a domineering upper caste
leader at the helm. But still, communal polarisation could work in the BJPs favour,
against the Nitish-Lalu alliance.
If the BJP projects a non-threatening
backward caste leader, such as Sushil Modi,
it will set the stage for a social coalition of all
caste groups, including a considerable section of the Yadavs. The slogan, Dilli mein
Modi, Bihar mein bhi Modi could generate a
mix of Mandal and Hindutva politics that
will derail the Nitish-Lalu alliance. Getting
the upper castes to accept Sushil Modi will
take some effort, but Arun Jaitley had done
that for Nitish Kumar in 2005.
Friends are good, but leaders are those
who walk alone when the situation demands.
Now at a crossroads, Mr. Kumar will have to
decide whether the baggage of a dispensable
legacy could burden his journey. Two consecutive political blunders the first, of
parting with the BJP, and the second, of
propping up Mr. Manjhi may be leading
him into committing a third.
The political security that he hopes to
achieve by propitiating the ghost of a brand of
social justice politics that has been long dead
and rotten is delusional. A coalition between
Mr. Kumar and Mr. Prasad on the common
platform of social justice and secularism
would be almost akin to N.R. Narayana Murthy and B. Ramalinga Raju floating a joint
venture to boost the software industry! Mr.
Prasad said the alliance was like swallowing
poison, and that he was willing to do it. Mr.
Kumar could decide that for himself.
varghese.g@thehindu.co.in
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Twists to Modigate
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EDITORIAL
BENGALURU
THE HINDU
Positive
expansion
ith the India Meteorological Departments forecast putting the average seasonal rain for this year at 88 per cent of the
annual long period average for the last 50
years, India is looking at consecutive drought-like years
for the rst time since 1987. It is in this context that the
NDA governments proposal to extend the number of
work entitlement days under the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme from 100
to 150 in drought-hit districts must be seen. The decision to extend the number by 50 clearly stems from the
concern that there would be greater demand for wagerelated work in drought-affected districts. Considering
that the government has been less keen than its predecessor in the implementation of the scheme, this move
constitutes a change of heart. After all, the Prime Minister only recently said in Parliament that his government would continue the scheme as a symbol of the
failure of the Congress-led rule in tackling poverty, and
reports recently suggested that the Ministry of Rural
Development was keen to reduce the scope of the
scheme to select blocks. This newspaper had recently
pointed to the curtailment in demand and lack of regularity in work allocation under the scheme over the past
year, leading to a trend of fewer person-days being
available to households (Sunday Anchor, May 31).
Ground reports suggested this was mostly due to delayed payments and lower outlays by the government,
in a sign of lack of enthusiasm for the scheme.
MGNREGS could bring relief to farm workers and
labourers affected by the laying waste of cropland for
the rabi cycle due to both unseasonal rain and decient
monsoon. This fact was acknowledged in a recent observation by the World Bank on MGNREGS as an effective substitute for lack of crop and weather insurance in
India. The governments decision to extend the days of
entitlement at this expedient hour must therefore be
welcomed. That said, it is imperative that the government realised the importance of the scheme as a crucial
intervention to spur the rural economy and alleviate
poverty, and not just as a short-term or stopgap arrangement to alleviate distress which in any case it
does. The record of success of MGNREGS since its
launch in 2006 as a welfare initiative that empowers
distressed rural households has been well-documented.
Its weaknesses, in terms of the quality of assets created
and leakages in implementation, are also well-known.
The government has taken note of these and has promised better monitoring and setting of quality standards
for work outcomes. While this is welcome, there needs
to be a better focus on timely wage payments and
demand for work under the scheme.
Waste as memory
In fact, Nek Chand appears as a footnote in
the celebrated Corbusier story. He was a
child of Partition, whose family moved to
India. Later, he found work in Chandigarh by
joining the Public Works Department
(PWD). He was fascinated by the story of
how the city was conceptualised and even
talked in awe of having once sighted Corbusier by the lake. But what intrigued Nek
Chand more was the debris from the 16 villages that Corbusiers Chandigarh displaced.
He was fascinated with the shapes of the
junk. In fact he loved the art of erosion which
he soon called Gods way of sculpting nature. He felt as if nature itself was a great
sculptor and called himself a mere collector.
Out of these mounds of debris, and remnants of waste, the humble PWD worker
created a spectacle of art; at rst surreptitiously, in the forests around Chandigarh. It
was almost as if the selected debris from
these villages was a counterstatement to
Corbusiers manifesto of the city. Junk, as a
Answer to urbanism
One day, I got to know that Nek Chand had
been invited to attend a World Punjabi Conference in Pakistan. He decided to visit his
village which I learnt had been obliterated
CARTOONSCAPE
Facing
up to IS
he capture of the Syrian border town of Tal
Abyad by Kurdish ghters from Islamic State
this week deals a signicant blow to the radical
Sunni Sala terrorist group. The action not
only cut off a vital supply line for IS to its self-proclaimed capital of Raqqa, but also marked a stunning
reversal of fortunes for the group which just last month
captured Ramadi in Iraq and Palmyra in Syria. The
Peoples Protection Units (YPG), the armed wing of the
Democratic Union Party that controls the Kurdish-populated areas on the Syrian side, was on the front lines
against IS in Tal Abyad. Over the year, the YPG has been
proved to be resilient in terms of its tactics and resolve
in the ght against IS. It played a key role in rescuing
thousands of Yazidis in Iraq from IS last year, and
defeated the radical Islamists in Kobane near the Turkish border in January. With the capture of Tal Abyad, the
YPG has emerged as a very potent anti-IS force. The YPG
challenges the group both politically and militarily,
which makes it a progressive alternative to the perverse
world view of IS. Kurdish ghters of the YPG are social
liberals whose commitment towards gender equality
and secularism stand in sharp contrast with ISs barbarism and misogyny. Ideally they should have been in the
forefront of a united anti-IS campaign. But in reality the
Syrian/Turkish Kurds are not getting the support they
need in the battle.
This is mainly because of the Turkish approach towards the Kurds. The YPG is affiliated to the Kurdistan
Workers Party (PKK), considered a terror group by
Turkey and the U.S. Ties between the YPG and the PKK
have deepened since the start of the Syrian civil war, and
Turkey fears any direct help to the YPG would eventually strengthen the hands of the PKK. But this approach
has several aws. First, IS is a bigger threat to Turkey
than the secular PKK, which has been in a peace process
with the government in Ankara for two years now. Second, a defeat of Kurdish militias by IS would trigger a
humanitarian catastrophe, which would not only enhance the ow of refugees into Turkey but also make its
borders strategically vulnerable. So it is in its best interest to move ahead with the peace process with the
PKK and effect a rapprochement with the Kurds. The
recent parliamentary elections in Turkey, in which the
pro-Kurdish Peoples Democratic Party crossed the 10
per cent threshold to enter Parliament for the rst time,
set the political stage for such cordiality. Ankara has to
seize the momentum to overhaul its approach to the
Kurds. Such a move would not just help it end a threedecade-old civil war that featured the brutal persecution
of the Kurds, but also infuse fresh energy into the Kurdish resistance to IS along the Syrian-Turkish border.
CM
YK
Undervaluing a genius
In a way, it is tragic to recollect this. Nek
Chand, for all his impish, playful genius, has
today been reduced to the level of a secondary artist. His celebrated rock garden
which was even subject to attack by vandals
is almost treated with the same delight
that one would greet a childs creation; a
collectors toy that is seen at an exhibition.
His sense of the classic did not stem from
great traditions but from the easy everydayness of folklore. It was all about folklore
and myth which came alive as animals and
other creatures in his magic forest created
from waste.
Yet, behind his creativity and representation was not just folk wisdom but a deep
philosophy, which many seem to have missed noticing; it posed an intellectual challenge to an India that had, and has, grown
out of urbanism, industrialism and design.
By emphasising the magical power and the
potency of renewal in what the rest of the
world dismissed as waste, he challenged
and still does the popular and current
culture of generating waste which treats
both people and materials as being something dispensable.
Nek Chand felt and echoed the philosophy
of the great chemist, C.V. Seshadri. Seshadri,
who came up with great work and ideas while
working out of a small laboratory near a slum
in Madras, once claimed that waste is the
only resource of a wasted people. He felt
that the idea of a slum as such highlighted
the desperation of creativity.
Slums, he felt, should not be treated as
objects worthy of a pathological examination but as representative of a new citizenship of creativity. For both Nek Chand and
Seshadri, recycling was a new form of storytelling; here, the material instead of facing
an end, was transformed, reinvented and
then told a different story. In his creation,
Nek Chand showed that craft could, and still
can, redeem the ill-effects of industrialism
by prolonging the life of a product long beyond its industrial efficiency.
There was also a deeper critique of the
current ideas of what a city is of an urbanism which ignores waste, that is illiterate
about the informal economy, and which fails
to recognise the citizenship of the marginal.
With its sense of memory and the inclusiveness of waste, Nek Chands garden suggested
a more organic city, where the city represented growth and was not a mere artefact.
The city that he visualised is a more humane answer to the cities of today which
have no place for refugees, memory, for
waste or for a defeated people wanting to
pursue a different way of life.
In that sense, he was more than just an
artist. Nek Chand was a philosopher of technology who in turn gave technology a sense
of pathos, irony and laughter. He provided
technology a mirror in which it could laugh
at itself and go beyond the hubris of innovation to reect on its tragic-comic consequences.
(Shiv Visvanathan is a professor at Jindal
School of Government and Public Policy.)
Letters emailed to letters@thehindu.co.in must carry the full postal address and the full name or the name with initials.
On the sidelines
It is obvious that no attention has
been paid to enhancing the
capacity building abilities of
vendors (Living on the citys
sidelines, June 18). They need
organisers. Many organisations
have initiated worker education
classes aimed at leadership
development, awareness of legal
rights, municipal corporation
procedures, a sharpening of
negotiating skills, dealing with the
police and even learning accounting
procedures. It is only through
exposure and exchange that
professional solidarity can be
strengthened.
Cooperatives can also be a
powerful mechanism in organising
street vendors. As cooperatives are
prot-oriented organisations, they
will suit the needs of vendors who
are instinctively entrepreneurial.
However, capacity building is
needed to manage and meet
statutory
and
mandatory
requirements. Cooperatives would
enable vendors to pull in the
resources and rid themselves of
exploitative forces relating to their
trade.
Chitvan Singh Dhillon,
Chandigarh
Vendors are a major cause of
nuisance, blocking pedestrian
pathways and generating enormous
amounts of garbage. The solution
lies in banning hand-driven carts. A
city which aspires to be world class
cannot have medieval ways of
selling articles. Instead, motordriven carts should be promoted.
Urban local bodies should also be
pressured into promoting welfare
measures for this vulnerable class.
Sweety Gupta,
New Delhi
Haryana to Kerala
Of the three letters (June 18) in
response to the article, Coming
south in search of a bride (June 17),
it was only the writer from
Bengaluru who has rightly pointed
out that the article sounds more like
a generalisation of some rare and
curious
information
without
subjecting it to sound and scientic
analysis.
It is a fact that most people in
Kerala are enterprising and
adventurous. It is perhaps the only
State still where matriarchy is in
vogue. In short, the women there
have high aspirations. When this is
the case, it is hard to believe that
women from Kerala are getting
10
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EDITORIAL
BENGALURU
THE HINDU
Why is the
PM silent?
he stubborn silence of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and of national leaders of the
Bharatiya Janata Party over the involvement
of Rajasthan Chief Minister Vasundhara Raje
in the unfolding Lalit Modi saga is a revelation in itself.
