Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
EDITORIAL
by VETON SURROI
Democracy won, the West won and the Albanians won. Thus were the elections commented,
with capital letters, hundreds of times during these past days, from the ordinary apparatchiks
who under different conditions, if ordered differently, would celebrate the victory of the
Socialists - up to the people who claimed the above deeply convinced in.
Partly, all of these can be true. The Democratic Party is indeed responsible for an accelerated
development of the democratic state that has the most totalitarian heritage in Europe, and
there are no doubts that it will continue towards the liberalization of the economic relations,
changing of the property relations and the integration in the international market. In firm
lines, and thanks to the past mandate, there is no reason to doubt in the continuation of
building the modalities of freedom of expression, different opinions and its inclusion in the
Western security system.
Looked upon in this way, all, Democracy, the West and the Albanians, won.
However, from the other angle, the elections in Albania reveal the enforced image of some
Third World Western model of insecure and impoverished states having no democratic
tradition, where the chief, trying to apply his project of democratization, employs
authoritarian methods. The disapproval of the international observers regarding the elections
in Albania, the OSCE and various NGOs and finally the EU, prove the attempt of the Leaders
of the country to win the elections by all means, starting from the control of the Television
and up to the irregularities at the polling stations. Moreover, the dragging of the opposition
celebrities by the special police, with the use of fists and feet in the middle of the mere
Skënderbej Square, illustrates more than any other assertion, the readiness of the regime to
allow the expression of the opposition opinions only in places determined for it, in the
mouse's hole.
Thus, the victory could evolve worst. Democracy does not win, on the contrary, a regression
in the directions of the democratic development of the country takes place. The victory is not
of the Western European model, but of the authoritarian multi-party model noticed during the
Cold War in Latin America, Africa and finally in Turkey, and definitely, Albanians do not
win. Albanians in Albania will probably experience the rule of economic freedoms with
permanent political limitations, while those in Kosova and Macedonia will be happy because
The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton
Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha
soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the
name of Koha Ditorë. W ith the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on
http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.
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the regime's hand in Albania is strengthening, although it shouldn't be forgotten that this hand
lacks the national consensus. If scenes alike those that took place at the Tirana central square
continue, we will be facing a negative spiral: the regime has to increase the exertion of
repression over the opposition that holds radical positions, be it radical silence or be it radical
articulation.
The parliament controlled by only one party could be very efficient. It could adopt the
Constitution and the best laws possible, it can achieve miracles. Even, after four years, we can
conclude that Albania has gotten closer to the European development than ever before.
However, the price for this will be very high. For those ruling in Albania it will not sound
excessive to repeat words stated in every book about government: every rule is corruptible,
and the absolute government is absolutely corruptible.
ALBANIA
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silence independent voices in the judiciary and media, as well as
those of opposition politicians. Human Rights Watch/Helsinki
fears that these actions are an attempt by the government to
eliminate its political rivals, thereby jeopardizing the fairness
of the forthcoming elections. Human Rights Watch/Helsinki takes
no position on the political contest in Albania, and recognizes
that some of the accusations made by the opposition parties may
be exaggerated. However, it is the responsibility of the Albanian
government to abide by the rule of law and ensure that the voting
process, the basis of any democracy, proceeds in conformity with
Albanian and international law.
PRE-ELECTION VIOLATIONS
"Decommunization" Laws
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The Albanian government defends this process as a means of
"decommunizing" Albanian politics.
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editors, journalists, computer operators, drivers and a cleaner,
in order to question them about a bomb that had exploded that
morning in Tirana. Other journalists were arbitrarily detained
and, on occasion, physically abused.
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but is concerned that the president has the sole right to make
such changes.
The biggest problem with the electoral law, however, was how it
restructured the composition of the electoral commissions to the
favor of the government, thereby opening the door for
manipulation of the vote on the local level, especially in the
second round of voting.
