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The Nature of
the Boreal Forest
Governmentality
and Forest-Nature
Andrew Baldwin
Carleton University
This article addresses the ontological status of nature in environmental politics by taking up the
question of sustainable forest management in the Canadian boreal. In particular, it draws from
Michel Foucaults notion of governmentality to argue that the historicity of forest-nature is indispensable for understanding the politics of sustainable forest management. In the end, it is argued that recent efforts to politicize the boreal should be regarded as an exercise of
knowledge/power that rerepresents the boreal as a space of community and land stewardship, climate regulation, and biological diversity promotion, as opposed to simply a passive space of resource extraction. The article concludes by addressing some of the political implications of forestnature for the practice of everyday life.
Keywords: boreal forest; governmentality; cultural geography; sustainable forest; management; hybrid nature
Forests are not passive objects. Neither are they simply objects of aesthetic expression or the natural capital underwriting corporate bond issues. They are unfixed entities embedded in complex webs of relations that string together multiple experiences
of expertise, myth, ethics, and history. This is perhaps no more so the case than for the
boreal forests of the Canadian north. What was reinvented as a natural space, a source
Authors Note: The author would like to thank Fiona Mackenzie, Simon Dalby, and three anonymous referees for their comments on earlier drafts of this article.
space & culture vol. 6 no. 4, november 2003 415-428
DOI: 10.1177/1206331203253189
2003 Sage Publications
415
416 s p a c e a n d c u l t u r e / n o v e m b e r 2 0 0 3
of fear and of mercantile importance, through several hundred years of colonial exploration has been transformed over the past three decades into a hotly contested object of desire. On one hand, the received category of the boreal forest as natural resource continues to underwrite the corporate practice of industrial forestry
throughout the circumpolar north. Whereas, on the other hand, the boreal forest embodies strong mythological appeal; an aesthetic picture routinely invoked by environmental groups that weaves together an innocent history and an idealized, remote nature associated with northernness. And for indigenous peoples inhabiting the boreal,
the spatial formation called the boreal forest is representative of a violent past and a
subjugated, irreconciled history. As such, the boreal must be viewed foremost as a political space at the center of which one finds the ontological status of nature a question
of pressing concern. This article examines one aspect of this political debate, namely,
the social construction of one of natures common signifiers: the forest.
My argument hangs on the concept of forest-nature, which, in the first instance, is
meant to signify a presumed essence: a pristine, absolute nature that would exist
whether or not humans were on hand to be its witness. This is the nature frequently
associated with trees and wilderness, the nature elegantly pictured in glossy magazines, and the nature whose evidence many assume can be found in forests. To better
situate forest-nature, the argument begins with a brief introduction into the so-called
nature debates currently unfolding within the fields of human geography and cultural and environmental studies. But more poignant, this article is concerned with the
historical process through which the very idea of forest-nature as a constructed object
of political concern has been transformed. In so doing, it draws from Michel Foucaults notion of governmentality to express the manner by which forest-nature became the object of political and economic calculation in Progressive Era United States
(Demeritt, 2001). It will then show how a new subjectification of boreal forest-nature
(and object of political calculation) is emerging with the advent of modern environmentalism and with it a range of political implications for the conduct of everyday
life. The article then proposes that we view this subjectification as the formal construction of a hybrid nature and an exercise of social power (Escobar, 1999). Through
this process, we might begin reconceptualizing the boreal as a technological artifact
and spatial environment consistent with Donna Haraways (1991) conception of the
cyborg.
G o v e r n m e n t a l i t y a n d F o r e s t - N a t u r e 417
practice of daily life. So prevalent is this view within the practice of mainstream environmentalism that to refute it is to attack the moral authority of the environmental
political project itself. Yet after careful reading, it becomes very clear that, when we
adopt this approach, the spaces in which nature is said to existforests and human
bodiesare inadvertently purified of their social content. In rerepresenting specific
physical spaces with the aesthetic of bourgeois nature, those living within and adjacent
to these spaces physically and metaphorically are forced to reinvent themselves vis-vis this discourse of environmental purity. To this extent, so-called natural space becomes depoliticized as the language of political contest is displaced by the technocratic
language of environmental management. Canadian forest politics provides a vivid example of this displacement where political struggles over control of Canadas Pacific
coast forests have been too often mediated by the technical language of sustainable
forest management, an ideological move which privileges corporate managerialism to
the exclusion of indigenous peoples history in discussions about forest futures
(Braun, 2002).