That the actions of Ms. Raje in support of Lalit Modi and
the murky business dealings of her son Dushyant Singh
are beyond what is politically defensible, is obvious.
What is equally clear is that inner-party rivalries are at
work and that party president Amit Shah and Prime
Minister Modi appear to be watching Ms. Rajes descent
from public grace more as spectators than as custodians
of political ethics. For persons holding high office, silence becomes ominous when it has the effect of whittling down the personal and moral authority of the
ruling party. The allegations concerning the Rajasthan
Chief Minister are indeed serious. The longer the ModiShah team takes to respond to the charges against one of
their own Chief Ministers, the stronger would be the
suspicion that they have something to hide. If Ms. Rajes
actions cannot be condoned, the Prime Minister and Mr.
Shah must say so, and the BJP must take steps to have
her removed as Chief Minister. If they have explanations
in defence of the business deals and political links of Ms.
Rajes son with Lalit Modi, they must place them in the
public domain. To not take either of these courses but
maintain a mystifying silence, will be to make a mockery
of the offices they hold. If the misconduct of Ms. Raje
was of a higher order than the impropriety committed
by External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj, whom the
BJP has supported emphatically over the past few days,
the Prime Minister must say so, and not wait for the
controversy to come to a head. Silence and patience
might have worked if this was a storm that would have
blown over, and not a snowballing crisis.
Ms. Rajes role has come to light only because the
former Indian Premier League commissioner decided to
flaunt his political connections in India in a bid to
portray himself as a victim of vendetta under the erstwhile United Progressive Alliance regime. It is now up to
the Modi government to demonstrate that it will not fall
for this ploy as far as the investigations against Lalit
Modi relating to alleged violations of tax and foreign
exchange laws are concerned. It cannot afford to give the
impression that it is not keen to pursue the probes to
their logical conclusion. A much-belated appeal is likely
to be filed soon in the Supreme Court against a Delhi
High Court verdict quashing the revocation of his passport. Regardless of the outcome of the appeal, what is
important is that no unwarranted legal concessions are
made in favour of a person evading an investigation with
an unfounded claim that his life is under threat in India.
As the Oxford English Dictionary acknowledges, the noun communalism has a different meaning in South Asia than in the
English speaking West, where it invokes
something shared by the whole community, or owned in common. The South Asian
meaning heads in the opposite direction, referring not to sharing and solidarity within a
community but to separation and hostility
across communities defined by religion. For
Indians living in the Modi era, the word offers an unsettling insight that is also a challenge. When its two meanings are taken
together, communalism becomes a hinge
word. It yokes together the contradictory
senses of a we feeling brought about by
solidarities, and a they feeling inciting animosities. In our time, such a juxtaposition
provokes the uncomfortable question: are
our most effective forms of community built
on shared hatreds rather than shared ideals?
Target of ire
The calibration of cruelty makes Atali different. If we add the active efforts of its Jat
elders to persuade their Muslim neighbours
to return to the village, Atali becomes almost
unique in the recent history of communal
violence. And yet, there is so much else that
follows a well worn script. A riot was preannounced after a recent court order vacated
the stay on the construction of the mosque. A
public campaign was mounted in a dozen
surrounding villages to recruit the required
mob. A local woman played a prominent role
in exhorting the menfolk and gathered a trolley load of women rioters. The pretexts leading up to the actual attack are also very
familiar alleged harassment of women and
dispute over the location of the mosque. This
is in the face of the proven facts that the site
has been used for prayers by Muslims for the
past several decades if not more; and that the
land on which it stands has long been recognised as Wakf land in the official revenue
CARTOONSCAPE
The scourge
of racism
he gun attack that killed nine black churchgoers in Charleston, South Carolina, is a violent reminder that racism courses through
Americas veins even 50 years after an unarmed civil rights activist was killed by an Alabama state
trooper, an incident that led to the historic Selma to
Montgomery marches. The target this time was a storied
African-American church and the victims included a
state senator. The arrested suspect, Dylann Storm Roof,
21, apparently wanted to ignite a civil war. The incident should be seen in the backdrop of a rising trend of
crimes in the U.S. against African-Americans, involving
both persons in authority and members of the public.
Charlestons victims are simply the latest in a long list
from recent years. They include Walter Scott, who was
shot from behind by a police officer on April 4 in North
Charleston; Michael Brown, shot by the police in Ferguson in August last year; Eric Garner, who died in New
York in July 2014 after the police got him in a chokehold,
and Trayvon Martin, shot in Florida by a neighbourhood
watch volunteer in 2012. The election of Barack Obama
as the first black President of the country in 2008 had
raised hopes about the dawn of a post-racial era. But
African-Americans are still being frequently targeted.
Racism is not history. Racialisation, making presumptions about people based on their identities from the
perspective of White supremacy, is a continuing process
that feeds people like the attacker in Charleston. The
American polity, which claims to cherish freedom and
fairness, should have addressed this societal flaw long
ago. Instead, the political activism of the conservative
right in the U.S. is deepening the flaw. It may not be a
coincidence that what the shooter at Charleston told his
victims you are taking over our country sounded
much like the Tea Party slogan, Take back our country,
which emerged as a rallying cry among the conservatives
after Mr. Obama became President. To be sure, the U.S.
is not the only country that has racism. What makes it
more lethal here are the countrys gun laws. The Obama
administrations attempts to bring in stricter gun laws
have failed in Congress despite a number of mass shooting incidents in recent years. Unsurprisingly, Mr. Obama has now renewed his calls for stricter gun laws. It
may be ironical that the policeman of the world, which
invaded two nations after the September 11, 2011 attacks
and sent drones to several others presumably to keep
Americans safe from terrorists, is seen to be clueless
on how to deal with home-grown terrorism. Racism and
guns are the twin pathological failures of the American
system. It has to tackle urgently these challenges, politically and legally. Else, no force would be able to halt the
decay of moral fabric in the country.
CM
YK
the point where it would become a self-evident truth. This is what the Gujarat model
began to achieve by pulling off something
unprecedented in independent India a riot
with mass killings and mass participation,
but zero remorse. In a series of firsts, this
historic pogrom saw the active involvement
of women and the affluent middle classes; the
breaching of the urban-rural divide; and the
significant participation of Dalits and Adivasis. Above all, it was the first riot for which
none of the major players has ever apologised. Prior to this, and regardless of the
regime in power, communal riots were always explained away after the fact as exceptional moments of madness brought on by
severe provocation and the instigation of a
few anti-social elements.
Despite its significant ideological innovations, the Gujarat model proved to be a limited success. Its major achievement was in
justifying an anti-Muslim pogrom and even
claiming credit for it, thus making a radical
break with the established tradition of dissembling followed by all political parties until then. And though it did not prove to be a
liability for Narendra Modis prime ministerial bid, neither was it a clear asset like the
Ram Janmabhoomi campaign which carried
Atal Bihari Vajpayee and L.K. Advani to power. The carnage of 2002 also extracted a
heavy price in terms of national and international damage control. In short, the Gujarat
model was successful but not sustainable.
Sustainable Hindutva
Although it is important not to read too
much into it too soon, we do need to examine
the implications of a possible Atali model
of sustainable Hindutva. Such a model would
forego the politically expensive indulgence in
extremes like the murder, rape or forcible
eviction of Muslims. Instead, it would seek to
cultivate a far more durable system of normalised oppression where Muslims are compelled to become permanent participants in
their own subordination. The key element
here would be the imposition of conditionalities limiting the extent and quality of their
citizenship. Once the basic principle of subordinate citizenship is legitimised, all the old
clichs extolling happy coexistence, syncretic culture, the inherent tolerance of Hinduism, etc., could be brazenly repeated
garv se.
Much of this is already happening. In Atali,
the Jats recall an idyllic past where humble
Muslims lived in harmony with their Hindu
benefactors, even eating from the same thalis. They attribute the current friction to two
Muslim families that have become too rich.
They insist that even now the Muslims are
welcome to stay, as long as they adjust,
respect the wishes of the village, and let their
mosque remain unbuilt Though the obvious question about the violence is transparently evaded, it is followed by the
counter-questions: Isnt it true that no one
was killed or raped? Didnt our elders plead
with them to return? These questions and
the restrained riot that makes them possible hold the key to sustainability because
they raise the benefits-to-costs ratio. Lukewarm media interest in a no-deaths incident
rarely went beyond convenient Muslims-atpolice-station visuals. The police were enabled to avoid the arrest of named rioters.
The state will be compelled to offer compensation which can then be used as leverage to
settle the matter. Time will work against
the victims who must rebuild their lives and
livelihoods before all else. Meanwhile, their
attackers have humbled the too rich Muslims and terrorised the rest, rallied their own
constituency, and are free to stage a repeat
performance at will.
Though the Atali model seems both sustainable and successful, it is yet to face two
major challenges caste dynamics and electoral politics. Atalis Muslims are low caste
Fakirs and Telis; the village also has a large
Dalit-Hindu population; and elections are
around the corner This space will be worth
watching.
(Satish Deshpande teaches Sociology at
Delhi University. The views expressed are
personal. E-mail: sdeshpande7@gmail.com)
Letters emailed to letters@thehindu.co.in must carry the full postal address and the full name or the name with initials.
mischievous
observation.
It
exposes more of the helplessness
and hopelessness of Mr. Advani
than any real political danger to our
country except the external threat
There is a growing streak of looming over our borders.
B. Sankaran,
authoritarianism in many actions
Chennai
of the government, with the
ordinary citizen feeling left out of
the whole process of governance.
Even substantial sections of the Nek Chand (Remembering a rock
media have fallen silent in the face star, June 19) was much more than
of the stridency shown by forces an artist. It is a pity that our
inimical to the democratic administrations are not sensitive
discourse. Mr. Advanis views are enough to having art and creativity
sure to raise hackles in the ruling in public places.
The writer does not see the irony
camp. But, as a party in governance,
the BJP should take the views of in saying that Nehru wanted to
one of its most senior leaders with create a new memory and a new
utmost seriousness and undertake sense of India because he was tired
of the violence of Partition.
remedial measures.
J. Anantha Padmanabhan, Partition would not have happened
Tiruchi had Nehru followed Gandhis
wishes. He was in a hurry to assume
The Congress, or at least some in it, leadership, as is clear in Ram
appear to have gleefully latched on Manohar Lohias book, The Guilty
to L.K. Advanis Emergency fears Men of Indias Partition. Was it his
and apprehensions comment. elitist, personal tiredness that
Though Mr. Advani has clarified allowed a city to be designed by a
that he was referring to the 1975 foreigner when Indians could have
Emergency, it is pertinent to know done so more suitably by
whether any one in the Congress accommodating all sections of
will ever openly admit that the only society? The description of
Emergency declared in India was in Chandigarh as Indias greatest
gross violation of democracy and planned city needs correction. It
against the principles of the may be planned but it certainly isnt
smart nor so legendary in
Constitution.
C.G. Kuriakose, comparison to planned cities
Kothamangalam, Kerala elsewhere in the world. And highly
planned cities that do not allow
The volcano which was simmering breathing room for spontaneity are
with disgruntlement consequent to soulless. Chandigarh has no
the defeat in the power struggle convenient public transport and
within the BJP has erupted with the poor are still out on the fringes.
the cynical, motive-laden and There is a clear division between
Visiting Mumbra
I agree with Basharat Peers view
that the absence of sanitation,
health, education or banking
facilities or companies denying
home delivery of products has, for
years, been the standard attitude
towards Indias Muslim ghettos
In Indias largest Muslim ghetto,
June 19. The practice of some
housing bodies denying housing to
Muslims, and as reported from
time to time, reflects the same
mentality. Despite such cases of
negligence, sporadic signs of
aspiration can be seen, as pointed
out by Peer in the case of Mumbra.
