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1NC

T-Surveillance
A. Interpretation:
Surveillance is systematic collection of information
Kalhan 14 Anil Kalhan, Associate Professor of Law, Drexel University.

Maryland Law
Review 2014 74 Md. L. Rev. 1 Article: IMMIGRATION SURVEILLANCE lexis
A. The Functions and Practices of Immigration Surveillance
As conceptualized by John Gilliom and Torin Monahan, surveillance involves "the systematic
monitoring, gathering, and analysis of information in order to make decisions, minimize risk,
sort populations, and exercise power." n112 In this Section, I identify and analyze a series of
specific surveillance practices and technologies that have become increasingly important
components of immigration enforcement strategies. The processes and technologies that
comprise the information infrastructure of immigration enforcement enable new approaches
to four distinct sets of surveillance activities: identification, screening and authorization,
mobility tracking and control, and information sharing.

B. Violation:
While the aff does curtail a lot of surveillance that falls under
our interpretation, they also affect non-surveillance related
border operations
Miller 14 (Todd Miller has researched and written about U.S.-Mexican border issues for more than 10 years. He has worked on both
sides of the border for BorderLinks in Tucson, Arizona, and Witness for Peace in Oaxaca, Mexico. He now writes on border and immigration
issues for NACL, Todd

Miller, 4-22-2014, "Tomgram: Todd Miller, The Creation of a Border


Security State," Tomdispatch, http://www.tomdispatch.com/blog/175834/tomgram
%3A_todd_miller,_the_creation_of_a_border_security_state/) GW
Before 9/11, there was little federal presence on the Tohono Oodham reservation. Since then, the expansion of the
Border Patrol into Native American territory has been relentless. Now ,

Homeland Security stations,


filled with hundreds of agents (many hired in a 2007-2009 hiring binge), circle the reservation.
But unlike bouncers at a club, they check people going out, not heading in . On every paved road
leaving the reservation, their checkpoints form a second border . There, armed agents -- ever
more of whom are veterans of Americas distant wars -- interrogate anyone who leaves. In
addition, there are two forward operating bases on the reservation, which are
meant to play the role -- facilitating tactical operations in remote regions -- that similar
camps did in Afghanistan and Iraq. Now, thanks to the Elbit Systems contract, a new kind of border will continue to
be added to this layering. Imagine part of the futuristic Phoenix exhibition hall leaving Border Expo with the goal of
incorporating itself into the lands of a people who were living here before there was a New World, no less a United
States or a Border Patrol. Though this is increasingly the reality from Brownsville, Texas, to San Diego, California,
on Tohono Oodham land a post-9/11 war posture shades uncomfortably into the leftovers from a nineteenth

where the homeland security state meets its older


compatriot, Manifest Destiny. On the gate at the entrance to her house , Tohono Oodham member
Ofelia Rivas has put up a sign stating that the Border Patrol cant enter without a
warrant. It may be a fine sentiment, reflecting a right embodied in the U.S.
Constitution, but in the eyes of the law, its ancient history. Only a mile from the
century Indian war. Think of it as the place

international boundary, her house is well within the 25-mile zone in which the Border Patrol can enter anyones
property without a warrant. These powers make the CBP a super-force in comparison to the local law enforcement
outfits it collaborates with. Although CBP can enter property warrantlessly , it still needs a warrant to
enter somebodys dwelling. In the small community where Rivas lives, known as Ali Jegk, the agents have
overstepped even its extra-constitutional bounds with home invasions (as people call them). Throughout the
Tohono Oodham Nation, people complain about Homeland Security vehicles driving at high speeds and tailgating

The
Border Patrol has pulled Oodham tribal members out of cars, pepper-sprayed them,
and beaten them with batons. As local resident Joseph Flores told a Tucson television station, It feels
like were being watched all the time. Another man commented, I feel like I have no civil
rights. On the reservation, people speak not only about this new world of intense
surveillance, but also about its raw impact on the Tohono Oodham people: violence
and subjugation. Although the tribal legislative council has collaborated extensively with Border Patrol
operations, Priscilla Lewis seemed to sum up the sentiments of many Oodham at an open hearing in 2011: Too
much harassment, following the wrong people, always stopping us, including and
especially those who look like Mexicans when driving or walking in the desert...
They have too much domination over us. At her house, Ofelia Rivas tells me a story. One day, she
on the roads. They complain about blinding spotlights, vehicle pull-overs, and unexpected interrogations.

was driving with Tohono Oodham elders towards the U.S.-Mexican border when a low-flying Blackhawk helicopter
seemingly picked them up and began following them. Hanging out of the open helicopter doors were CBP gunmen,
she said. When they crossed the border into Mexico, the helicopter tracked them through a forest of beautiful
saguaro cacti while they headed for a ceremonial site, 25 miles south of the border. They were, of course, crossing
what was a non-border to the Oodham, doing something they had done for thousands of years. Hearing, even
feeling the vibration of the propellers, one of the elders said, I guess we are going to die. They laughed, Rivas
added, as there was nothing else to do. They laughed real hard. Then, a mile or so into Mexico, the helicopter

Americans may increasingly wonder whether NSA agents are scouring


their meta-data, reading their personal emails, and the like. In the borderlands no
imagination is necessary. The surveillance apparatus is in your face. The highpowered cameras are pointed at you; the drones are above you; youre stopped
regularly at checkpoints and interrogated. Too bad if youre late for school, a meeting, or an
turned back.

appointment. And even worse, if your skin complexion, or the way youre dressed, or anything about you sets off
alarm bells, or theres something that doesnt smell quite right to the CBPs dogs -- and such dogs are a
commonplace in the region -- being a little late will be the least of your problems. As Rivas told me, a typical
exchange on the reservation might involve an agent at a checkpoint asking an Oodham woman whether, as she
claimed, she was really going to the grocery store -- and then demanding that she show him her grocery list .

People on the reservation now often refer to what is happening as an armed


occupation. Mike Wilson, an Oodham member who has tried to put gallon jugs of water along routes Mexican
migrants might take through the reservation, speaks of the Border Patrol as an occupying army. Its hardly
surprising. Never before in the Nations history under Spain, Mexico, or the United States have so many armed
agents been present on their land.

C. The aff is extra-topical which is a voter for limits.


It allows affirmative teams to gain advantage ground off of
planks of plans that do not fall under the resolution and that
the neg could never have prepared for.
They are literally gaining advantages off of the removal of
checkpoints.
This justifies affs like (insert ideas here).

Cartel DA
Organized crime along the border is in decline
Cawley 13 (Marguerite Cawley, journalist on organized crime, Violent Crime on
the US Southwest Border Decreased from 2004-2011: Study, 2/27/2013, Insight
Crime, http://www.insightcrime.org/news-briefs/violent-crime-on-the-us-southwestborder-decreased-from-2004-2011-study, DJE)
A US government study points to an overall decrease in US border crime between
2004 to 2011, further indicating that fears of a "spillover" effect from Mexico's war
against organized crime may be unfounded. The report, released by the United
States Government Accountability Office (GAO) earlier this month, found that the
average rate for both violent and property crimes had dropped in the US Southwest
border states. Arizona saw the most significant decline , of 33 percent over the
seven-year time period. Other decreases were seen in Texas (30 percent), California
(26 percent), and New Mexico (eight percent from 2005 onward). Significantly,
violent crime was found to be lower in border counties than in non-border counties
for all the years examined in three out of the four states -- California, New Mexico
and Texas -- with Arizona the only exception. The GAO also reported that assaults
against Border Patrol agents decreased between 2008 to 2012, to levels 25 percent
lower than in 2006. Officials from 31 of the 37 state and local law enforcement
agencies interviewed by the GAO stated that they had not observed violent crime
from Mexico regularly spilling over into the US, although many said they were still
concerned about safety levels in the region. Local law enforcement officials told the
GAO that increased law enforcement personnel and new infrastructure may have
contributed to the declining crime rates. Recent US federal efforts -- including
technical assistance to Mexico under the 2008 Merida Initiative and $600 million put
towards border security in 2010 -- have also aimed to curb violence in the region.
InSight Crime Analysis Concerns have long existed about the extent to which
Mexico's conflict may affect security dynamics in the US border states. Several
incidents, involving Mexican nationals carrying out violent attacks in relation to the
drug trade on US soil, have only served to feed such fears . However, available data
has generally failed to support these concerns. Figures from the Federal Bureau of
Investigations (FBI), for example, show that violent crime in Arizona declined from
532 incidents per 100,000 inhabitants in 2000, to 408 in 2010. An analysis by
Austin-based newspaper the Statesman found that, despite the release of a
government-sponsored report warning of escalating violence in Texas, the combined
number of murders in the state's 14 border counties fell by 33 percent between
2006 and 2010. The GAO's most recent study further supports the interpretation
that claims of rampant "spillover violence" in the US border region have been
mostly exaggerated.

Eliminating border patrol in the Tohono Oodham nation will


collapse the best prevention methods against cartel crime.
Pitts 13 (Byron Pitts, ABC News Anchor & Chief National Correspondent, In
Efforts to Secure US-Mexico Border, Ariz. Native Americans Feel Caught in the

Middle, 7/27/2013, ABC News, http://abcnews.go.com/US/efforts-secure-us-mexicoborder-ariz-native-americans/story?id=19496394, DJE)


In Southwest Arizona, where the U.S. and Mexico borders meet, the U.S. Border
Patrol has made huge strides in capturing border crossers and seizing drugs from
Mexican cartels, but there is one stretch of land along the border that has made life
a daily hell for a tribe of Native Americans. The Tohono O'odham Nation, a Native
American reservation about the size of Connecticut, is located in the Sonoran
Desert, about 60 miles south of Tucson, Ariz., right on the U.S. border with Mexico.
Here, there is no barbed-wire high fence, but open desert, with only a vehicle barrier
meant to stop cars but not people. It is an area where the U.S. government has the
fewest resources and the widest open space to patrol, making it a hot spot for
Mexican drug cartels and human smuggling operations . "Nightline" spent 48 hours
with U.S. Border Patrol agents and the Tohono O'odham reservation police force to
get a firsthand look at the battle on the border. "The Tohono O'odham Nation is one
of our most problematic areas," Arizona Commander Jeffrey Self of the U.S. Border
Patrol told "Nightline". "The narcotics smugglers have moved up into the
mountainous area. There is not a lot of access." While border-crossing
apprehensions in Arizona are down 43 percent from two years ago, it is a different,
more complicated story on the Tohono O'odham Nation. Drug seizures on the
reservation are steadily climbing -- nearly 500,000 pounds of marijuana was seized
last year, a number that has nearly doubled since 2010. Recently, Tohono O'odham
police seized $1 million worth of marijuana in just one week. But the Tohono
O'odham tribal members are caught in the middle of a war between the Mexican
drug cartels coming through their community and the U.S. Border Patrol officers
who tribal members say have become more aggressive to stop them.

If cartels gain ground they will launch bioterror attacks


Lentzos 14, Senior Research Fellow in the Department of Social Science, Health
and Medicine at Kings College London (1/27/14, Filippa Lentzos, BioSocieties, The
risk of bioweapons use: Considering the evidence base)
I can see a situation in which a group of individuals will set up a cell and do these
things in a state that doesnt have effective laws in place, probably no laws in place
at all. And they could quite easily build up a small laboratory complex in a safe
haven state: develop a device, even test it in a sort of rudimentary way within the
safe haven state, and then from that, build up a device which they could take and
use somewhere else. And I dont think that has happened yet with any group trying
to develop biological weapons, but its certainly happened with illicit drug type
production, where theres been a bunch of individuals who are making illicit drugs,
and as the laws tighten up in one particular country, theyll relocate to a second
country. And as things tighten there, theyll go to a third country. So thats
happened certainly in the Asia Pacific, with illicit drug cartels, and I can see a
scenario where that could happen with bioweapons too. And that really the
motivation behind my interests in helping smaller countries develop legislation,
develop government structures, including law enforcement, to make it more difficult

for these rogues to do these things within these states.And just because the Aum
Shinrikyo attempts werent successful, it doesnt mean to say that its okay, that its
more difficult than everybody thought, it wont happen. I think there may well be a
certain level of complacency starting to develop, and that we may well be caught
out later on. It mightnt be very sophisticated, but it could be a very disruptive
event. Former bioweapons inspector and microbiologist: I agree, even if biological
weapons havent been used that doesnt mean they wont be. Maybe its still easier
to cause terror through other means. But we could not have anticipated 9/11; we
could not foresee that airplanes would be used for that sort of attack. So we cant
foresee all scenarios, we dont know what is next, so I wouldnt exclude anything.
And the biothreat is more relevant than a nuclear threat; I mean, you cant easily
acquire a nuclear or even dirty bomb. But you can easily acquire biological agents.
You dont even have to break into a lab, you can get it in nature, you can get if off a
sick person. And, you dont even necessarily have to weaponize it. I mean how
many casualties do you need to cause terror? You dont need mass casualties, its
not war. Were talking about infectious disease agents being spread deliberately,
and that doesnt necessarily require weaponization.

Bioterrorism is an existential threat that risks mass deaths and


social disorder
Saunders-Hastings 14 (Patrick Saunders-Hastings, doctoral student in the
Population Health program at the University of Ottawa, Securitization Theory and
Biological Weapons, 1/8/2014, http://www.e-ir.info/2014/01/08/securitizationtheory-and-biological-weapons/, DJE)
A governments decision to securitize an issue is a strategy to make extreme
responses seem justified, and it centers on the perceived existential risk a threat
poses to the population. Beginning with a brief history of biological weapons use,
this section will aim to defend the framing of biological weapons use as an
existential threat by examining their ability to cause mortality or to generate
negative social and economic fallout. A brief discussion of the potential catastrophic
consequences of a smallpox attack will illustrate the argument. The use of biological
weapons dates back centuries. Examples include the Tatars catapulting plagueinfected corpses over city walls at the siege of Kaffa in the 14th century, the
deliberate triggering of a smallpox epidemic among Native Americans via
contaminated blankets in the 18th century during the French and Indian War, and
the contamination of salad bars with salmonella at a restaurant in Oregon in the
20th century2. However, with the development of the germ theory during the 19th
and into the 20th century, there was an increase in scientific knowledge about
biological weapons. States became increasingly interested in such weapons, with
Japan establishing a bioweapons program between 1932-1945, the United States in
1942, and the Soviet Union in 197313. In 1972, in response to increasing concern
about the threat of biological weapons, the United Nations proposed the Convention
on the Prohibition of the Development, Production and Stockpiling of Bacteriological

(Biological) and Toxin Weapons and on their Destruction, more commonly known as
the Biological Weapons Convention (or BWC)14. The treaty came into effect in 1975,
and banned the development, acquisition, and stockpiling of biological weapons1.
However, it failed to halt the research and development of biological weapons,
which have continued into the 21st century. Those who argue that government
response to the biological weapons threat has been overstated point to very low
mortality in previous attacks11. The anthrax attacks of 2001 in the United States,
for example, resulted in only 5 deaths15. This argument could be used to urge
governments to instead invest resources in areas that consistently cause higher
mortality, such as infectious diseases like AIDS or even the seasonal flu. However, in
carrying out a threat assessment, it is also important to look at the potential for
mortality. Here it has been suggested future attacks may not be on the same
relatively small scale as those in the past15. It is difficult to produce reliable
estimates of fatalities that might result from an attack; there is huge variation in
estimates and, often, little statistical evidence to support the predictions11. That
said, it is agreed that, in theory, even small amounts of a dangerous biological
agent could cause significant mortality if prepared and disseminated effectively16.
For instance, the WHO estimates that 50kg of B. anthracis distributed upwind of a
population of 500 000 would leave 95 000 people dead and 125 000 more
incapacitated17. Other sources suggest that 100kg of B. anthracis, disseminated via
a crop-sprayer, could kill as many as three million people, and comparable values
have been projected for other agents2,18. Another concern is that a contagious
biological agent will result in person-to-person transmission, creating a selfsustaining effect not present in any other weapons class10. While mass casualties
are possible, it is also important to note that, even in situations with few casualties,
biological weapons attacks may have profound social and economic ramifications3.
Such attacks could lead to widespread social panic and disorder, resulting in selfdestructive behaviour and creating what is called a societal autoimmune effect
involving increases in crime and looting19. While there is little evidence to predict
this would occur based on previous disaster situations (such as the terrorist attacks
on the World Trade Center in 1993 and 2001, where the public reaction is described
as effective and adaptive, rather than panicked and disruptive), it must remain a
consideration20. The effects of a largescale attack involving biological weapons are
unknown, and epidemics of highly fatal diseases may cause serious social
disruption20. The economic consequences of biological weapons attacks are severe
and suggest that investing in defense makes good economic sense. While there
were only five deaths in the 2001 anthrax attacks, those attacks resulted in tens of
billions of dollars in government spending21. Also, the financial sector may be
negatively impacted if investor confidence plummets3. Similarly, an attack on the
agricultural sector, which accounts for 15% of the United States GDP, could have
severe economic ramifications3. If the biological agent being used is contagious,
there could also be implications for trade and travel restrictions3. The SARS
epidemic of 2003 showed the economic consequences of a highly infectious
disease, essentially crippling some of the most dynamic cities in the world4. The
Center for Biosecurity has estimated the economic cost of a biological weapons
attack in the U.S. could exceed one trillion USD15. In short, there are social and
economic consequences that, considered in conjunction with the potential for

catastrophically high mortality, justify the framing of biological weapons as a


significant existential threat to the United States . This is illustrated by considering
the specific case of smallpox.

