ANTHROPOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE TO THE CRISIS IN UKRAINE AND

PROPOSED APPROACH to CRISIS AS A HUMANITARIAN

COORDINATOR

Aditya Zanane(14203076)

Rev. Dr. Sahr Yambasu

Master of Science- Humanitarian Action
December 18 2014

Word Count:2989

INTRODUCTION
Ukraine is going through its most deadly crisis since its independence after the
post-Soviet era. The protests began as an uprising against the pro-Russian
government dropping plans to sign the Association Agreement which was
aimed to forge closer trade ties with the European Union, and has since spurred
escalating tensions between Russia and Western powers. The crisis originates
from two decades of weak and corrupt governance, a lopsided economy
dominated by oligarchs, heavy reliance on Russia, and primarily a sharp
difference between Ukraine's linguistically, religiously, ideologically and
ethnically distinct eastern and western regions.
BRIEF OVERVIEW OF THE CONFLICT IN UKRAINE
On 21 November 2013, President Viktor Yanukovychs cabinet abandons the
association agreement on closer trade ties with EU and instead seeks closer cooperation with Russia by agreeing to Valdimir Putins offer to buy 15 Billion
dollars of Ukraines debt and reduce the price of Russian gas supplies by about
a third. This sparked protests by the pro-western population, who carried out
demonstrations in Kiev and virtually chased Mr Yanukovych out of office.
Subsequently the parliament votes to oust president Yanukovych from power
and votes to ban Russian as the second official language, causing a wave of
anger in Russian-speaking regions of Crimea and eastern Ukraine, which is
later overturned. Following the political developments in Kiev, pro-Russian
gunmen seize key buildings in the Crimean capital, Simferopol. Unidentified
heavily armed gunmen in combat uniforms appear outside Crimea's main
airports and military installations. In March 2014 President Putin signs a bill to
absorb Crimea into the Russian Federation and finally a referendum on joining
Russia is backed by 97% votes leading to Crimea's secession. In April 2014,
proRussian separatists occupy government buildings in the east Ukrainian
cities of Donetsk, Luhansk and Kharkiv, calling for a referendum on
independence. Ukraine's acting President, Olexander Turchynov, announces
the start of an "anti-terrorist operation" against pro-Russian separatists leading

to intense fighting in the region, which continues till today. In May 2014 ProRussian separatists in Donetsk and Luhansk declare independence after
unrecognized referendums. 25th may 2014, Ukraine elects Petro Poroshenko as
president in an election not held in much of the east. In June 2014, The EU
signs a landmark association agreement with Ukraine. The actions of Russia in
annexation of Crimea and eastern region trigger a new sanctions war between
the west and east to which Russia's smartly reacts by stoppage of gas supplies
to Ukraine and reduced supplies to other European countries which is finally
resolved through a EU brokered deal. (BBC, 2014). The above timeline of
events highlights mainly the geopolitical reasons for the power struggle within
Ukraine and between the superpowers. However there exists a serious divide
within Ukraine which comes from its turbulent history resulting into a cultural,
ethnic and religious divide; which has seeped into its mainstream politics and
is one of the main reasons behind the crisis in Ukraine. During the course of
the essay, we will look into how several events in Ukraines past contribute to
this current crisis.

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF UKRAINE CONTRIBUTING TO

THE DIVIDE
It is the history of Ukraine that has lead to the divide in the population of
Ukraine. At the end of the 17th century the eastern part of Ukraine came under
the Russian imperial rule much earlier than west. Western Ukraine spent
centuries under the shifting control of European powers like Poland and the
Austro-Hungarian Empire. The Austro-Hungarian Empire ended at the end of
World War I, but some western parts of Ukraine were still under Poland right
up to the initials years of WW II. This, to some degree explains why people in
the east are more Russian-speaking and Orthodox, while parts of western
Ukrainian have heavier Catholic influences. (Conant, 2014)
After Ukraine was incorporated into the Soviet Union in 1922 post its short
lived independence from 1917-1922, its economy was in shambles and its
people starving to death. What made matters worse was the refusal by the
Ukrainian peasants to work in the collective farms, which prompted the Soviet