More
often
than
not,
governments have treated Muslims
only as a vote bank doing nothing in
reality to raise their social and
economic status. This has led to
uneven development in the
country, leading to complex issues
such as an identity crisis and of a
cultural threat. It is time that all
governments
create
equal
opportunities, so that many
untapped talents can be utilised for
better and stronger India. To
achieve this, the ghettoisation of
Muslims or any other minority
community needs to be shunned.
Manzar Imam,
New Delhi
BG-BG
www.jobsalerts.in
EDITORIAL
BENGALURU
THE HINDU
Missed signals
So far, nothing has been mentioned about
the massive failure of military intelligence in
this instance. The Northeast region still remains plagued by multiple insurgencies with
the possible exception of Mizoram. Manipur
itself has as many as 33 militant outts engaged in violent activities.
Consequently, the Indian Armys failure to
anticipate an attack which would have
been well-rehearsed and take adequate
precautions reect poorly on its intelligence
capability. This is also to say that civilian
intelligence agencies have hardly covered
themselves with glory.
Two specic developments in recent
months in the region should have alerted the
agencies to the fact that something was brewing. The rst was the decision of the NSCN
(K) to unilaterally abrogate its ceasere with
the Indian government, thus signalling a return to the path of violence. The second was
any unnecessary or uncalled for international attention and criticism of violation of another countrys sovereignty.
Jarring note
No doubt, the government would have valid answers to possible criticism levelled
against it regarding the nature and scale of
the operation, including that of intruding into a neighbouring countrys territory. Therefore, this is not the moot point for concern.
What is disconcerting are the outpourings of
triumphalism with even official spokesmen ministers not excluded indulging in
verbal excesses. Whether all this signals a
change in Indias counter terrorism strategy
or not, it certainly creates the impression
that a new and aggressive phase in the battle
CARTOONSCAPE
Hong Kong
needs balance
he decision of Hong Kongs lawmakers last
week to vote down a proposal put forth by
Beijing to reform the citys electoral system
was hardly a surprise. The plan, which would
give Hong Kongs voters the right to directly elect their
Chief Executive (CE) but from a list of pre-approved
candidates, triggered large-scale protests last year
when it was announced. Opponents say it is just another means for Beijing to retain control. Beijings explanation is that it is only doing what it promised to do at
the time of Hong Kongs transition from being a British
colony to a special administrative region of China.
Under the Hong Kong Basic Law, adopted by China in
1990, the CE would be elected by universal suffrage in
2017; but a committee would supervise the nominations. Hong Kong had been a British colony for over 150
years till it was handed over in 1997. All those years it
was ruled by governors appointed by London. When
the British withdrew, Beijing offered a semblance of
democracy to Hong Kong under the One Country, Two
Systems principle. In contrast to the British-style appointment of governors, the citys CE is now elected by
a 1,200-member committee of Hong Kongs elite.
Those who support Beijings latest reform plan say it
is a step in the right direction in Hong Kongs evolving
democracy, giving the people a chance to vote while not
undermining Beijings authority. But most politicians
in the Legislative Council dont seem convinced by this
argument. They want an election process that is completely free of Beijings involvement. This position raises three questions. First, while the argument for full
democracy that includes open nomination of candidates for the post of CE could appear to be politically
correct, does it have the support of the Basic Law that
the Chinese government says it is bound by? Second, is
it logical to believe that Beijing would agree to a government that is hostile to it being elected in Hong
Kong? And, is it possible in practical terms for Hong
Kong to live in perpetual hostility with Beijing, which
has grown into an economic and geopolitical powerhouse in the past three decades? Hong Kongs dissenting politicians should show pragmatism in dealing
with this situation. On the other hand, Chinas decision
that it would go ahead with the reform plan despite the
vote is imprudent. It cannot possibly overhaul the
citys electoral system without taking its people along;
Beijing needs to avoid fractious outcomes given the
citys dominant mood. There are objective conditions
for both sides to give up their intransigent positions
and make a deal that would be in the best interests of
the nancial and commercial hub that is Hong Kong.
CM
YK
Letters emailed to letters@thehindu.co.in must carry the full postal address and the full name or the name with initials.
BG-MY
www.jobsalerts.in
EDITORIAL
BENGALURU
THE HINDU
A question
of credentials
hile the Bharatiya Janata Party government has, on the one hand, been striving
to pursue a growth- and developmentoriented agenda with a firm emphasis on
the economic and foreign policy fronts, on the other
hand the question has come up too often whether it is
meanwhile systematically seeking to use the Ministries
related to culture, information, education and human
resources to push itself away from values promoting
excellence and expertise when it comes to certain key
appointments. This is the only possible explanation for
the choice of those with uncertain credentials for some
important institutional appointments. In the latest instance, the choice of Gajendra Chauhan for the post of
chairman of the governing council of the Film and
Television Institute of India, and other members of the
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh to be members of the
FTII Society, has raised the hackles of students of the
institute and members of the larger cinema fraternity.
Mr. Chauhan is better known for his portrayal of the
character of Yudhisthira in the popular television serial Mahabharata in the 1980s. His filmography includes
a string of films of a certain kind, and there is little in his
repertoire that qualifies him to chair a premier institution imparting quality cinematic training. It is
clear that the choice made by the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting is based on his leanings. He is a
BJP member, and wears his affiliation on his sleeve.
Of course, the BJP is not alone when it comes to
injecting political bias into the process of selecting
persons for such posts, but the present government
seems rather brazen compared to its predecessors in
ignoring qualifications or merit in making appointments. The Ministry recently appointed a number of
Sangh Parivar and BJP affiliates to the Central Board of
Film Certification panel, seemingly with hardly a
thought for credentials, eminence or qualifications.
The new chairperson of the CBFC, for example, is
someone who had directed run-of-the-mill films in the
past. The Human Resource Development Ministry recently appointed a historian with barely any peerreviewed work in the field, to the post of chairperson of
the Indian Council of Historical Research, Y. Sudershan Rao. To boot, he holds controversial views that
conflate mythological elements with history. The BJPs
victory in 2014 was predicated on its promise of overhauling governance to achieve economic growth and
development. It is impossible to imagine that the mandate was for the fulfilment of any kind of self-serving
agenda or sharing of the spoils. The government should
not allow itself to veer away from the pursuit of excellence and put in peril the integrity of its institutions.
Last weeks gruesome shooting in Charleston, South Carolina, in the United States, at
one of the nations most renowned AfricanAmerican congregations, is resurrecting the
citys and the U.S.s troubled past. This citys
history is steeped in slavery and the kind of
racism that fuelled the murders on June 17.
About half of all African-Americans in the
U.S. can trace their arrival to the country
from the Charleston region.
At the Wednesday evening Bible study, on
June 17, six women and three men, including
Pastor Clementa Pinckney, a state Senator,
were shot dead at the Emmanuel African
Methodist Episcopal church, located in a predominantly white area of the citys downtown peninsula. The 21-year old white
gunman, Dylann Roof, emptied his semi-automatic handgun on an essentially AfricanAmerican congregation. The Federal Bureau
of Investigation is now treating this as a hate
crime, a category of deviance that has become part and parcel of American life. There
were more than 3,000 hate crimes committed during 2013, the last year for which statistics are available. Of these, 2,000 were
directed at the African-American community. Whites were victims in about 700.
Importance of Charleston
Roof was in the gathering and after listening to the discourse for nearly 45 minutes,
entered into an argument in dissent of what
was being said by the pastor. Following what
was described as a vitriolic exchange of views,
Roof stood up and opened indiscriminate
fire. Just before shooting, he reportedly said:
I have to do it. You rape our women. Youre
taking over our country. And you have to go.
Such was the intensity of his hatred for African-Americans. There have been past incidents of violence in churches across the
nation. But, somehow, Charleston seemed
different, and the nation, including President
Barack Obama, soon rallied together to express its shock and disapproval.
Why did Roof select Charleston to unleash
his savagery? In a website, Last Rhodesian,
opened as recently as February 2015 and
attributed to Roof, he said: I chose Charleston because it is the most historic city in
my state, and at one time had the highest
ratio of blacks to whites in the country. We
have no skinheads, no real KKK [Ku Klux
Klan], no one doing anything but talking on
the internet. Well someone has to have the
bravery to take it to the real world, and I
first is the vexatious question of how to ensure that firearms do not fall into the wrong
hands. We do not yet know whether Roofs
firearm was licensed or not. However, it is
known that in March this year he was arrested for trespass and possession of a narcotic
pain killer. The cold reality in the U.S. is that
persons with a more dubious record than
Roof can get gun licences, taking advantage
of the Constitutional right to bear arms
one that has been so loosely and liberally
interpreted that even mentally impaired individuals and those with a criminal record
can hide their past and obtain a licence and
buy the most sophisticated weapons. A catalyst in this appalling situation is the clout
that the pro-gun lobby, in the form of the
National Rifles Association (NRA), enjoys.
Mr. Obama, who waxed eloquent in favour of
a stricter gun policy before he was elected,
had to tone down his opposition to the NRA
because the latter is politically too powerful
CARTOONSCAPE
Dance
of death
he smell of death continues to hang over the
Laxmi Nagar slum in Malvani in Mumbais
western suburbs. The first reports of deaths
from spurious liquor came in last week, and
over the next four days the toll has crossed 100, making
it Maharashtras worst such tragedy. In 2004, the death
toll in a similar tragedy went up to 87. The use of
methanol, the highly toxic alcohol, is once again the
factor in these deaths. The human scale of the tragedy
is shocking. It has killed the chief bread-winners, widowed several women, some as young as 18, and orphaned small children who have no means to survive.
Mainkaini Swami alias Akka, the alleged mastermind,
runs a bootlegging network, and is on the run. Two of
her associates were arrested, but Akka remains elusive.
She was arrested five times in the past, but has continued to run the network right under the nose of law
enforcement agencies. It is tragic that mass deaths
among the poor due to illicit liquor consumption is still
prevalent. Since 2001, illicit hooch has killed over 700
people across India in 18 recorded incidents. The biggest such tragedy, which killed 180 people in May 2008,
was in Karnataka. Then, 170 people were killed in West
Bengal in December 2011.
The latest tragedy has been an embarrassment to the
BJP-Shiv Sena government, and Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis will in all probability now clamp down
on illicit liquor units across the State. After the 2004
tragedy the Congress-NCP government had made Section 65 of the Bombay Prohibition Act a non-bailable
provision with the maximum punishment ranging
from six months to three years. However, excise and
police officials say bootleggers like Akka manage to get
bail and return to the business. The government is now
considering the application of more stringent laws
such as the Maharashtra Prevention of Dangerous Activities of Slumlords, Bootleggers, Drug Offenders and
Dangerous Persons Act, 1981, or even the Maharashtra
Control of Organised Crime Act (MCOCA) which will
make bail a difficult proposition. The government has
received many representations, especially from women, to ban liquor in temple towns such as Pandharpur,
and Tuljapur, Nagpur and Yavatmal, In January the
government declared Chandrapur liquor-free, making it the third dry district after Gadchiroli, and
Wardha, where Mahatma Gandhis Sevagram ashram is
located. But, in Gadchiroli and Wardha districts, in the
last four years the Excise Department has lodged some
2,000 cases and seized illicit alcohol worth over
Rs.2,000 crore. So for now, effective police action combined with stringent laws remains the only way to stop
this dance of death.
