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System in Pakistan
M Imtiaz Shahid
emocracy and participatory governance are popular political notions in todays world. Fair and free
elections are the key pre-requisite of democracy. However, democracy lacks substance unless the
electoral process is coupled with the supremacy of the constitution, the rule of law, and civil and
political rights and freedoms for the people. The state must practice the principle of equal
citizenship irrespective of religion, caste, ethnicity and regional background. It must also ensure equality of
opportunity to all for advancement in social, economic and political domains and guarantee security of life
and property of its citizens.
While it easy for the rulers, political leaders and parties, and others to pronounce their commitment to
these principles, the real challenge lies in making them operational. The key question is how does one
create and sustain institutions and processes that reflect the spirit of democracy and participatory
governance? A large number of states are unable to fulfill these conditions. The commitment of many
rulers, leaders, and organizations to democracy is merely rhetorical or they view democracy as an
instrument to achieve power and then implement a partisan non-democratic agenda. Others selectively
employ some aspects of democracy to create a faade. Still others hold elections, establish elected
legislative bodies and install elected governments but do not empower these institutions and the people
holding key positions in them. Power is thus exercised by an elite group while a semblance of democracy
is created to legitimize its rule. These operational realities create the problem of quality and substance of
democracy.
This chapter is taken from M Imtiaz Shahids recently published book Pakistan Afairs
Paradigms.
Historical Overview
Pakistan, like India, adopted the Government of India Act, 1935 with some changes to meet the requirements of an
independent state as the Interim Constitution, 1947. It provided for a parliamentary system of government, although the
governor general enjoyed special powers and the federal government exercised some overriding powers over provinces.
Pakistans early rulers did not pay much attention to democratization of the political system because their major concern was
how to ensure the survival of the state in view of internal and external challenges. The fear of the collapse of the state
reinforced authoritarian governance and political management.
Pakistan faced serious administrative and management problems caused by the partition process These included
the division of civil and military assets of the British Indian government between India and Pakistan, communal riots and the
movement of population to and from Pakistan, and the troubled relations with India, including the first war on Kashmir, 194748. Pakistan had to set up a federal government in Karachi and a provincial government in Dhaka at a time when it lacked
experienced civil servants and military officers.
While Pakistan was coping with initial administrative and humanitarian problems, Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the father
of the nation, died in September 1948, thirteen months after the establishment of Pakistan. This set in motion the political
trends that undermined the already weak political institutions and fragmented the political process. Most of post-Jinnah
political leaders had regional and local stature and did not have a nationwide appeal which regionalized and localized politics.
This made it difficult for the political parties and leaders to pursue a coherent approach towards the problems and issues of
the early years. They were unable to develop consensus on the operational norms of the polity and took 8 1/2 years to frame
a constitution which did not enjoy the unqualified support of all the major parties, leaders and regions. By the time the
constitution was introduced (March 23, 1956) a strong tradition of violation of parliamentary norms was established, the
political parties were divided and the assembly was unable to assert its primacy. The effective power had shifted to the
Governor General/ President.
The acute administrative problems, degeneration of the political parties and the inability of the political leaders to
command widespread political support enabled the governor general to amass power. He manipulated the divided political
forces and decided about the making or unmaking of governments. Given the bureaucratic background of Governor Generals
(Ghulam Muhammad (1951-55) and a combined military and civilian-bureaucratic background of Governor General/
President Iskander Mirza (1955-1958); they could rely on the top bureaucracy and the military for support. This contributed to
the rise of the bureaucratic-military elite in Pakistani politics which further undermined the prospects of democracy.
By 1954-55, the top brass of the military (mainly the Army) emerged as the key policy makers along with the bureaucracy.
They made major input to policy making on foreign policy, security issues and domestic affairs. By October 1958, the Army
Chief, General Muhammad Ayub Khan, overthrew the tottering civilian government with the full support of President Iskander
Mirza. The latter was knocked out of power by the generals within 20 days of the military take-over. Since then the top brass
of the military have either ruled the country directly or influenced governance and policy management from the background.
The first military ruler, Ayub Khan, ruled the country under martial law from October 1958 to June 1962, when he
introduced a presidential constitution. Though direct military rule came to an end but the 1962 Constitution attempted to give
a legal and constitutional cover to Ayubs centralized and authoritarian rule which did not allow the growth of autonomous
civilian institutions and processes, although the state media projected his rule as the beginning of a new era of participatory
governance. His governments political management and economic policies accentuated economic disparities among the
people and the regions and caused much political and social alienation in parts of Pakistan, especially in what was then East
Pakistan.
Ayub Khan was replaced by another general, Yahya Khan, in March 1969, who abrogated Ayubs 1962 Constitution
and imposed martial law in the country. This was another troubled period in Pakistans politics. The military government was
unable to cope with the demands from East Pakistan for socioeconomic equity and political participation. The military
resorted to an extremely brutal military action in East Pakistan (March 25, 1971 onwards) and engaged in a war with India
(November-December 1971). Pakistans military debacle at the hands of India led to the breakup of the original Pakistan and
the establishment of Bangladesh as an independent state. Such a major military and political setback forced General Yahya
Khan to quit and handover power on December 20, 1971 to a civilian leader, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto whose Pakistan Peoples
Party had the largest number of the National Assembly seats in what was left of Pakistan, i.e. the present Pakistan.
Z.A. Bhutto asserted civilian primacy over the military during his rule (December 20, 1971 to July 5, 1977) against
the backdrop of the serious damage to the militarys reputation in the wake of the military debacle of 1971. Initially, he retired
several senior officers and changed the militarys command structure. However, his ability to assert his primacy over the
military eroded when he began to cultivate the militarys support to pursue his strident policy towards India and employed
authoritarian methods to deal with the domestic opposition. When the opposition launched anti-Bhutto agitation on the pretext
that the government had rigged the 1977 general elections, the military led General Zia-ul-Haq, Chief of the Army Staff, had
no problem in dislodging Bhutto and assuming power on July 5, 1977. The opposition parties welcomed the military take over
because it removed Bhutto from power.
General Zia-ul-Haqs martial law from July 1977 to December 1985 was the longest period of direct military rule in
Pakistan. He sought political support for his rule by vowing the orthodox and conservative Islamic groups and tilted the state
policies heavily in their favour. His rule was helped by his governments partnership with the West, especially the United
States, for reinforcing Afghan-Islamic resistance to the Soviet military intervention in Afghanistan. As a frontline state for the
U.S. policy to dislodge the Soviet Union from Afghanistan, General Zias government obtained international financial and
diplomatic support which contributed to sustaining his military rule. His policies promoted religious extremism and militancy,
undermining the prospects of social and cultural pluralism and participatory institutions and processes. These trends
continued after he civilianized his military rule in 1985 by introducing far reaching changes in the 1973 Constitution and coopting a section of the political elite to ensure his continued centrality to governance and political management.
In the post Zia period (1988-99) the elected civilian governments functioned but the top commanders closely
monitored the performance of these governments and made their views on political and security matters known to them. The
generals were prepared to stay on the sidelines provided their professional and corporate interests were not threatened by
the civilian leaders. Therefore, governance for Benazir Bhutto (December 1988-August 1990, October 1993-November 1996)
and Nawaz Sharif (November 1990-July 1993, February 1997-October 1999) was a delicate balancing act between the
civilian government and the top brass of the military. The scope for autonomous political action by the civilian leaders
depended on their ability to maintain cordial interaction with the top military commanders.