Politics DA
Border enforcement is supported universally. The plan would
pit Obama against everyone.
Johnson 2007(Dean and Mabie-Apallas, Professor of Public Interest Law and
Chicana/o Studies, Opening the Floodgates, New York University Publication,
https://books.google.com/books?
id=8RAVCgAAQBAJ&pg=PA138&lpg=PA138&dq=Conservatives+generally+find+the
mselves+deeply+split+on+the+issue+of
%C2%B6+immigration.&source=bl&ots=6_SquyxoTH&sig=yc7hMpGOUw3WGv6KY
H8Mi8vYuBg&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0CB8Q6AEwAGoVChMI6_zW8vH7xgIVi1KSCh0lPwF
p#v=onepage&q=Conservatives%20generally%20find%20themselves%20deeply
%20split%20on%20the%20issue%20of%C2%B6%20immigration.&f=false)
Conservatives generally find themselves deeply split on the issue of immigration.
Some staunch members of the Republican Party, including President George W.
Bush, generally favor liberal admission policies, or at least more liberal policies
than the ones currently in place. Economic conservatives see gains from
immigration and inexpensive labor. In stark contrast, another wing of the
Republican Party is deeply concerned with the alleged cultural impacts of
immigration. This faction aggressively plays on populist fear about cultural changes
blamed on immigrants and demands restrictionist policies and tougher border
enforcement. Today, this arm of the Republican Party, represented most
prominently by Congressman Tom Tancredo and the conservative icon Pat
Buchanan, often exercises great influence over the direction of immigration law
and policy by tapping into broad-based fears of economically and otherwise
insecure U.S. citizens. Poor, working, and middle-income people worry about the
changes wrought by immigration and are not likely to sympathize with the desire of
big business for cheap labor. On the other hand, Democrats also find themselves
divided on immigration. Economically, they are concerned with immigrations
downward pressure on the wage scale and its impact on a long-time base of
Democratic support, labor unions. Although change has come in recent years,
organized labor, often supportive of the basic Democratic agenda, has historically
supported restrictionist immigration laws and policies. Many liberals, however,
desire the humane treatment of immigrants and often push for pro-immigration
and pro-immigrant laws and policies. There, however, is some common ground.
Many Democrats and Republicans often agree that increased border enforcement is
necessary. Like tough-on-crime stances, this has proved time and time again to be
a politically popular position. This is even true for those sympathetic to 138 | The
Economic Benefits of Liberal Migration of Labor Across Borders the plight of
immigrants. In addition, influenced by public fears of being overrun by floods of
immigrants, politicians of both parties often support limits on legal immigration and
heavy border enforcement.

Marxism K
The affs analysis renders invisible the set of historical
capitalist relations that informed genocide against the Native
body and made oppression possible
Libretti, 1 (Tim, Associate Professor of English and Women's Studies at
Northeastern Illinois University. He has published articles on proletarian literature,
U.S. Third World and multi-ethnic literatures, Marxism, and cultural studies in such
journals as MELUS, Women's Studies Quarterly, and Mediations.2001, Modern Fiction
Studies, Vol 47, No. 1, The Other Proletarians: Native American Literature and Class
Struggle, AS)
This rich passage raises many points for discussion in terms of how Ortiz constructs class consciousness and how
this text and his writing as a whole relate to and redefine the contours and politics of the proletarian [End Page 180]
literary genre. Ortiz here is asserting the privileged historical, economic, and social position, as well as the
privileged perspective of the Native American in the historical development and contemporary society of U.S.
capitalism. Just as Lukacs in History and Class Consciousness argues that "the superiority of the proletariat must lie
exclusively in its ability to see society from the center, as a coherent whole" (69), Ortiz effectively suggests that
Native Americans occupy a "more central" position in society from which to comprehend it as a coherent whole.
However, while Lukacs argues that "the self-understanding of the proletariat is [. . .] simultaneously the objective
understanding of the nature of society" and that "when the proletariat furthers its own class-aims it simultaneously
achieves the conscious realization of the--objective--aims of society, aims which would inevitably remain abstract

Ortiz represents Native


Americans' self-understanding as yielding a more accurate and insightful vision of
the trajectory of social history because they are most immediately threatened and
affected by the historical development of capitalism . First in line for genocide, they are first to
possibilities and objective frontiers but for this conscious intervention" (149),

understand through experience the operations and aims of our current course of historical development. Thus they
occupy the most advantageous position from which both to achieve a full consciousness of U.S. capitalism and to
intervene consciously in redirecting historical development. Consequently, Ortiz means to bring the exigency of

while Native Americans are


most urgently conscious of the task of survival, it needs to be a larger working-class
issue; it needs to be the premise of the class struggle itself to prioritize survival by making lands "productive to
serve humanity." However, Ortiz warns that such a goal "will take real decisions and actions and concrete
understanding by the poor and workers of this nation" (360). The above passage also highlights the
importance of understanding Native Americans as a dynamic part of the U.S.
proletariat and of U.S. labor history . In the text as a whole, Ortiz worries about the "preservation" of
survival to the forefront of political and class consciousness, suggesting that

Native American culture in museums and state parks that tend to hypostatize Native Americans as relics of history
rather than as historical and contemporary participants in U.S. society and economy. The worry is that Native
Americans will be isolated in "natural wilderness or [End Page 181] cultural parks" (360) and thus relegated to the
margins instead of recognized as the center of social change and class consciousness that Ortiz believes they need

The other sectors of the working class need to understand the genocide and
exploitation of Native Americans if they are going to understand comprehensively
the operations of U.S. capitalism , the path of their genuine self-interest within that system, and the fate
to be.

that awaits them if they do no act to redirect the course of history by learning from and following the lead of Native
Americans. It is here that Ortiz makes his most passionate plea, one worth quoting at length: They will have to see
that the present exploitation of coal at Black Mesa Mine in Arizona does not serve the Hopi and Navajo whose
homeland it is. They will have to understand that the political and economic forces which have caused Hopi and
Navajo people to be in conflict with each other and within their own nations are the same forces which steal the
human fabric of their own communities and lives. They will have to be willing to identify capitalism for what it is,
that it is destructive and uncompassionate and deceptive. They will have to be willing to do so or they will never
understand why the Four Corners power plants in northwestern New Mexico continue to spew poisons into the air,
destroying plant, animal, and human life in the area. They will have to be willing to face and challenge the
corporations at their armed bank buildings, their stock brokers, and their drilling, mining, milling, refining and
processing operations. If they don't do that, they will not understand what Aacqu and her sister Pueblos in the
Southwest are fighting for when they seek time and time again to bring attention to their struggle for land, water,

and human rights. The American poor and workers and white middle class, who are probably the most ignorant of
all U.S. citizens, must understand how they, like Indian people, are forced to serve a national interest, controlled by
capitalist vested interests in collusion with U.S. policy makers, which does not serve them. Only when this
understanding is attained and decisions are reached and actions taken to overcome economic and political
oppression imposed on us all will there be no longer a national sacrifice area in the Southwest. Only then will there
[End Page 182] be no more unnecessary sacrifices of our people and land. (360-61) In this catalog of what the
American poor and working class need to see, understand, and do--much of which entails facing and
comprehending the particular exploitation and colonized status of Native Americans--Ortiz is suggesting that Native
American class consciousness and political self-interests are not only identical to those of the non-Native American
working class and poor but that, even more so, they are definitive of class consciousness and working-class political
interests. If they do not understand the Native American situation, they will not understand "the same forces which
steal the human fabric of their own American communities and lives." This same recognition is equally crucial in the
literary critical sphere when we attempt to map the coordinates of a genre of proletarian literature as such a genre

To marginalize
Native American literature or categorize it wholly apart from and exclusive of
proletarian literature re-enacts the same gesture of making invisible the Native
American working class, of isolating it from the scene of wage labor. Moreover, what is
also rendered invisible by obscuring the historical experience of Native Americans,
their working-class experience, and their narrative of survival and class struggle, is
the historical memory of an unalienated relationship with the land . We have already seen
becomes the cultural representation and mouthpiece of the U.S. working class and its interests.

Ortiz represent precolonial moments in which the Aacqu's lives were described as ones of material well being and
spiritual integrity. While his narrative of colonization represents their growing dependence on wage labor and their
general dependence under capitalism because of the diminution of their access to natural resources caused in part
by their dispossession and in part by industrial capitalism's destruction of those resources, Ortiz also highlights that
what remains through oral history is a memory of an actual culture or way of life characterized not by alienation but
by integrity with nature, oneself, and others. Ortiz writes, I don't know when it was that the grass was as high as a
man's waist. I never knew that. All my life, the grass had been sparse and brittle. All my life, the winters have been
cold and windy [End Page 183] and the summers hot and mostly rainless. But the people talk about those good
years when they could cope with life on their own terms. The winters were always cold and the summers hot, but
they could cope with them because there was a system of life which spelled out exactly how to deal with the
realities they knew. The people had developed a system of knowledge which made it possible for them to work at
solutions. And they had the capabilities of developing further knowledge to deal with new realities. There was

The
phenomenon Ortiz describes here is the general deskilling of the human, of the alienation
that capitalism inflicts in its will to dominate. Here Ortiz depicts again, it is worth reiterating, the
probably not anything they could not deal properly and adequately with until the Mericano came. (349)

way capitalism curtails rather than enhances productive efficiency as he represents how the colonizing process
hobbled the people, made them dependent rather than self-sufficient, and robbed them of their creative abilities
and skills. But what is perhaps most striking about the narrative is that Ortiz represents an actual useable past that
is not simply a utopian invention but rather a viable historical model. The importance of Ortiz's identification of this
historical actuality is that it challenges those critics who see Marxism's ideal of a culture of disalienation, in which
each person realizes her species being, as not only unattainable but also as never having been attained, as
historically fantastic. Take, for example, Stephen Greenblatt's criticism of a passage from The Political Unconscious
in which Fredric Jameson speaks to the process whereby capitalism diminishes the unalienated individual subject in
its production of the fragmented bourgeois individual. Greenblatt writes, The whole passage has the resonance of
an allegory of the fall of man: once we were whole, agile, integrated; we were individual subjects but not
individuals, we had no psychology distinct from the shared life of the society; politic and poetry were one. Then
capitalism arose and shattered this luminous, benign totality. The myth echoes throughout Jameson's book, though
by the close it has been eschatologically reoriented so that the totality lies not in a past revealed to have always
[End Page 184] already fallen but in the classless future. A philosophical claim that appeals to an absent empirical
event. (3) While Greenblatt no doubt has a point--it is certainly difficult to attribute alienation solely to the onset of
capitalism, as though somehow feudal and slave economies featured whole and happy individual subjects--his own
sense of the past is equally distorted, at least in light of Ortiz's narrative. Nonetheless, Greenblatt's criticism is one
commonly hauled out to attempt to undermine the legitimacy of Marxist theories of human nature and liberation.
Thus, Ortiz's identification of this historical moment of integration, as opposed to alienation, serves not only to
challenge the cynical bourgeois critics of Marxism but, perhaps even more importantly, to give the Marxist tradition

To distance or isolate Native


Americans from the U.S. working class and their literature from the larger proletarian tradition is to
impoverish and, really, to disempower the U.S. working class by cutting it off from this model
a model of possibility on which to build and imagine a postcapitalist culture.

of possibility that ought to inform class struggle. Indeed, as Ortiz strenuously argues throughout the piece, it is

the condition of alienation from ourselves, nature, and other people that most seriously needs to be
addressed, as alienation is the premise of exploitation and the destructive features
of capitalism; Native Americans possess most vividly the collective memory of
unalienated life, as opposed to most elements of the U.S. working class whose memory is confined to a
capitalist world and an experience of wage labor, which might explain why so much energy in labor struggles
focuses on wages rather than focusing more concertedly on alienation and on the use of resources. Native
Americans are best positioned to assess the experience of alienation under capitalism, Ortiz suggests, because they
have not just an imagination but also an historical knowledge of a different mode of production, culture, and way of
life, as we see in the following passage in which Ortiz discusses the experiences of Laguna and Navajo miners
working for the Kerr-McGee mines in New Mexico: The Navajo men who went into the underground mines did not
have much choice except to work there, just like the Laguna miners who find themselves as surface labor and semiskilled [End Page 185] workers. The Kerr-McGee miners who had stayed for any length of time underground
breathing the dust laden with radon gas would find themselves cancerous. The Laguna miners would find
themselves questioning how much real value the mining operation had when their land was overturned into a gray
pit miles and miles in breadth. They would ask if the wages they earned, causing wage income dependency, and
the royalties received by the Kawaikah people were worth it when Mericano values beset their children and would
threaten the heritage they had struggled to keep for so long. (356) The Laguna miners are able to measure their
value system and the social relationships it entails against that of capitalism and its destructive, even murderous,
effects on the land and the people. Once again, Ortiz counterpoints two modes of conceptualizing value, embodied
in one culture that prioritizes quality of life and in another quantitatively oriented culture committed to
accumulating monetary wealth at the expense of life. The importance here, though, is that the Native American
working class already possesses the value system for as well as the memory and imagination of a postcapitalist
culture that the non-Native American U.S. working class needs to recognize as a valuable and crucial attribute of its
tradition of resistance to capital and its aspirations of social transformation. Similarly, Ortiz also speaks of the
memory of the Peublo Revolt of 1680 in which enslaved Africans, native Americans, and descendants of the Chicano
people fought back against Spanish colonialism. This example of multiracial organizing and resistance is highlighted
as a central element of the collective memory of empowerment and change. It is just such models of revolt that the
U.S. working class needs as part of its historical and class consciousness, which it needs to be attached to and not
dissociated from. But yet when critics narrowly periodize and restrictively define the category of proletarian
literature, it is just such dissociation and erasure that takes place. In developing a Marxist cultural tradition on the
Left that is capable of directing and imagining full liberation, we must construct a proper proletarian literature genre
which maps comprehensively the body of texts that are expressions of class struggle and which mediates the
sociological and the cultural in a way that allows us to draw on the whole rich collective tradition of working class

Understanding Native American


literature as proletarian begins this process of political and literary reorganization. Both
struggle [End Page 186] against racial patriarchal capitalism.

Silko and Ortiz offer rethinkings of Marxism and class struggle that position Native Americans as pivotal actants and
Native American culture and history as a rich reservoir of models for imagining change as well as postcapitalist
culture and economy. Both culturally and politically, the Left needs to revivify its cultural imaginary and not
dissociate by virtue of its exclusive cultural and political categories from political and cultural traditions that offer
meaningful cross-fertilization. Indeed, just as Marx said the educators must be educated, so the Left must be
educated by other left Marxist traditions it might not have even recognized as such. As Ward Churchill admonishes,
when you think about Native American political concerns over such issues as land and water rights, The great
mass of non-Indians in North America really have much to gain, and almost nothing to lose, from the success of
native people in struggles to reclaim the land which is rightfully ours. The tangible diminishment of U.S. material
power which is integral to our victories in this sphere stands to pave the way for realization of most other agendas-from anti-imperialism to environmentalism, from African-American liberation to feminism, from gay rights to the
ending of class privilege--pursued by progressives on this continent. Conversely, succeeding with any or even all
these other agendas would still represent an inherently oppressive situation if their realization is contingent upon an
ongoing occupation of Native North America without the consent of Indian people. Any North American revolution
which failed to free indigenous territory from non-Indian domination would simply be a continuation of colonialism in

the working class is the lynchpin of


liberation because in order to liberate itself it must do away with class altogether , we
another form. (88) Indeed, just as Marx theorizes that

can take Churchill here, as well as Silko and Ortiz, to be in some sense saying that for the non-Indian U.S. working
class to liberate itself, Native Americans must be liberated. Put another way, the working class cannot liberate only
part of itself, so it must identify and understand [End Page 187] itself fully in order to liberate itself fully. Mapping
this understanding via the space of a proletarian literary genre is a place to begin.