CM
YK
Letters emailed to letters@thehindu.co.in must carry the full postal address and the full name or the name with initials.
Muscle-flexing
Even though, in this instance,
Indias hot pursuit, on June 9, was a
grand success, its state of defence
preparedness leaves much to be
desired. Our frequent verbal runins with Pakistan should not be
underestimated. Instead of muscleflexing (June 22), we should keep
our logistics primed.Vacillation will
cost us dearly.
Devadas K. Nair,
Palakkad
BG-MY
www.jobsalerts.in
EDITORIAL
10
BENGALURU
THE HINDU
Going the
e-payment way
he governments proposal to incentivise electronic transactions in preference to cash dealings so as to curb black money is one of the
most complete attempts made till now to
achieve that end although it is not entirely a new idea.
Earlier attempts, such as the UPA governments Banking
Cash Transaction Tax, sought to address the issue only at
the bank level, ignoring the actual users of cash the
merchants and the public. That tax, introduced in 2005
by then Finance Minister P. Chidambaram, stipulated a
charge of 0.1 per cent on cash withdrawals above Rs.
10,000. However, it was messy: the somewhat arbitrary
move that was also poorly implemented, was repealed in
2009. This governments new proposal takes a more
holistic approach to the cash economy, and as such is
more likely to work. In a draft proposal now open for
public comments, the government suggests income tax
benefits for individuals who incur a certain proportion of
their expenditure through electronic means, while proposing a nominal handling charge on cash transactions
above a specified level. The removal of the additional
charge often levied on electronic transactions should
come with this. As for merchants, the government proposes a tax rebate to those among them who handle, say,
50 per cent of their transactions electronically, and a
small reduction in value added tax on the items involved.
At the moment the system discriminates against electronic transactions. Banks and service providers levy
extra charges on them, while cash transactions are implicitly subsidised by banks, which do not factor in the
cost of teller services. Paper money comes with hidden
overheads: the cost of printing and providing additional
security features, and the price of counterfeit money.
Cash transactions and black money are directly linked,
since a cash trail is nearly impossible to track. As such,
electronic transactions and the ease of audit they afford
should make the governments job much easier in terms
of curbing illegal transactions. India is a massively cashdependent economy, with its cash-to-GDP ratio being
around 13 per cent as compared to a global average of 2.5
to 8 per cent. Little wonder, then, that some experts
estimate the size of Indias black economy to be at least
half the size of the white economy. Commendably, this
government seems to be taking a systematic view in
working towards minimising cash-based transactions. At
the heart of it, even the Pradhan Mantri Jan-Dhan Yojana is aimed at providing direct, cashless subsidies to
those who need them. There are still more steps that
could be taken, such as encouraging major cash-users,
traders with large public dealings for example, to move
on to electronic payment modes. But this proposal is
undoubtedly a good beginning.
Political reversal
In the debates in Parliament, those who
vociferously argued for the expansion of the
provisions, pitching in for universalisation
and an increase in the quantum of the entitlements, included stalwarts from the Bharatiya
Janata Party (BJP) like Sushma Swaraj, Arun
Jaitley, Murli Manohar Joshi and Prakash
Javadekar. The then Chief Minister of Gujarat, Narendra Modi, wrote to the Prime Minister, asking for the law to be further
strengthened. It was not unsurprising because the BJP-ruled States, led by Chhattisgarh, had considerably enhanced the
outreach of the Public Distribution Systems
(PDS) in their respective States and were
credited with having put in place robust systems of transparency and accountability in
public food schemes. Therefore, the BJP was
determined not to let the United Progressive
Alliance (UPA) government and the Congress
Party walk away with all the credit for this
landmark legislation.
That was then. And two years is an interminably long wait in politics. Now, the BJP-led
National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government seems equally determined to throttle
the NFSA by bleeding it with a thousand cuts,
both fiscal and otherwise, even before it is
fully implemented. In the last one year, the
mandarins at the Food Ministry have not
allowed a single provision of the NFSA to
remain unmolested.
The first salvo against the Act was fired in
CARTOONSCAPE
The Taliban
challenge
ondays attack on the Afghan Parliament
building demonstrated the Talibans unshaken capability to strike at even the most
fortified of complexes in Kabul. This fits
into its strategy of staging high-profile assaults aimed at
gaining asymmetric superiority in the Afghan war. In
the past they had attacked the Presidential Palace, the
U.S. and Indian embassies and the Intercontinental Hotel in Kabul. The Parliament attack coincided with a vote
in the House to endorse a new Defence Minister. The
Taliban have been on the offensive since most of the
foreign troops, some 14,000 of them from 40 countries
at the peak of war, withdrew late last year. The Talibans
actions have often been exposing the vulnerabilities of
Afghanistans fledgling army. If the Taliban are allowed
to return to power, it would be catastrophic for the
Afghan people, particularly for millions of its women
who were deprived of even basic human rights under its
erstwhile regime. Given the tribal politics and lawlessness in Afghanistans rural areas, and the Talibans geopolitical relevance in the extremely complex South and
Central Asian theatre, it will prove difficult for any
anti-Taliban strategy to gain immediate traction. If the
past 14 years of war in Afghanistan offers any definite
lessons to the actors involved, it is that insurgency
cannot be defeated only by military means. One of the
grave mistakes the American-led troops committed was
their excessive emphasis on a military solution, while
reconstruction and creation of infrastructure, and
building of institutions, were pushed to the back seat.
President Ashraf Ghani, who took power in September 2014, had promised to fix the vital issues. But his
performance has not been impressive either. That Afghanistan, which has been at war for years, does not have
a Defence Minister for the last nine months, itself speaks
volumes about the state of its political affairs. What
Afghanistan needs is a multi-pronged strategy, supported by the international community, focussing on nationbuilding and security challenges as well as regional diplomacy. First, the government has to establish itself as
a credible, service-delivering and security-providing institution to gain the trust of its people. It should focus on
taking the social ground away from the Taliban, at the
same time bolstering its own security resources. The
international community has an obligation to help this
strategy, both economically and diplomatically. It is
worth noting that after the Soviets retreated from Afghanistan in 1989, it took just three years for the Mohammad Najibullah regime to fall, plunging the country
into a deadly civil war from which the Taliban rose to
power. It is the responsibility of both Kabul and its
backers abroad to make sure history doesnt repeat here.
CM
YK
Letters emailed to letters@thehindu.co.in must carry the full postal address and the full name or the name with initials.
American dream
Dhoni as captain
Ansari issue
Pedestrian safety
Despite the Municipal Corporation
and the government taking road
safety measures such as providing
railings at traffic junctions,
improving
pavements,
and
increasing traffic control measures,
accidents still take place. An
important reason for this is that the
pedestrians keeping to the left
cannot see vehicles coming from
behind until they overtake.
A pedestrian, on seeing a pothole,
a road bump or a child going astray,
has to move a couple of feet to the
right; consequently, any vehicle
coming from behind has to
suddenly swerve further to the right
to avoid hitting the pedestrian. If he
is unable to do so, he is bound to hit
the pedestrian. Also with roads
being congested, quite often the
vehicle driver who has to overtake a
pedestrian finds a speeding vehicle
coming from the opposite direction
and he too is in danger of being hit.
A solution would be to keep
pedestrians to the right of the road,
while vehicles continue to keep to
the left. Therefore the salutary
universal rule for road users to be
adopted henceforth can be
Vehicles Left, Pedestrians Right. It
is time that there is a national
campaign on these lines.
P. Sabanayagam,
Chennai
BG-BG
www.jobsalerts.in
EDITORIAL
10
BENGALURU
THE HINDU
Looking to the
Supreme Court
he Special Leave Petition filed by the Karnataka government in the Supreme Court against
the acquittal of Tamil Nadu Chief Minister
Jayalalithaa is not just the appeal of an aggrieved party on merits. It is also a commentary on the
quality of the High Court verdict in the disproportionate assets case. Apart from the undoubted public interest in the outcome of a case that will decide the
fortunes of a prominent political leader, the appeal has
brought the focus on how exactly courts deal with politically sensitive cases. The crux of the Karnataka governments contention is this: if the trial verdict of Special
Judge John Michael DCunha was noted for its elaborate
evaluation of the evidence and the reasoning behind his
conclusions, the appellate judge, Justice C.R. Kumaraswamys order overturning it is cryptic, lacking in
reasoning and illogical. Especially requiring a second
look are the High Courts reliance on the less-than-10per-cent theory that allows a public servant to hold
unexplained assets up to 10 per cent in excess of what
she can account for. The points of divergence between
the trial court verdict and the High Courts judgment are
now well-known. The divergence is of such magnitude
that every reasonable person would favour an authoritative pronouncement from the highest court on these
aspects of the case. Karnataka has sought to focus on
what many see as flaws in the High Court order, not least
in importance being some glaring mathematical errors.
It cannot be forgotten that when a public servant is
charged with possessing assets disproportionate to her
known sources of income and which she is unable to
explain satisfactorily, the court must strictly go by the
established quantum of wealth possessed, the expenditure incurred during a given period in office and the
income known to have been received in the same period.
This basically requires flawless computation and, where
precise figures are unavailable, an objective means to
evaluate the value of the assets. Any failure in making a
precise computation will naturally result in a miscarriage of justice. By using different means, the prosecution, the defence and the two courts have so far
arrived at different figures on income, expenditure and
the consequent quantum of disproportionate assets.
This fact also contributes to the need for a full reexamination. As for the political context, the appeal has
been filed at a time when Ms. Jayalalithaa is contesting a
by-election that will send her back to the Legislative
Assembly. Karnataka has sought interim relief by way of
a stay of the High Court judgment; if granted, this may
have the effect of restoring Ms. Jayalalithaas disqualification from being a legislator. The stage is set for the
last round of this 18-year-long legal battle. Ordinary
citizens look to the Supreme Court for an authoritative
pronouncement on this crucial matter of defining the
dos and donts for persons in high public office.
A power machine
Indira, as a child, loved organising armies
which grew from a home-game to serious
proportions when, still an adolescent, she
founded the Bal Charkha Sangh and the
Vanar Sena to help the Congresss campaigns in Allahabad. Decades later, in 1962,
when her noble father too noble, some
may say as Prime Minister was still coming to terms with the Chinese action, she was
at embattled Tezpur, right among Indian
jawans, offering them and the people of the
area, solidarity and practical help a semimilitary initiative of compelling significance.
privacy of their homes or learning institutions into a commodity for mega-consumption, with actual yoga products for sale on
the sides. The Yoga Day exposition on Rajpath has taken the Babas commercial potting of it beyond commodification to what
can be called a political massification. Why
political?
Retrieving Bharat
The question takes us back to Nicholas I
and Indira Gandhi. Like those two historical
figures, Prime Minister Modi has a sense of
order. He backs that up with an attentiveness to his own fitness, punctuality, turnout. By personally leading, like an adept
instructor, the phalanx gathered on the Rajpath lawns, he has choreographed yoga into
an opera of mass power. But not just of
power as in wholesome personal strength.
Rather, power as in a collective mission, a
mass drill that goes beyond personal wellbeing into a national nostrum, a national
mission that bears an unmistakable family
resemblance to the drills by the Rashtriya
Swayamsevak Sangh. And what is the missions message?