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by the government appointed chairmen and secretaries. The
opposition party representatives in the commissions were often
not allowed to participate in the process, if not outright
evicted from the premises. This pattern was also visible in the
zone commissions". The post-election statement of the OSCE Office
for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR), which had
fifty-three monitors throughout the country, also concluded that
the "decisions of the polling station commissions were not made
by majority vote, but by the arbitrary decisions of the
government appointed chairman and secretary."
Election Monitors
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National Unity Party and Democratic Right Party joined the
boycott shortly thereafter.
They had no contact with the electoral commission. They were not
treated as observers, but as school boys. It was a pattern all
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over the country, from day to night. It was quite obvious that
just the two government appointees on the electoral commissions
were in charge and made decisions without the whole commission.
The opposition representatives were not involved at all.
And we [the monitors] were not allowed to speak with the party
representatives. A journalist for an international news agency
who asked to remain nameless said that non-government appointed
commission members were not present in many of the polling
stations: I went to Kuçovë and Berat, and I saw stations without
anyone from the opposition there. Only a policeman with a gun. In
one station in Berat, the Socialist Party observer had been
beaten at 8:00 in the morning.
Bob Hand, an American observer with the OSCE, told Human Rights
Watch/Helsinki: The counting of ballots was clearly
discriminatory against the Socialist Party. It was clear that
many ballots were being declared invalid. On ballots where a
judgment call was required, those with Socialist votes were
almost always declared invalid.... After the elections, the
police were celebrating by driving up and down the boulevard in
Tirana with civilians in the cars, the sirens on and DP flags
flying out the window. I didn't see, but heard them firing guns
into the air. It was a disgusting display, especially when the
cars were waving American flags. Paskal Milo, a former member of
parliament and candidate for the Social Democratic Party,
monitored a polling station in Lushnje. He said: Many people
voted twelve to fifteen times. Even the observers from Europe saw
this. I personally saw the police force people to vote for the
Democratic Party, especially old people. Sometimes a member of
the commission pretended to help the old person and said, "You
must vote for the DP." The elections were organized not by the
state but by the secret police.
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intimidation had a significant impact on the election process.
Press reports from major newspapers and news agencies cited other
violations. According to an article in the May 28 edition of the
New York Times: Election monitors from the European Union and the
United States said they witnessed instances of police
intimidation, open ballot boxes and voters casting more than one
ballot. In a district in the capital, the voting was held in the
living room of the local leader of Dr. Berisha's Democratic
Party. One election monitor, Fabrizio Migliaccio of Italy, said
he was stunned that in seven districts he visited in the seaside
town of Durrës, "basic violations" of the electoral process were
made in front of him. They included more than one person being in
the voting booth, unsecured ballot boxes and the stuffing of the
boxes with ballots. The next day, The New York Times quoted a
Dutch observer, Yuraj Atabaki, who has monitored nine elections
in the region since 1991, as saying, "I have never seen the
totalitarian face like this, people being beaten, cameras taken."
According to the article, forty of fifty-three OSCE observers
said they witnessed electoral abuses at the polls.
Post-Election Violations
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then the riot police arrived, from which point it got worse. Then
they were clobbering everybody without regard. Gramoz Pashko, a
leading member of the Democratic Alliance who co-founded the
Democratic Party with Sali Berisha, told Human Rights
Watch/Helsinki: They beat us and detained us for one and half
hours in the police station. [Endre] Legisi, [Sevret] Pëllumbi,
[Arben] Imami, [Blendi] Gonxha and Namik Dokle. They isolated the
leaders and we were heavily beaten in the square and in the
police station without any accusation being made.
Paskal Milo was also beaten and told Human Rights Watch/Helsinki:
Today we had a meeting in Skënderbej Square. The opposition
parties were there to protest the manipulation of the election by
the DP. Six or seven thousand people came and they beat us.
