Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
This is a critique of colorblind discussions of domestic surveillance. The evidence in this file is mostly
taken from an online back-and-forth within leftist circles after the Snowden revelations in 2013. Tim Wise, a
prominent anti-racist activist and writer, wrote a scathing article critiquing the publics response to NSA
spying. According to Wise, the outrage that many white people expressed was a product of their privilege.
Why was NSA spying so outrageous? Why was it the top story in national newspapers and on cable news
channels? Wise suggests that this response was so aggressive because white people were finally
experiencing the same kind of coercive surveillance that people of color have always experienced in the
United States. Instead of reacting with outrage, the alternative suggests that one should react to
revelations about domestic surveillance with indifference because the existence of this kind of surveillance
regime should be obvious.
This critique links to affirmatives that do not discuss the racially disparate effects of surveillance. If the
affirmative highlights the racial injustice of surveillance, the critique becomes much less persuasive. The
negative could potentially still deploy a narrower focus tradeoff critique (time spent working against NSA
surveillance is time not spent working against police brutality, etc.), but this isnt a particularly persuasive
argument. Strategically, the negative should develop another critique to read against affirmatives that do
highlight the racially disparate effects of surveillance. Doing so will provide the negative with a generic
option against (nearly) all affirmatives.
In response to this critique, the affirmative has a wide variety of options. Most importantly, the affirmative
can suggest that because the alternative ultimately agrees with the plan, the permutation is the best
option. As part of this argument, the affirmative can also suggest that plan-inclusive alternatives are
illegitimate and that the desirability of the affirmatives policy proposalnot just the reasons provided to
support itshould be the nexus issue of the debate. Many authors also disagree with Wises argument;
they suggest that anti-surveillance work is valuable for people of color and that there is no necessary
tradeoff between this and working against other manifestations of racial injustice.
One other option for the affirmative is to critique the word colorblind on the grounds that it is ableist.
There is a balanced back-and-forth on this issue that will provide an opportunity for students to debate
language-related arguments in the context of a counter-critique.
Negative
The idea that with this NSA program there has been some unique
blow struck against democracy, and that now our liberties are in
jeopardy is the kind of thing one can only believe if one has had the
luxury of thinking they were living in such a place, and were in
possession of such shiny baubles to begin with. And this is, to be sure, a
luxury enjoyed by painfully few folks of color, Muslims in a post-9/11
America, or poor people of any color. For the first, they have long known
that their freedom was directly constrained by racial discrimination , in
housing, the justice system and the job market; for the second, profiling and
suspicion have circumscribed the boundaries of their liberties
unceasingly for the past twelve years; and for the latter, freedom and
democracy have been mostly an illusion, limited by economic
privation in a class system that affords less opportunity for mobility
than fifty years ago, and less than most other nations with which we
like to compare ourselves.
In short, when people proclaim a desire to take back our democracy
from the national security apparatus, or for that matter the plutocrats who have
ostensibly hijacked it, they begin from a premise that is entirely untenable;
namely, that there was ever a democracy to take back, and that the
hijacking of said utopia has been a recent phenomenon. But there
wasnt and it hasnt been.
Second, their colorblind policy analysis perpetuates racism and
inequality.
Wise 10 Timothy J. Wise, anti-racist activist and writer, holds a B.A. in Political Science from Tulane
University, 2010 (With Friends Like These, Who Needs Glenn Beck? Racism and White Privilege on the
Liberal-Left, Tim Wises blog, August 17th, Available Online at http://www.timwise.org/2010/08/with-friendslike-these-who-needs-glenn-beck-racism-and-white-privilege-on-the-liberal-left/, Accessed 02-17-2015)
Liberal Colorblindness and the Perpetuation of Racism
By liberal colorblindness I am referring to a belief that although racial disparities are certainly real and
troubling and although they are indeed the result of discrimination and unequal opportunity paying
less attention to color or race is a progressive and open-minded way to combat those disparities. So, for
instance, this is the type of colorblind stance often evinced by teachers, or social workers, or folks who
work in non-profit service agencies, or other helping professions. Its embodiment is the elementary
school teacher who I seem to meet in every town to which I travel who insists they never even notice
color and make sure to treat everyone exactly the same, as if this were the height of moral behavior and
the ultimate in progressive educational pedagogy.
teachers and others resolve to ignore color, they not only make it
harder to meet the needs of the persons of color with whom they
personally interact, they actually help further racism and racial
inequity by deepening denial that the problem exists, which in turn
makes the problem harder to solve. To treat everyone the same
even assuming this were possible is not progressive, especially
when some are contending with barriers and obstacles not faced by
others. If some are dealing with structural racism, to treat them the
same as white folks who arent is to fail to meet their needs. The same
is true with women and sexism, LGBT folks and heterosexism, workingclass folks and the class system, persons with disabilities and ableism,
right on down the line. Identity matters. It shapes our experiences. And
to not recognize that is to increase the likelihood that even the wellintended will perpetuate the initial injury.
Third, their decision to highlight NSA surveillance instead of
ongoing, ubiquitous violence against people of color
perpetuates white supremacy. This outweighs the case.