The military returned to power on October 12, 1999 after dislodging the civilian government of Nawaz Sharif. There
were two significant changes in the disposition of the senior military commanders during the fourth phase of direct military
rule. First, the military was no longer willing to stay on the sidelines and viewed itself as critical to internal stability and
continuity. It advocated a direct and constitutional role for the top brass. Second, the military expanded its nonprofessional
role to such an extent that it could not give a free hand to the civilian political leaders.
The military has spread out in government and semi-government institutions and pursues wide ranging commercial
and business activities, especially in the fields of industry, transport, health care, education, and real estate development. It
seeks assignments from the federal and provincial governments for civil construction projects. Given the militarys expanded
interests and its involvement in governance, its role in Pakistan can be described as hegemonic.
Problems of Democracy
The major features of the Pakistani polity show serious problems of democracy. At times, democracy and
participatory governance are either totally non-existent or their quality is poor.
Institutional Imbalance
Pakistan inherited institutional imbalance at the time of independence in August 1947. The state apparatus, i.e. the
bureaucracy, the military and the intelligence services, was more organized and developed than the political and democratic
institutions. Further, the first Interim Constitution, 1947, also strengthened bureaucracy and authoritarian governance. This
imbalance was reinforced by two inter-related trends in the political domain.
First, the process of political decay and degeneration was set in motion soon after independence. The Muslim
League that led the independence movement, lacked sufficient organization and capacity for state and nation building. A
good number of Muslim League leaders had feudal or semi-feudal background, and were motivated by personal or power
ambition rather than building the party as a viable organization capable of standing on its own feet. Other political parties also
suffered from similar problems of internal disharmony and conflict, indiscipline and a lack of direction. As a consequence,
they were unable to offer a viable alternative to the Muslim League and failed to articulate and aggregate interests within a
participatory national political framework. They also failed to create viable political institutions or processes capable of
pursuing meaningful socio-economic policies.
Second, the bureaucracy and the military maintained their professional disposition marked by hierarchy, discipline,
and esprit de corps. The serious administrative problems in the early years of independence led the civilian government to
seek the support of the military and the bureaucracy. Pakistans security problems with India, especially the first Kashmir war,
also helped to strengthen the militarys position in the polity. All Pakistani civilian governments supported a strong defence
posture and allocated a substantial portion of the national budget to defence and security. The militarys position in the polity
received additional boost with Pakistans participation in the U.S. sponsored military alliances in the mid- 1950s. This
facilitated weapon transfers to Pakistan and its military obtained training by Americans in Pakistan and the U.S. which
increased the militarys efficiency and strike power. Thus, the degeneration of the political machinery was in sharp contrast to
the increasing efficiency, discipline, and confidence of the military.
These developments accentuated institutional imbalance and worked to the disadvantage of the civilian leaders.
The weak and fragmented political forces found it difficult to sustain themselves without the support and cooperation of the
bureaucracy and the military. This enabled the bureaucracy and the military to enhance their role in policy making and
management and they began to dominate politics. In October 1958, the military swept aside the fragile political institutions
and established its direct rule, with the bureaucracy as the junior partner.
The role of various civilian and military intelligence agencies expanded in the political domain during the military rule
of General Zia-ul-Haq (1977-1985) when the military regime used the intelligence agencies to divide and fragment the
political forces. The war against the Soviet troops in Afghanistan (1980-1989) and the linkages between Pakistani intelligence
agencies and their U.S. counterparts in the context of the Afghan war helped to put more material resources at the disposal
of Pakistans intelligence agencies. Some of these agencies have been playing active political role since 1988, helping some
political parties and groups while building pressure on others keeping in view the militarys political agenda. They have
interfered in the national and provincial elections which has raised doubts about the credibility of the electoral process. Some
of these agencies were active in politics during after the 2002 general elections. These were also instrumental to creating the
ruling coalition at the federal level and in Sindh and Balochistan after the October 2002 elections. The active political role of
the intelligence agencies weakens the autonomous growth of civilian political institutions and processes.
Political Consensus-building
The democratic process cannot become functional without a minimum consensus on the operational norms of the
polity. The minimum consensus is the beginning point. As the political process functions over time and it offers opportunities
for sharing power and political advancement, it evokes more support from among different sections of the society and the
polity. The scope of consensus widens when more groups and individuals enter the political mainstream through the
democratic norms as set out in the constitution and law. This makes the political institutions and processes viable.
The Pakistani polity has been unable to fully develop a consensus on the operational political norms. Whatever
understanding developed among the competing interests at one point of time was allowed to fitter away with the passage of
time because of the non-accommodating disposition of the competing interests and an open defiance of constitutionalism
and norms of democracy. Therefore, all constitutions turned controversial with the passage of time because they were
violated by the power wielders.
Pakistan functioned without a constitution for years under martial law imposed by the Army Chief which made him
the repository of all authority and power in the country. If constitution can be easily set aside or subordinated to the will of the
military ruler, the tradition of constitutionalism and participatory governance cannot develop. The civilian rulers also amended
the constitution in a partisan manner by employing parliamentary majority, and disregarded the need of building consensus.
A low level of tolerance of dissent and a poor tradition of open debate on important national issues has hindered the
growth of a broadly shared consensus on the framework for political action. The dominant elite often endeavoured to develop
selective consensus by excluding those disagreeing with them. It is not merely the dominant elite who suppress dissent,
several civil society groups manifest intolerance and use violence against those who question their views.
The steady growth of Islamic extremism and militancy and Islamic-sectarian movements since the early 1980s has
stifled the free flow of ideas on the issues of national importance. It gave rise to religious and cultural intolerance and
increased the level of civic violence. The rival extremist religious groups did not hesitate to use violence against each other.
The major victims of these trends were social and cultural pluralism, political tolerance and accommodation of dissent. The
participatory processes also suffered as the religious extremists gained strength in Pakistan. Such a political and cultural
environment is not conducive to growth of democracy, constitutionalism and the rule of law.
The US-Pakistan relationship has, no doubt, seen ups and downs with rotating phases of engagement and
estrangement depending on the nature of regional and global dynamics. Notably, every US engagement with Pakistan was
issue-specific and not based on shared perspectives. The spells of close ties between the two countries have been, and may
continue to be, single-issue engagements of limited or uncertain duration. (Cold war, Afghanistan and now terrorism)
Interestingly, during each phase in which relations with the US were good, we in Pakistan had either a military or
military-controlled government, whereas in Washington, the policy direction on Pakistan was in the hands of a Republican
White House with Pentagon and the CIA playing a central role. Also, ironically, most of the estrangement phases of the USPakistan relationship happened when we had a civilian elected government and they had a Democrat Administration.
As a painful legacy of these episodes of engagement with Washington, we continue to carry a huge baggage in
terms of massive Afghan refugee influx and a culture of drugs and guns, commonly known as the Kalashnikov culture
which has almost torn apart our social and political fabric. Since 9/11, Pakistan has been a frontline state in the US-led war
on terror. In addition to invisible emotional fall out, this war has cost Pakistan staggering military burden, irreparable
economic loss and an unquantifiable collateral damage in terms of internal displacement, social chaos, political instability and
endemic violence.
While there is a cumulative historic perspective to our political crises, we have suffered most from the legacy of two
long spells of military rule in our country, eleven years of General Zia-ul-Haq and nine years of General Pervez Musharraf.
Both came to power through military coups in breach of their constitutional oath and both subverted the Constitution,
destroyed institutions and ruined our social fabric by fueling religion-based militant extremism as a tool of their statecraft.
