Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
E.H. Carr, The Twenty Years' Crisis 1919-1939: An Introduction to the Study of
International Relations (London: Macmillan, 1939), p. 19.
2
Peter Wilson, 'The Myth of the First Great Debate', Review of International Studies, Vol. 24
(Dec 1998), pp. 12-13.
3
Carr, The Twenty Years' Crisis, p. 62.
See, for instance, Frank McDonough (ed.), The Origins of the Second World War (London:
Continuum International Publishing Group, 2011); R. Boyce, The Great Inter-war Crisis
and the Collapse of Globalization (Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009); Donald Kagan,
On the Origins of War and the Preservation of Peace (New York: Doubleday, 2009), pp.
281-436.
5
As Peter Wilson noted, it was precisely this analytical quality of E.H. Carr to identify the
correlative nature of both domestic and international issueswar, revolution, social justice,
self-determination, economic distress and power politicswhich enabled him to critically
examine major developments in international politics. Peter Wilson, 'Radicalism for a
Conservative Purpose: The Peculiar Realism of E.H. Carr', Journal of International Studies,
Vol. 30:1 (2001), p.135.
6
On the subject of Great Power Politics prior to World War I, see Norman Reich, Great
Power Diplomacy 1814-1914 (New York: Mcgraw Hill Book Co, 1992); Paul W. Schroeder,
"The Nineteenth Century System: balance of power or political equilibrium?", Review of
International Studies, Vol. 15 (1989), pp. 135153; and Paul Kennedy, The Rise and Fall of
the Great Powers. Economic Change and Military Conflict from 1500-2000 (New York:
First Vintage Books, 1989), pp. 143-255.
7
Wilson, 'The Peculiar Realism of E.H. Carr', p.127.
of imposing it on the rest of the world.''15Before long, their vexation with the
international system then translated into open hostility and aggression,
setting them on an arguably inevitable collision course with its defenders
that would eventually see their societies pitted against one another in
historys most devastating and atrocious conflagration.
In general, E.H. Carr was certainly right that international law and
institutions cannot be relied upon to act as a universal remedy for redressing
inter-state grievances, in particular not within the constraints of an
international order whose members didn't identify the interests of the whole
community with their own. 16 In that event, such institutions might even
constitute a potential root cause for international conflict, if only because
differing perceptions with regard to moral precepts and the constitutive
nature of the international system stand to result in different strategies
adopted by states for handling their relations with other nations.
Accordingly, the mere advocacy of such noble principles as universal peace
will hardly ever suffice to persuade dissatisfied nations of their alleged
suitability for generating mutual advantages. It was precisely this divorce of
morality from the far more practical exigencies of states, notably their
dependence on certain elements of power to further their most fundamental
national needs which Carr accurately identified as one of the most
significant flaws in inter-war 'utopian' thought.17
It is only when international law and institutions are widely held of
assisting, or at least of not substantially interfering with national objectives
that they might place the international system on a less fragile and volatile
foundation.18 Dissatisfied states are reluctant to adhere to moral ideals not
because they are less appreciatory of their potential merits; rather they
simply judge them less helpful and conducive in advancing their own
interests as well. 19 All states aspire to meet certain indispensable needs,
15
Carr, The Twenty Years' Crisis, p. 71; Wilson, 'The Peculiar Realism of E.H. Carr', pp.
126-127.
16
Carr, The Twenty Years' Crisis, p. 57.
17
Lucian M. Ashworth, 'Where are the Idealists in Inter-War International Relations?',
Review of International Studies, Vol. 32:2 (April 2006), p. 302.
18
Carr, The Twenty Years Crisis, pp. 42-43.
19
A particularly instructive confirmation of that reality is, for instance, offered by the 1928
Kellogg-Briand pact to renounce war as a legitimate instrument of national policy, even
though it was already at the time perfectly realised by more perceptive statesmen, notably
US Foreign Secretary Frank Kellogg himself, that such solemn commitments could
ultimately not hinder states from still seeking recourse to war in self-defence if they
believed circumstances to demand such action. Frank Kellogg, cited in Ruth Henig, The
League of Nations: An Idea before its Time?, in: Frank McDonough (ed.), The Origins of
the Second World War (London: Continuum International Publishing Group, 2011), p. 40.
20
In a sense, it is thus not so much a question over whether states differ in regard to the
outcomes they wish to achieve than rather about their differences in strategies for attaining
them. See Robert Jervis, 'Realism, Neoliberalism and Cooperation: Understanding the
Debate', International Security, Vol. 24:1 (Summer 1999), pp. 50-51; and Robert Powell,
'Anarchy in International Relations Theory', International Organization, Vol. 48:2 (Spring,
1994), pp. 318-321.