Wise 13 Timothy J. Wise, anti-racist activist and writer, holds a B.A. in Political Science from Tulane
University, 2013 (Whiteness, NSA Spying and the Irony of Racial Privilege, Tim Wises blog, June 19 th,
Available Online at http://www.timwise.org/2013/06/whiteness-nsa-spying-and-the-irony-of-racial-privilege/,
Accessed 02-17-2015)
Its not that Im not disturbed, even horrified by the fact that my
government thinks it appropriate to spy on people, monitoring their
phone calls to whom we speak and when among other tactics, all in the supposed
service of the national interest.
That any government thinks it legitimate to so closely monitor its
people is indicative of the inherent sickness of nation-states, made
worse in the modern era, where the power to intrude into the most
private aspects of our lives is more possible than ever, thanks to the datagathering techniques made feasible by technological advance.
And although I too am those things, perhaps because I work mostly on issues of racism, white privilege
and racial inequity and because my mentors and teachers have principally been people of color, for
(This is) the nation that killed protesters at Jackson and Kent
State UniversitiesThe nation that executed Fred Hampton in his
bed, without so much as a warrant. The nation that still, still, still
holds Leonard Peltier in prison. The nation that supported
Noriega, the Shah, Trujillo, and dozens of other fascist
monsters who did nothing but fuck over their own people and
their neighbors. The nation of Joseph McCarthy and his currentday descendants. The nation that allows stop-and-frisk.
Before all that: The nation that enforced Jim Crow laws. Before
that, the nation that built itself on slavery and the slave trade.
And before all of that, the nation that nearly succeeded in the
genocide of this continents indigenous peoples.
So why are you so surprised that our government is gathering
yottabytes of data on our phone calls?
Lets be clear, its not that the NSA misdeeds, carried out by the last two administrations,
are no big deal. Theyre completely indefensible, no matter the efforts of the
apologists for empire from the corporate media to President Obama to Dick Cheney to legitimize
them. A free people should not stand for it.
Problem is, we are not a free people and never have been, and
therein lies the rub.
As for the corollary argument that getting paid while doing antiracism
work somehow creates an incentive to maintain the system, and so
those who receive income from such work are really frauds who dont
want to see the system end, perhaps it would do us well to think about the
implications of this argument. First, the argument would also apply to
people of color who do the work. If compensation for fighting a system
of oppression by definition means that one is vested in the
maintenance of the problem, that logic would have to apply across the
board. Is that what people believe? Thats certainly what right wingers and those who
support racism have long said about the civil rights establishment: that
they want to see racism continue so theyll be able to keep their jobs
and incomes. But if that argument is unfair and absurd when made about people of color in the
work, why is it suddenly legitimate when applied to whites?
And by this logic, one could also say and would have to, by necessity that
doctors profit from illness and as such want to see people remain
unhealthy. And teachers, of any subject, profit from ignorance, and want to
see people remain uneducated. And that grunt soldiers on the front
lines profit from war, and really, deep down want to see war continue
because getting shot at is so much fun, and anyway, what would they do if peace broke
out? By this logic, the attorneys who fought Big Tobacco were profiting
off cancer no less so than the attorneys who defended those
companies and lied about the cancer-causing properties of cigarettes.
And by this logic, organizations that do advocacy against poverty and
on behalf of poor people and communities fighting for things like a living wage, or
a more stable social safety net should only hire poor people to do that work
(which might be cool, actually), but then continue to pay them a sub-poverty
wage, in violation of the very things they are fighting for, because the minute their
incomes put the workers above the poverty line they would be, under
this logic, profiting from the misery of others, and thus reveal
themselves to be automatic hypocrites.
their respective cultures period. People are taught, from a very young age, to worship some of them most
devilish white people the world has ever known, simply because they are white. This is a vastly undertaught aspect of White Supremacy.
White Supremacy is often limited to being described as some toothless hillbilly or muscle bound and
hairless white male with a Swastika etched in to his hollow, yet hate filled, head. This is merely one minor
aspect of White Supremacy. White Supremacy, in its essence, is much, much more pervasive than the
White Supremacy is
most effective in its ideological form. Everything else is a destructive
manifestation of that ideology.
physical form we are programmed to sometimes see in human flesh.
White Supremacy bores destructive holes into the impressionable minds of children. White children are
subconsciously programmed to falsely believe that they are the champions of humanity and that their
contributions to the world vastly overshadow that of people of color. White Supremacy blinds them to
myriad truths detailing the origins of sciences, medicine, democracy and philosophy came out of African,
not Europe. This assembly-line type of programming sets in motion the next wave of future white adults
mentally equipped carry out the crimes of their mothers and fathers, grandmothers and grandfathers. It
robs these white children of humanity without them ever realizing they are being developed to see the
world in a most limiting and destructive way. Without progressive social intervention many white youth are
bound to develop similar socially destructive ways as their elders.
Children of color, on the other hand, are systematically programmed to, not only see white people as
better than themselves, but to also extol white people who carried out crimes against humanity against
people of color. Within the white settler colony, otherwise known as the United States, children of color are
force-fed heaping platefuls of White Supremacy. It is a most psychologically unhealthy meal. They are
taught to call slave masters their Founding Fathers, men who would have worked them to death had
these children been anywhere within the vicinity of these devilish human beings. The likes of George
Washington, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, and Andrew Jackson all held enslaved Africans against their
will. George Washington and Andrew Jackson were also notorious for their assaults on Indigenous people
from North America. It is very telling of how sadistic American society is, that it would impose these kinds
of men upon the minds of children, especially children of color. This is exactly what white supremacist
societies do they force children of color to assimilate. Those aforementioned men, when cited within
classrooms and homes, should be held as examples of what not to do. A humane society would do this.