...They beat us with everything. Some of them [opposition
leaders] were in jail for about two hours. The police also beat
foreign and Albanian journalists who were present in the square,
including Gianfranco Stara and Spiro Ilo from Associated Press
Television and Eduardo del Campo from Spain's El Mundo. Stara and
Ilo's professional Beta camera was smashed and the film
destroyed. The Interior Ministry denied that anyone had been
beaten and said the gathering was 30 percent former secret police
agents who "called for war, violence and massive exodus to
neighboring countries."
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in the country. But Albania still became a member of the Council
of Europe and receives substantial foreign aid. A number of
top-ranking western officials visited Albania in the weeks
preceeding the elections, thereby lending credence to the
government.
Recommendations
ALBANIA
Saturday, 25 May
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political forces, although only ten of them will represent the
Prefecture at the National Parliament. Graffiti and the numerous
posters witness the non-compromised pre-electoral battle.
In Korça, one could feel the breeze of democracy, as they use to
say. At its very center a new church is being built. Hotel-
tourism is privatized since quite some time now, and this seems
to be the main reason why there is no telephone line. My only way
out, if needed, was to go the post-office and make an urgent
call...
At the seats of the two main forces, the Democratic Party and the
Socialist Party of Albania, but also at the Union for Human
Rights, all claim that real possibilities for the victory of
their candidates really exist: "The Victory is Ours", expresses
himself one Korçan democrat, dr Bujar Isaku, while the Socialist
part wishes only "for decent elections..."
Sunday, 26 May
The democrats claim that during the first hours of the day,
Socialists exerted a provocation: they have beaten two of their
followers. The trace of this information leads to Korça TV. After
requesting my ID, the policeman assures me that he will
acknowledge the manager on my presence, who, while walking me
out, informs of the team that will visit the house of one of the
victims - Pandeli Bodo. In the house, his wife wipes the blood
from his mouth: "I asked for help, but it was late at night, and
no doctor was around" - says Pandeli. "I was walking near the
seat of the Socialist Party when an unidentified person came up
from the darkness, asking me what party I belonged to. Then he
hit me. As I fainted, I fell and hit the side-walk." Due to this
aggressive atmosphere, dr Bujar adds: "there are persons from the
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Socialist Party that come by at three in the morning and start
provocations. One person was asked whom will he vote for, and
after replying: "the Democrats", he got stabbed. Persons
suspected of being implicated in this act, were arrested by the
District Commissariat". However, the head of the Socialists for
the city of Korça, Niko Pandeli, claims that this ugly case is a
"severe incident against our supporters. There is no political
sense in this".
The surge at the polling stations comes very vivid. There are
policemen (!?) who seem to be engaged in calming of the mood. I
was disallowed to have an interview with any of commission
members in all three voting centers. I was recommended to ask the
permission at the prefecture, but the persons in charge there
explained that "they do not issue such permissions". They were
unable to explain at least who could do this instead. The
journalist ID was obviously far from being a strong evidence...
The most wanted person in Korça during these two days remains the
prefect of Korça, Pjerin Kiri: "the claims coming from the
opposition due to 'the manipulations with the elections' are
untrue, they are used to create an image of irregular elections",
he assures me. In the meantime, while at the dinner, the
opposition announced their clarion call: the opposition withdraws
from the elections!
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democrats...
ALBANIA
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victory for the Albanian nation in general, and for Kosovans in
particular..." (Gjergj Dedaj), not to mention the following
sentence of this statement remarking that "this was a serious
blow to the 'Red Front' in Albania, but also to the ex-Communists
in Kosova". The last paragraph of this statement asserts a
terrifying truth that follows the national joy: on the same day
of its publication, there will be people beaten at Tirana's
"Skënderbej" square. Blows were given to those belonging to the
"Red Front". However, the mentioned event reveals how can all
these statements on all-Albanian happiness and the all-Albanian
victory be swept with rubber batons.
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KOSOVA
So, in the name of this "soft rule", one can compile and approve
decisions by removing everyone around, including the national
will expressed through the 1991 referendum and the parliamentary
elections held of 1992.
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such a decision is necessary, because of the absence of
conditions for organizing the elections according to the needed
standards".