Pseudo-Speciation Adv
Utilitarianism is good for policy makers leads to the most
benefits over harms
Manuel Velasquez,, 8-1-2014, "Calculating Consequences: The Utilitarian
Approach to Ethics," Markkula Center For Applied Ethic,
http://www.scu.edu/ethics/practicing/decision/calculating.html
Calculating Consequences: The Utilitarian Approach to Ethics Developed by Manuel Velasquez, Claire Andre,
Thomas Shanks, S.J., and Michael J. Meyer Imagine that the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency gets wind of a plot to
set off a dirty bomb in a major American city. Agents capture a suspect who, they believe, has information about
where the bomb is planted. Is it permissible for them to torture the suspect into revealing the bomb's whereabouts?
Can the dignity of one individual be violated in order to save many others? Greatest Balance of Goods Over Harms If
you answered yes, you were probably using a form of moral reasoning called "utilitarianism." Stripped down to its

utilitarianism is a moral principle that holds that the morally right course of
action in any situation is the one that produces the greatest balance of benefits
over harms for everyone affected. So long as a course of action produces maximum benefits for
essentials,

everyone, utilitarianism does not care whether the benefits are produced by lies, manipulation, or coercion. Many of
us use this type of moral reasoning frequently in our daily decisions. When asked to explain why we feel we have a
moral duty to perform some action, we often point to the good that will come from the action or the harm it will

Business analysts, legislators, and scientists weigh daily the resulting benefits
and harms of policies when deciding, for example, whether to invest resources in a certain public
project, whether to approve a new drug, or whether to ban a certain pesticide. Utilitarianism offers a relatively
straightforward method for deciding the morally right course of action for any
particular situation we may find ourselves in. To discover what we ought to do in any situation, we first
prevent.

identify the various courses of action that we could perform. Second, we determine all of the foreseeable benefits
and harms that would result from each course of action for everyone affected by the action. And third, we choose
the course of action that provides the greatest benefits after the costs have been taken into account. The principle
of utilitarianism can be traced to the writings of Jeremy Bentham, who lived in England during the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries. Bentham, a legal reformer, sought an objective basis that would provide a publicly acceptable
norm for determining what kinds of laws England should enact. He believed that the most promising way of
reaching such an agreement was to choose that policy that would bring about the greatest net benefits to society
once the harms had been taken into account. His motto, a familiar one now, was "the greatest good for the greatest
number." Over the years, the principle of utilitarianism has been expanded and refined so that today there are
many variations of the principle. For example, Bentham defined benefits and harms in terms of pleasure and pain.
John Stuart Mill, a great 19th century utilitarian figure, spoke of benefits and harms not in terms of pleasure and
pain alone but in terms of the quality or intensity of such pleasure and pain. Today utilitarians often describe
benefits and harms in terms of the satisfaction of personal preferences or in purely economic terms of monetary
benefits over monetary costs. Utilitarians also differ in their views about the kind of question we ought to ask
ourselves when making an ethical decision. Some utilitarians maintain that in making an ethical decision, we must
ask ourselves: "What effect will my doing this act in this situation have on the general balance of good over evil?" If
lying would produce the best consequences in a particular situation, we ought to lie. Others, known as rule
utilitarians, claim that we must choose that act that conforms to the general rule that would have the best
consequences. In other words, we must ask ourselves: "What effect would everyone's doing this kind of action have
on the general balance of good over evil?" So, for example, the rule "to always tell the truth" in general promotes
the good of everyone and therefore should always be followed, even if in a certain situation lying would produce the
best consequences. Despite such differences among utilitarians, however, most hold to the general principle that

morality must depend on balancing the beneficial and harmful consequences of our
conduct. - See more at: http://www.scu.edu/ethics/practicing/decision/calculating.html#sthash.7QghnbgB.dpuf

Basing an individuals identity off oppression destroys the


ability of the individual to create change turns their impacts
of domination, slavery, and every form of evil
Abbas 2010 [Asma, Professor and Division Head in Social Studies, Political Science,
Philosophy at the Liebowitz Center for International Studies at Bard College at
Simons Rock, Liberalism and Human Suffering: Materialist Reflections on Politics,
Ethics, and Aesthetics, London: Palgrave Macmillan, pg. Pg. 133- 136]
There is a fundamental reciprocity between how sufferers represent themselves, or
are represented, and the way in which their subjectivities and those of the injurers
are theorized in various political programs. Together, they determine the form of agency that is
granted to the victim within any paradigm. In many theoretical attempts at redeeming victims, the work of the
wounded remains attached to an imputed aspiration for agency modeled on the health of the agent qua

Seeing the wounded as agency-impaired affirms the


definition of victim as inadequate subject. There can be no justice done to the experience of
perpetrator, bystander, and rescuer.

suffering in its particularity if the only choice is to define it in relation toeven when only as the antithesis of
normalized healthy sovereign action. Critiques of liberalism that build on responses to orientalism and other colonial
discourses are suspicious of the mechanics of the identification of victims. For them, the victim status precludes any
status beyond that of the object of an action, necessitates powerlessness, and imposes slave morality.20 An
inevitable result is the objects own resignation to its assigned lack of subjectivity.21 In these criticisms, the
question of naming becomes inextricable from representation. It follows that the need and validity of representing
the victims, the oppressed, the third world, is doubted and, finally, rejected. However, these challenges still remain
attached to a relation to health as agency and to agency as health. An example is the call that victims and agents
are not mutually exclusivesomething to the effect that victims can be agents, too. Mohanty, for one, tells us of
cottage-industry working women in Narsapur who are not mere victims of the production process, because they
resist, challenge, and subvert the process at various junctures.22 What is implicit in the not mere victim
reaction? It brings to mind Martha Nussbaums claim that victimization does not preclude agency.23 Clearly at
work in Mohantys account is a defensiveness that ends up condoning and affirming the dominant notion of agency
it opposes. Occupying very different locations on the philosophical spectrum, Mohanty and Nussbaum seem closer

Why is a victim merely a victim? What does


it tell us regarding how we understand victimization? These reactions betray an
inability to factor in the mode of practice that is suffering , which may spurn the redemption of
in their gut reaction than their avowals would suggest.

the victim on the terms of health and agency, liberal style. These thinkers highlight how voice and representation
are so frequently framed in terms of agency, where agency itself becomes linked to representation: the victims or
nonagents need representation, and they are redeemed by obviating representation and granting a voice all in one
fell swoop. In my view, this link between agency and the authenticity of voice is a dubious one. It is on this suspect
convergence that Spivak makes an important intervention. In Can the Subaltern Speak? she concludes that the
subaltern cannot speak, an answer that, in dismissing Western intellectuals who make space for the subaltern to
speak, reinstates a project of rethinking representation and the victims experience. Spivaks analysis is more
nuanced than Mohantys, which rejects the very need and validity of this representation. Spivak takes issue with
Foucaults wish to let the subaltern speak in their own voice, which does not take seriously the notion that they
have no voice as yet, and that this speechlessness is what defines the subaltern. She saves the notion of
representation by arguing that, in the absence of a language of their own, there is no alternative but to represent
the subaltern in a way that is sensitive to their silence.24 As I argued in Chapters 2 and 3, the fetish of voice itself
must be subject to a suspicion, since it serves those who thrive on its consolations more than those who are bid
speak and must do so in order to write themselves in. This is not to say that that the victimits discursive and
material realitydoes not need redressal in a liberatory politics. Far from that, one can see it as a representationa
Darstellung and a Vorstellung that has to itself be a subject of any social theoretical endeavor that is materialist in
its imperative to make conditions (for the possibility of change) out of necessities. Liberal fictions and power
structures need victims; unwittingly or not, they sustain them as they are themselves nourished by the latters
surplus suffering. Interestingly, the same Nietzsche who inspires a suspicion of the agent is also someone who
forces a consideration of the material history, weight, and imperatives of agency, and of the terms and labor of its
overcoming. It is more than a coincidence that Nietzsches transition from the slave revolt in the first essay of On
the Genealogy or Morals to the story of guilt, ressentiment, and punishment in the second essay, involves the myth
of the doer behind the deed.25 This transition is about suffering. Nietzsches views on subjects and subjection
suggest not merely that there is no doer but that the core of human existence is the suffering of that doingthat
the subject is, in any case, subject to itself and its deeds. (As far as the fictive nature of the subject is concerned,
Nietzsche drives home the very brutally material nature of fictions are fictions ever merely fictions?) The

centrality of the agent in liberalisms focus on suffering is manifest in the necessity of an agent as the cause or
remedy of suffering. This raises the question of which fiction is more enduring in the liberal framework: the agent
who causes the injury or the victim who is injured with that agency? In both cases, liberalisms attention is clear. In
its keenness to see as good for liberal justice only the suffering that can be traced to a sanctioned agent, it makes
victims into objects of the action. While neither of these options exhausts the possibilities in reality, they do

This is why the agent looms so large, even in the imaginations of


critics of liberalism, that it holds the promise, in its potential idealist-linguistic
overcoming, of the undoing of the stigmatizing victim identity it spawns. However,
the sufferer subjected to the fictions of agency and of the production of injury
suffers these fictions through her labors of sustaining and unwriting them.
necessitate each other.

Turns dehumanization - their Miller 14 narrative paints a


picture that all there is to Tohonos is their oppression
Delgado 93 [46 Vand. L. Rev. 672 (1993) On Telling Stories in School: A Reply to
Farber and Sherry ; Delgado, Richard]
It is difficult to evaluate someone who at the same time is evaluating you putting
you under the glass, dissecting your culture, laws, profession, and norms of political
fairness. The outsiders task is formidable enough: first seeing, then addressing,
defects in the culture in which all of us, including the outsider, are immersed . But when
one sets out, as Daniel Farber and Suzanna Sherry do in a recent article, to come to terms with outsider scholarship fairly and

Empowered groups long ago


established a host of stories, narratives, conventions, and understandings that today, through repetition,
seem natural and true. Among these are criteria of judgment -the terms and
categories by which we decide which things are good, valid, worthy, and true. Today,
newcomers are telling their own versions, including counterstories, whose purpose is to reveal the contingency,
partiality, and self-serving quality of the stories on which we have been relying to order our world.
sympathetically, the tasks difficulty increase by an order of magnitude.

Their evidence on pseudo-speciation only says tribal police


participate in it
Miller 14 (Todd Miller has researched and written about U.S.-Mexican border issues for more than 10 years. He has worked on both
sides of the border for BorderLinks in Tucson, Arizona, and Witness for Peace in Oaxaca, Mexico. He now writes on border and immigration
issues for NACL, Todd

Miller, 4-22-2014, "Tomgram: Todd Miller, The Creation of a Border


Security State," Tomdispatch, http://www.tomdispatch.com/blog/175834/tomgram
%3A_todd_miller,_the_creation_of_a_border_security_state/)TB
Between the unbridled enthusiasm of the vendors with their techno-optimistic solutions
and the reality of border life in the Tohono Oodham Nation -- or for that matter just about
anywhere along the 2,000-mile divide -- the chasm couldnt be wider. On the reservation
back in 2012, Longoria called in the GPS coordinates of the unknown dead woman, as so
many agents have done in the past and will undoubtedly do in the years to come.
Headquarters in Tucson contacted the Tohono Oodham tribal police. The agents waited
in the baking heat by the motionless body. When the tribal police pulled up, they took her
picture, as they have done with other corpses so many times before. They rolled her over
and took another picture. Her body was, by now, deep purple on one side. The tribal police
explained to Longoria that it was because the blood settles there. They brought out a plastic
body bag. Pseudo-speciation, Longoria told me. That, he said, is how they deal with it. He
talked about an interview hed heard with a Vietnam vet on National Public Radio, who said

that to deal with the dead in war, you have to take a person and change his genus. Give
him a whole different category. You couldnt stand looking at these bodies, so you detach
yourself. You give them a different name that detracts from their humanness . The tribal
police worked with stoic faces. They lifted the body of this woman, whose past life, whose
story, whose loved ones were now on another planet, onto a cart attached to an all-terrain
vehicle and headed off down a bumpy dirt road with the body bouncing up and down.

Physical Violence Adv


There is property damage committed against the indigenous
from passing migrants. There is only a risk that reducing U.S.
border patrol would cause this to increase.
Pitts 13 (Byron Pitts, ABC News Anchor & Chief National Correspondent, In
Efforts to Secure US-Mexico Border, Ariz. Native Americans Feel Caught in the
Middle, 7/27/2013, ABC News, http://abcnews.go.com/US/efforts-secure-us-mexicoborder-ariz-native-americans/story?id=19496394, DJE)
In the Tohono O'odham Nation is "The San Miguel Gate," an area on the U.S.-Mexico
border considered to be sacred by the Tohono O'odham. It is the only place where
Native Americans can freely walk across the border, but there, the only thing
separating Mexico and the U.S. is a low fence guarded by a lone border patrol agent
and a light pole powered by a generator. Verlon Jose, a Tohono O'odham tribal
leader whose family has lived on the reservation for generations, and other
members of his tribe talked to "Nightline" at "The San Miguel Gate." Jose
acknowledged that the Gate carries a myriad of problems. "Drugs come through
here, migrants come through here," he said. "We see harassment from individuals
who are moving contraband north, moving migrants north. Homes broken into,
vehicles broken into. It's gotten more aggressive ." Jose's cousin Francine Jose lives
in a remote part of the reservation and estimated that her house is broken into
about once a month by people crossing the border illegally. There is no cell service
inside her house so she can't easily call for help -- according to authorities, the
police response time to her house can take up to 45 minutes -- and she said the
border crossers who walk across her property know it. " They are constantly breaking
in all the time," Francine Jose said. "There was one just recently where they cooked
stuff, about a month ago, slept."

Yes, Border patrol agents can be abusive, but they are only
part of the problem. Corruption, tribal police and white
supremacists are alt causes.
Norrell 13 (Brenda Norrell, a reporter of Indian country for 33 years, Tohono
O'odham oppose new federal police on sovereign Indian land, 7/25/2013, The
Narcosphere, http://narcosphere.narconews.com/notebook/brendanorrell/2012/07/tohono-oodham-oppose-new-federal-police-sovereign-indian-land,
DJE)
SELLS, Arizona -- Tohono O'odham members say it is time to halt the swarm of
federal agents on their sovereign land, who are violating their rights and abusing
them. This week, a new federal police vehicle of the Bureau of Indian Affairs was
seen on sovereign Tohono O'odham land making traffic stops. "I'm wondering who is
behind the tinted windows. Are they O'odham or non-O'odham," said an O'odham
member, whose name is not published due to the constant targeting of O'odham

activists by police and agents. "Many of our tribal police are non-O'odham and do
not know about our culture. They cannot communicate with our people who are
non-English speakers, and don't understand about the sacredness of Tohono
O'odham land." "O'odham living on our land do not know who these new federal
police are, with these new vehicles." "The land is over-run by Immigration, Customs,
Enforcement (ICE,) US Border Patrol, Department of Homeland Security, tribal
police, tribal rangers and now the BIA federal police. " "We have all this enforcement
on Tohono O'odham land and innocent people get harassed, innocent people get
pulled over and held at gunpoint. It is a police state." "The abuse of sovereignty now
extends to our own people. Tribal police are coopted by Homeland Security and
carry out their abuse," the O'odham member said. Along with the swarm of police
and border agents on sovereign Tohono O'odham land, there are the Shadow
Wolves, a US public relations scheme which the media writes romantic fiction about.
Meanwhile, the few reporters that do actually go out to Tohono O'odham land are
most often spoonfed their report by politicians and agents. Tohono O'odham
members say the elected tribal government is being controlled by dollars from the
US government. The elected tribal politicians refuse to protect O'odham from the
ongoing abuse by tribal police and US border agents . O'odham are held at gunpoint,
flashlights shined in their homes at night and even beaten by US Border Patrol
agents. The media continues to cover up the facts, and instead fuels US/Mexico
border xenophobia. While focusing on drug running, the media fails to report the
murder of migrants by Border Patrol agents and the large number of Border Patrol
agents being convicted of drug running and aiding cartels. Further, both the media
and law enforcement ignore the heavily-armed white supremacists at the border.