The US is far from being a humane society.
Police Brutality are all very much lethal aspects of White Supremacy. In a
society that rewards European genocidal monsters, like Christopher Columbus, it makes painful sense that
the US would be a place that harvests oppression much like farmers do fruits and vegetables. The US is
riddled with a legacy of strange fruit.
Police brutality is a most deleterious aspect of White Supremacy and Institutional Racism. This is why
police brutality disproportionately impact people of color. Thanks to the work of the Malcolm X Grassroots
Movement we know that in 2012 a black person was murdered by law enforcement at least every 36
hours. The white supremacist corporate media did nothing to expose this story. And why would they they
are who they are because of White Supremacy. A revolution to end White Supremacy truly will not be
televised at least not on CNN, FOX News, MSNBC, ABC, CBS or the like.
The so-called entertainment industry is replete with white supremacist images, messages, and is
controlled by White Supremacy and Institutional Racism. This is why the only images shown of Hip Hop
Culture, within the corporate medias usurped airwaves, are that of the most virulently racist and
stereotypical images of people of color. These are the acceptable versions of blackness they feel
comfortable showing. Again, it matters little that Hip Hop is a culture largely created by African/black
youth. The white supremacist power structure that controls the media, that makes destructive images
popular while suppressing revolutionary ones, is no different than the white people who stole North
America from Indigenous people. Once in control of a resource they are hell-bent on suppressing any
semblance of resistance or justice.
The struggle to end White Supremacy is one that must continue and
grow even stronger countless youth of color simply depend on it. Resistance to white
supremacist ideology is paramount. If you believe in humanity (regardless
of the color of your skin) you must join in this resistance. White Supremacy is a
most deadly social malady. It has given birth to Apartheid, Jim
Crow, mass murder, chattel slavery the list literally goes on
and on.
People of color must resist White Supremacy in every way they can. We must organize ourselves to combat
it teaching our youth to recognize it is an important first step. People of color must collectively resist
White Supremacy, and good intentioned white people must play their own critical roles within this struggle.
It is the obligation of any good intentioned white person to go in to white communities and organize an end
to the social disease there. After all, White Supremacy emanates from white communities. It is frequently
birthed from ignorance and hatred, among several social maladies and complexes.
White people, it is your responsibility to put an end to White Supremacy in your communities just as it is
White
Supremacy is killing masses of people (physically and mentally). When
the responsibility of men to bury Male Supremacy and sexual/physical abuse of women.
will we all decide to wage a war on this pervasive social illness/ideology, and put and end to it?
counsel respect for the weak, for orphans, widows, or strangers. It is not just a question of theoretical
morality and disinterested commandments. Such unanimity in the safeguarding of the other suggests the
death.
Of course, this is debatable. There are those who think that if one is strong enough, the assault on and
oppression of others is permissible. But no one is ever sure of remaining the strongest. One day, perhaps,
the roles will be reversed. All unjust society contains within itself the seeds of its own death. It is probably
smarter to treat others with respect so that they treat you with respect. "Recall," says the Bible, "that you
were once a stranger in Egypt," which means both that you ought to respect the stranger because you
were a stranger yourself and that you risk becoming one again someday. It is an ethical and a practical
taking all our freedom away through his super-spy agency and big
government.
On the flip side, when black people walk down the street, they are
constantly worried about being hassled or their sons or daughters
being brutalized at the hands of unaccountable local government.
We don't have any names or faces of people who've been murdered by
the NSA or had their right to vote taken away by the NSA or had their
house taken away because of predatory lending practices by the NSA.
No one's home has been destroyed by a freak weather-event caused
by the NSA. The NSA didn't bust unions or cut funding to the NIH.
These are all real problems with real victims.
But even when it comes to supposed victims of NSA spying, the anti-NSA crowd have to reach back all the
way to 2005 just to find some people whose communications were intercepted, even though there's no
proof any of those individuals were themselves targeted.
And another recent bombshell went totally ignored by the anti-NSAers when we found out that Germany
spied on John Kerry and Hillary Clinton. Does anyone else remember when Merkel was shocked (SHOCKED I
TELL YOU!) to learn that America has a spy agency that does spying-type things on other countries, even
Media coverage can dictate policy. Endless media coverage on the NSA
got Obama to change certain NSA policies and got the Amash Amendment to almost
pass (by next year, it probably will pass).
One problem is pneumonia. The other is a mole which may or may not
become malignant down the road, so keep an eye on it. But treat
that pneumonia right now because it could kill you.
Another example would be to not to install energy-efficient windows
while your house is on fire. I'm not saying "don't worry about the NSA."
Intelligent people are perfectly capable of holding two thoughts in their
heads at once. I'm simply saying we need to prioritize our problems.
If you ask black or Latino or Middle Eastern people whether they're
more concerned about the NSA or, I don't know, everything else from
voting rights to student loans to immigration to police killing their
families, I don't need to tell you what answer you're likely to get.