But lets be honest. The problem is not the US-Pakistan relationship. The problem is its poor and self-serving
management on both sides. For Washington, it has remained a transactional relationship. On our side, the problem is the
nature that our successive self-centred rulers have always sought to give to this relationship as their political and economic
lifeline through their opportunistic policies and notorious deals. It is time for both sides now to remake this important
relationship on the basis of universally established norms of inter-state relations.
The objective must be not to weaken this equation but to strengthen it by infusing in it greater mutually relevant
political, economic and strategic content. It must no longer remain a transactional relationship and must go beyond the
issue of terrorism. It must reach out to democratic and liberal forces and the business community in our country, and also the
younger generation in Pakistan which may resent US power but not its ideals.
And in their success alone lies the very future of Pakistan as a strong and stable democratic country with a
moderate and progressive outlook and as a factor of regional and global stability. Democracy, pluralism, security, market
economy and people-oriented development must be the constant features of this relationship.
Systemic Aberrations
At the time of our independence in 1947, we inherited the Government of India Act, 1935, which remained our
constitutional framework, with necessary adaptations and modifications in the form of the Indian Independence Act, 1947,
passed by the British parliament. Seven years of debate failed to produce agreement on fundamental issues such as regional
representation or the structure of a constitution. This impasse prompted Governor General Ghulam Mohammad to dismiss
the Constituent Assembly on Oct 24, 1954, in what was the first coup of our history, though a civilian one.
The new Constituent Assembly produced the first Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan which came into
force on March 23, 1956. It provided a parliamentary form of government with a president elected by the members of the
National Assembly and the two provincial assemblies of East Pakistan and West Pakistan and a cabinet of ministers headed
by a prime minister appointed by the president. Each province was effectively administered by a governor assisted by a small
team of ministers.
This constitution remained operative for about two-and-a-half years. Even with the abrogation of the constitution and
declaration of martial law in October 1958, no change was made in this federal setup in the second constitution adopted in
1962.
The late fifties and early sixties when this arrangement was in place was perhaps the only period during which the
bulk of the population of this country lived in peace and relative prosperity with nominal unemployment. Other than constant
political wrangling and intrigues among our politicians, we were a peaceful, tolerant, contented, liberal and law-abiding
society till the 1971 tragedy, after which successive domestic and regional events tearing apart our social and political fabric,
disrupted Pakistans progress as a model for Third World countries.
In the 1970s, we also tried a half-baked version of socialism, the outcome of an arbitrary, personalised approach of
an elected prime minister, who nationalised in one stroke our banks, schools and colleges and major industries. The whole
systemic perversity had to be reversed at a cost still being paid by the nation. At the moment, we are stuck with another
systemic perversity, with an elected president undemocratically also remaining the head of his party while virtually using the
head of governments powers that do not belong to him. It is neither a parliamentary nor presidential form of government.
Ours is the story of a society that has been going round and round in aimless circles for 65 years. Absence of
democracy, rule of law and good governance is its continuing hallmark. The country has been engaged in a precarious
struggle to define a national identity and evolve a political system for its ethnically and linguistically diverse population.
This diversity contributed to chronic regional tensions and provincial disharmony, which not only impeded the
process of constitution-making but also remained a potential threat to central authority. The question of provincial autonomy
remains the key to addressing the issues of federalism in our country. There is a strong underlying resentment in Balochistan
and in other smaller provinces against what is seen as continued Punjabi dominance and inequitable distribution of power
and resources.
In the former East Pakistan too, the problems started with a similar deep-rooted sense of deprivation and a feeling
of political and economic alienation, which over time became a politico-constitutional crisis culminating into demand for larger
autonomy and leading eventually to the break-up of the country. We find our provincial system not only fueling misrule and
corruption but also aggravating sense of inequality and deprivation among different parts of the country.
Our Constitution does not provide a solution to the genuine concerns on the inequality of the size of provinces and
lopsided sharing of political and economic power. The need for drastic change in our present anachronistic set up is urgent to
get rid of the same old usurpers of the countrys politics, outmoded social and political structures and elitist-led status quo in
our country.
is also time for our armed forces to let the country be governed by democratically elected representatives of the people. For
them nothing would be more honorable than reverting to their constitutionally-defined professional role and respecting the
legitimacy of their peoples democratic aspirations and socio-economic needs.
In todays context, what is important for Pakistan itself is the need to be stable politically and strong economically so
as to be self-reliant and immune to external constraints and exploitation. Our countrys peculiar socio-economic and political
culture, based on feudal and tribal structure, high rate of poverty and illiteracy, and inequality of wealth and power are
symptomatic of a lopsided situation that warrants the beginning of an end to the current socio-economic disparities and
political exploitation of the people by the privileged few of our country.
What in fact we need is the remaking of the State of Pakistan as envisioned by Quaid-e-Azam, free of ethnic and
linguistic labels and sectarian, communal and regional disharmony. We need a new Pakistan where strict adherence to the
Constitution shall be ensured as a solemn social contract enabling the citizens to live their lives and raise their children in
dignity, free from fear, want, hunger, disease, illiteracy, corruption, intolerance, violence, oppression and injustice. We want
our country to be the one in which democracy, not dictatorship will endure, where economic growth and social justice
reinforce each other.
Our new Pakistan must be strong enough to live at peace with itself and with the rest of the world as a highly
responsible nuclear-weapon state committed to the purposes and principles of the UN Charter, particularly the principles of
sovereign equality, territorial integrity, external non-interference and peaceful settlement of bilateral disputes. Pakistan must
be seen in its region as a source of strength and stability, not as the hub of terrorism and extremism.
And finally, instead of always blaming outsiders for our domestic problems, we should have the courage to admit
that there is something fundamentally wrong with our own governance patterns. Our systemic perversities are the root cause
of our governance failures. Our problems are not external; our problems are domestic. Our foremost priority is to fix the
fundamentals of our governance. We need domestic consolidation through democracy based on constitutional supremacy,
institutional integrity and independent judiciary, rule of law, accountability & good governance.
Given our pathetic performance in our political conduct and discipline since our independence, we, like most
developing countries, are perhaps not yet fit for the parliamentary system. Britain struggled for centuries to reach its
current parliamentary status. For us, it would be too long and too arduous a journey to be indefinitely chasing
illusory goals.
Temperamentally, we are a presidential nation. It is time we abandoned the system that we have never been able
to practice. Even the Quaid-e-Azam had doubts about the practicality of a parliamentary system in Pakistan. We
should explore an adult franchise-based presidential system suitably designed for and tailored to Pakistans
needs.
2. Proportional Representation:
1.
1.
We must also adopt the system of proportional representation that ensures representation of political parties in
national legislature proportionate to the percentage of popular vote they receive. It will provide greater access to
non-feudal, non-elitist educated middle class people in elected assemblies.
3. Recasting Federal Structure:
Also needed is rationalization of our federal system by revisiting our current provincial architecture looking for a
pragmatic solution to the problems of regional disparities. Reason, not self-serving emotion should be our yardstick.
Looking at the systems of other developed and developing countries, we find ourselves a unique example of a
federation with almost no parallel anywhere in the world. No country, roughly equal to Pakistans geographical and
population size has so few and so large provinces.
While large unequal provinces are always prone to breed and fuel secessionist mindsets, smaller provinces serve
as a safety valve against such tendencies. Nigeria, a large country, on its independence had three regions and soon
started facing a religion-based secessionist war in Biafra Region in the 1960s. It solved its federal problems by
forming smaller provinces and today, in addition to Abuja as the federal territory, it has 36 states subdivided into 774
local government areas.