leader Joseph Stalin to orchestrate mass executions and a famine, killing 10

million people in the eastern region and Crimean peninsula in the 1930s. Stalin
followed the famine by importing millions of Russians and other Soviet
citizens to help repopulate the coal and iron-ore rich east. This mass migration,
to Ukraine helps explain why the sense of Ukrainian nationalism is not as deep
in the east compared to the west. (Bates, 2014)
The History of World War II and the actions of Ukrainian nationalist fighters,
who are honored as heroes by some and condemned as traitors by others,
further widens this divide. Many Ukrainian historians label these insurgents,
including those who collaborated with the Nazis, as resistance fighters and
victims of unjust and brutal circumstances. Every year rallies commemorating
the WWII are held all over Ukraine which often result in brawls between the
Russian speaking group who celebrate the Red Armys victory over the Nazis
and the other group supporting the anti-Soviet insurgents who fought alongside
the Germans. (Danilova, 2013)
ROOTS OF POLITICAL CRISIS IN THE ETHNIC DIVISION.
Ukraine is a multi-ethnic country varying on the basis of language and
cultures. The latest census reports indicate that there are around 130
nationalities and 22% of its population is minorities. Russians represent the
chunk of this minority group mainly settled in the eastern and southern parts of
Ukraine. The leadership of Ukraine always faced a challenging to unite this
diverse group of population. The ideological divisions and poor/inadequate
state policy towards these diverse regions are at the core of todays crisis. The
national politics is a reflection of the division among Ukrainians which was
clearly seen in the last two presidential elections of 2004 and 2010. The
predominantly Russian-speaking eastern Ukraine supported a pro-Russian
candidate Victor Yanukovych and the pro- western candidate Viktor
Yushchenko drew support from the more nationalistic western part of the
country. The Euromaidan protests included people from ethnic backgrounds,
but once the protests were over the fight again turned back to regional political
power struggle. The interim government after Yanukovych too added to this
differentiation by allocating key ministries of prosecutor, defense to the
controversial ultra-nationalistic party. Ukraines south east region which

accounts for the bulk of its GDP and has almost half of Ukraines population
had only two representatives in the 22 ministerial positions. The Ukrainian
parliament also voted on several very controversial bills, to ban Ukrainian
Communist Party activity, to repeal law penalizing Nazi propaganda and to
repeal the use of their native language by minoritie. Although the bill to repeal
native languages was vetoed but the idea behind these bills was again to
marginalize the ethnic Russian community in the east. Therefore, the new
interim government in Kiev failed to establish its legitimacy across all regions.
UN Assistant SecretaryGeneral for Human Rights Ivan Simonovic raised
issues of intolerance in a statement to Security Council, where he voiced his
concerns of an increased hatred between ethnic Ukrainians and Russians. He
called for the new Ukrainian government to adopt all reforms and new policy
measures to address these issues without any spirit of revenge and in a
consultative and inclusive manner with all groups. However the new
government of Ukraine has failed to follow these recommendations. (Gulamov,
2014)
HOW RELIGION DIVIDES UKRAINE AND RUSSIA
Using the geopolitical context of the situation in Ukraine often ignore factors
like religion and culture, which have played a powerful role in shaping the
recent events. Indeed, religion has emerged as a powerful mobilizing
instrument in recent months. Ukraines religious groups actively participate in
civil society and their movements. In case of the Euromaidan protests,
religious leaders were actively present standing shoulder to shoulder with the
protesters holding up icons, conducting funeral ceremonies for those killed in
the protests. Religion is the source of the Ukrainian nationalism and no church
better than Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church (UGCC) attests this. Since its
formation it has been the unofficial protector of Ukrainian traditions like,
language and culture. Recently they have played an instrumental role in
organized protests and in rooting out corruption. Their similar actions in the
past lead to the Soviets forcing them underground which made them the largest
underground church in the history of Christianity. Other religious communities
experienced similar persecution, including Protestants, Jehovahs Witnesses,
and Jews. Simultaneously, the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) has
strengthened its ties with the Kremlin, reinforcing the potent state-church