People of color don't have the luxury of worrying about big
government, because they're too busy being terrorized by local and
state government.
6. Hoodwinking DA the permutation is bit criticism, not
fundamental criticism. This takes race-neutrality for granted
as a context-setting assumption, reinforcing its legitimacy and
diffusing the power of our critique.
Calmore 99 John O. Calmore, Reef C. Ivey II Research Professor of Law at the University of North
Carolina School of Law, 1999 (Random Notes of an Integration Warrior - Part 2: A Critical Response to the
Hegemonic Truth of Daniel Farber and Suzanna Sherry, Minnesota Law Review (83 Minn. L. Rev. 1589),
June, Available Online to Subscribing Institutions via Lexis-Nexis)
within the mainstream, we tend to personify this kind of systemic tinkering - reinforcing a feigned
Former political prisoner and Black Panther Party leader Dhoruba BinWahad declared that "the United States has moved into a full garrison
police state," which "has been exported and institutionalized all over the
globe." His antidote? "We have to put together an international
movement to check the development evolution of the modern
national security state," which requires linking globalized labor
exploitation to the prison industry to the war on terror to
institutionalized white supremacy rooted in the "European-settler
state." Bin-Wahad was skeptical about the ability of "legal" remedies
to reform the system. "You cannot make the police state better. You
cannot reform white supremacy. We need to abolish the system as
it now stands," Bin-Wahad said.
it is time to remind ourselves that the only things worse than what
this government and its various law enforcement agencies do in secret,
are the things theyve been doing blatantly, openly, but only to some
for a long time now.
This nations government has killed hundreds of thousands in Iraq
and Afghanistan, openly, in front of the world.
This nations sanctions on Iraq in the 90s contributed to the deaths of
hundreds of thousands more, by the admission of Secretary of State Albright. All of
it, out in the open. No secrets.
This nation stood by and even helped propagate massacre after
massacre an attempted genocide even in Guatemala throughout the 1980s;
and not only did we not hide that we were doing it, President Reagan
openly praised the architects of the slaughter while proclaiming they
were committed to social justice.
We incarcerate 2.5 million people and have roughly 7 million
people under the control of the justice system in all openly, and
increasingly for non-violent offenses: more than any nation on
Earth.
We have the highest child poverty rate in the developed world, and
there is nothing secret about it. Our leaders dont even care about
covering it up. In fact, an awful lot of them just dont care. At all.
These are the crimes of empire. These and a lot more. And it didnt
take Edward Snowden to tell you about them. Theyve been hiding in
plain sight for a long time.
Maybe
liberals and those on the left operate within institutional spaces and
one has to think against the grain. In order to reject the norming
inequities of whiteness, I must "speak out" and actively struggle
against white supremacy. The enthymematic arguments of white
supremacy will continue to prevail unless they are vigilantly,
explicitly, and overtly contested. And this is precisely why, if I choose
to remain silent, I can be understood to consent and be held
accountable for the consequences of complicity. And to those who would
argue for the viability of a detached, neutral, or objective stance on such issues, Freire asks: " What is
my neutrality, if not a comfortable and perhaps hypocritical way of
avoiding any choice or even hiding my fear of denouncing injustice. To
wash my hands in the face of oppression" (101).
What I am suggesting here is a way of being imbued with a Freirean
sensibility of questioning, of problem-posing, of being critically selfreflexive and curious about the racialized world in which we live without
the hubris of thinking that we have all of the answers or assuming that our antiracist work is inherently
In summary, I have argued that we can redefine the enthymeme for our postmodern condition and make it
if I,
as a part of "the people," remain silent, I am in de facto agreement
with arguments for white supremacy as expressed in fragmented, mediated formal and
informal discourse. I have argued that an enthymematic view of whiteness requires
white people to actively and perpetually act and speak out
against dominant hegemonic ideologiesto disagree explicitly
with and make plain their underlying premises and conclusions, to
resist being complicit with the racist consequences of those arguments.
rhetorically and pedagogically useful in antiracist and counter-hegemonic work. I have argued that
And I have also provided a framework for a tenuous rhetorical stance and pedagogical positionality for
Racial literacy also has the potential to enable students to avoid two
incapacities: (a) the inability to correctly and effectively understand the
everyday materiality, or reality, of race, and (b) a cultivated inability to
meaningfully discuss the general semantics and ontology of
race. I explain to students that these incapacities make them victims
of hermeneutical injustice, the injustice of lacking the necessary
concepts for understanding a significant area of their social
experience.6 This hermeneutical deficit prevents one from gaining
access to crucial aspects of self-understanding. For example, we can
imagine the existential and epistemic vertigo that can paralyze an
individual who lives in a world in which race is persistent, but the
individual lacks a competent understanding of the role of race in
shaping the affairs of daily life. The trauma associated with the realization and awareness
that one is indeed raced can be particularly troubling, especially if one previously lived in an environment
that sheltered one from the practicality of understanding themselves as raced.