In response, many geographers and environmental theorists writing within the
field of poststructural political ecology have begun challenging the ideological effects
of an ontologically discrete understanding of nature by critically retheorizing the relationship between human society and the nature metaphor. Does human ingenuity
give humans standing outside the realm of nature? Are humans necessarily bound by
the dictates of a universal, biophysical reality? Do humans and the biophysical possess
distinguishable agencies enabling each to pursue their own objectives independently?
In short, what does it mean to protect nature from human intrusion? And perhaps
more poignant, what are the political effects of environmental discourses framed in
terms of human intrusion and environmental protection? Answers to these questions
have taken many forms. Whether these concern the production of nature under capitalism and the concomitant process of asymmetrical development (Smith, 1984), or
modernitys propensity to dominate nature (Leiss, 1994), there can be no doubt the
idea of nature is fundamental to any geographical consideration of space.
More recently, however, these debates have taken on a decidedly more cultural tone,
recognizing more and more the importance of power in shaping the discourses of nature, a move that not only situates the question of nature firmly within relations of
power but draws the entire practice of environmental protection into critical view
(Braun & Castree, 1998; Keil, Bell, Penz, & Fawcett, 1999; Luke, 1999). Through this
methodological lens, struggles to save threatened segments of old growth forest in the
past two decades are now thought to be less and less about protecting trees than they
are about protecting the meanings attached to, and the cultural identities derived
from, culturally significant forests. Within these debates, political ecologists have begun asking whose nature is being represented and protected, what are the material effects of such representations, and, conversely, whose natures are being subjugated in
the process (Braun, 2002; Braun & Castree, 1998; Castree, 1995; Escobar, 1996).
What this line of enquiry points to is a new approach to human geography that incorporates some of the fundaments of poststructural political ecology by recognizing
that the materiality and representation of nature are indistinguishable processes (Escobar, 1999; Peet & Watts, 1996). In this sense, poststructural political ecology borrows
heavily from Foucauldian methodology to reveal how natures and bodily behaviors
are drawn into existence through the generation of knowledge, and why such practices
should be theorized as exercises of power. But as a matter of practicality, this method
is also concerned with articulating how the materiality of produced nature (Castree,
418 s p a c e a n d c u l t u r e / n o v e m b e r 2 0 0 3
1995; Smith, 1984) is a function of the representational practices that assign meaning
to specific visualizations of the biophysical. In other words, the manner in which the
biophysical performs in the world (natures materiality), what nature looks like and
how it behaves is, in large measure, a matter of the discourses circumscribing the specific spaces in which nature is said to act: forests or bodies. For instance, through the
mid-19th century following the rapid conversion of southern Ontarios mixed forest
to agricultural space, Ontarios lumber barons began actively reinscribing the Algonquin highland with new meaning. They argued that if left unchecked, the process of
land conversion in the highlands would amount to an untold loss of forest value, because the highlands were home to abundant white pines which could otherwise be
used to mast the English navy. The materiality of this signification persists to this
day; the Algonquin highland, once a predominantly coniferous ecosystem, is now
dominated by second- and third-growth hardwood forests. Of course, this is a simple
illustration that elides other representations of the Algonquin highland, Algonquin as
refuge or Algonquin as Island of Hope (Reid, 1992, p. 45), to name a few. But it nevertheless illustrates a central theme in poststructural political ecology, which is that
material analysis cannot be carried out in the absence of discursive analysis. In other
words, we cannot fully theorize the materiality of nature without understanding the
discursive manner through which nature is first represented (Escobar, 1999).