KOSOVA
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Yugoslav Left", shortly - JUL, have already become a part of a
reality intensely followed by the Serbian statal media. JUL, in
its efforts to offer "modalities" other than those of the ruling
party, seems to have, through Mirjana Markovic and the present
chairman (former play-writer and director) Ljubomir Ristic,
managed to convince various people from the rows of leftists,
former Communists, present managers of huge state-run enterprises
and some public celebrities to sign up - in its efforts to
integrate as much as possible within the cells of a despaired
society facing the hopeless present that either recalls some sort
of security and welfare of the Yugoslav past, either trying to
escape from this reality and taking advantage of the situation.
Extra-nationality promoted by this party, was the element on
which JUL counted while expanding in Vojvodina, and recently,
with an unpredictable success even in Sandzak (there are rumors
that it damaged the SDA itself!).
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Vojvodina and Sandzak, where JUL achieved a considerable success,
it is hard to expect the same in Kosova. And this needn't further
elaboration...
Maybe knowing all this, JUL (that is not looked at with sympathy
from certain Serb political functionaries in Kosova) found itself
in a dilemma, by failing to ensure symbolical members (from both
Albanian and Serbian sides), except those coming from the lowest
levels of former Communist bureaucracy in Kosova, or some of the
few employed in the present Serbian bureaucracy in Kosova: people
as Istref Kelmendi, Selim Goxhufi, Murat Ajvazi, Shaqir Uka and
company, who are said to belong to JUL - are unable to gather
even their fellow-villagers, not to mention some serious
political force. The same could be said about some of the former
Serb cadres, as for the Kosova JUL leader himself, former
administrator of the "Kosova district" Milos Simovic, or its
present leader Nikola Sojevic who enjoys no respect even amongst
local fellow-Serbs, and who is, according to some information,
involved in confrontations of Kosova JUL regarding the newest
affair on seizing the building of the Municipal Archive in
Prishtina, foreseen as the future seat of JUL.
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obstructed to some back to the social and economic life. Despite
the clear offer, confesses Ismajli, this never happened. I wanted
to take over the responsibility of a factory whose value was
estimated by Belgrade at USD 250 million, and in which, at that
time employed only 100 Serbs left, 60 of them being managers. It
used to have 2,700 workers. I wanted to talk with Avramovic,
while in Kosova, solely to reveal him the fact that he didn't
know that United Bank of Kosova was undergoing the bankruptcy
procedure, a fact concealed to him.
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The other vice-chairman of JUL, dealing with organization issues
of the party - Bozidar Milosavljevic, believes that the present
program of JUL for Kosova will be completed with separate, but
not "separatistic" programs! What can be perceived from the text
is that there are ongoing preparations in regard to the
educational process in school buildings for Albanians, and this
is expected to happen the very next school year. Such a step,
that can take place with no significant noise, and that can be
announced in autumn, should undoubtedly be perceived as one of
the offers of the pre-electoral program of this party for Kosova!
The fact that this party has already undergone the deep stage of
preparations for becoming a parliamentary one, is confirmed with
the participation its people in the reconstructed government.
In fact, the motive of JUL's program, aiming at "melting" the
tense situation in Kosova is worth being analyzed. Although
disregarded by the Kosova Albanians, it is surely brave for a
party from Belgrade. But, what could be the outcome of all this?
If this means a simple pre-electoral promotional trick, then
everything is clear. There is a need for new staff in Kosova, in
fact, for new MPs from Kosova in the Serbian Parliament. Also,
there is a need to divide the Albanian political corpus.
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Albanian political corpus. Because, Albanians are people with
real problems. Who will be the first one to perceive this, JUL or
Albanian political representatives, this remains to be seen...
PROJECTS
EUROSLAVIA OR ILLYRIA
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Yugoslavia was an adequate geo-political solution, Predrag Simic
from the Institute for International Politics and Economics said
that Yugoslavia was in fact a western geopolitical concept,
established by the great powers after the Conference of Paris and
it was needed during the confrontations with the East. Europe
allowed the destruction of this state and nowadays the idea on
re-functionalization some regional community is here, in
Belgrade, sometimes accepted with "mixed and misty feelings".