Michael Monahan, in his recent bold philosophical defense of the reality of race against the racial
attempts to
transcend race are destined to fail. [end page 116] Race, according to Monahan, is
not an annoying, irrelevant, and insidious contingent property of
persons that ought to be rejected. As he writes:
One's racial being is not a fixed and given essenceit is neither
a property that we simply possess, nor is it a strictly contingent
activity that we can choose to abandon. It is . . . more a sort of
location or context, and it is in this way, as inevitably conditioning
one's subjectivity, that racial reality must be understood. One's Whiteness, Blackness,
abolitionists and racial eliminativists, has enforced the inescapability of race and why
Asianness . . . is not something that can be purely in the way the politics of purity would have us
believe, but it is also impossible for one to purely not be raced, or simply decide by voluntary fiat
how one is raced.7
We are all raced in that we are born into a human reality infused by
race. However, our race is not a dangerous fiction. And as Monahan states in a different context:
Race is something that we do not something that we are, and it
is, importantly, something that we always do in concert with others,
whose ways of doing race inevitably shape the ways in which we
are able to do (or not do) race.8
wages of whiteness,"9 Cheryl Harris's notion of "whiteness as property,"10 and George Lipsitz's notion of
the "possessive investment in whiteness" are but three examples of this phenomenon.11 It should be
There are a lot of events vying to occupy the American mind these
days such as Gaza, Iraq, Ukraine, the immigration crisis, hate crimes
against Sikhs, Ebola, and Robin Williams' death. But in one way, the
ability to switch among these traumas is a white person's
'luxury.' For Sean, and for many black Americans, the recent spate of black
male deaths at the hands of police in America is forced to occupy
the primary place.
There is an epidemic in this country and its victims are black men. Eric
Garner died after being put in a stranglehold in Staten Island in New York City, Michael Brown, was an 18year-old teenager killed in Ferguson, MO, and Ezell Ford was killed while reportedly lying down in the street
in Los Angeles.
I spoke to Rev. Tony Lee who is an African-American pastor at Community of Hope AME Church in Prince
George's County, Maryland. Rev. Tony and I went to seminary together and he has been a colleague I trust
to speak the truth to me about race in America. He called the recent deaths 'disturbing but not surprising.'
"The
According to Lee, the church also needs to reclaim and proclaim the narrative about the worth of black
lives in the face of the criminalized depiction of black people on TV, movies and in music. The wider church
should be involved in the celebration of the breadth and richness of the black experience.
We need to lock arms amidst all of this. If the police feel they are
above the law with any one group, they will feel they are above
the law with others. We need to learn from the civil rights
movement. It wasn't just black folks, it was everybody,
because it wasn't a black problem it was a moral issue. We are
remembering 40 years after the Freedom Summer. That wasn't just black people risking their
lives, it was a community that went down to Mississippi because they knew that when any group
within the nation is marginalized then we can't be the nation we want to be.
The way I translate Rev. Lee's generous invitation is 'show up.' White
people need to get off the computer and get involved with our voices,
feet, votes and resources to help make sure that this epidemic of black
deaths in America ends. This is not a 'black problem it is an American
problem and it will take all of us working together to solve it.
going away any time soon. But reminding ourselves of what a call-out is meant to accomplish will go a long
way toward creating the kinds of substantial, material changes in peoples behaviour and in community
dynamics that we envision and need.
We throw thats ableist or thats racist or thats fatphobic around, I suspect, in the
hope that such heavy judgement-bearing words will shock and
embarrass the speaker out of using the offending language. And
sometimes, it can work, at least in the short term, when we are merely thinking of our own self-
Lorde has explained, in one of the most brilliant pieces of writing on social justice ever put to paper,
Those of us who stand outside the circle of this societys definition of acceptable women; those of us who
have been forged in the crucibles of difference those of us who are poor, who are lesbians, who are
Black, who are older know that survival is not an academic skill. It is learning how to stand alone,
unpopular and sometimes reviled, and how to make common cause with those others identified as outside
the structures in order to define and seek a world in which we can all flourish. It is learning how to take our
differences and make them strengths. For the masters tools will never dismantle the masters house. They
may allow us temporarily to beat him at his own game, but they will never enable us to bring about
genuine change. And this fact is only threatening to those women who still define the masters house as
their only source of support.
that making someone feel stupid will encourage them to read more
about a subject. It doesnt work. Fear and shame dont help people
to understand how the language we use and the actions we
undertake, even in our own small individual spheres, all conspire to
create a social environment that oppresses us. Fear breeds
resentment and, sometimes, hatred. These are not things we need more
of. These are the things that put us here in the first place.
Affirmative
This final tweet removed the veil from the game being played by Wise.
As those who have followed the matter are aware, the no heroes designation of
Snowden and Greenwald has been a staple of Obamas apologists,
Reid, Harris-Perry, and others, almost certainly circulating a focus group tested talking point devised by
the laugh test. And so Wise is always careful to note his disagreement
with Obamas policies, his service to the administration deriving from
his reliable attacks on the white privilege of left critics providing an
easy rationalization for complacency and inaction.