G o v e r n m e n t a l i t y a n d F o r e s t - N a t u r e 419
omy, the practice of economics had never been considered a matter of social life but
was instead limited to the confines of family life. But after amassing statistics about
family-level economy, the art of government became synonymous with managing the
aggregate economy abstracted to the entirety of the social body. It was therefore
through the statistical rendering of an abstract social economy that it became possible
to speak metaphorically about the health of the entire population. Indeed, population
health itself, through its intimate connection to the performance of the aggregate
economy, could be subsequently witnessed, measured, and disciplined. As such, population welfare, knowledge about which derived from the state practice of statistical
representation, became the newly emergent object of governmental rationality.
Accordingly, the art of government, ensuring the right disposition of things for
Foucault, should be understood as an exercise in biopower, a concern for the totality
of human beings constituted as a population: health, hygiene, natality, longevity, race
(Foucault, 1989, quoted in Darier, 1999, p. 22). But alongside the idea of biopower
emerges the notion of biopolitics, political struggles over the control of all aspects of
human life, especially the conditions for human biological reproduction (Darier,
1999, pp. 22-23). Taken together, biopower and biopolitics work on the social body in
two ways: individual bodies are normalized according to the behavioural codes that
are said to guarantee personal health, and meanwhile the social body is regulated to
maximize population health. In this sense, governmentality becomes concerned with
both the self-government of ones body and the government of the social body.
But the health and welfare of the social body cannot be limited merely to disciplining and normalizing bodies in the interest of the whole, as biopower and biopolitics suggest. If modern environmentalism has taught us anything, it is that bodies are
not detached from their material surroundings but are, on the contrary, wholly dependent on them for survival. It is at this point in the history of governmentality that
several contemporary social theorists have begun using Foucaults ideas of governmentality to theorize the nature-society interface (Luke, 1999). Timothy Luke provides an important insight into how this may be so, building upon Foucaults idea that
biopower was not limited merely to bodies. Indeed, Foucault himself wrote that
biopower brought life and its mechanisms [italics added] into the realm of explicit
calculation (Foucault, 1978b, p. 143). For Luke (1995), therefore, it is here that we
can begin to locate the emergence of the environment as a nexus for knowledge formation and as a cluster of power tactics (p. 66). Accordingly, what emerge here are codes
of knowledge representing the human interface with the biophysical world which
themselves become crucial technologies in the exercise of power or, to use Lukes language, eco-knowledge/geo-power. This is to say that the apprehension of knowledge
about how it is that ecosystems are central to human survival (eco-knowledge) becomes a political technology through which geo-power is exercised. Thus, for Luke, we
arrive at the process of environmentality. Under this formulation, bodily behavior
and, by extension, the consumptive practices of everyday life are worked on indirectly
by those codes that specify the most appropriate ways in which bodies should engage
with biophysical processes. Here, the daily acts of vegetarianism, the purchase of organic foods, and other identifications that symbolize ones commitment to an environmental ethics can all be read as eco-knowledge scripts which work through and
normalize bodily behavior in accordance with the principles of nature and, to the extent that these so-called principles of nature are themselves socially determined, with
history.
420 s p a c e a n d c u l t u r e / n o v e m b e r 2 0 0 3
But what also emerges from this conceptualization is the recognition that the environment is as much a historical phenomenon as it is a biological one (Escobar,
1999; Luke, 1999). This articulation makes sense when one looks to Karl Polanyis
(1957) definition of poverty as nature surviving. Nature here defined is primordial;
it harbors the elements of death, disease, and famine, which enact their wrath on the
poor. And poverty is a mode of life that comes to symbolize the dangerous precipice
between survival and death. But for Luke, the 18th-century agricultural technologies
that promised to draw humanity back from the edge of death were the immediate result of the different fields of knowledge concerned with life in general, namely
knowledge about the human health effects of pestilence and starvation (Foucault,
1978b, p. 142). Nature in this sense becomes a critical truth enfolded into the normative discourse of historys unfolding, where the tension between what is and what
should be is mediated by a contingent set of knowledges about nature. In other words,
those elements of nature considered relevant to the human condition, in this case
pestilence and starvation, are only deemed as such by virtue of their relation to history. Luke draws further attention to this historicity of nature when he claims that
ecology, although an emerging form of knowledge that took biophysical processes to
be its primary realm of concern in the latter part of the 19th century, did not become
significantly politicized until such time as the productive regime of biopolitics became fully globalized. In contemporary ecological society, the exercise of Lukes geopower might be read as humanity coaxed back from the edge of death (from nature)
through the application and institutionalization of new, eco-modernizing technologies. Humanitys relation with nature is, thus, significantly and immutably historical.