21
Typically they try to do so through their often extensive capital exports as well as their
privileged access to and/or control of foreign markets. Carr, The Twenty Years' Crisis, p.
114.
22
Charles Jones, E.H. Carr and International Relations: A Duty to Lie (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1998), p. 29.
23
Jonathan Haslam, The Vices Of Integrity: E.H. Carr, 18921982 (London/New York:
Verso, 1999), p. 70.
24
Michael Cox, 'E.H. Carr and the Crisis of Twentieth-Century Liberalism: Reflections and
Lessons', Journal of International Studies, Vol. 38:3 (May 2010), p. 528.
25
S. Brown, The Causes and Prevention of War (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1994), pp.
123-124.
26
Opposite views are in particular advanced by prominent offensive realists such as John
Mearsheimer in John J. Mearsheimer, The Tragedy of Great Power Politics (New York:
W.W. Norton & Company, 2001).
27
In Carr's appreciation, these principles not only failed to provide any absolute and
disinterested standard for the conduct of international affairs, yet were, moreover, also but
unconscious reflexions of national policy based on a particular interpretation of national
interest at a particular time. Carr, The Twenty Years' Crisis, p. 111.
28
Carr, The Twenty Years' Crisis, pp. 152-153.
29
For Joseph Nye, 'Soft Power' is essentially about co-opting and shaping the preferences
of
people rather than coercing them. Joseph S. Nye, Soft Power: The Means to Success in
World Politics (Cambridge, M.A.: Perseus Books Groups, 2004), p. 5.
their own self-enrichment.30 Such need for allowing peaceful change to take
place should, however, not only be enjoined upon state actors by moral
considerations, as Carr duly remarked,31 but also because already for purely
practical reasons any such measured modifications are ultimately much
preferable to a potentially far more radical and violent upheaval in
international politics.
Accordingly, Carr was right that ''to establish methods of peaceful
change is[]the fundamental problem of international morality and of
international politics''32 and that its solution ''must be based on a compromise
between morality and power.''33 Above all, however, international relations
need to be characterized by a widespread compliance with the principles of
'self-sacrifice' and 'give-and-take', i.e. of attaching equal value to the
grievances of both strong and challenging nations.34
Conciliation and mutual accommodation are therefore key to the
longevity of any international order, and the instruments or institutions most
suited for doing so might arguably indeed best be found along the path of
economic reconstruction.35 However, there is one significant qualification to
be made here, one which Carr only insufficiently addresses himself.
Undeniably he is right to argue that seeking ''the consent of the governed by
methods other than coercion'' can help 'Wilsonian ideals' acquire a more
universal validity in international politics.36 Still, that approach nevertheless
fails to specify that it is ultimately just as important to consider the factors of
not only when to offer such conciliation and cooperation, but essentially also
of whom to extend it to. Accordingly, Carr might have been a bit hasty to
dismiss ideological differences between disparate modes of societal
30
Carr above all draws attention to the proclaimed Sanctity of Treaties as an especially
sophisticated implement used by the ruling nations to maintain their supremacy over
weaker nations on whom the treaties have been imposed. Carr, The Twenty Years' Crisis, p.
174.
31
Carr, The Twenty Years Crisis, p. 191.
32
Carr, The Twenty Years Crisis, p. 202.
33
Carr, The Twenty Years Crisis, p. 192.
34
Carr, The Twenty Years' Crisis, pp. 149-150.
35
By 'economic reconstruction' Carr does not only mean the granting of relief credits to
distressed nations or the provision of foreign loans for stimulating their export trade, but on
a more fundamental note also the widespread acceptance that in order to permanently
achieve the ideals of international peace, stability and security, national policies will out of
principle have to take into consideration the welfare and societal content of other countries
as well. Carr, The Twenty Years Crisis, pp. 218-220.
36
Carr, The Twenty Years Crisis, p. 217.
38
37
41
Michael Cox, 'E.H. Carr and the Crisis of Twentieth-Century Liberalism', pp. 527-528.
Accordingly, the fact that his foreign policy ultimately failed to win widespread approval
within German society, but instead increasingly came to be met with harsh criticism and
resentment, can thus not solely be put down to the volatile nature of the international order,
nor to the major economic slump that soon was to upset it. Ruth Henig, 'The League of
Nations', p. 41.
43
In that regard, it is thus highly debatable whether Germany would in any event have
become an aggressive power by the end of the 1930s as John Mearsheimer contends.