Wises political services were provided not only in the wake of the Snowden disclosures but, more
predictably, in response to the Occupy movement about which Wise has had very little to say. Wises
silence was predictable given that OWS seeks to reconstruct a unified movement directed against the
plutocratic 1%, unifying rather than dividing, as Wise would, the 99%. Rather than participate in OWS,
Wise contributed to a collection of essays entitled Occupying Privilege in which readers will learn about
white supremacy, medias spin control, (mis)education, the criminal IN-justice system, cultural
appropriation, and racisms continued impact on people of color and white people. No mention of Wall
Street banks, housing foreclosures overwhelmingly impacting POCs, trillion dollar bailouts, as this would
distract from the question of So, um, what the hell is white privilege anyway, and do I have it? According
to Wise, The short answer is if youre white, yeah, you do. By helping circulate the OWS/white privilege
meme, Wise helped develop a much brandished rhetorical bludgeon for the defenders of plutocracy
against what was the most successful attack on its foundations in many years.
Not just a potato chip
The above is somewhat misleading in that it suggests that Wises central priority is the promotion of the
That said, it should be noted that Wises rise to a position of public prominence was crucially aided by the
alternative media, especially at the initial stages, most notably by Zmag where Wise first established a
media perch some two decades ago. This brings up the issue of why was a figure who has so consistently
expressed his contempt, or at best, a distinct lack of enthusiasm for leftists and core aspects of the left
agenda continues to be welcomed by it with open arms.
I wont attempt to address this here, as the subject is perhaps best left alone, though with the
understanding that a similar trajectory was followed by Melissa Harris Perry who began her rise accessing
authentic left outlets such as Democracy Now!, Laura Flanderss GritTV, and The Nation. By this point,
neither Wise nor Harris Perry has any need of the ladder which was provided for them, and so both are free
to consolidate their positions by joining in establishment attacks on the left agenda.
While it is probably by now too late to matter in their cases, it is encouraging that a first flicker of
recognition of the reactionary character of the Wise/Harris Perry brand of multicultural neoliberalism is
by Teach for America a group which, as anyone with a minimal political awareness understands, is devoted
to the undermining of inner city education and the whole sale layoffs of African American teachers to be
replaced by TFAs overwhelmingly white, underqualified, non-union recruits.
Wises having Stamp(ed) TFAs Anti-Racist Ghetto Pass provoked a sharp response from Bruce Dixon at
Black Agenda Report who circulated a petition calling for Wise to cancel his scheduled engagement with
TFA. Unsurprisingly, Wise has rejected Dixons request. More significantly, Dixon went further, raising
doubts about Wises competence, awareness and, ultimately, underlying agenda: If this is how antiracism education worksgiving cover to organizations and policies that hurt people of color more than
anybody elseit might be time to re-think that whole contraption as well.
The escalating deaths and sufferings in Black and poor America and
the marvelous new militancy in our Ferguson moment should compel us to focus
on what really matters: The life and death issues of police
murders, poverty, mass incarceration, drones, TPP (unjust trade
policies), vast surveillance, decrepit schools, unemployment,
Wall Street power, Israeli occupation of Palestinians, Dalit resistance in
India, and ecological catastrophe.
Character assassination is the refuge of those who hide and conceal
these issues in order to rationalize their own allegiance to the status
quo. I am neither a saint nor prophet, but I am a Jesus-loving free Black man in a Great Tradition who
intends to be faithful unto death in telling the truth and bearing witness to justice. I am not beholden to
any administration, political party, TV channel or financial sponsor because loving suffering and struggling
peoples is my point of reference. Deep integrity must trump cheap popularity. Nothing will stop or distract
my work and witness, even as I learn from others and try not to hurt others.
beings, although far more pressing in the case of the police and black masses, links the argument I made
about respecting ones opponents to the movement for the recognition of the value of black life.
Part of the debate over the last couple weeks among progressives regarding
political priorities, the Obama presidency, the Ron Paul candidacy and
the like has entailed a litany of accusations smears hurled at those of us
who insist on the prioritization of issues of war and civil liberties
abuses, and who vocally highlight the ways in which the Democratic
Party generally and President Obama specifically have been so awful
on these matters. Some Democratic loyalists have explicitly argued
that contrasting Obama with Ron Paul on these issues is warped
because issues of war and civil liberties are, at best, ancillary concerns,
while others have gone so far as to claim that only racial and/or gender bias
white male privilege would cause someone to use the Paul
candidacy to highlight how odious Obama has been in these areas.
Leaving aside the fact that (as I detail in the discussion with Pollitt), numerous women and people of color
have made the same points about the vital benefits of Pauls candidacy voices which these accusers
victims of those policies are people like Lakhdar Boumediene, or Gulet Mohamed, or Jose Padilla, or Awal
Gul, or Sami al-Haj, or Binyam Mohamed, or Murat Kurnaz, or Afghan villagers, or Pakistani families, or
Yemeni teenagers. In order to get the full depth of the oppression and injustice of these ongoing War on
Terror policies, one has to do things like listen to this amazing and tragically rare interview conducted
by Chris Hayes this weekend with Boumediene, as the former GITMO detainee explained in Arabic how his
This is the primary point made so brilliantly by Falguni Sheth, the Political Theory and Philosophy Professor,
these abuses be vested with prime political priority now that its their Party and their President guilty of
them:
But HERE FOLKS! I am a brown woman (in case my bio didnt clue you into that), and I am
downright livid at policies passed during the Obama administration (which a number of folks will
attest that I anticipated before the 2008 election), which are even worse than expected. I am as
livid with progressives who affect a casual? studied? indifference to the Administrations repeated
support for warrantless wiretapping (remember Obamas vote during the 2008 election season
when he took a break in campaigning to return to Washington to vote for the renewal of FISA; for
his support of the Justice Departments withholding of evidence (and even habeas corpus) from
detainees on grounds of national security; his commitment to indefinite detention (NDAA was not
the first time its arisen. We saw his support in the gesture to move Gitmo detainees to a federal
prison in Illinoiswith only a casual suggestion that they might receive civilian trialsonly to
watch it die quickly under even modest resistance. Guantanamo is still open with detainees
languishing); the expansion of troops into Afghanistan in the first part of his term; the unceasing
drone attacks in Pakistan, etc. . . .