Quite simply, this: We have been a weak
nation, a nation of do-gooders and pacifists,
of men who are afraid of the noise of crackers, the smell of smoke. Men of withered
wills and sunken chests. It is time we built up
our sinews, physical and mental, time we
toned up our tissues, tightened our tendons.
We must retrieve Bharat from the shambles
that our so-called liberal leaders of the last
six decades have left usThey were not leaders but mis-leaders who tell us that being
muscled-up is mean, being belligerent is bullying. In fact such peacemakers and liberals
are dangerous anarchists. Let us march, not
saunter, stand and sit in neat rows, not hap-
CARTOONSCAPE
Not a
mouthpiece
n the pecking order, Rajya Sabha TV nowhere
figures in the TRP ratings. But if sobriety, objectivity and fairness count, sans the hyperventilation that passes for news these days, perhaps
RSTV would be a shoo-in for the top slot. In many ways,
the channel reflects the House of Elders. The detailed
discussions on government policies, besides the telecast
of Rajya Sabha proceedings on prime time, are its trademark. Yet, at one stroke the short-lived Twitter furore
that ensued over its inadequate coverage of the celebration of International Yoga Day led by Prime Minister
Narendra Modi, managed not only to stoke pent-up
communal feelings and ideological hatred against the
Congress-appointed Vice-President Hamid Ansari who
happens to be a Muslim, but also the channel he heads.
The attack was on both. Fortunately, and this can happen only on Twitter, corrective measures soon followed
and the Vice-President received overwhelming support.
This, as the BJP sought to play down tweets from its
national vice-president as unfortunate. The channel was
dubbed leftist as opposed to, one presumes, right-wing
channels. Both entertainment and news channels were
asked by the government to make the International
Yoga Day a success in terms of coverage, and they duly
complied. Rajya Sabha TV exercised its choice to buck
the trend and refrained from going overboard. Having
said that, it would not be entirely correct to blame the
BJP for criticising RSTV. The channel has received its
share of brickbats from the Congress-led UPA as well. At
the height of the 2G scam and the furore over crony
capitalism that plagued the UPA, RSTV kept its head and
went about conducting discussions, inviting members of
the ruling party as also those from the Opposition BJP.
As the framers of the Constitution envisaged the separation of powers among the Executive, the Legislature
and the Judiciary, the channels run by Parliament are
accountable to Parliament and its members, not to the
government of the day. Neither are they its mouthpieces. Yet, from time to time organs of the government
encroach on one anothers domain. So it is here; the
government thinks the channel must function as its
mouthpiece. RSTV was in the news when allegations of
overspending were hurled at it. A section of the media
alleged that Rs.1,700 crore was spent on it in a period of
four years, prompting some members to contemplate a
privilege motion against the media outlets concerned.
Finally, if the channel is criticised by the party in power,
it can mean only one thing: the channel is not under its
control. And it is the taxpayers money well-spent.
CM
YK
Emergencys script
Forty years ago, the Emergency spoke the
same script. Jayaprakash Narayan, campaigning against despotism and corruption,
was vilified as an anarchist. His movement
was dubbed as anti-national, anti-progress.
Dissent became treason, opposition became
heresy. And overnight, posters came up: Batein kum, kam ziyadah (Speak less, work
more). And an old Sanskrit word was set
flying on a new political string: Anushasan,
discipline. The call of the hour was anushasan, with Acharya Vinoba Bhave getting
roped into the act to describe the period as
Anushasan Parva, the Discipline Moment.
Inevitably, newspapers fell silent, All India
Radio became a trumpet. Spies crept out of
woodrot to belittle, walls acquired hi-fi ears
to betray truth-tellers, corners found whispering tongues. A kind of yoga was unleashed bhayayoga, the yoga of multiple
fears in which mauna (silence), sushupti
(willed stupor), and savata (immobility) featured strong. And a divinity was ideationally
superimposed on pictorial blitzes of the nations saviour, Indira Gandhi.
There were no Yoga Day type drills organised at the time but spontaneous rallies
were called to hail the proclamation, hail the
Emancipator. Even as mass leaders were
jailed, sections of the middle class welcomed
a sudden improvement in the punctuality of
train movements, attendance in government
offices, the check on profiteering that followed. Honesty at shopfloors and workplaces became visible. But all for the
present, because it was imposed by fiat,
monitored by fiat, by fear, by bhayayoga.
Audi alteram partem (Hear The Other
Side) is ever a good principle. So, be it said
that the Emergency saw a set of wholesome
developments, all for reasons of Realpolitik.
It made poverty eradication central to our
national discourse. It made good governance
seem actually realisable. It reset certain governmental priorities. Of which protection of
the natural environment was significant.
And it made national security a matter of
everyones, not just the militarys, concern.
But its real legacy has been wholly unintended. It has made India conscious, as never before, of civil liberties, of the right to
freedom of expression. The Emergency, by
robbing India awhile of the soul of Republicanism, has made it a truer Republic than it
was before 1975.
If today we can talk about the Emergency
in the past tense, it is because the nations
collective spine did not go into a forwardbending dhanurasana (bow-position) and
because the media vertebra , despite censorship, stayed particularly unbent. And because the judiciary, despite the demoralising
judgment in ADM Jabalpur v/s S S Shukla
retained its core independence, thanks to
the conscience-keeping Justice H.R.
Khanna.
A person who has recovered from a stroke
values the faculties of motor ability, mental
comprehension and speech more than one
who never lost it.
The Constitution as amended in 1978 has
made a proclamation of the 1975 type National Emergency impossible. What we have
to be wary of is something as bad the
robotisation of our minds into a yogic acceptance of one drill majoritarianism
and its masterful drill-master.
(Gopalkrishna Gandhi is Distinguished
Professor of History and Politics, Ashoka
University.)
Letters emailed to letters@thehindu.co.in must carry the full postal address and the full name or the name with initials.
Sexism in science
Starting with Marie Curie, the first
woman to win a Nobel, 1903 in
Physics, just 15 women have won
the Science Nobel, most of them in
physiology and medicine. In the
United States and Europe, around
half of those who gain doctoral
degrees in science and engineering
are women, but barely a fifth of
professors are women. Too many
women encounter patronising
attitudes or harassment in
research contexts. Asking women
to lean out and be true to
themselves instead of trying to
lean in or fit into a system
designed and controlled by men ,
could be one way of confronting
sexism (Yes, theres sexism in
science, June 24). The ultimate
redemption
would
be
in
recognising and addressing the
unconscious bias in the DNA. Also,
scrupulously
avoid
using
vocabulary and imagery that
support one gender more than the
other.
C.V. Venugopalan,
Palakkad
E-payments
While the short-lived banking cash
transaction tax of the earlier
regime put the onus on third
parties like banks to pay the tax on
behalf of those who transact in
cash through withdrawals, the
present proposal will encourage
users to go in for e-payment
(Editorial, June 24). Some of the
drawbacks of the present epayment system are that some
ventures charge for e-payment
handling. For example, the
electricity board and the railways
expect the public to pay the
transaction charges paid by users.
Abolition of bank charges or
absorption of the same by the
utilities will increase the coverage
of the e-payment platform and
reduce the cash-handling function
of the utilities which absorb a lot of
manpower. In turn, banks can also
release a section of manpower for
accounts-related work. A fallout
will be reduced cash transactions
which will also increase the shelf
life of currency notes.
P. Esakki Muthu,
Chennai
subsidies
through
electronic
payments and cards would
eliminate
the
problem
of
middlemen. Finally, elections
would become a smooth affair as it
would reduce the distribution of
cash for votes.
Varad Seshadri,
Sunnyvale, CA, U.S.
Dhoni as captain
10
www.jobsalerts.in
EDITORIAL
BENGALURU
THE HINDU
Blocking
justice
ndias long-running quest for justice for victims of
the 26/11 terror attacks in Mumbai has been stymied by lack of cooperation from Pakistan in
bringing the accused to book. Now it has received
another blow. This time it comes from the Chinese
decision to block Indias request in the UN Security
Council Sanctions Committee seeking a clarication
from Pakistan on the release of Zaki-ur-Rehman Lakhvi.
India has rightly contended that the freeing of the Lashkar-e-Taiba commander violates UN Resolution 1267
that deals with designated entities and individuals with
links to al-Qaeda and that has listed Lakhvi since December 10, 2008. The Chinese action is in contrast to
broad support from countries such as the U.S. in asking
Pakistan to rearrest Lakhvi. The U.S. State Department
has released a report indicting Pakistan for not acting
against the LeT. The Chinese decision is unfortunate,
and belies its own stated commitment to ght terror, as
reiterated in its joint statement with India following
Prime Minister Narendra Modis state visit to China in
May. This is also in line with earlier Chinese actions
blocking or delaying Indias attempts at the UN to le
separate proposals on Pakistan-based terrorists. China,
which has itself faced terror attacks in Xinjiang province, should exert pressure on its all-weather friend to
take action against sources of terror rather than buying
Pakistans inconsistent reasoning that it is also a victim
of terrorism. The twin-track, contradictory policy of the
Pakistan establishment, especially its security wing, towards terror should not be lost on China. After all,
Islamabad is at loggerheads with forces such as the
Tehreek-e-Taliban, while maintaining a close relationship with some anti-India and anti-Afghanistan forces.
India has done the right thing in raising the Lakhvi
issue in a multilateral forum, as it has done thus far in
seeking justice for 26/11. A thorough case was built up
against the apprehended gunman Ajmal Kasab, leading
to his conviction. India sought cooperation from U.S.
and Pakistan while diligently compiling proof of the
involvement of the conspirators, including links in Pakistans security establishment. With the U.S. supporting Indias position and with the well-established global
antipathy for terrorism, the use of multilateral institutions to raise concerns is warranted although India in
the past has generally avoided seeking the aegis of the
UN to resolve bilateral issues. Pakistan will not be able
to continue its lackadaisical response towards Indian
concerns about the conspirators who are on its soil,
provided there is sufficient international pressure. It is
to be hoped that the External Affairs Ministrys response to the Chinese action, making it clear that it
would raise the issue at the highest levels of that government, would bear fruit. Terrorism is, after all, wellrecognised by the U.S. and China as a global challenge.
Stances to audiences
It is clear that assurances are being given
by Iranian leaders to the country that the
contents of the nal deal would not be a sell
out but have the best national interests in
mind. While hardliners have been asked to
keep quiet, a at has been issued not to
publicly discuss the pros and cons of the
nuclear deal. An air of optimism can be
gauged from the hard bargaining with visiting foreign delegations who are now queuing up for contracts in anticipation of the
sanctions being lifted.
The Iranian Ambassador to India, Gholamreza Ansari, recently said in New Delhi
that Iran had not gone for negotiations due
to sanctions. We have always been ready for
talks in 2003 and 2010 and are committed to
the Non Proliferation Treaty, was his line.
Earlier this month in New York at the
2015 Nuclear Non Proliferation Treaty Review Conference, the United States Secretary of State, John Kerry, had said: The
United States and our P5plus One partners
ment plant, and the amount of uranium permitted for enrichment for research and
development. There are also differences
within P5+1, and between Russia and China
and other P5 members. The P5+1 (the United
States, United Kingdom, Germany, France,
Russia, and China, facilitated by the European Union) has been engaged in serious and
substantive negotiations with Iran with the
goal of reaching a veriable diplomatic resolution that would prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon. For example, Russia
and China do not favour an automatic, snapback mechanism for non-compliance. However, the mother of all differences is within
the U.S.: between the Republican Partydominated U.S. Congress and U.S. President
Barack Obama. This has been inuenced by
between 1 and 2 per cent. Ination has declined from 35 per cent to 25 per cent. According to the Tehran Times, India dropped
crude imports to zero in March 2015, for the
rst time in a decade, and under pressure
from the United States as a push for the
Interim Framework Agreement of April 2,
2015 at Lausanne. Sanctions have worked in
slowing but not halting Irans nuclear
capability.