Most of the large and medium size countries in todays world have divided themselves into small size provinces or
states as administrative units. Examples: China 34 provinces, India 28 states and 7 union territories, Iran 30
provinces, Indonesia 33, Egypt 26, France 26, Germany16, Switzerland 26 cantons, Nigeria 37, Philippines 80,
Thailand 78, Turkey 81, UK 114 counties and USA 50 states.
In any unequal, parochially defined set up irrespective of historical identities, no method of governance can work. It
is a system designed for paralysis which we are already experiencing. Our present provincial set up has long been
the cause of political instability with an ever-looming threat to the countrys further disintegration. Lately, there have
been demands for more provinces on ethnic or linguistic grounds.
If this trend were to continue, we will be left with a loosely wired skeleton of a federation with more political space
available to self-serving, disgruntled and corrupt politicians to play havoc with this country. We must resist this
opportunistic approach and remove the inherent flaws in our system by recasting our federal architecture.
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This we can do preferably by eliminating altogether the present four linguistic-ethnic-based provinces and replacing
them with forty or more administratively-determined provinces both as federating as well as administrative units of
the State of Pakistan.
In case, our traditional feudalist mindset does not let this change happen and is bent upon retaining the present
ethnic-based federal identities, we could still opt for an alternative restructuring of the federation by retaining the
present four ethnic-linguistic-based provinces redesignated as states constituting the federating units of Pakistan
with a constitutionally redefined role and status.
The functions of the four redesignated states shall be limited only to an oversight and supervisory role over the
provincial and district governments in their respective jurisdiction and maintaining liaison on their behalf with the
Central Government in terms of administrative, judicial, police, law & order, and financial matters.
In this task, the four states will have very small functional secretariats for supervisory coordination with their
respective provinces administrations. All administrative responsibilities shall be transferred to the local levels
obviating the need for state cabinets, assemblies or secretariats.
The present provincial assemblies should be abolished and replaced with much smaller elected legislative bodies
called State Councils for the needed law-making purposes within the respective states.
There will be no state chief minister or cabinets and instead the elected governor as the representative of the
federation will oversee the running of the affairs of the provinces with the help of the elected provincial
administrations within his state.
4. New Provincial Architecture:
1.
In order to separate governance from ethnic-linguistic considerations and to eliminate at least one known tier of
redundancy and dirty politics of greed and power, i.e., the present provincial structure, we create forty or more
provinces as administrative units ensuring a balance in geographical and population size.
In any case, a Sindhi will remain a Sindhi even as parts of Karachi, Hyderabad, Mirpur Khas or Larkana Province
and so would be other nationalities no matter where they reside.
By dividing the country into smaller administrative units as provinces, we would not only be eliminating the causes of
regional acrimony and discontent but also ensuring effective and efficient governance through elected bodies at
local and grassroots levels.
To avoid any large-scale fresh re-demarcation of land boundaries and re-channelling of irrigations canals and
tributaries, the best solution will be to convert the existing divisional commissionaries into new provinces headed by
elected administrators with a suitable title. (Suggested List of Provinces in Annex I)
5. Districts as Basic Unit of Governance:
The newly-designated provinces will have administrations comprising of elected councils headed by an elected
administrator and assisted by professional burearocracy. But the basic unit of governance should be the present
districts, each headed by an elected person with prescribed eligibility criteria, with the help of small elected bodies at
all local levels.
The new provincial units shall be responsible for an oversight and coordinatory role providing support to the district
governments within their jurisdiction and maintaining liaison with the central government in terms of administrative,
judicial, and financial matters.
The district governments need to be strengthened through adequate resources for meeting citizens basic
requirements like food, shelter, education, health, security and justice at the local level, and through a monitoring
mechanism will be made accountable to ensure efficient functioning.
Elected district, tehsil and mohalla/village/community councils will involve the people as in other democratic
societies in the running of their affairs. Common mans problems shall be addressed at the local level with public
safety, law and order and timely justice guaranteed and delivered to them at their doorsteps.
Election to all local councils except district councils should be on two-yearly adult franchise basis and no member
will be allowed more than two 2-year elected terms to widen the scope of democratic process at the grassroots
level.
5. Federal Government:
1.
The sanctity of separation of powers should be the basis of the federal system with three organs of the State
functioning independently with usual checks and balances.
The federal government should retain only ten to twelve ministries responsible to formulate and implement national
policies in important areas, notably defence, economy, education, foreign affairs, national security, trade,
communication, justice and law. All other subjects should be transferred to states for effective handling through the
new smaller provinces and districts as basic units of governance.
Bicameral system of legislature should continue with necessary adjustments giving all provinces equal
representation in the Senate as at present except that all seats including those reserved for women and minorities
should be filled through direct elections.
Both houses together will legislate as in any presidential system on matters of national importance such as budget
and economy, foreign affairs and national security to help the federal government in formulating and implementing
policies on these subjects.
Election to both houses should be held every four years through Proportional Representation system ensuring
representation of political parties proportionate to the actual popular vote they receive in the polls.
1.
11
The National Assembly and the Senate will concentrate on their job of legislation, deliberate on national issues to
help the government in formulating and implementing sound, well considered domestic policies including on national
security, economy, budget and foreign affairs.
7. Balochistan Quagmire:
Despite its abundance of natural resources, Balochistan remains the most backward province of the country and its
legitimate political and economic grievances have long remained unaddressed.
There is a strong underlying resentment in Balochistan (and in other provinces also) against what is seen as
continued Punjabi dominance, inequitable distribution of political power and resources, and exploitation of
provinces natural wealth.
We must genuinely look for fair and permanent solutions. The problems in Balochistan will be resolved only through
political and economic means, not by use of military force or through violence and militancy.
These problems are also rooted in our flawed federal system and will be best resolved by the proposed restructuring
of the federation. With smaller units of governance, the issues of governance and availability or distribution of
resources shall also be easy to handle.
The Baloch interests will also be best safeguarded in a strong and stable Pakistan and in an environment of peace
and tranquility free of exploitation, blackmail or duress from any source.
But like elsewhere in the world, the people of Balochistan also need to be freed of the outdated and exploitative
Darbari and Sardari tribal system which keeps them backward to sustain its own privilege and power.
Instead of fuelling self-serving nationalist unrest and obstructing genuine development and security related
projects, the Sardars and Nawabs should come out of their exploitative mode and join the countrys political
mainstream to genuinely work for the socio-economic well-being of their people.
In implementing development projects, it will also be easier for the local governments to deliver in terms of improved
infrastructure and better living facilities, including health and educational services, and access to the use of their
natural resources.
ADVANTAGES:
The proposal to strengthen district governments, to form small equal provinces with a limited role in governance and
a lean central government as outlined above, will bring about following major advantages:It will eliminate the cause of acrimony and discontent among the different regions.
The central government, unburdened from mundane routine affairs will be able to concentrate on formulating and
implementing national level policies more effectively.
It will end duplication of responsibilities between different levels now causing confusion and despondency in
governance. Eliminating one tier of assemblies, cabinets and secretariats at provincial level and concentrating the
role of legislation at the national level, will help in effective functioning of the country.
By doing away with the provincial legislative and secretariat structures, we will be saving huge expenses now being
incurred on maintaining provincial assemblies, minsters, advisors, parliamentary secretaries and large
administrative secretariats.
It will bring the desired level of political stability. The parties winning national level elections will be able to form
stable governments at the centre without having to make compromises to form provincial governments.
It will meet the demands of sub national group eliminating threats of further breakup of the Country as experienced
in 1971, by removing causes of discontent, neutralising propaganda themes like hatred against Punjabis, developed
by our adversaries for a long time.
Disturbances and discontent in an area would be isolated, promptly addressed and problems easily resolved without
affecting other areas.