Heres my other question: Why does this have to turn into a guilt by association debate? Why
cant we discuss the questions that are being raised as serious and important questions, rather
than referendums on voters or pundits moral character? I dont have to like Ron Paul (and why
do we need to LIKE our politicians?). I dont have to have dinner with him. He doesnt need to be a
friend. He is raising the questions that every other liberal and progressive and feminist (yes,
including you, Katha) should be raising and forcing the Democrats to address. As Greenwald has
pointed out, these issues only become outrage-worthy when the Republicans are spearheading
human rights violations, because it gives the libs and progs a lever by which to claim political
superiority. The silence on the Democrats record of human rights violations is deafening. And
theyre more than cherries on a blighted tree. Theyre dead bodies on the blighted conscience of
Americans.
10. Alt overcorrects it erases people of color from antisurveillance movements. Even if theres some truth to the link,
plan or perm still best.
Khalek 13 Rania Khalek, independent journalist reporting on the underclass and marginalized for
Truthout, Extra, The Nation, Al Jazeera America, and the Electronic Intifada, 2013 (Activists of Color Lead
Charge Against Surveillance, NSA, Truthout, October 30th, Available Online at http://www.truthout.org/news/item/19695-activists-of-color-at-forefront-of-anti-nsa-movement#, Accessed 06-18-2015)
disobedience to the flag of the hypocritical tyrants that expect us to assimilate and to the republic, which
somehow stands, as one nation, under many gods, of individuals stripped of their liberties and in need of
justice for all."
But it was Slate political reporter Dave Weigel who seemed to have attended a different rally altogether.
"Among the attendees: More than a few Tea Partiers and young, small-l libertarians, possibly equaling
those who could be put on the left," Weigel reported.
While there's certainly nothing wrong with recognizing the presence of right-leaning civil libertarians who
"Just by the very nature of [the United States] being a settler-colonialist and capitalist nation, race and
social control are central to its project," Ahmed said. "Anytime we see any levels of policing - whether it's
day-to-day policing in the streets, surveillance by the police or internet surveillance - social control,
particularly of those that resist the existing system, becomes an inherent part of that system."
But, he warned, "These policies are not going to be limited to one particular community. They're going to
continue to expand further and further" because "the surveillance has a purpose, which is to exert the
power of the state and control the potential for dissent."
"The Snowden revelations represent a terrifying moment for white, middle-class and upper-middle-class
people in this country, who on some level believe that the Bill of Rights and Constitution were protecting
their everyday lives," Sadanandan said. "For people of color from communities with a history of
discrimination and economic oppression that prevents one from realizing any of those rights on a day-today basis, it wasn't a huge surprise."
But Sadanandan argued that NSA surveillance still "has particular concerns
for communities of color because of their unique relationship to the
criminal justice or social control system, a billion-dollar industry with regard to, for
example, border patrol or data mining as it's applied to racially profile." Sadanandan warned that NSA
surveillance more than likely would strengthen that system of control.
Former political prisoner and Black Panther Party leader Dhoruba Bin-Wahad declared that "the United
States has moved into a full garrison police state," which "has been exported and institutionalized all over
the globe." His antidote? "We have to put together an international movement to check the development
evolution of the modern national security state," which requires linking globalized labor exploitation to the
prison industry to the war on terror to institutionalized white supremacy rooted in the "European-settler
state." Bin-Wahad was skeptical about the ability of "legal" remedies to reform the system. "You cannot
make the police state better. You cannot reform white supremacy. We need to abolish the system as it now
stands," Bin-Wahad said.
Disappointed With Obama
But look how quickly the discourse shifts. After an initial shock, power
can rapidly appropriate new data for its own ends. As Herbert Marcuse put it in
One-Dimensional Man, that which initially appears subversive can be "quickly
digested by the status quo as part of its healthy diet". Thus,
government representatives are, for the most part, no longer disputing the
positive content of Snowden's claims. Rather, they are justifying them
in the name of fighting terror. In this way, the site of struggle slips from
one dimension to another, from the realm of contested facts to
the realm of contested interpretations.