Mearsheimer, The Tragedy of Great Power Politics, p. 199.
44
Ruth Henig, 'The League of Nations', pp. 43-44.
45
John W. Coogan, 'Wilsonian diplomacy in war and peace', in: Gordon Martel (ed.),
American Foreign Relations Reconsidered 1890-1993 (New York: Routledge, 1994), p. 85.
46
Z. Steiner, The Lights that failed: European International History 1919-1933 (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 2005), pp. 786-792.
42
fascist disease that was presently running rampant within its society. 47
According to Carr, Allied intractability to thus help Stresseman secure an
acceptable revision of the Versailles Treaty consequently greatly assisted the
rise of Social-Nationalism in Germany.48
Yet once Hitler had seized power, any attempts to appease him were
arguably a vain and fruitless enterprise from the start.49 Granted, the mere
fact that that approach ultimately failed to preserve peace must not detract
from its at least theoretical potential for doing so as Carr rightly believed,
albeit if and only if, as he failed to discern, it had been directed at the right
time at the right political leaders.50 The tragedy with appeasement was not
that it was a misconceived policy per se, but rather that its underlying
promise to maintain peace and inter-state cooperation basically lacked the
willingness of all parties involved to commit themselves in equal part to the
unequivocal observance of these high-minded principles. In consequence,
the entrenchment of these ideals failed to precede the ascent of
intransigently resentful enemies which, in marked contrast to their
predecessors, clearly preferred aggressive power politics over peaceful
reconciliation for achieving their goals. 51 To that degree, Carr rightfully
blamed unfair international structures for courting Germany's growing
embitterment and thereby abetting the spread of fascism. Importantly,
however, a more conciliatory international environment, one in which peace
and cooperation truly benefited the entire community of states, could only
have secured international stability when dealing with a Germany that was
likewise genuinely interested in the pursuit of these ideals. As HitlerGermany, however, clearly wasn't, it is therefore difficult to imagine how
short of substantive territorial concessions it could have been placated to a
satisfactory degree. In other words, it was thus essentially less a question
over whether appeasement could ever have worked at all than basically one
47
10
of how, when and, above all, with whom it might have done so.
The same observation also holds true for pre-WWII Japan, a country
in which there had never developed any pronounced affinity, let alone
identification with the international order. Importantly, however, the
translation of its frustration with international politics into open hostility was
likewise not so much a pre-determined inevitability than but the effect of
foregoing developments which, on balance, greatly accelerated the country's
international defection. In particular, one must not confound the especially
militaristic form of Japanese nationalism that caused millions of innocent
people in Far-East Asia such indescribable pain and suffering in the 1930s
with a putatively innate or premeditated desire of its society to inescapably
follow such despicable a course of action irrespective of its internal political
composition.
Above all, one must not disregard the fundamental break that
occurred in Japanese politics during the inter-war period, a deviation from
previous policies which although it may have stood in some continuity with
deeper, long-term strands of modern Japanese history, 52 still cannot be
interpreted as but the logical and natural evolution of its distinct political
system. Once again, intense nationalism was essentially but the symptom of
larger historical trends at work in the background, 53 a disease which
undeniably the Japanese government itself lacked the determination to blight
as early and rigorously as it might have, yet one which the international
community as well only insufficiently helped to prevent from gaining in
strength in the first place.
International practices such as the extremely ill-received decision to
deny Japan racial equality in the Covenant of the League of Nations,54 for
instance, considerably increased domestic perceptions that the country was
52
See in particular M.G. Sheftall, 'An Ideological Genealogy of Imperial Era Japanese
Militarism, in: Frank McDonough (ed.), Origins of the Second World War (London:
Continuum International Publishing Group, 2011), pp. 50-65.
53
The emergence of popular imperialistic movements was in no small measure a direct
corollary of the increasingly acute perception shared within large parts of the Japanese
population that the western model of democracy and free-market economics was by nature
rife with grave social injustices and economic malpractices, leading to rising rates of
unemployment, corporate corruption and, as a result, the gradual erosion of Japan's
capability to satisfy its most basic national needs and interests. John Toland, The Rising
Sun. The Decline and Fall of the Japanese Empire 1936-1945 (New York: Pen &
Sword Military Classics, 1971), pp. 5-6.
54
Margaret MacMillan, Paris 1919: Six Months That Changed the World (New York:
Random House, 2003), p. 321.