If anything, the lack of law enforcement leaves natives open to


Cartel abuse
Pavlich 14 (Katie Pavlich, editor and New York Times Best-Selling author, Illegal
Immigrant Sentenced For Sexual Abuse of 11-Year-Old Girl, 2/10/2014,
http://townhall.com/tipsheet/katiepavlich/2014/02/10/illegal-immigrant-sentencedfor-sexual-abuse-of-two-native-american-women-n1792584, DJE)
An illegal immigrant from Honduras, 39-year-old Hernan Ramirez-Ortega, has been
sentenced to 27 years in prison for sexually abusing an 11-year-old Tohono O'odham
girl. He was also sentenced for sexually abusing a woman living on the Gila River
Indian Reservation. At the time time of the abuse, Ramirez-Ortega was living on the
Tohono O'odham Nation. He plead guilty to the crimes in 2010. The Tohono O'odham
Nation spans nearly 3 million acres from the U.S. border with Mexico up into
Arizona. The reservation ends near the most popular intersection for drug and
human trafficking in the country near Casa Grande, where I-8 and I-10 intersect.
The lack of law enforcement on the Tohono O'odham allows cartels to operate
freely and gives them easy access to the rest of the country. They use it as an entry
point, marry into Indian families so they can live on the reservation and , if a village
is small enough, cartel members will simply walk in and take property by lethal
force.

Obama is successfully addressing the issue of violence in the


Tohono Nation
Wagner 13 (Dennis Wagner, reporter and columnist covering terrorism, the
border, federal law enforcement and Native nations, Poor justice on Arizona Indian
reservations has crime running rampant, 9/13/2010,
http://www.azcentral.com/news/investigations/contact/governmentaccountability.html, DJE)
In his first year at the White House, President Barack Obama promised to repair the
broken justice system in Indian country. And he appears to be offering substance
along with speeches: He appointed Native Americans to key posts and ordered
Cabinet secretaries to conduct "listening sessions" with tribal leaders. He requested
$449 million for tribal public-safety programs and authorized more FBI victim
specialists, BIA investigators and federal prosecutors to fight Native crime. Obama
signed the Tribal Law and Order Act of 2010 , a measure he promoted to increase
authority of Indian police and allow Native courts to issue felony sentences of up to
three years. The measure, signed in July, requires training in sexual-assault cases
for Indian law officers. Federal agents and attorneys are now obliged to share
evidence with tribal justice officials. Obama also issued a mandate, along with
Attorney General Eric Holder, that U.S. attorneys visit Indian country regularly to
meet with tribal leaders and develop operational plans . The goal: better law
enforcement and more prosecutions, especially in cases of violence against women
and children. Dennis Burke, the U.S. attorney for Arizona, said communications are
paying off. After learning about problems with rape cases on the Navajo
Reservation, he sent a letter in June to health officials there requesting records of
every incident reported to tribal medical workers during the previous 18 months. In
the letter, Burke vows to ensure that "all provable sex assault offenses in Indian
country are prosecuted."

Conditions are improving with increased government funding


Wagner 13 (Dennis Wagner, reporter and columnist covering terrorism, the
border, federal law enforcement and Native nations, Poor justice on Arizona Indian
reservations has crime running rampant, 9/13/2010,
http://www.azcentral.com/news/investigations/contact/governmentaccountability.html, DJE)
Native American justice advocates, including Hallie Bongar White, executive director
of the Southwest Center for Law and Policy in Tucson, said there is restrained belief
that Washington, D.C., may finally offer more than lip service. "There is a difference
in the Obama administration," said Bongar White, noting that White House rhetoric
already has been backed with new funding, programs and appointments. "I see
them moving a little bit more to provide resources and listening more to Native
nations." Bongar White, whose non-profit group provides legal training to tribal

communities, said the change is beginning to show. The Tohono O'odham Nation in
southern Arizona recently received money for rape-victim advocates. This spring,
she taught tribal police in New Mexico the protocols of rape investigations. Sexualassault response teams are forming across Indian country. Kim Pound, former police
chief at the Fort Apache Reservation, said Congress appropriated money for tribes in
the past but it didn't always seem to filter down. There were exceptions, though.
Pound said he managed to increase officer salaries in Whiteriver (from starting pay
of $14 per hour to $19), purchase crime-scene kits and raise professional standards.
Still, he can't help being skeptical. "Stuff that happens in Indian country, if it
occurred in any town or city of this country, people would be up in arms," Pound
said. "But they don't care." Everette Little Whiteman, police chief for the Oglala
Sioux Tribe and a former BIA agent in Arizona, said it will take years to break the
cycle of victimization. "The problem is that crimes are not investigated
thoroughly. . . . We need money," he said. Paul Charlton, an outspoken advocate for
tribal-justice reform and a former U.S. attorney for Arizona, said Obama has made a
start but a paradigm shift is needed before law and order will succeed in Native
communities. "This is a system that has been in place since the late 1880s, and it's
not working," Charlton said. "The idea that the federal government should be
responsible for crimes in Indian country is something that has to be changed."

Plan doesnt solve for the Tohono Oodham police that attempt
to shut down villages their own card
Brenda Norrell, 4-8-2014, "CENSORED NEWS: Mike Wilson: US Border Patrol shot
Tohono O'odham at border," Censored News,
http://bsnorrell.blogspot.com/2014/04/mike-wilson-us-border-patrol-shot.html
SAN MIGUEL, TOHONO OODHAM NATION Mike Wilson, Tohono Oodham, said the US Border Patrol shot two
Tohono Oodham at the border, one in the face. The Border Patrol claims Oodham side-swiped its vehicle in San
Miguel, The Gate, on Tohono Oodham land at the US Mexico border. However, Wilson points out in the video

the Tohono Oodham government, Tohono Oodham police, and US Border


Patrol can not be trusted. Wilson said that neither the Tohono Oodham government nor
police have taken steps to ensure the safety of Oodham when faced with the US Border Patrol.
below that

He said these human rights violations by the US Border Patrol inflicted on Oodham have been going on for more

Wilson expresses his


concern over the Tohono Oodham Nation governments efforts to disable the new
district of Hia-Ced on the western portion of the Tohono Oodham Nation near Ajo, Arizona. He said even
though the Tohono Oodham Nation initially approved of the new district , it is now
doing everything in its power to ensure that the new district fails . Wilson has put out water
than 10 years and the Tohono Oodham Nation has done nothing to halt this. Further,

for years for migrants, over the objections of the Tohono Oodham government, and his life-saving water containers
were vandalized. Wilsons water stations have been in the area of the Tohono Oodham Nation with one of the
highest rates of death. Wilson has also aided humanitarian groups searching for the bodies of missing migrants on

the Tohono Oodham Nation has been able to control


and silence much of the mainstream media. The Tohono Oodham police have
threatened and stalked Oodham human rights activists to silence them . Now, the US
the Tohono Oodham Nation. Meanwhile,

Homeland Security has given the US southern border contract to an Israeli company, Elbit Systems, which is also
responsible for Apartheid security surrounding Palestine. Elbit Systems now has the contract to construct US spy
towers on Tohono Oodham land. The Tohono Oodham Legislative Council approved the construction of the 15th
spy tower on sovereign Oodham land, according to the May 7, 2013 resolution, despite Oodham protests over the
militarization of their lands.

Border Adv
Plan doesnt solve for 225 mile long electric fence cutting
through the territory
Indian Country Today Media Network, 9-1-2004, "An open letter to the UN
regarding the Tohono O'odham border,"
http://indiancountrytodaymedianetwork.com/2004/09/01/open-letter-un-regardingtohono-oodham-border-93922
To the United Nations Secretariat of the Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues: We are writing in reference to a
press release recently circulated by some members of the Tohono O'odham Nation that contained inaccurate
information. While we are sure the intent of these individuals was not to mislead the United Nations or the general
public, it is imperative that accurate and complete information on issues of such importance is provided. The media
alert released by these members stated in part: " The

225-mile-long wall will run along the entire


Arizona-Mexico border, bisecting 74 miles of O'odham land. The fence will be lit 24
hours a day by 400 high-security floodlights, which will impact local residences . Along
the first wall of railroad ties and steel sheets, 145 remote cameras will conduct surveillance. Homeland
Security forces will patrol a paved road that will that will run in between the first
fence and a secondary fence with razor-edged coils on top. " As the duly-elected leaders of
the Tohono O'odham Nation, we submit for the record the current challenges facing the Tohono O'odham Nation and
its members in relation to its location on the U.S./Mexico border, and the solutions being undertaken to address

The Tohono O'odham Nation is a sovereign government located in


Southern Arizona spanning 2.8 million acres, 75 miles of which is contiguous to the
U.S border with the Republic of Mexico. Our members have lived in the deserts of Southern Arizona
these challenges.

since time immemorial and, because the U.S.-Mexico international boundary divides our traditional ancestral lands,
there are over 1,400 tribal members who currently reside in Mexico. It is critical that all recognized members of the
Tohono O'odham Nation maintain the right to cross the border to see families and friends, to receive services and to
participate in religious ceremonies and other events. Read more at
http://indiancountrytodaymedianetwork.com/2004/09/01/open-letter-un-regarding-tohono-oodham-border-93922

The plan solves nothing. Confirming identity as a projection of


Western culture and beliefs onto the Tohono people is
inevitable due to legal requirements.
Agencia EFE 14 (Spanish international news agency, Arizona's Controversial
Law Scaring Away Immigrants, Police Chief Says, 8/13/2015,
http://latino.foxnews.com/latino/politics/2014/08/12/arizona-police-chief-aimsb1070-was-scaring-immigrants/, DJE)
Tucson, Arizona The Tucson police said Arizona's controversial SB1070 immigration
law was designed to make the immigrant community afraid of law enforcement
authorities and leave the state. "This law was originally designed so that
undocumented immigrants would be afraid of the police, be afraid of coming to ask
for help, feel themselves to be a target and, in that sense, I think that the law was
successful, given that some of them have left the state voluntarily," said Roberto
Villaseor in an interview with Efe. Arizona's Hispanic community has continued to
fight against SB1070 since it went into effect in 2010, and they complain about
cases of abuse by the law enforcement agencies. At the heart of the debate is the
law's controversial Section 2(B), also known as the "show me your papers"
provision, that since 2012 requires police officers to ask about the immigration

status of people they "suspect" of being undocumented. Villaseor said that his
officers comply with SB1070 by contacting the Border Patrol as soon as they
determine there is probable cause to believe a person may be undocumented,
rejecting accusations that the Tucson Police Department discriminates against the
immigrant community. "The idea exists that the police have the option to call the
Border Patrol or not, but the truth is that we don't," said Villaseor, who was
appointed police chief in 2009. The TPD has been the target of protests after a
confrontation last Sunday between police, Border Patrol agents and activists who lay
down underneath official vehicles to try and prevent an undocumented immigrant
from being handed over to immigration authorities. "I understand the confusion and
the dissatisfaction that exists among activists and members of the community
about the interpretation of the law. The way in which SB1070 is written gives no
other option to police departments than to verify the immigration status of the
detained person," Villaseor said. According to TPD figures, from June 12 to August
10 its officers verified the immigration status of 3,109 people under SB1070. On
those occasions, the Border Patrol responded just 45 times and took 24 people into
custody. One of the main things leading the police to ask for the immigration papers
of drivers is the lack of a driver's license or other official identification issued by the
state. According to the TPD, 43.1 percent of the people whose immigration status
was verified under SB1070 were of Hispanic origin, which, according to Villaseor, is
in line with the proportion of Latinos in Tucson.

TURN: Increasing the flow of immigrants pushes the U.S. over


the brink and causes disease spread.
Vliet 14 (Elizabeth Lee Vliet, M.D., Ellis Island Medal of Honor recipient and
preventative medicine specialist with practices in Arizona and Texas, Deadly
diseases crossing border with illegals, 6/17/2014, WND News,
http://www.wnd.com/2014/06/deadly-diseases-crossing-border-with-illegals/, DJE)
A flood of illegals has massively surged at our southwestern borders. The economic
impact of medical care, education and incarceration for illegals forced on taxpayers
is bankrupting Arizona. Why are such swarms entering the U.S. illegally NOW,
particularly children? Newspapers in Mexico and Central and South America are
actually describing U.S. open borders, encouraging people to come with promises
of food stamps or amnesty. It is textbook Cloward-Piven strategy to overwhelm
and collapse the economic and social systems, in order to replace them with a new
socialist order under federal control. Carried by this tsunami of illegals are the
invisible travelers our politicians dont like to mention: diseases the U.S. had
controlled or virtually eradicated: tuberculosis (TB), Chagas disease, dengue fever,
hepatitis, malaria, measles, plus more. I have been working on medical projects in
Central and South America since 2009, so I am aware of problems these countries
face from such diseases. A public health crisis, the likes of which I have not seen in
my lifetime, is looming. Hardest hit by exposures to these difficult-to-treat diseases
will be elderly, children, immunosuppressed cancer-patients, patients with chronic
lung disease or congestive heart failure. Drug-resistant tuberculosis is the most
serious risk, but even diseases like measles can cause severe complications and
death in older or immunocompromised patients. TB is highly contagious you catch

it anywhere around infected people: schools, malls, buses, etc. The drug-resistant
TB now coming across our borders requires a complex, extremely expensive
treatment regimen that has serious side effects and a low cure rate. Chagas, or
kissing bug disease, caused by the parasite Trypanosoma cruzi, is carried by the
triatomine bug that transmits disease to humans. Although kissing bugs are
already here, they are not as widespread as in Latin America. Right now, Chagas
disease is uncommon in the U.S., so many doctors do not think to check for it.
Chagas causes debilitating fatigue, headaches, body aches, nausea/vomiting, liver
and spleen enlargement, swollen glands, loss of appetite. When Chagas reaches the
chronic phase, medications will not cure it. It can kill by arrhythmias, congestive
heart failure or sudden cardiac arrest. Vaccine-preventable diseases like chicken
pox, measles and whooping cough spread like wildfire among unvaccinated
children. Other illnesses, along with scabies and head lice, also thrive as children
are transported by bus and herded into crowded shelters courtesy of the federal
government. Treatment costs are borne by taxpayers. Our public health
departments complain of being overtaxed by a dozen cases of measles or whooping
cough. How will they cope with thousands of patients with many different, and
uncommon, diseases? Americans, especially Medicaid patients, will see major
delays for treatment. Delays to see doctors at the Phoenix VA hospital cost the lives
of 58 veterans while waiting for care. This is just a portent of far more deaths to
come from delays for Americans medical care as thousands of sick illegals swamp
already overcrowded emergency rooms. How will these facilities stay open at all
under the financial burden of this huge unfunded federal mandate to provide free
treatment? People express concern about child endangerment from illegal minors
dumped on Arizona streets in hundred-plus degree heat, with no support. A bigger
concern is American endangerment from life-threatening diseases added to social
and economic collapse from costs of treating hundreds of thousands of illegals.