alliance that exhibits shades of Russia foreign policy for ages. According to
Russians, Ukraine is the historical capital of Orthodoxy and the Kievan Rus
Empire, Ukraine is part of New Russia and no revolution can undermine the
ROCs authority in this region. (Fedyk, 2014)
This division within the Orthodox Church community was clearly visible
during the elections after the 2004 orange revolution. There is the pro Russian
Ukrainian Orthodox Church-Moscow Patriarchate (UOC-MP), which tacitly
supported Victor Yanukovych throughout the elections and Viktor
Yushchenko his opponent who also is an Orthodox, was backed by the
Ukrainian Orthodox Church-Kyiv Patriarchate (UOC-KP), which split from
the Moscow ecclesiastical authorities in 1991. (Whitmore, 2014).The ongoing
violence in eastern Ukraine cannot be looked in isolated aspects like, access to
European markets, energy prices, or the right to vote; but it can also be
attributed to the deep religious and cultural divide between the warring
factions.

HUMANITARIAN SITUATION IN UKRAINE

The ongoing fighting in the eastern region has forced people to flee their
homes and have become increasingly vulnerable as the conflict intensifies. As
of 8 December 2014, some 508,000 people are registered as internally
displaced (IDPs) and more than 553,535 have fled to neighboring countries.
The President of Ukraine signed a new IDP law into force on 19 November,
which provides legal guarantees for temporarily displaced persons and allows
proper registration of IDPs. With the signing of the Minsk peace protocol
between the warring parties lead to a flow of returnees to their homes.
However the situation in general seems to worsen everyday as there is no
adherence to the cease fire. (ECHO, 2014)
The aid too has been politicized where there has been a battleground of sorts to
providing aid. In August 2014 Russia decided to send truckloads of aid to
which Ukraine said labeled as a violation of its territorial integrity and
condemned it. The Russian convoy did deliver aid but it was the Ukrainians
who first reached in the disputed region and delivered aid. This just goes to

show how aid is being manipulated to win hearts and minds of the people. The
games continue as, In Nov 2014 Ukraine's President Petro Poroshenko ordered
the withdrawal of all state services from rebel-held eastern regions. The
order includes closure of schools, hospitals, financial and emergency services
to the rebel held region. This comes as a blow to the civilian population which
leaves them helpless with no access to basic services especially during the
harsh winters. (AL JAZEERA, 2014)
There has been a growing need for shelter, food and sanitation. Healthcare
services, medical supplies, education are also affected due to the fighting and
the blockade imposed by Ukraine. Access becomes a key factor especially to
Donetsk and Luhansk especially for non-state humanitarian organizations.
There have been reports on several human rights abuses taking place in the
occupied Crimea region at the hands of Russian authorities and self- defense
units. The main targets are the minorities of Tatars and the activist community,
who are subjects to illegal prosecutions, detentions, kidnappings and attacks .
(HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH, 2014)
HUMANITARIAN RESPONSE TO DATE
The main humanitarian actors have been, the Ukrainian Red Cross Society
(URCS), IFRC and the ICRC who have been active since the mass protests
began in Kiev in December. Their efforts have involved, providing first aid to
several hundred people on both sides of the conflict. The ICRC is the major
neutral player which has staff on the ground who are in dialogue with
representatives of the government and the rebels. The European Community
Humanitarian Office (ECHO) and some international NGOs have increased
their presence in Ukraine. UNICEF is providing crisis counseling to children in
Crimea and, together with the WHO, have stepped up immunization efforts,
particularly against polio. (Bennett, 2014)
APPROACH AS A HUMANITARIAN COORDINATOR
Looking at the context of the situation, it is very important for a humanitarian
organization to define its approach before intervening with aid in the conflict.