11
A sentiment arguably most fittingly conveyed by the words of Foreign Minister Makino
Nobukai upon saying that we are not too proud to fight but we are too proud to accept a
place of admitted inferiority in dealing with one or more of the associated nations. We want
nothing but simple justice. Quoted in Paul Gordon Lauren, Power And Prejudice: The
Politics And Diplomacy Of Racial Discrimination (Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press,
1988), p. 90.
56
As is well known by now, neither the officially elected Japanese government nor the High
Command of its armed forces had instigated the aggressive action taken single-handedly by
the Kwantung Army's renegade leadership in Manchuria in 1931. John Toland, The Rising
Sun, pp. 8-9.
57
John Keegan, Fateful Choices. Ten Decisions That Changed the World 1940-1941 (New
York: The Penguin Press, 2007), pp. 139-140.
58
Keegan, Fateful Choices, pp. 141-142.
59
Prior to the radicalization of Japanese politics by nationalist elements following the
Manchuria incident in 1931, the 'Washington Agreement' signed in 1922 between Japan,
China and the major western powers to guarantee the over-all stability of the greater Far
Eastern region was after all widely upheld by a more conciliatory Japanese government.
Akira Iriye, The Origins of the Second World War in Asia and the Pacific (London/New
York, 1987), pp. 2-4; Ian Nish, Japanese Foreign Policy 1869-1942 (London, 1977), pp.
133-42.; Keegan, Fateful Choices, pp. 138-139.
12
13
that the best prospects for international conciliation lie along the lines of
economic reconstruction,62 American statesmen not merely sought to rebuild
a world likely to be perceived by other countries of serving but their own
national ends, but rather one which was equally capable of meeting the
latter's requirements as well. Instead of openly challenging them, ever more
nations now came to appreciate the structures and workings of the
international system,63 if only because they were offered ample opportunities
for achieving their own goals within it as well.64 In addition, initiatives such
as the Economic Recovery Programme (Marshall Plan) likewise
strengthened the belief that domestic survival and prosperity would
ultimately best be ensured by embracing international cooperation.65
However, economic re-construction does in itself arguably still not
go far enough in attempting to entrench 'Wilsonian ideals' more firmly in
international politics. If peace and cooperation are to thrive and mature on a
truly permanent basis, they require not only a redress of previous ills and
failures; far more importantly they essentially also demand a pre-emption of
the very same to begin with. In other words, not so much an economic reconstruction as basically an economic pre-construction.
That conception, in principle, lay at the heart of the European
integration process following WWII. 66 Earlier plans for institutionalizing
inter-state cooperation in Europe had ultimately remained largely 'utopian' in
character precisely because they had failed to reconcile the seemingly ever
62
14
elusive ideal of a true and perennial European peace with the more practical
and utilitarian considerations of individual state actors. By accordingly
meeting these more functional needsnotably territorial security, protection
from foreign aggression as well as the opportunity for increasing their
economic power by engaging in a fully integrated continental market
systemthe ECSC and its successor organizations then substantially helped
to reduce tensions between former enemies not so much because adherence
to international arrangements was by default recognized as the most
conducive instrument for furthering national interests, but rather because
cooperation was in fact early on perceived as a powerful mechanism capable
of not only assisting states achieve their own objectives and thus establish a
truer international harmony of interests, 67 but of likewise also providing
them with the necessary structures for guarding against the pernicious forces
(nationalism, international strife) and notoriously unstable conditions that
any non-integrated international system was otherwise likely to experience
in the absence of a higher governing authority.68
Ultimately, that process of political rapprochement thus not only
constituted a reaction to past failures and deficiencies in inter-state
relationships, but rather its underlying twin concept of economic re- and preconstruction simultaneously also laid the foundations for an era of
unprecedented peace, prosperity and cooperation by seeking to eliminate at
the outset all those influences that frequently tempt state actors to pursue a
more selfish foreign policy. To a degree, such pre-emptive strategies were
thus by and large consistent with E.H. Carr's own proposals for regional
integration, for instance when he called upon Britain to help re-structure
international relations in Europe so as to avert another devastating
nationalist war. 69 Regardless of the UK's eventual involvement in the
European integration process, it still more or less reflected his own
67
In that context, it should be remembered that Carr was not per se opposed to the idea of an
international harmony of interests. Importantly, however, it would first be necessary to
consciously create a new one reflective of the fundamentally changed political environment
of the 20th century. Peter Wilson, 'The Myth of the First Great Debate', Review of
International Studies, Vol. 24 (Dec 1998), p. 13.