The role of State Governor to support the provincial and district governments in maintaining law and order by
providing required force and in dispensation of quick justice by maintaining judicial infrastructure at his disposal will
establish inherent checks and balance eliminating chances of district governments going overboard.
Responding to the aspirations and genuine needs of the people of Pakistan, facilitating them in solving their
problems at local level and ending acrimony on divisive issues, will act as catalyst to our progress and strengthen us
as a nation.
Conclusion
Democracy in Pakistan faced a host of difficulties which did not let the democratic principles, institutions and
processes develop firm roots in the polity. Pakistan started with the parliamentary system of governance but the legacy of
institutional imbalance and authoritarianism, problems encountered in the setting up of the new state, the external security
pressures and the fear of the collapse of the state adversely affected the prospects of democracy. Other factors that caused
the problems for democracy included the crisis of leadership in the aftermath of the demise of Jinnah, failure of the Muslim
League to transform itself from a nationalist movement to a national party, fragmentation and degeneration of the political
forces and the rise of the bureaucratic-military elite. Long before the first military takeover in October 1958 the dominant elite
were talking about the unsuitability of liberal democracy for Pakistan.
Intermittent constitutional and political breakdown, the ascendancy of the military to power and the efforts of the top
brass of the military to introduce a political system that protected their professional and corporate interests made it difficult to
create participatory political institutions and processes that could command the voluntary support of the diversified political
interests. The military elite employed the democratic principles in a selective manner and their policy of co-option of a section
of the political leaders and exclusion of others accentuated polarization and jeopardized the prospects of political
accommodation and consensus-building.
12
ABSTRACT
akistan came in to being on 14 august 1947 under the leadership of Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah who
became its first Governor General. It consisted of Muslim majority areas Bengal, Punjab, N.W.F.P, the Tribal areas,
Sindh and Baluchistan, these were the parts of old British colony of the India. It was a country facing short resources
for existence, seeking security and stability to maintain its identity. As a new born country its prime task was to
develop a strong bureaucracy and political system to build a national integrity as the founder said the foundations of your
state have been laid, and it is now for you to build. For the lack of administrative talent, political and administrative structure
then followed the legacies of the British Raj left behind. The main problem of administrative development in the new state
had to change the colonial bureaucratic practice with a new standard but imposed a highly centralized constitutional system
by the government and could not change the old bureaucratic practice in a country which was physically and culturally
distinct. As a developing country, the focus should have had been to change new concept from the colonial experience and
the Western concept of bureaucratic as Riggs suggested for developing countries to bring about the desired change for
political and economic stability which were fundamentals for leading a country to modernization.
Keywords: Bureaucracy, Government, Colonial, Policies, Elites.
Introduction
There are two versions of the discussion which are the bureaucracy is good when it provide services to the
inhabitants in the country keep justice, intact law and order and maintain peace final results is prosperity and sustainable
growth in the economy. The second is bureaucracy is worst when it causes and nourishes nepotisms, corruption at
grassroots level, lack competencies and promotes anarchy which leads to the failure of weak democracies. In the research
paper it has been tried to outline the exploitation that has happened due to the bureaucratic involvement in the politics and
could not focus duties and responsibilities. One cannot discredit bureaucracys achievements in the developed countries for
providing essential services to the people but in the growth of democratic government or provincial autonomy it deemed not
very conductive (Khalid B. Sayeed 1967). In the Report of Sindh Special Court of Inquiry, it had been proposed that
secretaries should be allowed to draw attention of the Governor if the ministers disregarded the rules of business.
Understanding the term bureaucracy can be traced to the writings of a German sociologist Max Weber (1864-1920), he said
bureaucratic system is one in which officials have defined behavioral characteristics: the bureaucratic administrator must
ultimately be compliant and must be prepared to administer rules peacefully; this meant that bureaucratic system develops
more as possible. The focus was on the incapability of individual bureaucrats to follow the organizational policy due to a set
of bad inducement that were uneven with the goals of bureaucracy. The ideas of the unsuccessful states contrasts from that
13
of the delicate state has absence of ability and have to raise an environment favorable to stand progress. Bureaucracy must
be above and beyond political the loyalty they are to serve the people not to one political person and the main function of the
bureaucrat is to provide service to people with no political coalition and interference. There is a need to initiative the safety,
tenure and control of the exceptional powers of rulers for appointments, transfers and promotions of public officials. The
renovation of Pakistans bureaucracies has to commence with returning to the rule of system in bureaucracy and make sure
protection of tenure with accountability. There is the prior need of job security of civil servants the political based decisions on
promotion, recruitment, removal and career side for the officials makes disappointment among bureaucrats. The ever
growing quantity of vacancies focus to political recruitments all back to decreasing competence of the bureaucrats. The
connection between performance, reward and individual merit is uncontrolled due to political involvements and the
effectiveness and output of the organization is bargained.
Literature Review
It was argued in 18th century in France by De Gournay. Ferrel Heady (1984) stated that here are four different sets
of meanings of bureaucracy. (1) A system of rule or governmental system in which official dominate. (2) Method of conduct
the application of General rules. (3) The past explanation is concept of bureaucracy as Efficiency or inefficiency. Herman
Finer (1945) said that the weaknesses of public bureaucrats in the action of their responsibilities creates the illness named
bureaucracy, There are corrective, but not to the point of excellence, according to this concept bureaucracy is at best
efficiency, involving unnecessary rules and procedures, and at worst the stifling of all initiatives by using these rules and
procedures to block them; (4) bureaucracy refers to those who work in bureaus. Historical roots of Pakistani bureaucracy
under the British colonial law and traces that the British structure of administration was established to uniform the desires of a
colonial influence. In Pakistan the system of bureaucratic rules and regulations were not combined with much alteration at
the time of freedom. The alternative to resolve the problem immediate and making grounds for future policies the government
exceeded to creating bureaucratic control over politicians. The assumption arise that a centralized bureaucracy was
influenced by Punjab province and it created reservations among the other province that their lack of development is due to
the lesser access in decision-making at the national level and it presume even today. The reforms of civil services in 1973
established and a new system of common training program was compulsory at the civil services academy, Lahore. Classes
among the government servants were eliminated and change by integrated grading system and the first batch accepted as
the 1 st common. Lateral entry was introduced which was a direct risk to the bureaucrats because now political appointees
would be a part of their system. There was a clash between civil servants who were armed with extraordinary powers, and
politicians. The Chief Secretary, who was the head of the entire civil service of the province, was buildup an enormous
amount of power for the purpose of better efficiency and coordination. The Chief Secretary was from Punjab and the civil
service in the province was dominated by Punjabi and Urdu speaking people who had migrated from India. There was no
meeting of minds among Bureaucratic elites and created a conflict between them and it became harmful in the political,
social and institutional setting. The environment change into differences when one considered that the politicians of Punjab
were much closer to their civil servants and military officers than the others could ever be Khalid B. Sayeed (1967). The
Punjab province felt that to counter the aspirations of the Bengali Majority and Bengalis would obviously come to complain
that their slight majority was being undermined through the principle of equality. Charles H. Kennedy. (1987) Describes that
Pakistan as a bureaucratic state and its dominant rule in country, lobbying of the bureaucracy since the 1973 reforms. Ralph
Briabanti (1967) Debates several sides of the administration it comprises serious evidence and can be used as a reference.