CARTOONSCAPE
Death of
a journalist
he death of Shahjahanpur-based freelance
journalist Jagendra Singh of burn injuries earlier this month, continues to raise questions.
And, instead of inspiring condence that it
would ensure a fair and impartial probe into the death,
the Akhilesh Yadav government is focussing its energies
on limiting the political damage from the allegations of
the involvement of State Minister Ram Murti Verma in
the case. First, the government was slow to act after
footage emerged of a seriously injured Jagendra Singh
saying the Minister and his goons could have beaten
him up instead of burning him. Next, the government
offered a nancial compensation of Rs.30 lakh, and
promised jobs to his two sons. Now, efforts seem to be
under way to treat the death as a case of self-immolation.
A forensic report opened up the possibility of attempted
suicide, on the ground that the right-handed Jagendra
Singh had suffered more wounds on his left side than on
his right side. For the police to give credence to such a
possibility ignoring his dying declaration would be a
travesty of justice. Whether or not the Minister or his
associates were directly connected with the death will
have to be a matter for further investigation, but there is
no doubt that the journalist was attempting to expose
the reported links of the Minister to illegal mining activities, with the aid of posts on the social networking site
Facebook, and through litigation. Any investigation
would necessarily have to look into these aspects.
Chief Minister Akhilesh Yadav might be tempted to
see his Samajwadi Party and the government as victims
of trial by media, but his own actions have done little to
help matters. Instead of being seen to be rmly on the
side of the victim, the government came through as
being bent on protecting the Minister. The proper
course would have been to drop him from the Cabinet
till the completion of the investigation. The offer of
compensation was clearly a political move, after days of
bad publicity and a dharna by the victims family members. If the leaked preliminary forensic report is any
indication, the promised impartial probe into Jagendra
Singhs death is unlikely to happen. Despite the ling of a
rst information report naming the Minister, the police
are yet to act against him. Jagendra Singhs death is a
reminder of the perils that confront investigative journalists, especially those who take on the rich and the
powerful. If the Uttar Pradesh government fails to act
decisively in this case, the suspicion that it has a lot to
hide will strengthen. It will also adversely affect freedom
of expression. Issues far greater than the reputation of
the Akhilesh Yadav government are at stake in this case.
CM
YK
Letters emailed to letters@thehindu.co.in must carry the full postal address and the full name or the name with initials.
The Emergency
The article, Mastering the drill of
democracy (June 25), was a ne
psychoanalysis of the traits and
ambitions of a political leviathan,
Tsar Nicholas I and Indira Gandhi
being the popular examples.
Ambitions should be made of
sterner stuff, wrote Shakespeare
in his Julius Caesar. In line with
this Shakespearean dictum, to full
his or her ambitions, every political
supremo embarks on a long drawn,
sternly imposed and intellectually
suppressing strategy, casting aside
the opinions of millions of people
whom his/her strategies affect
ultimately. The magnitude of the
yoga drill at Rajpath, with its thrust
on health care will only go a long
way in transforming India.
Syed Sami Ullah,
Tripoli, Libya
Making any future declaration of
Emergency
may
be
an
impossibility, but the culture of
intolerance that was prevalent
those days is making a slow
comeback. The manner in which
NGOs are being treated and the
action against a student body at
IIT-Madras
are
prominent
examples of the attempt to
suppress voices of dissent. Of the
many parallels being drawn
between Emergency and India
today, one can think of Narendra
Reaction to yoga
There is no substitute for yoga in
any religion. Thus, yoga has
emerged as a robust therapeutic
system for general well-being
(Yoga is unacceptable: Muslim
body, June 25). One must always
be open to adapting the good things
espoused by other religions. It is
absolutely not fair to consider yoga
as depicting a particular religion.
M.C.S. Pavan Kumar,
Bengaluru
Yoga should not be seen though the
prism of religion. It is a form of
exercise which relaxes the mind
and body. However, the BJPs
attempts to saffronise it should not
be allowed. Likewise, if a Muslim
wishes to practise yoga from the
point of view of enhancing his/her
health, why should he or she be
stopped?
T. Anand Raj,
Chennai
Rajya Sabha TV
The role of reporting without fear
or favour assumes signicance in
an age of growing scams,
irregularities and crime. Reporting
news is an art and carries great
responsibility, where the language
needs to be polite, clear and yet
without sacricing the principles of
journalism. If Rajya Sabha TV is
criticised, it rightly signies that it
is doing its job well. One only needs
www.jobsalerts.in
EDITORIAL
10
BENGALURU
THE HINDU
Needed, a new
urban vision
rime Minister Narendra Modi launched his
flagship Smart Cities Mission proclaiming that
governmental intervention in planning the cities would be minimal. He referred to a bottom-up approach, but did not emphasise who exactly
would benefit from the cities. The approach suggests
that India is breaking away from its Anglo-European
architectural tradition, promoted by Jawaharlal Nehru
in the 1960s with the projection of Chandigarh as a
template for urban planners. Nehrus aim was to create
mixed-income cities with easy access to community
infrastructure and to institutions such as the judiciary,
the legislature and the executive. But Mr. Modis urbanplanning approach contradicts that view and largely
resonates with American-style urbanism. The government is putting the spotlight on smart cities and allowing the business community to lead the development.
Let us take an example in the U.S. to figure out who
could benefit from the new urban plans in India. In New
York City, most of the commercial and residential
buildings from uptown to downtown Manhattan are
inhabited by the rich who can afford the huge rents.
They have installed biometric security systems to keep
the unwanted people that is, the poor at bay. The
city government has largely outsourced the public services to private companies, which are replacing the
labour force with mechanised technology. As a result,
the job market has become saturated. The unskilled
workforce is caught up in a low-wage job cycle.
Before pushing India on to a similar American path,
Prime Minister Modi must step back and re-think
whether his government should invest in smart cities,
or rather empower the existing urban centres by means
of policies that cater to poor and middle class Indians.
For instance, at present almost every Indian city faces
sanitation issues due to the absence or inadequacy of
drainage networks. The migration of people from rural
areas to the urban peripheries continues at a rapid pace,
resulting in the mushrooming of slums and unauthorised colonies. According to Census 2011, some 65 million people live in slums. The governments response to
the issue in terms of planning to build affordable housing for them is short-sighted. Smart cities would simply
institutionalise the disparity within the cities instead of
filling the lacunae. The last decade of urbanisation did
change the academic and policy consensus toward urban centres, but ignored the fringes of these centres
where those from the poor and the lower-middle class
who came in a large influx ended up. In Delhi, the
government passed on powers to residents welfare
associations, which now decide on the choice of basic
civic matters and they always give preference to their
own gated communities. Mr. Modi must take a forwardlooking stance when it comes to developing urban India. Otherwise, the glossy vision of building smart cities
could end up triggering a process of social apartheid.
Spending on education
It would be difficult to make the case that
higher education in India has been starved of
resources in the aggregate. A shift in public
expenditure towards higher education had
commenced in the 1950s, even though the
social returns to primary education were very likely higher than the social returns to the
tertiary. By the early 20th century, the ratio
CARTOONSCAPE
The promise of
freight corridors
he much-delayed project to build the ambitious eastern and western dedicated freight
corridors has received a boost with the Cabinet
Committee on Economic Affairs approving a
revised cost estimate for it. At Rs.81,459 crore, the figure
is more than double the originally estimated Rs.28,181
crore. The 1,839-km-long eastern corridor will connect
Ludhiana in Punjab with Dankuni in West Bengal. It will
have two components, a double-track section and a
single-track segment, both electrified. It will cut across
six States. The eastern corridor will cater to traffic
streams including coal, finished steel, cement and fertilizer. The western corridor will cover nearly 1,500 km,
connecting the Jawaharlal Nehru Port near Mumbai
with Dadri, and passing through States such as Haryana,
Rajasthan, Gujarat and Maharashtra. A substantial portion of the revised cost will be met by way of debt from
multilateral institutions such as the Japan International
Cooperation Agency and the World Bank. The equity
requirement of the Railways will be around Rs.23,796
crore. Dedicated Freight Corridor Corporation of India
Ltd., the special purpose vehicle set up by the Railways
to implement the project, is keen to complete it by
2017-18. Once the twin-corridor system is in place, it will
transform the very profile of the Railways. A host of
positive outcomes, such as reduction in transportation
costs and stepped-up commercial activity, benefiting a
range of core industries, could flow from it. This could in
turn have a multiplier effect on the economy.
Poor infrastructure has been a principal worry for
Indian industry. More often than not, this has affected
its ability to be efficient providers of goods and services.
End-consumers have been forced to pay for the collective inefficiency. The twin-corridor project was conceived in 2005 and was approved by the Congress-led
United Progressive Alliance government in 2008. The
huge cost overruns owing to the time lapse tell their own
tale, and reflect the massive challenge facing policyplanners in pushing through a project of this size and
magnitude that has inter-State implications. From a
slow decision-making process to roadblocks to land acquisition, there are problems aplenty in the way ahead
for the project. No doubt, land acquisition is turning out
to be a touchy political issue. Prevarication on the decision-making front will hurt the viability of even soundly
conceived projects. The Narendra Modi-led government
would do well to ensure that the twin-corridor project
goes through without any further delay. The key to doing
so will lie also in taking along the States concerned.
CM
YK
Politically driven
When social forces act to snuff out a vibrant and free-spirited learning environment, we are largely in the hands of the
political class, for it is this class that wields
the levers of power that can counteract the
reaction. But when the political class abets
these very forces, we are left pretty much in
the lurch. There is something of this kind at
work in India today.
First, for decades now, members of the
political class have been very heavily invested in the profitmaking segment of higher
education. Private engineering, medicine
and management education have offered
full-time politicians a happy hunting ground.
Naturally, there has been no concern for
knowledge creation here. On the other hand,
the archipelago of Central higher education
institutions has been treated as a handmaiden to advance party-political agendas. This
has been the case under both the fronts that
have ruled India over the past decade-and-ahalf. The initiatives have ranged over making
an IIM education virtually free, to expanding
enrolment without any concern for the
consequences.
Almost a century ago, Kalidas Bhattacharya, a philosophy teacher in Calcutta, delivered an address to his students which was
published as a tract named Swaraj in Ideas.
Though the address must itself be seen in the
context of the Indian national movement, its
message remains as fresh as ever. Bhattacharya had argued that political independence by itself would amount to little if
Indians did not have the mental capacity to
imagine a world in relation to their own
needs. The prerequisite for this is the development of cognitive means, an ethical sensibility and a historical understanding. This
alone can be called an education. We watch
with shock and awe as everything handed
down from Delhi of late suggests that the
political class dont want one for our young.
Higher education in India is being throttled
by the regulator, and no one is screaming
murder.
(Pulapre Balakrishnan can be reached at
www.pulaprebalakrishnan.in)
Letters emailed to letters@thehindu.co.in must carry the full postal address and the full name or the name with initials.