But it is the subjectification of this nature that is the crucial point in all of this because
it is the discourse through which the subjectification of nature is rendered meaningful that determines how populations, bodies, and natures will be subsequently disciplined by an institutionalized ecological modernity. All of this is another way of saying that what counts as nature in any particular context, political or otherwise, is
historically constituted by mythical, textual, technical, political, organic, and economic discourses that collapse into each other in a knot of extraordinary density
(Haraway, 1994, quoted in Braun & Castree, 1998, p. 26).
How this knot is translated politically will be explored below. But before moving to
that discussion, the relation between environmentality and instrumentalism needs to
be addressed. It might be that eco-knowledge/geo-power appears as nothing less than
eco-colonialism in discursive evening wear. That is, it might appear that contemporary
environmental discourses are so attractive that they are being consciously appropriated by certain actors (states and capitalists) and used to advance private interests
above those of common concern. Indeed, a sizeable literature on precisely this issue is
in wide circulation (Sachs, 1993; Shiva, 1993). But it would be mistaken to conflate
Lukes notion of environmentality with instrumentality. Of course, it can be shown
that capital does engage in discursive politics to advance its interest in resource control, as in the case of British Columbian rainforest politics (Willems-Braun, 1997). But
the exercise of biopower is something quite different. It refers to the construction of
knowledge, and the act of drawing this knowledge into the realm of explicit calculation, not the instrumental creation and subsequent application of knowledge to some
predetermined end. Evaluating the structural processes that enable instrumental green
managerialism is something altogether quite different than examining the discursive
politics of resource control.
G o v e r n m e n t a l i t y a n d F o r e s t - N a t u r e 421
Picturing Nature
Returning to the idea of forest-nature introduced at the beginning of this argument, David Demeritts disentanglement of this knot of extraordinary density is illustrative. Not only is Demeritt able to unveil a specific subjectification of forest-nature at a specific moment in space-time, he does so while counterarguing the
instrumentalist critique (Demeritt, 2001). To do so, Demeritt shows how early cartographic representations depicting total forest coverage in the United States were used
by early American conservationists, such as United States Forest Service chief Gifford
Pinchot, to represent American forests as a singular ontological whole. Up until this
time, the American identity had been synonymous with a frontier mentality that idealized the industriousness of early American settlers and the success at pushing back
the wilderness frontier. Converting forests into arable land symbolized this ideal. But
not long after constructing these forest maps, the prevailing image of progress began
falling out of favor with the American public. With the advent of the aggregate forest
map, it could be shown visually for the first time that aggregate forest coverage in the
United States had been dramatically reduced over time, a move which lent credibility
to the conservationists claim that existing rates of harvest must be curtailed to forestall a forest famine. Using such visualizations, nature was depicted, materially and
metaphorically, as existing beyond the threshold of human activity, whose limits
would be soon transgressed if current practices remained unchanged. It was through
this dualist, visual representation that forest-nature was brought . . . into the realm of
explicit calculation and made [eco]knowledge/[geo]power an agent in the transformation of life (Foucault, 1978b, p. 143).
Yet for the purpose of my analysis, the crucial point in Demeritts intervention is
the way in which he invokes the notion of governmentality in discourses about forestnature. He demonstrates how, through the act of subjectifying forest-nature, conservationists and silviculturalists were able to render U.S. forests the objects of expert, scientific control, a move which depoliticized any a priori interests that might have
previously inscribed the forest with meaning (DeLuca & Demo, 2001; Ferguson, 1990;
Willems-Braun, 1997). And more important still, Demeritt reveals the historicity of
forest-nature, the idea that only through the statistical (and technological) enumeration of forests could their underlying nature be revealed. In other words, rendering
vast tracts of forest as natural space was possible only with the advent of the enumerating technologies and representational practices deployed in the subjectification of
forest-nature, technologies which were themselves the products of a unique political
1
history. In the end, with the help of Demeritts argument, we see that forest-nature
was rendered as such due to the multiple dimensions constituting it at that time: the
political economic context in which it came about (U.S. industrialism), the moral content of the conservationists arguments (aggregate forests as representative of an
American ideal), and the textual quality and aperspectival objectivity that accompanied the construction of maps.