Heeger, Gerald A. (1977) claims that Bureaucratic supremacy in Pakistan caused not due to supremacy of organization but
the domination of government departments by the bureaucrats. The works on bureaucracy is mostly derived from the effort
of German social scientist Max Weber in the 19th century. Weber (1968) in his view the bureaucrat has to follow these
standards: Rationality, Specialization, political neutrality, Merit recruitment and long term career rankings. Bureaucrat has to
offer the plan for assessing the unsympathetic role to the ruling party but ensure neutrality and the responsibilities of the
bureaucrat are to enforcement actual policy as a part of their job. The regulations give the basis for bureaucracy that to
achieve goal, protect political intervention, and urges to follow the standard of authority.
Conclusion
According to the statistical bulletin of Pakistan, the population of country now has crossed 180 million which needs
restructuring of the bureaucracy, and rebuild Pakistan through adoption of modern system of government machinery which
can be used to support popular democratic governments in implementation of their programs and bureaucracy assures
continuity of development programs, etc. National consideration, security, and economic development are the most important
objectives for any nation- state in the third word. Literally speaking, Pakistans history is a chronicle of bureaucratic
mismanagement. Economic and political development is in a mess. Majority of the peoples of Pakistan are uneducated. In
short, socially, economically, politically, Pakistan is ruined and its security is vulnerable among the nations. There were the
leaders who could have changed the destiny of Pakistan like Quaid-e- Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah who died very soon,
General Muhammad Ayub Khan, Zulfqar Ali Bhutto, Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif etc. The existence of
bureaucracy, under political backing was not easy, the bureaucracy itself desperate and consequently disagreement arise.
The then governments were operating within the limitations, crises, and inter-provincial rivalries. The state has to provide
services, justice, maintain law and carry prosperity, and if it has to be effective, it has to have a good bureaucracy. The
military and civilian bureaucracy is building its time to stability of government. Civil services worked efficiently up to 1960s
and to resist social pressures and act on rules ended a few years after 1947. The success of the civilian government through
its trials tribulation, to build political and economic institutions to withstand the tempests of the time is yet to be seen. It's true
if politicians and the military have not demoralized the bureaucracy, turning it into a collection of self-serving individuals,
instead of an institution based on rules, the hierarchy of authority, accountability and professional ethics, the success would
have been visible today. If the spring is here, can winter be far behind. Weber said
Once bureaucracy is fully established among the social structures which are the hardest to
destroy. Imposition of martial law is the cry of certain segments of society. If that happens, then,
Pakistans development: economic, social, political and institutional is not sighted far in the coming
future. Global perception is that the bureaucracies of the developing countries are permanent
stakeholders and the copartner; Politions are for the tenure Government has to make bureaucracies
neutral in its role to stabilize the growth and system of the country
Managing Local
Governance in Pakistan
Dr. Ghazal Khawaja Hummayun Akhtar
Abstract
The concept of decentralization in the form of Local government is the most effective way to deliver goods and services at
the grass root level. The concept is as old as the governments itself. Since the inception of Pakistan in 1947 the strong
bureaucratic control in the country was not at all conducive to public participation in political affairs, which eventually led local
self-government to regression, hampering the administrative and financial influx of local bodies. Since no elections were held
for the first eleven years, these institutions lagged behind and, therefore, fell prey to ineffective functioning. The underlying
study is comparing three systems of local government in Pakistan and shed light on the motive behind every dictatorial
initiated local governments plan
Keywords: Decentralization, local government, Devolution Power Plan, Basic Democracies, District Administration.
Concept of Decentralization
ecentralization, or decentralizing governance, refers to the restructuring or reorganization of authority so that there is
a system of co-responsibility between institutions of governance at the central, regional and local levels according to
the principle of subsidiary, thus increasing the overall quality and effectiveness of the system of governance, while
increasing the authority and capacities of sub-national levels. Decentralization could also be expected to contribute
to key elements of good governance, such as increasing people's opportunities for participation in economic, social and
political decisions; assisting in developing people's capacities; and enhancing government responsiveness, transparency and
accountability. (UN DP, September 1997)
Decentralization is basically concerned with how government is structured, and how authorities, powers, and
responsibilities are divided among the central government and sub-ordinate tiers of government. Formally, decentralization is
defined as the transfer of responsibility for planning, management, and resource utilization and allocation from the central
government to (a) field units of federal government ministries or agencies; (b) sub-ordinate units or levels of government; (c)
semi-autonomous public authorities or corporations; (d) area wide regional or functional authorities. (Cheema A, 2006)
Decentralization has become a popular theme in development thinking and practice for at least two decades
(Klugman, 1994). There are two main factors that contribute towards the growing popularity of decentralization since the
1990s;
a. The global democratic expansion.
b. Belief in the technical efficiency of decentralization.
Over the last two decades, an increasing number of countries have made efforts to decentralize government
services, particularly health & population programs. According to many scholars, decentralization has evolved as a result of:
15
a. A global trend towards local autonomy and self governance, and the tendency to reduce reliance on centralized planning of
economies and be more responsive to local needs.
b. Countries receiving international assistance have also been pressured by donors like Germany and the United States to
improve the delivery of public services in terms of responsiveness, effectiveness and efficiency through decentralization.
c. A realization that centrally administered programs do not always provide for effective program delivery at the local level, as
they do not consider local needs.
Problems in Decentralization
Despite the limitations associated with delivery of services by the central government, the experience with
decentralization has been quite mixed (Burki, 1999).The most frequently- cited problem is the lack of capacity at sub-national
levels of government to exercise responsibility for public services. A second problem is that decentralization has led to
misaligned responsibilities, possibly because the process is incomplete, possibly for political reasons. Third, while
decentralization was in some cases intended to strengthen the political power of lower tiers of government vis--vis the
center, it has also increased the possibility of political capture within these lower tiers. Fourth, a host of other problems have
nevertheless undermined service delivery in decentralizing economies. For instance, the soft-budget constraint facing subnational governments has led to over borrowing (Rodden, 2003).
People-centered
Rights and responsibilities based on the
Service-oriented
In order to make the restructuring successful for the purpose of delivering services to the people, five empowerment
targets were identified:
General Musharrafs agenda claimed that the Devolution Plan would be a beginning of a political revolution that
would enable people to enjoy equality in administrative affairs and endeavored to shift power from the elite to the common
man. The basic aim was to terminate corrupt and fraudulent civilian government, which was authoritarian in its nature. The
study delineates clearly that Musharrafs regime came with the goal to empower local people by providing them with
improved governance and means for local and ultimately state development. The objective of the Devolution of Power Plan
was to restructure responsibilities and smoothen the flow of resources among the three tiers of the government federal,
provincial and local, with appropriate authority to perform duties assigned to them.
Under the Devolution of Power Plan, two subsequent elections at local level were held in 2001 and 2005 by the
Chief Executive, General Pervez Musharraf. For the very first time, the rural-urban division was abolished, constitutional
protection was given, seats for women were reserved, and the powers of the Deputy Commissioners office were terminated,
under this three-tiered system. It empowered the elected Nazim to entertain authority with the bureaucracy in the district.
The structure of the Devolution Plan initiated a number of problems. As the local bodies election was non-party
based, the absence of party affiliation was the main hindrance in political mobilization. Hence, political parties were left
behind and some elites belonging to certain castes were brought forward to contest against each other, which gave rise to
personal rivalries at local levels. As a consequence, this adversely affected the common man who lost his right to participate
in the decision-making and governance of the State.