68
The extent to which that early cooperation would eventually expand into a continental
organization capable of influencing states' interests, loyalties and strategies could of course
not have been foreseen by its initiators. In a sense, it may be said to have been a positive
'spillover effect' of the very institutions they had helped to establish for the purpose of
cementing ties between individual nations. Robert Jervis, 'Realism, Neoliberalism and
Cooperation', p. 59.
69
Wilson, 'The Peculiar Realism of E.H. Carr', p. 133.
15
70
More precisely, Carr demanded the establishment of a much broader and inclusive form of
political organization, characterized not only by a devolution of national powers, but above
all by a firm commitment to reduce socio-economic inequalities among nations. Carr, The
Future of Nations: Independence of Interdependence (London: Macmillan, 1941), p. 54;
Wilson, 'The Peculiar Realism of E.H. Carr', p. 135.
71
The principal tenets of the 'Clinton Doctrine' were repeatedly outlined in a number of
successive reports on American National Security Strategy. See in particular B. Clinton, A
National Security Strategy of Engagement and Enlargement (Washington D.C.: The White
House, February 1996), http://nssarchive.us/NSSR/1996.pdf [accessed 14 May 2013]; B.
Clinton, A National Security Strategy For a New Century (Washington D.C.: The White
House, December 1999), http://nssarchive.us/NSSR/2000.pdf [accessed 14 May 2013];
and B. Clinton, Remarks by the President on Foreign Policy, San Francisco, Feb. 26.
1999, https://www.mtholyoke.edu/acad/intrel/clintfps.htmD.C. [accessed 14 May 2013].
72
In that context, emphasis was primarily placed on attempts for dealing with the underlying
grievances of distressed countries by actively encouraging regional integration and
establishing better trade relations with them. See National Security Advisor Anthony Lake,
From Containment to Enlargement, Sept. 21, 1993,
https://www.mtholyoke.edu/acad/intrel/lakedoc.html [accessed 14 May 2013]; and Douglas
Brinkley, Democratic Enlargement: The Clinton Doctrine, Foreign Policy, 106 (Spring
1997), pp. 120-121.
73
Above all economic prosperity, rule of law, judicial accountability, free and fair elections,
equal access to public resources and institutions, etc. Ronald Dahl, On Democracy
(Harrisonburg, Virginia: R.R. Donnelly, 1998), pp. 83-99.
74
Michael Cox, 'E.H. Carr and the Crisis of Twentieth-Century Liberalism', p. 527.
16
first place.75 After all, it were ultimately not only material dangers that might
threaten peace, but also forces of a less tangible, yet possibly just as
subversive and destructive order, notably in the form of aggressive
nationalism in a politically and economically unstable, recently disintegrated
former communist bloc in Eastern Europe. 76 Following that premise,
Clinton's foreign policy consequently aimed to provide countries with
sufficient incentives to view the networks and institutions through which
they work as the most practicable means for satisfying their own national
interests and ambitions as well.77
In a sense, the over-all process of European integration thus
ultimately constituted the sort of political internationalism that E.H. Carr
believed to form an indispensable prerequisite for encouraging nation-states
to relinquish at least part of their sovereignty for determining affairs within
their own territories. 78 By coupling national self-determination, in Carr's
view an inherently dangerous conception when operating on its own, to
economic interdependence and the expansion of the political community,
international integration did indeed not suddenly override national
affiliations, but it was certainly instrumental in ending the ''destructive phase
of nationalism.''79
75
Anthony Lake, Laying the Foundation for a Post-Cold War World. National Security in
the 21st Century (Chicago, Illinois: Chicago Council on Foreign Relations, 24 May 1996),
http://www.fas.org/spp/starwars/offdocs/tl240596.htm [accessed 14 May 2013].
76
Charles Krauthammer, The Unipolar Moment, Foreign Affairs, Vol. 70:1 (America and
the World 90/91), pp. 32-33.
77
In the process, the United States granted Russia substantial credits to facilitate its
transition to a full-fledged capitalist democracy; led the way in expanding NATO; and,
through the latter's enlargement, also actively sought to assist Europe's newly free nations to
accomplish the overall objective of an even greater European integration. Brinkley,
Democratic Enlargement: The Clinton Doctrine, pp. 122-125; Bill Clinton, My Life (New
York: Random House, 2004), pp. 780-786. On NATO enlargement, see in particular R.D.
Asmus, Opening NATOs Door: How the Alliance Remade Itself for a New Era (New York:
Columbia University Press, 2002), pp. 20-29.
78
Linklater, 'E.H. Carr, Critical Theory and International Relations', p. 329.
79
E.H. Carr, Nationalism and After (London: Macmillan, 1945), pp. 56-59; 67.
17
80
18
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22