Easy target
The Committee to Protect
Journalists has damning statistics
on the Indian scenario to show how
the lives of journalists have been
snuffed out like flies, especially
when covering the danger areas of
corruption and politics. It only goes
to show how the two are so
intertwined. The Press Council of
India has a moral duty to engage in
serious thought to create a
protective umbrella that covers
journalists of all hues. The
Shakespearean words, As flies to
wanton boys are we to th' gods, They
kill us for their sport should not
ring true for journalists and
Jagendra Singhs death should not
be in vain (Editorial, June 26).
Dharmalingam Chandran,
Udhagamandalam
www.jobsalerts.in
EDITORIAL
BENGALURU
THE HINDU
Battling
perceptions
n a battle of perceptions, to concede an inch is to
lose several feet. After having won the 2014 Lok
Sabha election on an anti-corruption platform,
relying heavily on a carefully crafted clean image
of himself, Prime Minister Narendra Modi cannot afford to now be seen as leading a party or government of
corrupt individuals. But, with the former chairman and
commissioner of the Indian Premier League, Lalit Modi, embarrassing his colleagues in government and
Rajasthan Chief Minister Vasundhara Raje in a series
of revelations, all that Prime Minister Modi seems to be
doing is to wait silently in the hope that the noise would
die down. Acting decisively against Ms. Raje, as propriety demanded, would have opened up several fronts.
For one, Ms. Raje is enormously popular within the
Bharatiya Janata Partys Rajasthan unit and commands the support of a majority of the partys members
in the Assembly. Dislodging her would result in the
national leadership, Mr. Modi and party president
Amit Shah in particular, having to deal with a revolt in
the State unit. Ms. Raje has in the past defied the
national leadership, thwarting attempts to project alternative leaders at the State level. It would be unrealistic to expect her to go down without a fight. Secondly,
to admit that the BJP in its avatar under Mr. Modi is no
different from the BJP of old would be to admit that he
has made no difference to it since he worked himself
onto the national stage. If the BJP today comes across a
lot like the Congress on an issue like corruption, then
Mr. Modi would have to be deemed a failure. Thus, to
even recognise that there is corruption in its ranks is
for the BJP an issue of its very raison dtre.
Of course, one reason Ms. Raje remains powerful in
Rajasthan is that a year after he assumed office Prime
Minister Modi does not quite retain his national appeal. While there is no challenge to his authority at the
Centre, regional satraps such as Ms. Raje and Madhya
Pradesh Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan do not
believe they owe him anything in their political careers.
But inaction is not an option for the BJP at the national
level in laffaire Lalit Modi. If denial remains the default response, sooner or later the party would be seen
as condoning corruption. Allowing Ms. Raje to continue could have long-term effects on its credibility and its
anti-corruption stance. As for Ms. Raje, the financial
dealings of her son Dushyant Singh with Lalit Modi,
and an affidavit she filed in favour of the former IPL
commissioner, raise serious issues. Her continuance as
Chief Minister without these issues being addressed
quickly would only fuel the agitations that the Opposition parties have launched, and cramp the governments functioning. In the long run, that would be
disastrous for both Ms. Raje and the BJP.
A first-time visitor to hot and humid Shenzhen, the port city of Guangdong province in
southeast China, will be stuck by the grandeur of what is clearly a modern mega-city.
The city, which abuts Hong Kong and a gateway to southern China, is a showcase of the
countrys reforms era (1978-present).
What was once a fishing village in the late
1970s, has transformed itself after a special
economic zone was designated there in 1979.
Many parts were built up to accommodate
businesses and factories to aid in the rapid
urbanisation that was wrought out from foreign investment, dedicated urban governance and by leveraging the coasts of the Pearl
River delta and the South China Sea. Within
four decades, the city has grown into a tertiary hub, host to high-technology companies,
highly skilled manpower and an equivalent
of the Silicon Valley of the United States.
Today, the port city serves an important
function in Chinas outreach to the world by
being a major outpost in the Maritime Silk
Road project. It is also the base of some of the
busiest container terminals on the Pearl River delta.
The Belt and the Road project is an ambitious exercise that was announced by the
Chinese President Xi Jinping-led regime in
2013. It encompasses trade and investment
hubs to the north of China by reaching out to
Eurasia including a link via Myanmar to India (the New Silk Road Economic Belt). The
other component, the Maritime Silk Road
begins from the south of the land mass via
the South China Sea, then going on towards
Indo-China, south-East Asia and then traversing around the Indian Ocean by reaching
out to Africa and Europe. Officials of the
National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC) in China were upbeat about
the initiative, explaining to a group of mediapersons, this writer included, and think tank
representatives who visited China early in
June, that it could play an important role in
global economic recovery. They asserted
that this would happen by allowing for better
allocation of resources and investment in
the Asian region in infrastructure, transport,
maritime cooperation, resources and
energy.
Economic imperative
The seriousness of the Chinese government in implementing this project was evident in the manner in which border
provinces are being made responsible in
China visualises synergy with the Indian Act East initiative and
the development of the Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar
corridor. It also reckons that Indias participation in the Silk
Road project will ease the massive trade deficit.
traditional sectors before the reforms period, has now become a largely tertiary sector
reliant economy. Government officials
pointed out that only 4.7 per cent of the
provinces GDP was reliant on the primary
sector agriculture while the secondary
and tertiary sectors contributed 42 per cent
and 49 per cent respectively. The emphasis
was on structurally changing Guangdong into a hub of services and advanced manufacturing as labour-intensive industries
were either moved to relatively less prosperous provinces within China or to countries
such as Vietnam which offered low wage
labour. That said, Guangdong province is
richer in areas that are closer to the coasts
while the inland areas were relatively less
prosperous.
The enthusiasm in Guangdong for the
Maritime Silk Road project is a reflection of
an economic imperative that is driving China to promote the Belt and the Road. Chinese officials are aware that their economy is
Indian response
Here is where the Belt and the Road strategy is expected to come in handy. While the
Maritime Silk Road would be a way to build a
route for the rerouting/export of Chinese
capital and consumer goods, the Silk Road
Belt will be a conduit for land-based projects
that will provide for fixed asset investment
in building pipelines, and infrastructure
such as roads and rail-lines with partnering
countries along the routes. China has committed $40 billion in initial investments for
the Silk Road Infrastructure fund, over and
above the investments that are to be funded
by the newly constituted Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB).
Chinese officials see a lot of synergy with
the Indian Act East policy initiative and the
development of the Bangladesh-China-In-
CARTOONSCAPE
Disquiet
over a claim
he claim made by Rohini Salian, the Special
Public Prosecutor appearing in the case relating to the 2008 Malegaon blasts being investigated by the National Investigation
Agency, that she was told by the NIA after the NDA
government came to power last year to go slow on it, is a
shocking one. While the NIA has denied this and has
also said it was incorrect to suggest that it had bypassed
Ms. Salian as prosecutor in the case, that is yet to go to
the trial court, there is something distressing about
this episode. The Malegaon blasts in Maharashtra were
pinned on Muslim extremists, until diligent work by
the Maharashtra Anti Terrorism Squad led by Hemant
Karkare identified the hand of Hindu extremists, many
of whom were alleged to have carried out blasts such as
in the Mecca Masjid in Hyderabad, the Samjhauta
Express and Ajmer Sharif, all in 2007; in Modasa in
Gujarat in 2008, and in Malegaon earlier in 2006. The
investigation led by Karkare who was killed later in
2008 during the terror attacks in Mumbai led to the
filing of a comprehensive charge sheet. This document
and other police reports contained transcripts of secret
meetings among extremists and revealed the chilling
agenda of Hindu right-wing fringe groups, which allegedly sought to emulate jihadi terrorism and foment
trouble by violently targeting people from the minority
community and use that opportunity to gain political
power. The NIA took over the investigation from the
ATS, and it was tasked with looking into the broader
scheme of actions by Hindu extremist groups. Since
2011, however, the case has been held up in courts, and
only in April 2015 did the NIA initiate investigations
following a go-ahead from the Supreme Court for the
case to be heard by a new special trial court. The NIA is
yet to file a fresh charge sheet.
Ms. Salians statement indeed raises questions about
possible interference in the cases since the NDA government came to power, and the Supreme Court ought
to take note of this. After all, only after the Supreme
Court intervened and directed investigations into various cases relating to the 2002 Gujarat riots and set up
special courts, did the judicial process in those cases
settle on a proper track. It is imperative that the sense
of disquiet over any skewed justice when it comes to
cases related to extremists from the majority community as opposed to those from the minority communities is dispelled. This is especially so with respect to
Maharashtra, where the recommendations of the Justice B.N. Srikrishna Commission that investigated the
Mumbai riots of 1992-1993 remained unheeded, and
where the guilty were never brought to book.
CM
YK
Strategic dilemma
Some commentators among the strategic
community in India have caught on to this
rhetoric and have viewed this project as representing a major strategic initiative by China. They consider the Maritime Silk Road as
a way of establishing a String of Pearls
strategic bases encircling India and constituting a challenge of a geopolitical kind.
This view does not consider the fact that
Indias neighbours, Sri Lanka, Pakistan and
even Nepal have largely and willingly wanted
to partner with China in projects related to
port and infrastructure development in the
form of rail links among others. These strategic concerns seem overblown and derived
from the fact that there are significant political issues, the boundary question in particular, that are unresolved between India and
China.
In sum, there is an official ambivalence
and a wariness from the strategic community in India about the project. Some of this is
also the consequence of a degree of shift in
Indian foreign policy and strategic thinking
in the recent past that had turned pro-West
for certain periods and was even willing to
conceive a role for India in the contain
China strategy promoted by the United
States. To its credit, the Narendra Modi-led
government has thus far followed a horses
for courses policy. It has kept up its engagement at various levels with both the U.S. and
China, seeking to, on the one hand keep
commonality on strategic initiatives with
the former, and expanding its economic relations with the latter on the other.
In line with this, it would be prudent for
the Indian government to shed its reticence
towards participation in the Silk Road project even as it is engaged with the Chinese
government to whittle down its political differences. The boundary negotiations have
been tortuous to say the least, but there is a
recognition in China that relations between
the two countries are at a propitious phase
because of the high degree of legitimacy and
popularity enjoyed by the respective regimes
and their leadership.
Chinese foreign ministry officials that this
writer met in Beijing were guarded in their
response to concerns about the relative lack
of progress in the boundary negotiations. It
is clear that there is far more potential in
addressing aspects of the economic ties in
even more substantial terms than what has
been arrived at, following reciprocal state
visits that have set a positive tone. There are
avenues that can be explored to leverage
Indias advantages in the tertiary sector and
Chinas strengths in capital investment for
what could be a win-win deal. Therefore, a
more open assessment of the Belt and the
Road initiative in this regard would be a step
in the right direction. Chinas NDRC has
promised a summit of various countries to
take the project forward both bilaterally and
multilaterally in 2016. A signal of participation by India could herald the first step.
srinivasan.vr@thehindu.co.in
Letters emailed to letters@thehindu.co.in must carry the full postal address and the full name or the name with initials.
Terror Friday
Landmark ruling
The historic judgment by the U.S.
Supreme Court, approving same
sex marriage (June 27) makes me
wonder whether there will be
something similar in India. We live
in a new era and one of greater
www.jobsalerts.in
EDITORIAL
10
BENGALURU
THE HINDU
A model
for India
t is rare that a decision made by the Supreme
Court of one country gives cause for cheer across
the world. The U.S. Supreme Courts momentous
verdict allowing same-sex marriages across that
country sparked celebrations among the LGBT community and expressions of support from others. Implicit in
every such celebration or voice of support is the expectation that other societies too would follow suit, if not in
recognising same-sex marriages, at least in ending open
discrimination based on medieval prejudice. The communitys long battle for equal rights has reached its
logical conclusion there. The court ruled that the bond
of marriage cannot be limited to opposite-sex couples.