This is to bring on record that Musharrafs reforms received the same criticism as that of Zias (that decentralization
was an attempt at legitimizing the unconstitutional rule of the Military). Fortunately, Musharraf received a high level of
assistance and encouragement from international politics to implement decentralization in Pakistan. Furthermore, due to the
existence of many local Councils in the provinces, it became difficult to maintain a conducive relationship among local
administration and elected Provincial Governments. The Devolution Plan could not appropriately address the checks and
balances of the elected bodies and the District Nazims accountability was never conducted. The District Councils, along with
17
monitoring committees, were authorized to keep a check on the Nazims, but they had little power to exercise. A number of
monitoring committees did exist, but on papers only.
Conclusion
Democracy has proven itself to be a system that has given people supreme power. It has ensured that it is not just
essential for people to be submissive to all the rules and regulations laid down by the government, but that their active
participation is also mandatory to strategize the governance to benefit all. However, democracy cannot be achieved without
encouraging local people in the governmental process through the local government.
Decentralization has been an effective tool for boosting the economy, for effectuating better governance and in
rendering the citizens capable of decision- making and policy implementation.
The nature of devolution is actually a concept of subsidiary. The revenues and resources are assigned after careful
discussion with the stakeholders. The principle of subsidiary demands that local governments must have sufficient authority.
An elected local government with clearly defined authority plays a vital role in the economic development of a community.
The possession of appropriate power allows the local government to express views openly which may be incorporated in
decision-making and then be implemented, hence, contributing to improving the quality of life of all citizens locally.
It is imperative to highlight that Local Government System encourages political freedom, coordination and
collaboration, principle of subsidiary, free and fair elections, community development and capacity building. The capacity
building of human resource is of crucial importance for the success of reforms. Therefore, the local government system has
made it compulsory for officials to acquire training for efficient and effective governance. As a key issue, administrative
reforms need to be taken in three areas:
Every reform undertaken should aim towards holding the local governmental setup
accountable to the local population rather than to the higher levels of government. For a brief
overlook of three local governance system in Pakistan see table.
LG Ordinance of 1979
No constitutional protection
No constitutional protection
No women participation
No women participation
DC reports to non-elected
provincial secretariat
DC reports to non-elected
provincial secretariat
Limited
18
Agriculture
The agriculture growth stood at 2.9 percent during JulyMarch, 2014-15 as compared to 2.7 percent during the last
year.
During 2014-15, cotton production stood at 13,983
thousand bales as compared to 12,769 thousand bales in
2013-14 and registered an increase of 9.5 percent.
Wheat production decreased to 25,478 thousand tonnes
in 2014-15 as compared to 25,979 thousand tonnes in
2013-14 showing a decrease of 1.9 percent.
Rice production has increased to 7,005 thousand tonnes
in 2014-15 as compared to 6,798 thousand tonnes in 201314 showing an increase of 3.0 percent.
Sugarcane production has decreased to 62,652
thousand tonnes in 2014-15, as compared to 67,460
thousand tonnes last year, and registered a decrease of 7.1
percent.
Maize production had decreased to 4,695 thousand
tonnes in 2014-15, as compared to 4,944 thousand tonnes
in 2013-14 showing a decrease of 5.0 percent.
Other crops that contributed 11.1 percent value addition
in agriculture witnessed a positive growth of 1.1 percent in
2014-15, against negative growth of 5.4 percent during the
same period last year.
Gram production has increased to 484 thousand tonnes
in 2014-15 as compared to 399 thousand tonnes in 201415, showing an increase of 21.3 percent.
During July-March 2014-15, the production of Potatoes,
Moong, Onions and Chillies increased by 6.3 percent, 6.2
percent, 1.3 percent and 0.3 percent, respectively. While
production of other pulses Mash and Masoor (Lentil)
19
Fiscal development
During July-March of 2014-15, fiscal deficit as percent of
GDP was contained at 3.8 percent against 3.9 percent in
the same period of fiscal year 2013-14.
Total expenditure of Rs.5, 642.4 billion was estimated for
the full year, comprising of Rs.4, 462.3 billion of current
expenditure and Rs. 1, 180.1 billion of development
expenditure and net lending.
During July-March, 2014-15, total expenditures stood at
Rs.3731.6 billion against Rs.3, 446.2 billion in the same
period of fiscal year 2013-14, thus posted a growth of 8.3
percent. Of which, current expenditure grew at 10.1 percent
Inflation
The inflation rate measured by the changes in CPI,
averaged at 4.8 percent during July-April, 2014-15 against
8.7 percent in the comparable period last year, which is
lowest since 2003.
The food inflation on average basis in July-April, 201415, is estimated at 3.6 percent and non-food 5.7 percent, as
against 9.3 percent and 8.2 percent in the corresponding
period last year.
CPI food items have declining trend in prices of potatoes,
vegetable ghee, cooking oil, wheat, rice and eggs.
Core inflation on average basis during July-April, 201415, stood at 6.9 percent against 8.3 percent last year.
W PI during July-April, 2014-15, on annual average basis
has recorded an increase of 0.03 percent against 8.3
percent last year.
The wholesale prices of non-food items, whose prices
decreased from previous year are furnace oil, kerosene oil,
diesel, cotton yarn, soap, printing paper and cement.
SPI recorded an increase of 1.9 percent during July-April,
2014-15 against 9.8 percent last year.
Inflation has been contained during current fiscal year
due to better supply position of major and minor crops, and
regular monitoring of prices and supply chain by the
National Price Monitoring Committee.
National Price Monitoring Committee chair by Federal
Finance Minister, monitor prices of essential commodities in
consultation with provincial governments and concerned
Federal Ministries/Divisions and organization.
21
Public Debt
Public debt was recorded at Rs.16,936 billion or 61.8
percent of GDP as at end-March 2015 compared with 62
percent during the same period last year.
Public debt recorded an increase of Rs.940 billion during
first nine months of current fiscal year as compared with Rs.
1,272 billion during the same period last year.
The primary source of increase in public debt was in
domestic debt that positioned at Rs. 11,932 billion
representing an increase of Rs.1,012 billion, whereas,
external debt posed at Rs.5,004 billion representing a
decrease of Rs.72 billion as compared to end June 2014.
Government made progress in achieving the targets set
under Pakistans first Medium Term Debt Management
Strategy (2013/14 - 2017/18) as the government was able to
reduce its refinancing risk by re-profiling its domestic debt
and increasing the external inflows.
Pakistan successfully returned to the International
Islamic Bond market in November 2014 with the issuance of
US$ 1 billion Pakistan International Sukuk.
Pakistan has become eligible for concessional IBRD
funding which will be used to fund priority infrastructure /
development projects.
During July-March, 2014-15, public debt servicing was
recorded at Rs.1,193 billion against the annual budgeted
estimate of Rs. 1,686 billion. Public debt servicing
consumed nearly 44.5 percent of total revenues during first
nine months of current fiscal year against a ratio of 47
percent during the same period last year.
EDL stock was recorded at US$ 62.6 billion as at end
March 2015 out of which external public debt was US$ 49.1
billion. Public external debt witnessed a decline of US$ 2.3
billion during first nine months of current fiscal year.
During first nine months of 2014-15, disbursements
including loans and grants stood at US$ 4,001 million
compared with US$ 2,301 million during the same period
last year.
Pakistan also received US$ 2,106 million from the IMF.
Importantly, net inflows from the IMF stood at US$ 1,041
million during first nine months of current fiscal year
compared with net outflow of US$ 861 million during the
same period last year.
Servicing of EDL fell by US$ 1,282 million in first nine
months of current fiscal year as compared to the same
period last year and recorded at US$ 5,303 million. Out of
this total, principal repayments were US$ 3,291 million and
interest payments were US$ 812 million, whereas an
amount of US$ 1,200 million was rolled over. Among the
principal repayments, US$ 935 million of multilateral debt
and US$ 1040 million of IMF accounted for most of the
share.