422 s p a c e a n d c u l t u r e / n o v e m b e r 2 0 0 3
G o v e r n m e n t a l i t y a n d F o r e s t - N a t u r e 423
imized becomes inextricably linked to its capacity to regulate planetary climate and
guarantee a genetically diverse biosphere through perpetuity.
424 s p a c e a n d c u l t u r e / n o v e m b e r 2 0 0 3
mote sensing and satellite imaging technologies, new biophysical properties constituting forest-nature, properties such as thermodynamic climate-forest interactions and
carbon storage and sequestration capacity, are being apprehended and used to normalize a new set of appropriate human-forest interactions. Some forest ecologists argue that anthropogenic disturbances in boreal ecosystems are minimizing the forests
capacity to store and cycle energy and material flows and that to avoid catastrophic
transformations in forest composition it is energy and material flows that must be
managed (Kronberg & Watt, 2000, p. 262), not simply normal growth rates, annual
allowable cuts, and maximum sustained yields. Indeed, a whole new forest science
is emerging alongside the SFM conceptual framework, and with it a more advanced
regime of truth about forest-nature grounded in the eco-knowledge claims of ecosystems science.
But another crucial dynamic plays a part in the subjectification of forest-nature
under the FSC regime, namely the dynamic of community involvement, including
aboriginal participation, in the construction of FSC standards. Thus, the criteria of social equity must coexist alongside ecological science in rendering a forested space certifiable under the FSC regime. In other words, the history of colonial oppression and
exploitation in the boreal landscape must be retold, and to some extent resolved, as the
FSC standard-setting body negotiates a forestry standard for the Canadian boreal.
These histories therefore become vitally important components of the eco-knowledges used in the reconstruction of boreal forest-nature, and by entering into the
realm of calculation become important factors in the historicization of forest-nature.
From this initial evaluation of the subjectification of forest-nature, we can now begin reconstructing boreal forest-nature as an exercise of social geo-power in which the
assemblage of knowledges that politicize the borealeither through the climate
change, biodiversity, or sustainable forest management discourseshave the effect of
reinscribing the boreal space with new meaning. No longer is the boreal an abstract
economic value or simply a myth or an unproblematic meta-history defining Canadianness. It emerges through this new eco-knowledge discursive regime as a space of
multiple epistemologies and hybrid nature (Escobar, 1999).
Boreal Hybridity
In the end, what this tells us is that those controlling the environmentalization
process are not only in control of how nature is historicized, but are also responsible
for delimiting what counts as nature. But to assume that the environmentalization
process is universal in form and conforms to a standard method disregards the possibility of politics tout court, for it is precisely the fact that knowledge is partial that lies
at the core of political contest! This is why Donna Haraways (1994) categorical imperative to query what counts as nature is so important. Representations of nature are
partial and must be recognized as such, despite how useful they may be for social
movements seeking at wresting control of space from the territorializing tendencies
capital and state practices.
By posing her politics in this way, Haraway is consciously constructing a politics
that does not originate with any rigidly defined subject position. Instead, she is critical of subject positions, such as laborer and objectified woman, that construct
themselves as victims, because victimhood, according to Haraway, implies that some
G o v e r n m e n t a l i t y a n d F o r e s t - N a t u r e 425
original state of being has been apprehended, violated, exploited, or transgressed. Implicit in political projects, like Marxism and radical feminism, lurks some notion of
original unity and the promise of returning its devotees to a Utopic, original state of
being. These identifications trade on many of the modern dualismsself/other,
mind/body, culture/nature, male/femalethat imply otherness and therefore domination. To counterpose a politics founded on dualism, Haraway (1991) offers the cyborg metaphor. The cyborg embodies a fusion of human and machine and therefore
skips the step of original unity, or identification with nature in the Western sense
(p. 151). Here, the cyborg is freed from any historical identifications, a move that Haraway underscores by putting to work the metaphor of cyborg writing. For Haraway,
cyborg writing is about the power to survive, not on the basis of original innocence,
but on the basis of seizing the tools to mark the world that marked them [cyborgs] as
other (p. 175).