Diseases cause extinction


Guterl 12 [Fred, award-winning journalist and executive editor of Scientific
American, worked for ten years at Newsweek, has taught science at Princeton
University, The Fate of the Species: Why the Human Race May Cause Its Own
Extinction and How We Can Stop It, 1-2, Google Books, online
Over the next few years, the bigger story turned out not to be SARS, which trailed
off quickly, bur avian influenza, or bird flu. It had been making the rounds among
birds in Southeast Asia for years. An outbreak in 1997 Hong Kong and another in
2003 each called for the culling of thousands of birds and put virologists and health
workers into a tizzy. Although the virus wasn't much of a threat to humans,
scientists fretted over the possibility of a horrifying pandemic. Relatively few people
caught the virus, but more than half of them died. What would happen if this bird flu
virus made the jump to humans? What if it mutated in a way that allowed it to
spread from one person to another, through tiny droplets of saliva in the air? One
bad spin of the genetic roulette wheel and a deadly new human pathogen would
spread across the globe in a matter of days. With a kill rate of 60 percent, such
a pandemic would be devastating, to say the least. Scientists were worried, all

right, but the object of their worry was somewhat theoretical. Nobody knew for
certain if such a supervirus was even possible. To cause that kind of damage to the
human population, a flu virus has to combine two traits: lethality and
transmissibility. The more optimistically minded scientists argued that one trait
precluded the other, that if the bird flu acquired the ability to spread like wildfire, it
would lose its ability to kill with terrifying efficiency. The virus would spread, cause
some fever and sniffles, and take its place among the pantheon of ordinary flu
viruses that come and go each season. The optimists, we found out last fall, were
wrong. Two groups of scientists working independently managed to create bird flu
viruses in the lab that had that killer combination of lethality and
transmissibility among humans. They did it for the best reasons, of courseto
find vaccines and medicines to treat a pandemic should one occur, and more
generally to understand how influenza viruses work. If we're lucky, the scientists will
get there before nature manages to come up with the virus herself, or before
someone steals the genetic blueprints and turns this knowledge against us.
Influenza is a natural killer, but we have made it our own. We have created the
conditions for new viruses to flourishamong pigs in factory farms and live animal
markets and a connected world of international trade and traveland we've gone
so far as to fabricate the virus ourselves. Flu is an excellent example of how we
have, through our technologies and our dominant presence on the planet, begun to
multiply the risks to our own survival

Solvency
There would still be non-surveillance border patrol after the
plan
Miller 14 (Todd Miller has researched and written about U.S.-Mexican border issues for more than 10 years. He has worked on both
sides of the border for BorderLinks in Tucson, Arizona, and Witness for Peace in Oaxaca, Mexico. He now writes on border and immigration
issues for NACL, Todd

Miller, 4-22-2014, "Tomgram: Todd Miller, The Creation of a Border


Security State," Tomdispatch, http://www.tomdispatch.com/blog/175834/tomgram
%3A_todd_miller,_the_creation_of_a_border_security_state/) GW
Before 9/11, there was little federal presence on the Tohono Oodham reservation.
Since then, the expansion of the Border Patrol into Native American territory has
been relentless. Now, Homeland Security stations, filled with hundreds of agents
(many hired in a 2007-2009 hiring binge), circle the reservation. But unlike bouncers
at a club, they check people going out, not heading in. On every paved road leaving
the reservation, their checkpoints form a second border. There, armed agents -ever more of whom are veterans of Americas distant wars -- interrogate anyone
who leaves. In addition, there are two forward operating bases on the reservation,
which are meant to play the role -- facilitating tactical operations in remote regions
-- that similar camps did in Afghanistan and Iraq. Now, thanks to the Elbit Systems
contract, a new kind of border will continue to be added to this layering. Imagine
part of the futuristic Phoenix exhibition hall leaving Border Expo with the goal of
incorporating itself into the lands of a people who were living here before there was
a New World, no less a United States or a Border Patrol. Though this is
increasingly the reality from Brownsville, Texas, to San Diego, California, on Tohono
Oodham land a post-9/11 war posture shades uncomfortably into the leftovers from
a nineteenth century Indian war. Think of it as the place where the homeland
security state meets its older compatriot, Manifest Destiny. On the gate at the
entrance to her house, Tohono Oodham member Ofelia Rivas has put up a sign
stating that the Border Patrol cant enter without a warrant. It may be a fine
sentiment, reflecting a right embodied in the U.S. Constitution, but in the eyes of
the law, its ancient history. Only a mile from the international boundary, her
house is well within the 25-mile zone in which the Border Patrol can enter anyones
property without a warrant. These powers make the CBP a super-force in
comparison to the local law enforcement outfits it collaborates with. Although CBP
can enter property warrantlessly, it still needs a warrant to enter somebodys
dwelling. In the small community where Rivas lives, known as Ali Jegk, the agents
have overstepped even its extra-constitutional bounds with home invasions (as
people call them). Throughout the Tohono Oodham Nation, people complain about
Homeland Security vehicles driving at high speeds and tailgating on the roads. They
complain about blinding spotlights, vehicle pull-overs, and unexpected
interrogations. The Border Patrol has pulled Oodham tribal members out of cars,
pepper-sprayed them, and beaten them with batons. As local resident Joseph Flores
told a Tucson television station, It feels like were being watched all the time.
Another man commented, I feel like I have no civil rights. On the reservation,
people speak not only about this new world of intense surveillance, but also about
its raw impact on the Tohono Oodham people: violence and subjugation. Although

the tribal legislative council has collaborated extensively with Border Patrol
operations, Priscilla Lewis seemed to sum up the sentiments of many Oodham at an
open hearing in 2011: Too much harassment, following the wrong people, always
stopping us, including and especially those who look like Mexicans when driving or
walking in the desert... They have too much domination over us. At her house,
Ofelia Rivas tells me a story. One day, she was driving with Tohono Oodham elders
towards the U.S.-Mexican border when a low-flying Blackhawk helicopter seemingly
picked them up and began following them. Hanging out of the open helicopter doors
were CBP gunmen, she said. When they crossed the border into Mexico, the
helicopter tracked them through a forest of beautiful saguaro cacti while they
headed for a ceremonial site, 25 miles south of the border. They were, of course,
crossing what was a non-border to the Oodham, doing something they had done for
thousands of years. Hearing, even feeling the vibration of the propellers, one of the
elders said, I guess we are going to die. They laughed, Rivas added, as there was
nothing else to do. They laughed real hard. Then, a mile or so into Mexico, the
helicopter turned back. Americans may increasingly wonder whether NSA agents
are scouring their meta-data, reading their personal emails, and the like. In the
borderlands no imagination is necessary . The surveillance apparatus is in your face.
The high-powered cameras are pointed at you; the drones are above you; youre
stopped regularly at checkpoints and interrogated. Too bad if youre late for school,
a meeting, or an appointment. And even worse, if your skin complexion, or the way
youre dressed, or anything about you sets off alarm bells, or theres something that
doesnt smell quite right to the CBPs dogs -- and such dogs are a commonplace in
the region -- being a little late will be the least of your problems. As Rivas told me, a
typical exchange on the reservation might involve an agent at a checkpoint asking
an Oodham woman whether, as she claimed, she was really going to the grocery
store -- and then demanding that she show him her grocery list. People on the
reservation now often refer to what is happening as an armed occupation. Mike
Wilson, an Oodham member who has tried to put gallon jugs of water along routes
Mexican migrants might take through the reservation, speaks of the Border Patrol as
an occupying army. Its hardly surprising. Never before in the Nations history
under Spain, Mexico, or the United States have so many armed agents been present
on their land.

Those would circumvent any restrictions on surveillance. They


have done it before.
Miller 14 (Todd Miller has researched and written about U.S.-Mexican border issues for more than 10 years. He has worked on both
sides of the border for BorderLinks in Tucson, Arizona, and Witness for Peace in Oaxaca, Mexico. He now writes on border and immigration
issues for NACL, Todd

Miller, 4-22-2014, "Tomgram: Todd Miller, The Creation of a Border


Security State," Tomdispatch, http://www.tomdispatch.com/blog/175834/tomgram
%3A_todd_miller,_the_creation_of_a_border_security_state/) GW
Before 9/11, there was little federal presence on the Tohono Oodham reservation. Since then, the expansion of the Border Patrol
into Native American territory has been relentless. Now ,

Homeland Security stations, filled with


hundreds of agents (many hired in a 2007-2009 hiring binge), circle the reservation. But unlike bouncers at
a club, they check people going out, not heading in . On every paved road leaving the reservation, their

checkpoints form a second border. There,

armed agents -- ever more of whom are veterans of Americas distant


wars -- interrogate anyone who leaves. In addition, there are two forward operating bases on the reservation, which are meant to
play the role -- facilitating tactical operations in remote regions -- that similar camps did in Afghanistan and Iraq. Now, thanks to the
Elbit Systems contract, a new kind of border will continue to be added to this layering. Imagine part of the futuristic Phoenix
exhibition hall leaving Border Expo with the goal of incorporating itself into the lands of a people who were living here before there
was a New World, no less a United States or a Border Patrol. Though this is increasingly the reality from Brownsville, Texas, to
San Diego, California, on Tohono Oodham land a post-9/11 war posture shades uncomfortably into the leftovers from a nineteenth

where the homeland security state meets its older compatriot,


Manifest Destiny. On the gate at the entrance to her house, Tohono Oodham member Ofelia Rivas
has put up a sign stating that the Border Patrol cant enter without a warrant. It may
be a fine sentiment, reflecting a right embodied in the U.S. Constitution, but in the
eyes of the law, its ancient history. Only a mile from the international boundary, her house is well within the
century Indian war. Think of it as the place

25-mile zone in which the Border Patrol can enter anyones property without a warrant. These powers make the CBP a super-force in

CBP can enter property


warrantlessly, it still needs a warrant to enter somebodys dwelling . In the small community
where Rivas lives, known as Ali Jegk, the agents have overstepped even its extra-constitutional
bounds with home invasions (as people call them). Throughout the Tohono Oodham Nation, people complain
comparison to the local law enforcement outfits it collaborates with. Although

about Homeland Security vehicles driving at high speeds and tailgating on the roads. They complain about blinding spotlights,

The Border Patrol has pulled Oodham tribal


members out of cars, pepper-sprayed them, and beaten them with batons. As local
resident Joseph Flores told a Tucson television station, It feels like were being watched all the time. Another man
commented, I feel like I have no civil rights. On the reservation, people speak not only
about this new world of intense surveillance, but also about its raw impact on the
Tohono Oodham people: violence and subjugation. Although the tribal legislative council has
vehicle pull-overs, and unexpected interrogations.

collaborated extensively with Border Patrol operations, Priscilla Lewis seemed to sum up the sentiments of many Oodham at an
open hearing in 2011: Too

much harassment, following the wrong people, always stopping


us, including and especially those who look like Mexicans when driving or walking in
the desert... They have too much domination over us. At her house, Ofelia Rivas tells me a story. One
day, she was driving with Tohono Oodham elders towards the U.S.-Mexican border when a low-flying Blackhawk helicopter
seemingly picked them up and began following them. Hanging out of the open helicopter doors were CBP gunmen, she said. When
they crossed the border into Mexico, the helicopter tracked them through a forest of beautiful saguaro cacti while they headed for a
ceremonial site, 25 miles south of the border. They were, of course, crossing what was a non-border to the Oodham, doing
something they had done for thousands of years. Hearing, even feeling the vibration of the propellers, one of the elders said, I
guess we are going to die. They laughed, Rivas added, as there was nothing else to do. They laughed real hard. Then, a mile or so

Americans may increasingly wonder whether NSA agents


are scouring their meta-data, reading their personal emails, and the like. In the
borderlands no imagination is necessary . The surveillance apparatus is in your face.
The high-powered cameras are pointed at you; the drones are above you; youre
stopped regularly at checkpoints and interrogated. Too bad if youre late for school, a meeting, or an
into Mexico, the helicopter turned back.

appointment. And even worse, if your skin complexion, or the way youre dressed, or anything about you sets off alarm bells, or
theres something that doesnt smell quite right to the CBPs dogs -- and such dogs are a commonplace in the region -- being a little
late will be the least of your problems. As Rivas told me, a typical exchange on the reservation might involve an agent at a
checkpoint asking an Oodham woman whether, as she claimed, she was really going to the grocery store -- and then demanding
that she show him her grocery list.

People on the reservation now often refer to what is


happening as an armed occupation. Mike Wilson, an Oodham member who has tried to put gallon jugs of
water along routes Mexican migrants might take through the reservation, speaks of the Border Patrol as an occupying army. Its
hardly surprising. Never before in the Nations history under Spain, Mexico, or the United States have so many armed agents been
present on their land.

Their Austin evidence provides no warrant that curtailing


surveillance solves It concedes that legislation is ONLY
effective if the Tohono people participate
Austin 91(Megan, Fall 1991, A CULTURE DIVIDED BY THE UNITED STATES-MEXICO
BORDER: THE TOHONO O'ODHAM CLAIM FOR BORDER CROSSING RIGHTS, Arizona
Journal of International and Comparative Law [Vol. 8, No. 2], Accessed 7/14/15) CH
The Tohono O'odham Tribe suffers fundamental human rights violations under current policies governing the
international border between the United States and Mexico. The survival of this indigenous culture depends upon its
ability to pass through traditional lands freely, to collect raw materials for traditional foods and crafts and to visit
religious sites and family members. Current policies and laws of the United States deny the Tohono O'odham these

Border crossing legislation will help to eliminate these abuses . However, in


order to be effective, the legislation must allow the Tohono O'odham people to
participate in decisions regarding regulation of the border. The goal of the Tohono O'odham
rights.

Tribe is to protect its culture and assure its continued existence. Approaching the Tohono O'odham claim for border
crossing rights as a claim for basic human rights places indigenous groups within the scope of international
principles. The new movements of intemational law focus on the unique claims of indigenous groups, which amount
not to secession, but to a level of autonomy which permits the survival of their cultures. Guided by these
fundamental international principles, the United States and neighboring nations must recognize the right of the
Tohono O'odham to keep their culture alive.

Extra

Pseudo Speciation
Utilitarianism is good for policy makers leads to the most
benefits over harms
Manuel Velasquez,, 8-1-2014, "Calculating Consequences: The Utilitarian
Approach to Ethics," Markkula Center For Applied Ethic,
http://www.scu.edu/ethics/practicing/decision/calculating.html
Calculating Consequences: The Utilitarian Approach to Ethics Developed by Manuel Velasquez, Claire Andre,
Thomas Shanks, S.J., and Michael J. Meyer Imagine that the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency gets wind of a plot to
set off a dirty bomb in a major American city. Agents capture a suspect who, they believe, has information about
where the bomb is planted. Is it permissible for them to torture the suspect into revealing the bomb's whereabouts?
Can the dignity of one individual be violated in order to save many others? Greatest Balance of Goods Over Harms If
you answered yes, you were probably using a form of moral reasoning called "utilitarianism." Stripped down to its

utilitarianism is a moral principle that holds that the morally right course of
action in any situation is the one that produces the greatest balance of benefits
over harms for everyone affected. So long as a course of action produces maximum benefits for
essentials,

everyone, utilitarianism does not care whether the benefits are produced by lies, manipulation, or coercion. Many of
us use this type of moral reasoning frequently in our daily decisions. When asked to explain why we feel we have a
moral duty to perform some action, we often point to the good that will come from the action or the harm it will

Business analysts, legislators, and scientists weigh daily the resulting benefits
and harms of policies when deciding, for example, whether to invest resources in a certain public
project, whether to approve a new drug, or whether to ban a certain pesticide. Utilitarianism offers a relatively
straightforward method for deciding the morally right course of action for any
particular situation we may find ourselves in. To discover what we ought to do in any situation, we first
prevent.

identify the various courses of action that we could perform. Second, we determine all of the foreseeable benefits
and harms that would result from each course of action for everyone affected by the action. And third, we choose
the course of action that provides the greatest benefits after the costs have been taken into account. The principle
of utilitarianism can be traced to the writings of Jeremy Bentham, who lived in England during the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries. Bentham, a legal reformer, sought an objective basis that would provide a publicly acceptable
norm for determining what kinds of laws England should enact. He believed that the most promising way of
reaching such an agreement was to choose that policy that would bring about the greatest net benefits to society
once the harms had been taken into account. His motto, a familiar one now, was "the greatest good for the greatest
number." Over the years, the principle of utilitarianism has been expanded and refined so that today there are
many variations of the principle. For example, Bentham defined benefits and harms in terms of pleasure and pain.
John Stuart Mill, a great 19th century utilitarian figure, spoke of benefits and harms not in terms of pleasure and
pain alone but in terms of the quality or intensity of such pleasure and pain. Today utilitarians often describe
benefits and harms in terms of the satisfaction of personal preferences or in purely economic terms of monetary
benefits over monetary costs. Utilitarians also differ in their views about the kind of question we ought to ask
ourselves when making an ethical decision. Some utilitarians maintain that in making an ethical decision, we must
ask ourselves: "What effect will my doing this act in this situation have on the general balance of good over evil?" If
lying would produce the best consequences in a particular situation, we ought to lie. Others, known as rule
utilitarians, claim that we must choose that act that conforms to the general rule that would have the best
consequences. In other words, we must ask ourselves: "What effect would everyone's doing this kind of action have
on the general balance of good over evil?" So, for example, the rule "to always tell the truth" in general promotes
the good of everyone and therefore should always be followed, even if in a certain situation lying would produce the
best consequences. Despite such differences among utilitarians, however, most hold to the general principle that

morality must depend on balancing the beneficial and harmful consequences of our
conduct. - See more at: http://www.scu.edu/ethics/practicing/decision/calculating.html#sthash.7QghnbgB.dpuf

Basing an individuals identity off oppression destroys the


ability of the individual to create change turns their impacts
of domination, slavery, and every form of evil
Abbas 2010 [Asma, Professor and Division Head in Social Studies, Political Science,
Philosophy at the Liebowitz Center for International Studies at Bard College at
Simons Rock, Liberalism and Human Suffering: Materialist Reflections on Politics,
Ethics, and Aesthetics, London: Palgrave Macmillan, pg. Pg. 133- 136]
There is a fundamental reciprocity between how sufferers represent themselves, or
are represented, and the way in which their subjectivities and those of the injurers
are theorized in various political programs. Together, they determine the form of agency that is
granted to the victim within any paradigm. In many theoretical attempts at redeeming victims, the work of the
wounded remains attached to an imputed aspiration for agency modeled on the health of the agent qua