Education
According to the latest Pakistan Social and Living
Standards Measurement (PSL M) Survey 2013- 14, literacy
remains higher in urban areas (74 percent) than in rural
areas (49 percent), and is more prevalent for men (81.0
23
Energy
During the recent visit of President of China, Pakistan
and China signed 51 Memorandums of Understanding
(MoUs) relating to diverse aspects of bilateral relations,
including the Pakistan China Economic Corridor and series
of energy projects. Thus almost $15.5 billion worth of coal,
wind, solar and hydro energy projects will come online by
2017 and when mature will add 10,400 megawatts of
energy to Pakistans national grid.
Asian Development Bank has approved assistance
packages to help Pakistan to undertake key reforms in the
power sector. This included funding to ensure energy
delivery to industrial and private consumers. The Jamshoro
Power Generation Project, which on completion in 2018, will
add 1,300 megawatts (MW) to the countrys electricity grid.
Reliability of the power distribution network is also being
enhanced through the investment of $167.2 million to
upgrade 284 grid stations.
The World Bank also approved a financing package from
the International Development Association (IDA) to help
expand hydro-electricity generation in Pakistan through the
development of the Dasu Hydropower Stage-I Project
(DHP-I). The package consists of an IDA Credit of $588.4
million and an IDA Partial Credit Guarantee (PCG) of $460
million to help mobilize commercial financing for the project.
DHP-I would have 2,160 megawatt (MW) hydropower plant
on the main Indus River, which can be expanded to 4,320
MW in future with less additional cost.
During July-March FY 2015, primary energy supplied
increased to 50.9 million TOE compared to 48.8 million TOE
showing a growth of 4.4 percent while energy consumption
increased to 25.1 million TOE compared to 24.6 million TOE
in same period last year showing a growth of 2.0 percent
Natural Gas
With respect to gas, Pakistan has one of the most
developed gas transmission and distribution network in the
region but on account of its increased share in energy
consumption, the gap between its demand and supply is
widening.
The gas load management is mostly restricted to Punjab
Province as its shared in gas supply is about 5 percent
while it has a share of almost 46 percent of national gas
consumption.
SNGPL is meeting the requirement of more than 4.8
million consumers of domestic, commercial, CNG and
industrial categories through its distribution network. All
categories of consumers are fed through a common
distribution network. There is a continuous extension in
SNGPLs network. On an average, there has been an
increase in gas demand by 40-50 M MCFD (based on
average consumption during summer months) and 80-100
M M CFD (based on average consumption during winter
months) each year.
Government of Pakistan is taking following steps to
overcome the shortage of natural gas in the country:
Import of LNG
25
Social Problems
in Pakistan
Rana Saad Iqbal, Muhammad Ather Shehzad, Ather Abdul Jabbar, Qazi Muhammad Ubaid
Corruption
Smuggling
Educational Problems
Terrorism
Food Crisis
Poverty
Corruption
Corruption in widespread. Pakistan is ranked as a 42 nd corrupted country of the world according to Transparency
International Corruption Perception Index.
The expert sources indicate that the following sectors are among the most affected by corruption.
Power sector.
Land administration.
Smuggling
26
Smuggling undermines thelocal industry, discourages the legal imports and reduces the volume of revenues
collected from duties.
Unfortunately a parallel underground economy has taken roots in Pakistan.
Health Care Conditions
Even after decades of existence there is no equal distribution of wealth and resources.
Many Pakistanis suffer from physical and emotional problems but there is no proper health care system in place.
Many patients with emergency only see a doctor when they get violent and have a nervous breakdown.
Educational Problems
Pakistan illiteracy rate is decreasing continuously as the schools have not kept up with the population explosion.
There is also a problem of different medium of instructions in private and public sector.
Terrorism
Pakistan plays a key and highly conflicted role in the global war on terror.
Today terrorism is threatening the very roots and fabric of Pakistans nationhood.
Political crisis.
Economic conditions.
Standard of living.
Religious extremism.
Food Crisis
The world financial experts have placed
Pakistan on a list of 36 countries that face a serious food crises.
It has two aspects
Unavailability of edibles.
Child Labor
The full-time employment of children who are under a minimum legal age.
3.3 millionchild labourers in Pakistan, out of which 2.4million were boys and 0.9 were girls.
Most of the child laborers are working in ruler areas as compare to urban areas.
Brick making.
Stone crushing.
Carpet making.
Agriculture sector.
Poverty In Pakistan
Poverty is the main issue of Pakistan.
According to 2007-08 analysis,17.2 % of the total population lived below the poverty line which is the lowest figures in
history of Pakistan.
Main factors of poverty in Pakistan are:
Inequality.
Natural disasters.
Feudalism.
27
How To Overcome
Suggestions To Overcome Corruption!
Parliaments can and should adopt appropriate legislation, take an active role in the ratification of relevant
international instruments and incorporate their provisions in national legislation.
They should also make maximum use of the constitutional, parliamentary and other legal mechanisms available to
ensure full accountability and transparency in government.
In recognition of the important role Supreme Audit Institutions, as well as other bodies such as Ombudsman, play in
combating corruption, parliaments should lay down the appropriate legal framework for the establishment and
functioning of such institutions including through the provision of adequate resources and proper follow-up to the
work and reports of such bodies.
Suggestions To Overcome Smuggling
A law was set that the vehicles will be checked with help of fixed and mobile laboratories.
Suggestions To Overcome Health Care Conditions
The real solution is to kill the root of Terrorism and systematically change the attitude of those peoples who are
involved in terrorism
Preventing and resolving conflicts with Taliban and other religious groups.
A fully demarcated border with Afghanistan which will prevent the foreign intrusion in the country.
Suggestions To Overcome Food Crisis
Stop smuggling.
To reduce unemployment.
Suggestions To Overcome Poverty
Live as close as you can to a budget and resist the urge to spend frivolously.
Article 11 of the Constitution prohibits all forms of slavery, forced labor and child labor;
Article 17 provides for a fundamental right to exercise the freedom of association and the right to form unions.
Article 37(e) makes provision for securing just and humane conditions of work, ensuring that children and women
are not employed in vocations unsuited to their age or sex, and for maternity benefits for women in employment.
Law of Pakistan about Education
The Constitution of Pakistan framed in 1973 promised to its citizens in Article 37 (b) & (c) that
The State shall remove illiteracy and provide free and compulsory secondary education within
the minimum possible period; make technical and professional education generally available
and higher education equally accessible to all on the basis of merit.
The Constitution also corresponds with Article 26 (1) of the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights which says that
"Everyone has the right to education.
New Arrivals
(According to New Syllabus of CSS)
Pakistan Affairs Paradigms (PAPs)
Advanced General Science
Advanced General Ability Tests
Advanced Islamiat (in Urdu)
Advanced Political Science (Paper 1)
Advanced Political Science (Paper 2)
Rethinking Public Administration
Advanced Environmental Science
Advanced Governance & Public Policies
Advanced Town Planning & Urban Management
Advanced Criminology
Advanced Anthropology
Advanced Urdu
Advanced Punjabi
Advanced Gender Studies
Advanced Environmental Sciences
Advanced Philosophy
Advanced History of USA
Advanced British History
Advanced Journalism & Mass Communication
An Advanced Study in Sociology (For CSS)
Advanced International Law
Innovative Notes on Geography
Innovative Notes on Muslim Law & Jurisprudence
Innovative Notes on Mercantile Law
Innovative Notes on International Relations (Paper 1)
Innovative Notes on International Relations (Paper 2)
Published by
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