This situation in Ukraine suggests that the conflict is highly politicized not just
locally but internationally as well. Thus every action taken can have huge
international ramifications if the approach is inappropriate. The current
humanitarian situation in the previous paragraph highlights the presence of big
players like the UN and its cluster partners acting in the humanitarian space.
There is always a possibility of seeking their cooperation in the
implementation of the aid assistance, but the same time one has to be in line
with the humanitarian principles especially impartiality, neutrality and
independence. Aligning with the cluster can be advantageous in terms of boost
to the logistical capacity, but it can also hamper access to the affected because
of the political nature of the crisis.
Another aspect that is important to be considered before the humanitarian
effort begins is, to understand the role of the government in the aid process.
The context analysis above suggests that the state machinery is functional and
is assisting the aid process. It is important to seek their cooperation for
ensuring access to the affected, especially in fighting regions of the east but at
the same time, it is important for the organization to maintain its independence
from the state actors by presenting itself in such a way that they are only here
to help.
An important mantra to success in Ukraine could be identifying the local Civil
Society Organizations (CSOs) and Local NGOs and to empower them by
increasing their capacities in terms of resources and capabilities. The current
state of CSOs is such that either they seen by the population as doing the work
of the government and thus lack the trust of the people. They also lack funding
capacity to have a real impact. (Ritvo, 2014).CSOs and Local NGOs have an
impartial access to the communities and can have a real impact on improving
the state of the affected.
Ukraines economy is currently in a fragile state and was on the path to
recovery after the global financial crisis, when it again went back into the
slump due to the present crisis. It is important to recognize that people of
Ukraine are in a position to help themselves and have done so in the past as
well. A few indicators are that Ukraine is the largest producer of wheat in the
world and many agricultural products that contribute significantly to its GDP.

Any humanitarian response must include efforts to shore up basic services and
lay the foundation for longer-term income generation, asset replenishment,
skills training and other forms of livelihoods support.
STEPS TO ADDRESS THE HUMANITARIAN CRISIS
The First step in addressing the humanitarian crisis as a coordinator would be
to carry out a rapid needs assessment. This process will involve understanding
the context of the crisis from cultural, ethnic, political and geopolitical
perspectives to have a clear understanding of the power dynamics of the
conflict. This would also include the identification of the vulnerable groups
like women, children, elderly and the minorities who are the most affected.
Once the vulnerable groups have been identified, one needs to define their
needs. This can be achieved by doing a random survey within the IDP camps
or host communities as to what their actual needs are.
Once the needs have been identified the next step would be to formulate a
comprehensive plan based on those needs. The plan has to be flexible enough
to incorporate mid course corrections in order to meet the dynamic nature of
the conflict. A fix formulated plan can do more harm than good if it is not
flexible in nature. In the context of this crisis and the affected population, plans
need to focus on the basic needs of food, shelter, water, healthcare, hygiene
and sanitation. These aspects are critical especially in the eastern region, as the
Ukraine government has stopped all state run services for this region.
Once the plans have been made, the next step would involve sourcing and
allocation of funds. This process is again crucial to the whole event as the
funds need to come from non political sources so that the organization enjoys
its independence of action from the donors. Once funds allocated the same
should be used to implement project plans and also to increase capacities of the
local CSOs and NGOs.
To ensure that the plans are effective and meeting their ends, it is very
important to have a good functional team to implement them. As the context
suggests that the society is fractioned with religious, cultural and ethnic
divisions, having a homogeneous mix of people and working with them
towards a common goal can be a real challenge to start off. However managing

diversity in the group is key to establish overall coverage and thus it is

important to employ local staff from different social and cultural backgrounds.
The best way to achieve this is to source motivated and idealistic people from
the existing civil society set up and seek volunteers from the social activist
groups that were demonstrating in the Euromaidan. Having a homogeneous
mix of workforce will allow us to build an image of a fairly neutral and
impartial organization which further adds credibility to the efforts.
CONCLUSION
To avoid further division and the outbreak of a civil war the new government
needs to implement policies that include interests of all people in Ukraine,
irrespective of their ethnic or linguistic backgrounds. For the aid workers it is
important to not take sides in the conflict be neutral and impartial to really
affect lives with their efforts.

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