Seeing the wounded as agency-impaired affirms the


definition of victim as inadequate subject. There can be no justice done to the experience of
perpetrator, bystander, and rescuer.

suffering in its particularity if the only choice is to define it in relation toeven when only as the antithesis of
normalized healthy sovereign action. Critiques of liberalism that build on responses to orientalism and other colonial
discourses are suspicious of the mechanics of the identification of victims. For them, the victim status precludes any
status beyond that of the object of an action, necessitates powerlessness, and imposes slave morality.20 An
inevitable result is the objects own resignation to its assigned lack of subjectivity.21 In these criticisms, the
question of naming becomes inextricable from representation. It follows that the need and validity of representing
the victims, the oppressed, the third world, is doubted and, finally, rejected. However, these challenges still remain
attached to a relation to health as agency and to agency as health. An example is the call that victims and agents
are not mutually exclusivesomething to the effect that victims can be agents, too. Mohanty, for one, tells us of
cottage-industry working women in Narsapur who are not mere victims of the production process, because they
resist, challenge, and subvert the process at various junctures.22 What is implicit in the not mere victim
reaction? It brings to mind Martha Nussbaums claim that victimization does not preclude agency.23 Clearly at
work in Mohantys account is a defensiveness that ends up condoning and affirming the dominant notion of agency
it opposes. Occupying very different locations on the philosophical spectrum, Mohanty and Nussbaum seem closer

Why is a victim merely a victim? What does


it tell us regarding how we understand victimization? These reactions betray an
inability to factor in the mode of practice that is suffering , which may spurn the redemption of
in their gut reaction than their avowals would suggest.

the victim on the terms of health and agency, liberal style. These thinkers highlight how voice and representation
are so frequently framed in terms of agency, where agency itself becomes linked to representation: the victims or
nonagents need representation, and they are redeemed by obviating representation and granting a voice all in one
fell swoop. In my view, this link between agency and the authenticity of voice is a dubious one. It is on this suspect
convergence that Spivak makes an important intervention. In Can the Subaltern Speak? she concludes that the
subaltern cannot speak, an answer that, in dismissing Western intellectuals who make space for the subaltern to
speak, reinstates a project of rethinking representation and the victims experience. Spivaks analysis is more
nuanced than Mohantys, which rejects the very need and validity of this representation. Spivak takes issue with
Foucaults wish to let the subaltern speak in their own voice, which does not take seriously the notion that they
have no voice as yet, and that this speechlessness is what defines the subaltern. She saves the notion of
representation by arguing that, in the absence of a language of their own, there is no alternative but to represent
the subaltern in a way that is sensitive to their silence.24 As I argued in Chapters 2 and 3, the fetish of voice itself
must be subject to a suspicion, since it serves those who thrive on its consolations more than those who are bid
speak and must do so in order to write themselves in. This is not to say that that the victimits discursive and
material realitydoes not need redressal in a liberatory politics. Far from that, one can see it as a representationa
Darstellung and a Vorstellung that has to itself be a subject of any social theoretical endeavor that is materialist in
its imperative to make conditions (for the possibility of change) out of necessities. Liberal fictions and power
structures need victims; unwittingly or not, they sustain them as they are themselves nourished by the latters
surplus suffering. Interestingly, the same Nietzsche who inspires a suspicion of the agent is also someone who
forces a consideration of the material history, weight, and imperatives of agency, and of the terms and labor of its
overcoming. It is more than a coincidence that Nietzsches transition from the slave revolt in the first essay of On
the Genealogy or Morals to the story of guilt, ressentiment, and punishment in the second essay, involves the myth
of the doer behind the deed.25 This transition is about suffering. Nietzsches views on subjects and subjection
suggest not merely that there is no doer but that the core of human existence is the suffering of that doingthat
the subject is, in any case, subject to itself and its deeds. (As far as the fictive nature of the subject is concerned,
Nietzsche drives home the very brutally material nature of fictions are fictions ever merely fictions?) The

centrality of the agent in liberalisms focus on suffering is manifest in the necessity of an agent as the cause or
remedy of suffering. This raises the question of which fiction is more enduring in the liberal framework: the agent
who causes the injury or the victim who is injured with that agency? In both cases, liberalisms attention is clear. In
its keenness to see as good for liberal justice only the suffering that can be traced to a sanctioned agent, it makes
victims into objects of the action. While neither of these options exhausts the possibilities in reality, they do

This is why the agent looms so large, even in the imaginations of


critics of liberalism, that it holds the promise, in its potential idealist-linguistic
overcoming, of the undoing of the stigmatizing victim identity it spawns. However,
the sufferer subjected to the fictions of agency and of the production of injury
suffers these fictions through her labors of sustaining and unwriting them.
necessitate each other.

Turns dehumanization - their Miller 14 narrative paints a


picture that all there is to Tohonos is their oppression
Delgado 93 [46 Vand. L. Rev. 672 (1993) On Telling Stories in School: A Reply to
Farber and Sherry ; Delgado, Richard]
It is difficult to evaluate someone who at the same time is evaluating you putting
you under the glass, dissecting your culture, laws, profession, and norms of political
fairness. The outsiders task is formidable enough: first seeing, then addressing,
defects in the culture in which all of us, including the outsider, are immersed . But when
one sets out, as Daniel Farber and Suzanna Sherry do in a recent article, to come to terms with outsider scholarship fairly and

Empowered groups long ago


established a host of stories, narratives, conventions, and understandings that today, through repetition,
seem natural and true. Among these are criteria of judgment -the terms and
categories by which we decide which things are good, valid, worthy, and true. Today,
newcomers are telling their own versions, including counterstories, whose purpose is to reveal the contingency,
partiality, and self-serving quality of the stories on which we have been relying to order our world.
sympathetically, the tasks difficulty increase by an order of magnitude.

Their evidence on pseudo-speciation only says tribal police


participate in it
Miller 14 (Todd Miller has researched and written about U.S.-Mexican border issues for more than 10 years. He has worked on both
sides of the border for BorderLinks in Tucson, Arizona, and Witness for Peace in Oaxaca, Mexico. He now writes on border and immigration
issues for NACL, Todd

Miller, 4-22-2014, "Tomgram: Todd Miller, The Creation of a Border


Security State," Tomdispatch, http://www.tomdispatch.com/blog/175834/tomgram
%3A_todd_miller,_the_creation_of_a_border_security_state/)TB
Between the unbridled enthusiasm of the vendors with their techno-optimistic solutions
and the reality of border life in the Tohono Oodham Nation -- or for that matter just about
anywhere along the 2,000-mile divide -- the chasm couldnt be wider. On the reservation
back in 2012, Longoria called in the GPS coordinates of the unknown dead woman, as so
many agents have done in the past and will undoubtedly do in the years to come.
Headquarters in Tucson contacted the Tohono Oodham tribal police. The agents waited
in the baking heat by the motionless body. When the tribal police pulled up, they took her
picture, as they have done with other corpses so many times before. They rolled her over
and took another picture. Her body was, by now, deep purple on one side. The tribal police
explained to Longoria that it was because the blood settles there. They brought out a plastic
body bag. Pseudo-speciation, Longoria told me. That, he said, is how they deal with it. He
talked about an interview hed heard with a Vietnam vet on National Public Radio, who said

that to deal with the dead in war, you have to take a person and change his genus. Give
him a whole different category. You couldnt stand looking at these bodies, so you detach
yourself. You give them a different name that detracts from their humanness . The tribal
police worked with stoic faces. They lifted the body of this woman, whose past life, whose
story, whose loved ones were now on another planet, onto a cart attached to an all-terrain
vehicle and headed off down a bumpy dirt road with the body bouncing up and down.

Physical Violence
There is property damage committed against the indigenous
from passing migrants. There is only a risk that reducing U.S.
border patrol would cause this to increase.
Pitts 13 (Byron Pitts, ABC News Anchor & Chief National Correspondent, In
Efforts to Secure US-Mexico Border, Ariz. Native Americans Feel Caught in the
Middle, 7/27/2013, ABC News, http://abcnews.go.com/US/efforts-secure-us-mexicoborder-ariz-native-americans/story?id=19496394, DJE)
In the Tohono O'odham Nation is "The San Miguel Gate," an area on the U.S.-Mexico
border considered to be sacred by the Tohono O'odham. It is the only place where
Native Americans can freely walk across the border, but there, the only thing
separating Mexico and the U.S. is a low fence guarded by a lone border patrol agent
and a light pole powered by a generator. Verlon Jose, a Tohono O'odham tribal
leader whose family has lived on the reservation for generations, and other
members of his tribe talked to "Nightline" at "The San Miguel Gate." Jose
acknowledged that the Gate carries a myriad of problems. "Drugs come through
here, migrants come through here," he said. "We see harassment from individuals
who are moving contraband north, moving migrants north. Homes broken into,
vehicles broken into. It's gotten more aggressive ." Jose's cousin Francine Jose lives
in a remote part of the reservation and estimated that her house is broken into
about once a month by people crossing the border illegally. There is no cell service
inside her house so she can't easily call for help -- according to authorities, the
police response time to her house can take up to 45 minutes -- and she said the
border crossers who walk across her property know it. " They are constantly breaking
in all the time," Francine Jose said. "There was one just recently where they cooked
stuff, about a month ago, slept."

Yes, Border patrol agents can be abusive, but they are only
part of the problem. Corruption, tribal police and white
supremacists are alt causes.
Norrell 13 (Brenda Norrell, a reporter of Indian country for 33 years, Tohono
O'odham oppose new federal police on sovereign Indian land, 7/25/2013, The
Narcosphere, http://narcosphere.narconews.com/notebook/brendanorrell/2012/07/tohono-oodham-oppose-new-federal-police-sovereign-indian-land,
DJE)
SELLS, Arizona -- Tohono O'odham members say it is time to halt the swarm of
federal agents on their sovereign land, who are violating their rights and abusing
them. This week, a new federal police vehicle of the Bureau of Indian Affairs was
seen on sovereign Tohono O'odham land making traffic stops. "I'm wondering who is
behind the tinted windows. Are they O'odham or non-O'odham," said an O'odham

member, whose name is not published due to the constant targeting of O'odham
activists by police and agents. "Many of our tribal police are non-O'odham and do
not know about our culture. They cannot communicate with our people who are
non-English speakers, and don't understand about the sacredness of Tohono
O'odham land." "O'odham living on our land do not know who these new federal
police are, with these new vehicles." "The land is over-run by Immigration, Customs,
Enforcement (ICE,) US Border Patrol, Department of Homeland Security, tribal
police, tribal rangers and now the BIA federal police. " "We have all this enforcement
on Tohono O'odham land and innocent people get harassed, innocent people get
pulled over and held at gunpoint. It is a police state." "The abuse of sovereignty now
extends to our own people. Tribal police are coopted by Homeland Security and
carry out their abuse," the O'odham member said. Along with the swarm of police
and border agents on sovereign Tohono O'odham land, there are the Shadow
Wolves, a US public relations scheme which the media writes romantic fiction about.
Meanwhile, the few reporters that do actually go out to Tohono O'odham land are
most often spoonfed their report by politicians and agents. Tohono O'odham
members say the elected tribal government is being controlled by dollars from the
US government. The elected tribal politicians refuse to protect O'odham from the
ongoing abuse by tribal police and US border agents . O'odham are held at gunpoint,
flashlights shined in their homes at night and even beaten by US Border Patrol
agents. The media continues to cover up the facts, and instead fuels US/Mexico
border xenophobia. While focusing on drug running, the media fails to report the
murder of migrants by Border Patrol agents and the large number of Border Patrol
agents being convicted of drug running and aiding cartels. Further, both the media
and law enforcement ignore the heavily-armed white supremacists at the border.

If anything, the lack of law enforcement leaves natives open to


Cartel abuse
Pavlich 14 (Katie Pavlich, editor and New York Times Best-Selling author, Illegal
Immigrant Sentenced For Sexual Abuse of 11-Year-Old Girl, 2/10/2014,
http://townhall.com/tipsheet/katiepavlich/2014/02/10/illegal-immigrant-sentencedfor-sexual-abuse-of-two-native-american-women-n1792584, DJE)
An illegal immigrant from Honduras, 39-year-old Hernan Ramirez-Ortega, has been
sentenced to 27 years in prison for sexually abusing an 11-year-old Tohono O'odham
girl. He was also sentenced for sexually abusing a woman living on the Gila River
Indian Reservation. At the time time of the abuse, Ramirez-Ortega was living on the
Tohono O'odham Nation. He plead guilty to the crimes in 2010. The Tohono O'odham
Nation spans nearly 3 million acres from the U.S. border with Mexico up into
Arizona. The reservation ends near the most popular intersection for drug and
human trafficking in the country near Casa Grande, where I-8 and I-10 intersect.
The lack of law enforcement on the Tohono O'odham allows cartels to operate
freely and gives them easy access to the rest of the country. They use it as an entry
point, marry into Indian families so they can live on the reservation and , if a village
is small enough, cartel members will simply walk in and take property by lethal
force.

Obama is successfully addressing the issue of violence in the


Tohono Nation
Wagner 13 (Dennis Wagner, reporter and columnist covering terrorism, the
border, federal law enforcement and Native nations, Poor justice on Arizona Indian
reservations has crime running rampant, 9/13/2010,
http://www.azcentral.com/news/investigations/contact/governmentaccountability.html, DJE)
In his first year at the White House, President Barack Obama promised to repair the
broken justice system in Indian country. And he appears to be offering substance
along with speeches: He appointed Native Americans to key posts and ordered
Cabinet secretaries to conduct "listening sessions" with tribal leaders. He requested
$449 million for tribal public-safety programs and authorized more FBI victim
specialists, BIA investigators and federal prosecutors to fight Native crime. Obama
signed the Tribal Law and Order Act of 2010 , a measure he promoted to increase
authority of Indian police and allow Native courts to issue felony sentences of up to
three years. The measure, signed in July, requires training in sexual-assault cases
for Indian law officers. Federal agents and attorneys are now obliged to share
evidence with tribal justice officials. Obama also issued a mandate, along with
Attorney General Eric Holder, that U.S. attorneys visit Indian country regularly to
meet with tribal leaders and develop operational plans . The goal: better law
enforcement and more prosecutions, especially in cases of violence against women
and children. Dennis Burke, the U.S. attorney for Arizona, said communications are
paying off. After learning about problems with rape cases on the Navajo
Reservation, he sent a letter in June to health officials there requesting records of
every incident reported to tribal medical workers during the previous 18 months. In
the letter, Burke vows to ensure that "all provable sex assault offenses in Indian
country are prosecuted."

Conditions are improving with increased government funding


Wagner 13 (Dennis Wagner, reporter and columnist covering terrorism, the
border, federal law enforcement and Native nations, Poor justice on Arizona Indian
reservations has crime running rampant, 9/13/2010,
http://www.azcentral.com/news/investigations/contact/governmentaccountability.html, DJE)
Native American justice advocates, including Hallie Bongar White, executive director
of the Southwest Center for Law and Policy in Tucson, said there is restrained belief
that Washington, D.C., may finally offer more than lip service. "There is a difference
in the Obama administration," said Bongar White, noting that White House rhetoric
already has been backed with new funding, programs and appointments. "I see
them moving a little bit more to provide resources and listening more to Native
nations." Bongar White, whose non-profit group provides legal training to tribal

communities, said the change is beginning to show. The Tohono O'odham Nation in
southern Arizona recently received money for rape-victim advocates. This spring,
she taught tribal police in New Mexico the protocols of rape investigations. Sexualassault response teams are forming across Indian country. Kim Pound, former police
chief at the Fort Apache Reservation, said Congress appropriated money for tribes in
the past but it didn't always seem to filter down. There were exceptions, though.
Pound said he managed to increase officer salaries in Whiteriver (from starting pay
of $14 per hour to $19), purchase crime-scene kits and raise professional standards.
Still, he can't help being skeptical. "Stuff that happens in Indian country, if it
occurred in any town or city of this country, people would be up in arms," Pound
said. "But they don't care." Everette Little Whiteman, police chief for the Oglala
Sioux Tribe and a former BIA agent in Arizona, said it will take years to break the
cycle of victimization. "The problem is that crimes are not investigated
thoroughly. . . . We need money," he said. Paul Charlton, an outspoken advocate for
tribal-justice reform and a former U.S. attorney for Arizona, said Obama has made a
start but a paradigm shift is needed before law and order will succeed in Native
communities. "This is a system that has been in place since the late 1880s, and it's
not working," Charlton said. "The idea that the federal government should be
responsible for crimes in Indian country is something that has to be changed."