Thus, the cyborg might be a useful metaphor for reconceptualizing the boreal. Of
course, boreal forest-nature does not embody the fusions of human and machine.
Rather, it is a comparatively mundane ecosystem when one considers the spectacular
mega-fauna that constituted the rainforest debates of the 1980s and 1990s. But what
is more, the boreal, as with all forests, is composed not of singularity, totality, or original unity, but of multiplicity, historicity, and mutability. Therefore, through the recent
politicization of the boreal and the subjectification of subaltern forest-natures, more
generally, we are witness to a cyborg rewriting of space, a marking of the world, that
uses not only the tools of ecological science but also the telling of aboriginal history
and other histories of exploitation in recreating the meaning of space. To the extent
that we can acknowledge this project as occurring through the FSC, the historicization
of forest-nature through the FSC process is a conscious move by the environmental
community to reinvent forest-nature, at least temporarily, based on the principle of
socioecological inclusivity.
Conclusion
So in the final analysis, why should we be concerned with how forest-nature is represented? Representations of nature matter because they generate very real material effects. When constructed as a natural resource, we are asked to assign value to a tree independent of the forest in which it stands. In mainstream political economy in which
forests are identified as the true sources of value underwriting corporate bond issues,
aggregate forest health becomes dutifully governmentalized through the discourses of
conventional silviculture. But what the case of boreal forest-nature can reveal to us
(socioecological inclusivists) is that the manner in which forests are represented does
matter. By appropriating the tools that marked nature as other, namely the tools of
scientific objectivity, and fusing these with other epistemologies in the spirit of inclusivity, the material effects of tree as natural resource are diminished while forestry
becomes simultaneously the practice of community and land stewardship, climate
regulation, and biodiversity promotion, and not simply the practice of resource extraction. This is made even more evident through the practice of FSC forest certification in which the meaning of forest-nature becomes an exercise in geo-power; forestnature is governmentalized, but the social relations inhering in the tools that mark
the world are democratized.
426 s p a c e a n d c u l t u r e / n o v e m b e r 2 0 0 3
Notes
1. Here, Demeritt (2001) notes a point of curiosity. The methods used in the acquisition of
forest statistics borrowed heavily from those techniques used in early-19th-century census taking. It was exactly this same political technology that Foucaults art of government relied on in
the governmentalization of the state and the exercise of biopower.
2. For those unfamiliar with the Forest Stewardship Council (FSC), there does exist an FSC
governance structure and a corresponding set of rules, including a dispute settlement mechanism, which prescribes how stakeholders must negotiate forestry standards for particular regional ecosystems.
3. Among the many pitfalls with the FSC idea is that the ethical priority to which the FSC
regime is directed differs from region to region. For example, in Canada, the socioecological issues addressed through FSC certification might be deforestation and distribution rights to aboriginal communities, whereas in another region of the globe, the move toward FSC certification
may be to counteract illegal logging and the trade of high conservation-value species. What this
means is that the comparability of FSC wood products is very difficult. Read differently, however, this may also be the FSCs strength. The model, in effect, globalizes sustainable forestry
management (SFM), but leaves open for whom and to what purpose the regime may be directed. In other words, it is not exclusively a tool for corporate green managerialism, nor is it
fully wedded to an ailing development model that attempts to eradicate poverty by increasing
household incomes through export production. Instead, the credibility of the FSC model hinges
on regional and subregional difference, a move that might legitimize regional discursive power
formations in the liberation of postcolonial space.
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Andrew Baldwin is a Ph.D. candidate in the Department of Geography and Environmental Studies, Carleton University, and a writer/editor for the Earth Negotiations Bulletin published by the International Institute for Sustainable Development.