In light of the recent NSA surveillance scandal, Chomsky and iek offer us
very different approaches, both of which are helpful for leftist
critique. For Chomsky, the path ahead is clear. Faced with new revelations about
the surveillance state, Chomsky might engage in data mining,
juxtaposing our politicians' lofty statements about freedom against
their secretive actions, thereby revealing their utter hypocrisy. Indeed,
Chomsky is a master at this form of argumentation, and he does it beautifully in
Hegemony or Survival when he contrasts the democratic statements of Bush regime officials against their
iek, on the other hand, might proceed in a number of ways. He might look
at the ideology of cynicism, as he did so famously in the opening chapter of The Sublime
Object of Ideology, in order to demonstrate how expressions of outrage
While anarchists understand that even this latest outrage will not bring
about the revolution, I do think we are uniquely positioned to advocate
for extreme measures that others currently find unthinkable. There
literally is no alternative, because who could ever trust anything the
government does in secret again? The NSA's power and operation in the
dark must be scaled far, far back if we are to have a real solution
to this crisis. Indeed, the state must be made to understand that its very
legitimacy is at stake, and this is a core anarchist goal in the first place.
Dissolution of the state and the NSA may not be politically feasible,
but a sharp and crippling cut to the budgetespecially the abolition of the secret black
budgetmay be one concession we can extract from the
establishment. After abolition, containing the budget is the next
best insurance against power becoming too concentrated in an
organization. Granted, this is a long shot, but it both has the virtue of being
measureable and also marking a grave reappraisal of the
government's legitimacy.
I'm sure each and every person responsible for bringing the NSA cache
of secrets to light has a different vision of what reforms are best.
However, we are at a unique juncture in historyone we indeed owe to Snowden,
Greenwald, Poitras, and others, but nevertheless one which belongs to all of us. Never before
have the people faced such pervasive and subtle totalitarianism
so undermining to society as we know it. If folks finally consider radical
solutions, it will not be because anarchists berated them into it.
The right arguments could ensure the separation of the head from
the snake this time, if anarchists can model a new attitude towards
power that seeks not to alienate opponents but build a
qualitatively different consensus.
I
hope to have contributed a bit to such overcoming by avoiding the visual language at least
in some of my discussions when it was possible and appropriate, but alsoand more
importantby calling attention to the problems associated with equating
epistemic deficiencies with perceptual disabilities such as blindness
(or deafness). Both in academia and in everyday speech we are surrounded
by discourses that privilege able-bodied perspectives. Instead of simply erasing
Although I have not succeeded in overcoming the visual paradigm of blindness to talk about insensitivity,
any reference to the ubiquitous metaphor of blindness, I have introduced a sustained critical discussion
about our rhetorical devices to discuss epistemic deficiencies in social interaction. In order to begin such
ableist culture
sustains and perpetuates itself via rhetoric; the ways of interpreting
disability and assumptions about bodies that produce ableism are
learned. The previous generation teaches it to the next and cultures
spread it to each other through modes of intercultural exchange.
Adopting a rhetorical perspective to the problem of ableism thus
exposes the social systems that keep it alive. This informs my second reason for
viewing ableism as rhetoric, as revealing how it thrives suggests ways of
curtailing its growth and promoting its demise. Many of the strategies
already adopted by disability rights activists to confront ableism
explicitly or implicitly address it as rhetoric. Public demonstrations, countercultural
In this essay I analyze ableism as a rhetorical problem for three reasons. First,
performances, autobiography, transformative histories of disability and disabling practices, and critiques of
Identifying ableism as
rhetoric and exploring its systems dynamic reveals how these corrective
practices work. We can use such information to refine the successful
techniques, reinvent those that fail, and realize new tactics. Third, I contend
that any means of challenging ableism must eventually encounter its
rhetorical power. As I explain below, ableism is that most insidious form of
rhetoric that has become reified and so widely accepted as common
sense that it denies its own rhetoricityit "goes without saying." To
fully address it we must name its presence, for cultural assumptions
accepted uncritically adopt the mantle of "simple truth" and become
extremely difficult to rebut. As the neologism "ableism" itself testifies, we need new
words to reveal the places it resides and new language to describe how
it feeds. Without doing so, ableist ways of thinking and interpreting will
operate as the context for making sense of any acts challenging
discrimination, which undermines their impact, reduces their symbolic
potential, and can even transform them into superficial measures that
give the appearance of change yet elide a recalcitrant ableist system.
ableist films and novels all apply rhetorical solutions to the problem.
question how oppressed, minoritized groups differentiate themselves from other groups in order to seek
justice and claim authority. Must we always define ourselves in opposition and distance to a minoritized
and oppressed group that can be perceived as even more unsavory than the one from which one currently
speaks?
As I watched the discussion about who among the feminist and WOC bloggers has power and authority and
how that is achieved, I began to recognise a new power dynamic both on the internet and in the world at
a
wide variety of powerful feminist and anti-racist discourse is predicated
on negative disability stereotyping. Theres a kind of hierarchy
here: the lack of awareness about disability, disability culture and
identity, and our civil rights movement has resulted in a kind of
domino effect where disability images are the metaphor of last
resort: the bottom, the worst. Disability language has about it a kind
of untouchable quality as if the horror and weakness of a disabled
body were the one true, reliable thing, a touchstone to which we can
turn when we know we cant use misogynistic or racist
language. When we engage in these kinds of argumentative
strategies, we exclude a whole population of people whose histories
are intricately bound up with ours. When we deploy these kinds of
strategies to underscore the value of our own existence in the world,
we reaffirm and strengthen the systems of oppression that
motivated us to speak out in the first place.
large. Feminism takes on misogyny. The WOC have been engaging feminism. But from my point of view,