Plan doesnt solve for the Tohono Oodham police that attempt
to shut down villages their own card
Brenda Norrell, 4-8-2014, "CENSORED NEWS: Mike Wilson: US Border Patrol shot
Tohono O'odham at border," Censored News,
http://bsnorrell.blogspot.com/2014/04/mike-wilson-us-border-patrol-shot.html
SAN MIGUEL, TOHONO OODHAM NATION Mike Wilson, Tohono Oodham, said the US Border Patrol shot two
Tohono Oodham at the border, one in the face. The Border Patrol claims Oodham side-swiped its vehicle in San
Miguel, The Gate, on Tohono Oodham land at the US Mexico border. However, Wilson points out in the video

the Tohono Oodham government, Tohono Oodham police, and US Border


Patrol can not be trusted. Wilson said that neither the Tohono Oodham government nor
police have taken steps to ensure the safety of Oodham when faced with the US Border Patrol.
below that

He said these human rights violations by the US Border Patrol inflicted on Oodham have been going on for more

Wilson expresses his


concern over the Tohono Oodham Nation governments efforts to disable the new
district of Hia-Ced on the western portion of the Tohono Oodham Nation near Ajo, Arizona. He said even
though the Tohono Oodham Nation initially approved of the new district , it is now
doing everything in its power to ensure that the new district fails . Wilson has put out water
than 10 years and the Tohono Oodham Nation has done nothing to halt this. Further,

for years for migrants, over the objections of the Tohono Oodham government, and his life-saving water containers
were vandalized. Wilsons water stations have been in the area of the Tohono Oodham Nation with one of the
highest rates of death. Wilson has also aided humanitarian groups searching for the bodies of missing migrants on

the Tohono Oodham Nation has been able to control


and silence much of the mainstream media. The Tohono Oodham police have
threatened and stalked Oodham human rights activists to silence them . Now, the US
the Tohono Oodham Nation. Meanwhile,

Homeland Security has given the US southern border contract to an Israeli company, Elbit Systems, which is also
responsible for Apartheid security surrounding Palestine. Elbit Systems now has the contract to construct US spy
towers on Tohono Oodham land. The Tohono Oodham Legislative Council approved the construction of the 15th
spy tower on sovereign Oodham land, according to the May 7, 2013 resolution, despite Oodham protests over the
militarization of their lands.

Tribal police are understaffed and overworked the plan would


only increase their burden
Wakeling et. al. 01 (Stewart Wakeling; Miriam Jorgensen, Research Director for
the Native Nations Institute at the University of Arizona; Susan Michaelson; Manley
Begay, director of the Native Nations Institute for Leadership, Management, and
Policy, Policing on American Indian Reservations, July 2001, research report by the
US Department of Justice pages 15-18,
https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/188095.pdf, DJE)
The workload of police departments in Indian Country is increasing at a significant
rate. General evidence of this trend comes from our survey data, brief site visits,
and four intensive site visits. Specific evidence is given in exhibits 25, which
approximate the increase in calls for service, incident reports, and arrests from the
Tohono Oodham Nation, the Three Affiliated Tribes of the Fort Berthold Reservation,
and the Confederated Salish and Kootenai Tribes of the Flathead Reservation. The
Tohono Oodham data (exhibits 2 and 3) show an average annual increase between
1994 and 1996 of more than 20 percent in incident reports and nearly 30 percent in
arrests. During that period, not only the overall pressure on the department
increased, but also the workload of individual officers because the number of sworn
officers remained relatively constant. The Three Affiliated Tribes data (exhibit 4)
show an average annual increase in arrests of more than 30 percent between 1992
and 1994. As at Tohono Oodham, this led to an increased demand for service from
individual officers, since the increase in calls for service and arrests outpaced the
expansion of the Fort Berthold department staff. The Confederated Salish and
Kootenai Tribes data (exhibit 5) show an average annual increase of 15 percent in
calls for service and 45 percent in cited offenses from fiscal year 1992 to fiscal year
1996. Several new officers were hired in fiscal year 1995, but again, not in
proportion to the additional workload. Anecdotal evidence suggests that these
workload increases are partly due to increases in serious crime and emergencies on
reservations. But other simple explanations should not be overlooked. For example,
unlike many smaller Indian police departments, the Tohono Oodham department
has a 911 system; the communitys growing reliance on 911 is a strong contributing
factor to the increase in calls for service. These systems may be a broader cause of
the increased workload we observed across Indian Country. As Indian police
departments implement automated call management, they may be experiencing
the surge in high-priority calls and heightened demand that urban departments
experienced when they established 911 systems (Sparrow, Moore, and Kennedy
1990). For the Confederated Salish and Kootenai department, the large increase in
demand from fiscal year 1994 to 1995 occurred as a result of retrocession, by
which the State of Montana ceded control over reservation policing to the tribe.
(This change is discussed in greater depth in chapter 4.) While this was a fairly
dramatic increase in tribal control, in which a tribe subject to the authority of PL 83
280 regained its former rights, other Indian nations also are increasing their
jurisdictional sweep, largely through cross-deputization agreements. Thus, another
simple cause of Indian police departments increased workload is increased
authority over the offenses committed within reservation boundaries. Yet, there is
good reason to believe that the increased workload in Indian police departments is

not simply the result of rising serious crime and emergencies, the greater
availability of 911 services, or expanded jurisdictional rights. It also appears that
communities are placing new demands on police departments to respond more
frequently and more rapidly to a broad range of problems. Many researchers have
asserted that tribal communities have become less and less reliant on traditional
methods of problem or conflict resolution and more reliant on the police (for
example, Nielsen 1996; Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples 1996). Our
observations support this conclusion. For example, at Tohono Oodham, not only has
the demand for police services increased, but, in recent years, there has also been a
steady increase in the tribal advocates caseloads; by 1996, each of the 10
advocates handled approximately 500 cases per year, an estimate that does not
include the cases handled by private attorneys and other legal services providers on
the reservation. Similarly, defense advocates at Gila River reported that they
stopped accepting traffic cases (misdemeanor violations of tribal traffic laws) in the
early 1990s because so many more serious cases filled their dockets.

Border
Plan doesnt solve for 225 mile long electric fence cutting
through the territory
Indian Country Today Media Network, 9-1-2004, "An open letter to the UN
regarding the Tohono O'odham border,"
http://indiancountrytodaymedianetwork.com/2004/09/01/open-letter-un-regardingtohono-oodham-border-93922
To the United Nations Secretariat of the Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues: We are writing in reference to a
press release recently circulated by some members of the Tohono O'odham Nation that contained inaccurate
information. While we are sure the intent of these individuals was not to mislead the United Nations or the general
public, it is imperative that accurate and complete information on issues of such importance is provided. The media
alert released by these members stated in part: " The

225-mile-long wall will run along the entire


Arizona-Mexico border, bisecting 74 miles of O'odham land. The fence will be lit 24
hours a day by 400 high-security floodlights, which will impact local residences . Along
the first wall of railroad ties and steel sheets, 145 remote cameras will conduct surveillance. Homeland
Security forces will patrol a paved road that will that will run in between the first
fence and a secondary fence with razor-edged coils on top. " As the duly-elected leaders of
the Tohono O'odham Nation, we submit for the record the current challenges facing the Tohono O'odham Nation and
its members in relation to its location on the U.S./Mexico border, and the solutions being undertaken to address

The Tohono O'odham Nation is a sovereign government located in


Southern Arizona spanning 2.8 million acres, 75 miles of which is contiguous to the
U.S border with the Republic of Mexico. Our members have lived in the deserts of Southern Arizona
these challenges.

since time immemorial and, because the U.S.-Mexico international boundary divides our traditional ancestral lands,
there are over 1,400 tribal members who currently reside in Mexico. It is critical that all recognized members of the
Tohono O'odham Nation maintain the right to cross the border to see families and friends, to receive services and to
participate in religious ceremonies and other events. Read more at
http://indiancountrytodaymedianetwork.com/2004/09/01/open-letter-un-regarding-tohono-oodham-border-93922

The plan solves nothing. Confirming identity as a projection of


Western culture and beliefs onto the Tohono people is
inevitable due to legal requirements.
Agencia EFE 14 (Spanish international news agency, Arizona's Controversial
Law Scaring Away Immigrants, Police Chief Says, 8/13/2015,
http://latino.foxnews.com/latino/politics/2014/08/12/arizona-police-chief-aimsb1070-was-scaring-immigrants/, DJE)
Tucson, Arizona The Tucson police said Arizona's controversial SB1070 immigration
law was designed to make the immigrant community afraid of law enforcement
authorities and leave the state. "This law was originally designed so that
undocumented immigrants would be afraid of the police, be afraid of coming to ask
for help, feel themselves to be a target and, in that sense, I think that the law was
successful, given that some of them have left the state voluntarily," said Roberto
Villaseor in an interview with Efe. Arizona's Hispanic community has continued to
fight against SB1070 since it went into effect in 2010, and they complain about
cases of abuse by the law enforcement agencies. At the heart of the debate is the

law's controversial Section 2(B), also known as the "show me your papers"
provision, that since 2012 requires police officers to ask about the immigration
status of people they "suspect" of being undocumented. Villaseor said that his
officers comply with SB1070 by contacting the Border Patrol as soon as they
determine there is probable cause to believe a person may be undocumented,
rejecting accusations that the Tucson Police Department discriminates against the
immigrant community. "The idea exists that the police have the option to call the
Border Patrol or not, but the truth is that we don't," said Villaseor, who was
appointed police chief in 2009. The TPD has been the target of protests after a
confrontation last Sunday between police, Border Patrol agents and activists who lay
down underneath official vehicles to try and prevent an undocumented immigrant
from being handed over to immigration authorities. "I understand the confusion and
the dissatisfaction that exists among activists and members of the community
about the interpretation of the law. The way in which SB1070 is written gives no
other option to police departments than to verify the immigration status of the
detained person," Villaseor said. According to TPD figures, from June 12 to August
10 its officers verified the immigration status of 3,109 people under SB1070. On
those occasions, the Border Patrol responded just 45 times and took 24 people into
custody. One of the main things leading the police to ask for the immigration papers
of drivers is the lack of a driver's license or other official identification issued by the
state. According to the TPD, 43.1 percent of the people whose immigration status
was verified under SB1070 were of Hispanic origin, which, according to Villaseor, is
in line with the proportion of Latinos in Tucson.

Solvency
There would still be non-surveillance border patrol after the
plan
Miller 14 (Todd Miller has researched and written about U.S.-Mexican border issues for more than 10 years. He has worked on both
sides of the border for BorderLinks in Tucson, Arizona, and Witness for Peace in Oaxaca, Mexico. He now writes on border and immigration
issues for NACL, Todd

Miller, 4-22-2014, "Tomgram: Todd Miller, The Creation of a Border


Security State," Tomdispatch, http://www.tomdispatch.com/blog/175834/tomgram
%3A_todd_miller,_the_creation_of_a_border_security_state/) GW
Before 9/11, there was little federal presence on the Tohono Oodham reservation.
Since then, the expansion of the Border Patrol into Native American territory has
been relentless. Now, Homeland Security stations, filled with hundreds of agents
(many hired in a 2007-2009 hiring binge), circle the reservation. But unlike bouncers
at a club, they check people going out, not heading in. On every paved road leaving
the reservation, their checkpoints form a second border. There, armed agents -ever more of whom are veterans of Americas distant wars -- interrogate anyone
who leaves. In addition, there are two forward operating bases on the reservation,
which are meant to play the role -- facilitating tactical operations in remote regions
-- that similar camps did in Afghanistan and Iraq. Now, thanks to the Elbit Systems
contract, a new kind of border will continue to be added to this layering. Imagine
part of the futuristic Phoenix exhibition hall leaving Border Expo with the goal of
incorporating itself into the lands of a people who were living here before there was
a New World, no less a United States or a Border Patrol. Though this is
increasingly the reality from Brownsville, Texas, to San Diego, California, on Tohono
Oodham land a post-9/11 war posture shades uncomfortably into the leftovers from
a nineteenth century Indian war. Think of it as the place where the homeland
security state meets its older compatriot, Manifest Destiny. On the gate at the
entrance to her house, Tohono Oodham member Ofelia Rivas has put up a sign
stating that the Border Patrol cant enter without a warrant. It may be a fine
sentiment, reflecting a right embodied in the U.S. Constitution, but in the eyes of
the law, its ancient history. Only a mile from the international boundary, her
house is well within the 25-mile zone in which the Border Patrol can enter anyones
property without a warrant. These powers make the CBP a super-force in
comparison to the local law enforcement outfits it collaborates with. Although CBP
can enter property warrantlessly, it still needs a warrant to enter somebodys
dwelling. In the small community where Rivas lives, known as Ali Jegk, the agents
have overstepped even its extra-constitutional bounds with home invasions (as
people call them). Throughout the Tohono Oodham Nation, people complain about
Homeland Security vehicles driving at high speeds and tailgating on the roads. They
complain about blinding spotlights, vehicle pull-overs, and unexpected
interrogations. The Border Patrol has pulled Oodham tribal members out of cars,
pepper-sprayed them, and beaten them with batons. As local resident Joseph Flores
told a Tucson television station, It feels like were being watched all the time.
Another man commented, I feel like I have no civil rights. On the reservation,

people speak not only about this new world of intense surveillance, but also about
its raw impact on the Tohono Oodham people: violence and subjugation. Although
the tribal legislative council has collaborated extensively with Border Patrol
operations, Priscilla Lewis seemed to sum up the sentiments of many Oodham at an
open hearing in 2011: Too much harassment, following the wrong people, always
stopping us, including and especially those who look like Mexicans when driving or
walking in the desert... They have too much domination over us. At her house,
Ofelia Rivas tells me a story. One day, she was driving with Tohono Oodham elders
towards the U.S.-Mexican border when a low-flying Blackhawk helicopter seemingly
picked them up and began following them. Hanging out of the open helicopter doors
were CBP gunmen, she said. When they crossed the border into Mexico, the
helicopter tracked them through a forest of beautiful saguaro cacti while they
headed for a ceremonial site, 25 miles south of the border. They were, of course,
crossing what was a non-border to the Oodham, doing something they had done for
thousands of years. Hearing, even feeling the vibration of the propellers, one of the
elders said, I guess we are going to die. They laughed, Rivas added, as there was
nothing else to do. They laughed real hard. Then, a mile or so into Mexico, the
helicopter turned back. Americans may increasingly wonder whether NSA agents
are scouring their meta-data, reading their personal emails, and the like. In the
borderlands no imagination is necessary . The surveillance apparatus is in your face.
The high-powered cameras are pointed at you; the drones are above you; youre
stopped regularly at checkpoints and interrogated. Too bad if youre late for school,
a meeting, or an appointment. And even worse, if your skin complexion, or the way
youre dressed, or anything about you sets off alarm bells, or theres something that
doesnt smell quite right to the CBPs dogs -- and such dogs are a commonplace in
the region -- being a little late will be the least of your problems. As Rivas told me, a
typical exchange on the reservation might involve an agent at a checkpoint asking
an Oodham woman whether, as she claimed, she was really going to the grocery
store -- and then demanding that she show him her grocery list. People on the
reservation now often refer to what is happening as an armed occupation. Mike
Wilson, an Oodham member who has tried to put gallon jugs of water along routes
Mexican migrants might take through the reservation, speaks of the Border Patrol as
an occupying army. Its hardly surprising. Never before in the Nations history
under Spain, Mexico, or the United States have so many armed agents been present
on their land.