From the time it upheld in 1986 a law that made homosexuality a criminal offence, to overturning the ruling in
2003, and now allowing same-sex marriages, the U.S.
Supreme Court has made considerable progress in recognising the liberty of individuals with alternative sexual orientation and their right to equal treatment before
the law. Instead of hiding behind traditional arguments
to the effect that legal questions concerning personal
relations such as marriage be best decided by elected
bodies, the court has said that the due process and
equal protection clauses in the 14th Amendment to the
U.S. Constitution are as available to the gay community
as anyone else when it comes to marrying a person of his
or her choice, including of the same gender.
It is inevitable that such a ruling occasions an evaluation of where India stands. Indian law on homosexuality continues to be retrograde. The Supreme Courts
December 2013 judgment upholding Section 377 of the
Indian Penal Code, which seeks to punish carnal intercourse against the order of nature, continues to hold
the eld. The pious observation by the two-judge Bench
that it was up to Parliament to decide whether to retain,
amend or delete the section has not been acted upon by
the political leadership. The restraint that the court has
shown in not striking down Section 377, and the reasoning that it should be left to the legislature to decide
whether or not to decriminalise homosexuality, fell
short of Indian judicial standards. There are several
cogent arguments including some that gure in the
U.S. Supreme Courts majority opinion in favour of
judicial intervention to uphold individual liberties. Now
that the judicial opportunity has been lost, the legislature cannot shirk its responsibility any longer. It may
seem unlikely that parties embroiled in electoral politics
will risk antagonising conservative sections of society.
However, progressive parties and liberal parliamentarians should come forward with amendments to delete or
at least dilute Section 377. An outdated provision cannot
be allowed to violate fundamental rights and offend
human dignity by remaining on the statute book.
eration of the body. Knowing that Arthurs home and to bring up children is protected by
life was in immediate peril, he and Obergefell the Due Process clause of the 14th amenddecided to wed, travelling from Ohio to Ma- ment. By virtue of their exclusion from the
ryland, where same-sex marriages were per- institution of marriage, same-sex couples
mitted. Arthurs condition was so poor that are denied the constellation of benets that
the wedding ceremony was conducted on the the States have linked to marriage, wrote
tarmac in Baltimore, where the medical Justice Kennedy. This harm results in more
transport plane that had brought Arthur was than just material burdens. Same-sex coustationed. Arthur died three months later, ples are consigned to an instability many
but, in spite of their lawful marriage, the state opposite-sex couples would deem intolerable
of Ohio refused to recognise Obergefell as in their own lives. Whats more, in denying
people a right to marry individuals of the
Arthurs surviving spouse.
The other petitions in the case also com- same sex, the States also violated, in Justice
prised, as Justice Kennedy wrote, equally Kennedys opinion, the right to equal proteccompelling stories. None of them represent- tion of the laws, which can help to identify
ed, as some of the justices in the minority and correct inequalities in the institution of
contended, any erosion of societal norms, marriage, vindicating precepts of liberty and
and all of them revealed, with stark clarity, equality under the Constitution.
why the denial of a right to marry an individRight to equality
ual of the same sex struck at the core of ones Voice of dissent
This decision in Obergefell will go down in essential freedom.
In a sharply worded, and astonishingly
the annals as a culmination of decades of
blinkered, dissenting opinion, Justice Antostruggle by gay rights activists for equal On dignity and liberty
nin Scalia wrote, The Supreme Court of the
The 14th Amendment to the U.S. Constitu- United States has descended from the distreatment. It was only in 1986, after all, in
Bowers v. Hardwick, that the court had found tion, under which these appeals ultimately ciplined legal reasoning of John Marshall
nothing unconstitutional about laws penalising consensual sex between homosexuals. To
The thrust of Justice Kennedys reasoning lies in giving
argue that sodomy was implicit in the concept of ordered liberty, as the petitioners
recognition to the fundamental dignity of gay people, and
did, wrote Justice Byron White in Bowers,
was, at best, facetious. It took 17 years for
their autonomy to make ethical choices about their lives,
Bowers to be formally overruled (in Lawa liberty that ought to accrue equally to individuals
rence v. Texas), but, today, the court deserves
credit for moving, in less than three decades,
regardless of their sexuality.
from viewing arguments in support of autonomy of gay individuals as frivolous to recognising their rights to be treated as equal succeeded, provides, among other things, and Joseph Story to the mystical aphorisms
that the state shall not deprive any person of of the fortune cookie. Justice Kennedys
beings.
There were, in all, 16 petitioners in Ober- life, liberty, or property, without due process style, in Justice Scalias words, was as pregefell, which included 14 same-sex couples of law, and that the state shall not deny to tentious as its content is egotistic. Its hard
and two men, whose same-sex partners were any person the equal protection of the laws. to miss the irony. Justice Scalias dissent is
now deceased. Their cases emanated from Although Justice Kennedys reasoning is oc- vitriolic, constituting a personal attack on
the states of Michigan, Kentucky, Ohio and casionally rhetorical a ourish, which al- Justice Kennedy, and is also embedded in a
Tennessee, each of which recognised mar- beit reads lyrically he specically relies unique and unjustiable philosophy of texriage solely as a union between man and both on the due process and the equal protec- tual originalism, which is backed neither by
woman. The rst petitioner, Jim Obergefell, tion clauses in recognising a right to same- the Constitution nor by good reason. As Juswanted the state of Ohio to recognise him as sex marriage. The thrust of his reasoning, tice Kennedy pointed out, in interpreting
the surviving spouse of John Arthur, whom however, lies in giving recognition to the the Equal Protection Clause, the Court has
he had legally married in Maryland. As Jus- fundamental dignity of gay people, and their recognized that new insights and societal untice Kennedy recounted, Obergefell and Ar- autonomy to make ethical choices about derstandings can reveal unjustied inequalthur had been in a committed relationship their lives, a liberty, which Justice Kennedy ity within our most fundamental institutions
for more than 20 years, when they discov- wrote, ought to accrue equally to individuals that
once
passed
unnoticed
and
ered, in 2011, that Arthur was suffering from regardless of their sexuality.
unchallenged.
amyotrophic lateral sclerosis (Lou Gehrigs
Relying upon precedent, Obergefell reitChief Justice Roberts however, in a more
disease), which causes a progressive degen- erated that the right to marry, to establish a principled dissenting opinion than Justice
CARTOONSCAPE
Facing up to
global troubles
eserve Bank of India Governor Raghuram Rajan has a certain stature in the global nancial
world. He had predicted the 2008 global nancial meltdown much in advance: in 2005,
during his tenure at the International Monetary Fund
he wrote a research paper in which he warned of nancial sector-induced turmoil. Since then, Dr. Rajans
words and actions in his line of work are watched and
read with more than a cursory interest. Not surprisingly, his purported remark made at a London Business
School programme last week on intimations of the
Great Depression elicited wide reactions. The RBI had
to intervene with a clarication to put the Governors
articulation in perspective and context. What Governor Rajan did say, in his remarks, was that the policies
followed by major central banks around the world were
in danger of slipping into the kind of beggar-thy-neighbour strategies that were followed in the 1930s, it
claried. For quite some time now, Dr. Rajan has been
voicing his concerns over the competitive monetary
policy easing by central banks across the globe. According to him, the current non-system in international monetary policy is a substantial source of risk to
sustainable growth as well as the nancial sector. Unconventional policies have the potential to trigger huge
risks when they are terminated. He reckons that such
policies will push the world economy towards musical
crises. In an inter-connected world, actions in one
place trigger consequences elsewhere. In such a situation, domestic policy-planners have to factor in this
outside inuence in their strategies.
Indeed, Indian policy-planners nd themselves in a
predicament thanks to the continued monetary easing
by some nations and the shrinkage in world trade.
Given this new normal kind of an environment, they
will have to look at ways to protect the Indian economy
from external vicissitudes. In this context, a fundstarved country like India will do well to focus on
foreign direct investment rather than get unduly worried about foreign institutional investment, which will
have its ebb and ow depending on the environment
outside. A 75 basis-point reduction in the key repo rate
made in three equal instalments this year by the RBI
has not really helped spur investments. A combination
of capacity overhang, slack demand and banks mounting non-performing assets has only compounded the
problems. With everyone waiting for the other to act
rst, the onus is denitely on the political bosses to
devise quick solutions to accelerate the economy. Perhaps, the prescription of the Depression-era economist
John Maynard Keynes is relevant now. Indeed, a bit of
a socialistic approach to spur demand is unavoidable.
CM
YK
Indian context
The curve of constitutionalism in India no
doubt differs signicantly from the development of American constitutional law. Also,
foreign judgments do not always lend themselves well to constitutional interpretation.
But, where they are relevant, and where
genuine parallels can be drawn, its always
valuable to heed to and to understand the
reasoning behind a foreign decision. No
doubt, not every aspect of Justice Kennedys
opinion in Obergefell would apply in the Indian context. But a reading of his decision
ought to serve as an important reminder of
the deep damage wreaked by the Indian Supreme Courts decision in December 2013, in
Suresh Kumar Koushal v. Naz Foundation.
Here, in a judgment authored by Justice
G.M. Singhvi, the court obdurately dismissed
the relevance of foreign authorities in upholding the validity of Section 377 of the
Indian Penal Code, which, among other
things, effectively criminalises homosexual
acts. In what turned out to be a harmful and
awed opinion, there was no discussion
whatsoever on how the Indian Constitution
insofar as it applied to Section 377 was different from its American equivalent and its application to laws discriminating against gay
people. Well-reasoned arguments questioning the inequality of a classication based on
sexuality were dismissed with equal ippancy. Instead, the court offered a strange deference to supposed parliamentary wisdom.
In Obergefell, Justice Kennedy refutes
precisely the kind of undemocratic intransigence shown by the Indian Supreme Court in
Koushal. Justice Kennedy points out why
judicial review in matters such as this, where
fundamental rights are at stake, is central to
an apposite functioning of a democracy.
Whats more, he forcefully tells us why discrimination against homosexuals is a matter
that travels to the very root of human dignity.
The sexuality of an individual is fundamental
to the persons autonomy, and it is an ethical
choice that goes beyond a realm where the
state can lawfully operate.
These precepts are applicable as much to
the guarantee of equal protection under the
Indian Constitution as they are to the 14th
amendment of its U.S. counterpart. In India,
much like in the United States, the power of
the courts to judicially review acts of legislature derives itself from principles of democracy, properly understood. In fact, the Indian
people have additionally been bestowed with
a specic fundamental right to approach the
Supreme Court directly to question laws,
which violate their basic liberties, guaranteed in Part III of the Constitution. Therefore, it ought to be a matter of shame to us
that the Indian Supreme Court, in Koushal,
chose to dismiss issues of such grave constitutional concern with facile neglect.
When the court ultimately hears a curative
petition led against its decision in Koushal,
it must reect profoundly on the concerns
that Justice Kennedys opinion in Obergefell
highlights. It must seek to understand why
Section 377 disturbs choices, which are central to the personal liberty expressly guaranteed by our Constitution. It must regard,
with greatest respect, the protection, which
our Constitution provides to gay persons, of a
right to be treated as equal individuals.
(Suhrith Parthasarathy is an advocate
practising at the Madras High Court).
Letters emailed to letters@thehindu.co.in must carry the full postal address and the full name or the name with initials.
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