In fact, despite the elaboration of the political, economic and
security objectives due to the regionalization, it was emphasized
at the very beginning that one of the key issues here is the
issue of Kosova, or the Albanian issue. This was stated by Ilija
Djukic, former Yugoslav foreign minister, who added that he does
not see any reason for Albanians to join a concept that is
labeled EuroSlavia. In accordance to the project proposed by Adem
Demaçi (Prishtina CDHRF), this should be called "Balkania". Also,
one of the co-organizers of the meeting in Belgrade, the chairman
of the "European Movement of Serbia", Dusan Janjic, accentuated
that the Albanian issue remains one of the key segments of this
problem and mentioned that this issue is comprehended by Europe
only as a problem of Kosova; the British consider this as an
"Albanian issue", while French liberals are set aside, waiting.
The question is whether the application of this project should
start from Serbia, but then a precondition for all this remains
the need of internal democratization that could be followed by
regionalization.
However, this does not conclude the dilemma about the extent of
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the support of this project by the subjects that are mainly
regarded inside "EuroSlavia" and the extent of its influence
among European circles. As for the first element, its internal
support and the existence of the will of the Balkan states and
political forces to accept this idea, it appears rather divided.
Some see this as a suitable possibility for economic and security
cooperation, some approach this with certain precaution, while
others perceive the project as a direct threat to the national
and statal interests.
INTERVIEW
KOHA: In your introduction, you mentioned the fact that Italy had
no serious participation in the debate on the stability and
security of Yugoslavia?
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the best way possible. He excellently played various roles.
Sometimes, he was close to us, sometimes pretending to be our
enemy. I remember that in 1973 he almost declared war to Italy,
that was in fact a bluff. Nevertheless, we could not be sure of
the way Yugoslavia would react in case of a NATO aggression!
I agree with the opinion that some calculation should have
existed in keeping Yugoslavia out of the Warsaw Pact. But, this
was not the entire problem. In 1980, due to the emerged
situation, I was assigned from our ministry to investigate the
present situation in Yugoslavia, so I came for a two-days visit.
And, after the discussions with the Belgrade military officials,
many things improved considerably. But, this remains only one
side of the medallion. On the other, however, NATO could not
refer to Yugoslavia as of our potential aggressor - so, Italy was
practically left with no enemies! Thus, Italy was kept out of any
serious discussion on security as far as Yugoslavia was concerned
- a fact that sometimes suited our politicians claiming we did
not have problems, since we are being protected by NATO and we
are spending the minimum of the state budget. I believe this has
harmed the quality of the Italian political debate.
CALIGARIS: Yes, this was considered a debt that Italy had to pay
for its remaining within NATO, and it was rather artificial.
Among the big powers, France and Great Britain were there with a
huge number of troops deployed in the field. Germany was also
present, not to mention the Americans.
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have four types of statuses inside the WEU: full participants,
observers, etc. It is impossible, when facing the common issues
as integrity or interference, to order to have somebody else to
deal with it. We need a unified policy and a possibility to deal
with the so-called crisis management - the control of huge
crises, and also the undertaking of the medium-range operations.
If Europe were capable, Yugoslavia would have been and would be
its own problem!
CALIGARIS: Yes. This has shown that Europe does not really exists
in the aspect of common security and foreign policy! To put it
straight: if one deals with security issues, then he must send
someone out there. You cannot bluff here. There can be no
improvisations... I strongly advise Europe not to make such
errors in the future.
CALIGARIS: I think that NATO should remain the way it is, and
that it cannot be substituted. Of course, it is far from being
perfect, but it is surely the best in the world. NATO also has
the need for rationalization, for opening of such a process, for
certain reductions... Nevertheless, NATO is irreplaceable.
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well... Is NATO able to have such a role?
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