Those would circumvent any restrictions on surveillance. They


have done it before.
Miller 14 (Todd Miller has researched and written about U.S.-Mexican border issues for more than 10 years. He has worked on both
sides of the border for BorderLinks in Tucson, Arizona, and Witness for Peace in Oaxaca, Mexico. He now writes on border and immigration
issues for NACL, Todd

Miller, 4-22-2014, "Tomgram: Todd Miller, The Creation of a Border


Security State," Tomdispatch, http://www.tomdispatch.com/blog/175834/tomgram
%3A_todd_miller,_the_creation_of_a_border_security_state/) GW
Before 9/11, there was little federal presence on the Tohono Oodham reservation. Since then, the expansion of the Border Patrol
into Native American territory has been relentless. Now ,

Homeland Security stations, filled with

hundreds of agents (many hired in a 2007-2009 hiring binge), circle the reservation. But unlike bouncers at
a club, they check people going out, not heading in . On every paved road leaving the reservation, their
checkpoints form a second border. There, armed agents -- ever more of whom are veterans of Americas distant
wars -- interrogate anyone who leaves. In addition, there are two forward operating bases on the reservation, which are meant to
play the role -- facilitating tactical operations in remote regions -- that similar camps did in Afghanistan and Iraq. Now, thanks to the
Elbit Systems contract, a new kind of border will continue to be added to this layering. Imagine part of the futuristic Phoenix
exhibition hall leaving Border Expo with the goal of incorporating itself into the lands of a people who were living here before there
was a New World, no less a United States or a Border Patrol. Though this is increasingly the reality from Brownsville, Texas, to
San Diego, California, on Tohono Oodham land a post-9/11 war posture shades uncomfortably into the leftovers from a nineteenth

where the homeland security state meets its older compatriot,


Manifest Destiny. On the gate at the entrance to her house, Tohono Oodham member Ofelia Rivas
has put up a sign stating that the Border Patrol cant enter without a warrant. It may
be a fine sentiment, reflecting a right embodied in the U.S. Constitution, but in the
eyes of the law, its ancient history. Only a mile from the international boundary, her house is well within the
century Indian war. Think of it as the place

25-mile zone in which the Border Patrol can enter anyones property without a warrant. These powers make the CBP a super-force in

CBP can enter property


warrantlessly, it still needs a warrant to enter somebodys dwelling . In the small community
where Rivas lives, known as Ali Jegk, the agents have overstepped even its extra-constitutional
bounds with home invasions (as people call them). Throughout the Tohono Oodham Nation, people complain
comparison to the local law enforcement outfits it collaborates with. Although

about Homeland Security vehicles driving at high speeds and tailgating on the roads. They complain about blinding spotlights,

The Border Patrol has pulled Oodham tribal


members out of cars, pepper-sprayed them, and beaten them with batons. As local
resident Joseph Flores told a Tucson television station, It feels like were being watched all the time. Another man
commented, I feel like I have no civil rights. On the reservation, people speak not only
about this new world of intense surveillance, but also about its raw impact on the
Tohono Oodham people: violence and subjugation. Although the tribal legislative council has
vehicle pull-overs, and unexpected interrogations.

collaborated extensively with Border Patrol operations, Priscilla Lewis seemed to sum up the sentiments of many Oodham at an
open hearing in 2011: Too

much harassment, following the wrong people, always stopping


us, including and especially those who look like Mexicans when driving or walking in
the desert... They have too much domination over us. At her house, Ofelia Rivas tells me a story. One
day, she was driving with Tohono Oodham elders towards the U.S.-Mexican border when a low-flying Blackhawk helicopter
seemingly picked them up and began following them. Hanging out of the open helicopter doors were CBP gunmen, she said. When
they crossed the border into Mexico, the helicopter tracked them through a forest of beautiful saguaro cacti while they headed for a
ceremonial site, 25 miles south of the border. They were, of course, crossing what was a non-border to the Oodham, doing
something they had done for thousands of years. Hearing, even feeling the vibration of the propellers, one of the elders said, I
guess we are going to die. They laughed, Rivas added, as there was nothing else to do. They laughed real hard. Then, a mile or so

Americans may increasingly wonder whether NSA agents


are scouring their meta-data, reading their personal emails, and the like. In the
borderlands no imagination is necessary . The surveillance apparatus is in your face.
The high-powered cameras are pointed at you; the drones are above you; youre
stopped regularly at checkpoints and interrogated. Too bad if youre late for school, a meeting, or an
into Mexico, the helicopter turned back.

appointment. And even worse, if your skin complexion, or the way youre dressed, or anything about you sets off alarm bells, or
theres something that doesnt smell quite right to the CBPs dogs -- and such dogs are a commonplace in the region -- being a little
late will be the least of your problems. As Rivas told me, a typical exchange on the reservation might involve an agent at a
checkpoint asking an Oodham woman whether, as she claimed, she was really going to the grocery store -- and then demanding
that she show him her grocery list.

People on the reservation now often refer to what is


happening as an armed occupation. Mike Wilson, an Oodham member who has tried to put gallon jugs of
water along routes Mexican migrants might take through the reservation, speaks of the Border Patrol as an occupying army. Its
hardly surprising. Never before in the Nations history under Spain, Mexico, or the United States have so many armed agents been
present on their land.

Their Austin evidence provides no warrant that curtailing


surveillance solves It concedes that legislation is ONLY
effective if the Tohono people participate
Austin 91(Megan, Fall 1991, A CULTURE DIVIDED BY THE UNITED STATES-MEXICO
BORDER: THE TOHONO O'ODHAM CLAIM FOR BORDER CROSSING RIGHTS, Arizona
Journal of International and Comparative Law [Vol. 8, No. 2], Accessed 7/14/15) CH
The Tohono O'odham Tribe suffers fundamental human rights violations under current policies governing the
international border between the United States and Mexico. The survival of this indigenous culture depends upon its
ability to pass through traditional lands freely, to collect raw materials for traditional foods and crafts and to visit
religious sites and family members. Current policies and laws of the United States deny the Tohono O'odham these

Border crossing legislation will help to eliminate these abuses . However, in


order to be effective, the legislation must allow the Tohono O'odham people to
participate in decisions regarding regulation of the border. The goal of the Tohono O'odham
rights.

Tribe is to protect its culture and assure its continued existence. Approaching the Tohono O'odham claim for border
crossing rights as a claim for basic human rights places indigenous groups within the scope of international
principles. The new movements of intemational law focus on the unique claims of indigenous groups, which amount
not to secession, but to a level of autonomy which permits the survival of their cultures. Guided by these
fundamental international principles, the United States and neighboring nations must recognize the right of the
Tohono O'odham to keep their culture alive.

Disease Turn

1NC
(Read this on the Borders advantage)

TURN: Increasing the flow of contaminated immigrants pushes


the U.S. over the brink and causes disease spread.
Vliet 14 (Elizabeth Lee Vliet, M.D., Ellis Island Medal of Honor recipient and
preventative medicine specialist with practices in Arizona and Texas, Deadly
diseases crossing border with illegals, 6/17/2014, WND News,
http://www.wnd.com/2014/06/deadly-diseases-crossing-border-with-illegals/, DJE)
A flood of illegals has massively surged at our southwestern borders. The economic
impact of medical care, education and incarceration for illegals forced on taxpayers
is bankrupting Arizona. Why are such swarms entering the U.S. illegally NOW,
particularly children? Newspapers in Mexico and Central and South America are
actually describing U.S. open borders, encouraging people to come with promises
of food stamps or amnesty. It is textbook Cloward-Piven strategy to overwhelm
and collapse the economic and social systems, in order to replace them with a new
socialist order under federal control. Carried by this tsunami of illegals are the
invisible travelers our politicians dont like to mention: diseases the U.S. had
controlled or virtually eradicated: tuberculosis (TB), Chagas disease, dengue fever,
hepatitis, malaria, measles, plus more. I have been working on medical projects in
Central and South America since 2009, so I am aware of problems these countries
face from such diseases. A public health crisis, the likes of which I have not seen in
my lifetime, is looming. Hardest hit by exposures to these difficult-to-treat diseases
will be elderly, children, immunosuppressed cancer-patients, patients with chronic
lung disease or congestive heart failure. Drug-resistant tuberculosis is the most
serious risk, but even diseases like measles can cause severe complications and
death in older or immunocompromised patients. TB is highly contagious you catch
it anywhere around infected people: schools, malls, buses, etc. The drug-resistant
TB now coming across our borders requires a complex, extremely expensive
treatment regimen that has serious side effects and a low cure rate. Chagas, or
kissing bug disease, caused by the parasite Trypanosoma cruzi, is carried by the
triatomine bug that transmits disease to humans. Although kissing bugs are
already here, they are not as widespread as in Latin America. Right now, Chagas
disease is uncommon in the U.S., so many doctors do not think to check for it.
Chagas causes debilitating fatigue, headaches, body aches, nausea/vomiting, liver
and spleen enlargement, swollen glands, loss of appetite. When Chagas reaches the
chronic phase, medications will not cure it. It can kill by arrhythmias, congestive
heart failure or sudden cardiac arrest. Vaccine-preventable diseases like chicken
pox, measles and whooping cough spread like wildfire among unvaccinated
children. Other illnesses, along with scabies and head lice, also thrive as children
are transported by bus and herded into crowded shelters courtesy of the federal
government. Treatment costs are borne by taxpayers. Our public health
departments complain of being overtaxed by a dozen cases of measles or whooping
cough. How will they cope with thousands of patients with many different, and
uncommon, diseases? Americans, especially Medicaid patients, will see major
delays for treatment. Delays to see doctors at the Phoenix VA hospital cost the lives

of 58 veterans while waiting for care. This is just a portent of far more deaths to
come from delays for Americans medical care as thousands of sick illegals swamp
already overcrowded emergency rooms. How will these facilities stay open at all
under the financial burden of this huge unfunded federal mandate to provide free
treatment? People express concern about child endangerment from illegal minors
dumped on Arizona streets in hundred-plus degree heat, with no support. A bigger
concern is American endangerment from life-threatening diseases added to social
and economic collapse from costs of treating hundreds of thousands of illegals.

Diseases cause extinction


Guterl 12 [Fred, award-winning journalist and executive editor of Scientific
American, worked for ten years at Newsweek, has taught science at Princeton
University, The Fate of the Species: Why the Human Race May Cause Its Own
Extinction and How We Can Stop It, 1-2, Google Books, online
Over the next few years, the bigger story turned out not to be SARS, which trailed
off quickly, bur avian influenza, or bird flu. It had been making the rounds among
birds in Southeast Asia for years. An outbreak in 1997 Hong Kong and another in
2003 each called for the culling of thousands of birds and put virologists and health
workers into a tizzy. Although the virus wasn't much of a threat to humans,
scientists fretted over the possibility of a horrifying pandemic. Relatively few people
caught the virus, but more than half of them died. What would happen if this bird flu
virus made the jump to humans? What if it mutated in a way that allowed it to
spread from one person to another, through tiny droplets of saliva in the air? One
bad spin of the genetic roulette wheel and a deadly new human pathogen would
spread across the globe in a matter of days. With a kill rate of 60 percent, such
a pandemic would be devastating, to say the least. Scientists were worried, all
right, but the object of their worry was somewhat theoretical. Nobody knew for
certain if such a supervirus was even possible. To cause that kind of damage to the
human population, a flu virus has to combine two traits: lethality and
transmissibility. The more optimistically minded scientists argued that one trait
precluded the other, that if the bird flu acquired the ability to spread like wildfire, it
would lose its ability to kill with terrifying efficiency. The virus would spread, cause
some fever and sniffles, and take its place among the pantheon of ordinary flu
viruses that come and go each season. The optimists, we found out last fall, were
wrong. Two groups of scientists working independently managed to create bird flu
viruses in the lab that had that killer combination of lethality and
transmissibility among humans. They did it for the best reasons, of courseto
find vaccines and medicines to treat a pandemic should one occur, and more
generally to understand how influenza viruses work. If we're lucky, the scientists will
get there before nature manages to come up with the virus herself, or before
someone steals the genetic blueprints and turns this knowledge against us.
Influenza is a natural killer, but we have made it our own. We have created the
conditions for new viruses to flourishamong pigs in factory farms and live animal
markets and a connected world of international trade and traveland we've gone
so far as to fabricate the virus ourselves. Flu is an excellent example of how we

have, through our technologies and our dominant presence on the planet, begun to
multiply the risks to our own survival

2NC
Border surveillance is essential in preventing infected
immigrants from crossing the border
Siegel 14 (Marc Siegel, M.D., is a professor of medicine and medical director of
Doctor Radio at New York Universitys Langone Medical Center, A Public Health
Crisis at the Border, 7/3/2014,
http://www.slate.com/articles/health_and_science/medical_examiner/2014/07/childre
n_crossing_border_illegally_a_possible_public_health_crisis_from.html, DJE)
Diseases that are endemic to other countries are not always the same ones that we
face in the United States. This is a medical observation, not a political one, and it is
the reason immigrants who enter this country legally face rigorous screenings in
advance of entry for sexually transmitted diseases, active tuberculosis, new strains
of influenza, leprosy, cholera, and plague. The U.S. Department of Health and
Human Services and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention require that all
legal immigrants receive a medical exam. Proof of vaccination is also mandatory for
measles, mumps, rubella, polio, tetanus, diphtheria, pertussis, haemophilus strains,
hepatitis A and B, rotavirus, meningococcus, chicken pox, pneumonia, and seasonal
flu. None of these rigorous screenings can be done in advance of entry on people
who enter this country illegally and undetected. And once people are detained, the
screenings they receive are not nearly as rigorous or effective at controlling the
spread of disease. This is the reason that we have a potential public health crisis
along our southern border. As many as 50,000 children, mostly from Central
American countries, are now being housed in cramped makeshift detention centers
by the U.S. government. Unfortunately, they are not being detained for the purpose
of identifying illness, with Immigration and Customs Enforcement relying on selfreport of symptoms, and many have already been sent to other states, where
disease can spread. According to Kenneth J. Wolfe, deputy director of public affairs
for the Administration for Children and Families at Health and Human Services,
children who enter the HHS unaccompanied alien children program are given a wellchild exam and vaccinations against communicable diseases. They are also
screened for TB and mental health problems, and placed in quarantine or special
facilities as needed. But health care workers at these cramped, overwhelmed
centers have not been speaking to the news media, so it is difficult to know exactly
which diseases have appeared and how many cases there are. Large outbreaks
have been reported of scabies, a highly contagious, intensely itchy rash spread by
tiny insects called mites. A senior spokesman for CDC told me that HHS is taking the
lead in providing medical services for these centers in southwest Texas and Arizona.
When a case of H1N1 swine flu was diagnosed in late June, 2,000 flu vaccines were
flown in. Since it takes two to three weeks for a vaccine to confer protection, more
cases of flu are likely within the centers. It is also possible that the disease will
spread to the local community and beyond. Drug-resistant tuberculosis also appears
to have spread, with several counties in southern Texas reporting twice the usual
average number of cases. TB is a disease that needs to be carefully monitored and
screened for, a prospect that is not possible under the current circumstances.

Dengue fever, a potentially deadly mosquito-borne disease that causes fatigue, pain
in the bones and muscles, and fever, and infects close to 100 million people
worldwide every year, has been detected this year in southern Texas for the first
time since 2005. Illegal immigrants, possibly from Mexico, are a likely source. If
infected mosquitoes begin to breed here, we could see more outbreaks. There have
been reports of measles and chicken pox at the centers, both of which are highly
contagious and can spread to other children who arent vaccinated. A physician
working to take care of any infected child must treat that child with compassion and
appropriate medication. He or she should never provide substandard care or weigh
in on the political issue of whether a child should be in this country or how he or she
got here. At the same time, immigrants in poor health or suffering from a
communicable illness who enter this country illegally create public health risks . This
is why we have such an extensive system for screening the health of legal
immigrants in the first place before they are allowed in. It is not a political
statement to say that the effectiveness of these screenings is being
undermined if hundreds of thousands pass through our borders without
them. Whatever the partisan arguments about how this crisis erupted, the most
urgent question right now is how to prevent a public health crisis. HHS told me that
the CDC has now activated its Emergency Operations Center to Level III, which
means it is on 24-hour alert to better coordinate and track their programs in support
of what HHS is calling the urgent humanitarian situation of unaccompanied
children along the southwest border. But calling it a crisis and working to contain it
are two different things. It is clear that the CDC needs to be more involved
immediately to help identify, treat, and contain emerging diseases. Putting a cone
of secrecy around the health concerns of 50,000 children helps neither those who
are sick nor those who are placed at risk.

Health screening at the US-Mexican border must remain in


place to prevent dangerous disease spread.
McKay 13 (Betsy McKay, Atlanta bureau chief for The Wall Street Journal, Risk of
Deadly TB Exposure Grows Along U.S.-Mexico Border, 3/8/2013, The Wall Street
Journal,
http://www.wsj.com/articles/SB10001424127887323293704578336283658347240,
DJE)
TIJUANA, MexicoHe was like many people in their early 20s, at least the type with
spiky black hair and two lip rings. Four years ago, while living in this teeming border
city, Gonzalo Garcia says he spent free time in the U.S., to shop, meet girls, and
"hang out." He had no idea he was developing a potentially deadly form of
tuberculosis. Exactly how long he had it will never be known. He says he started
losing weight and becoming tired and tried to get help. But it took a year before a
doctor finally figured out what was wrong: He had a drug-resistant strain of TB.
"Many doctors said I was just fine," said Mr. Garcia, sitting in the clinic where he was
cured. The Tijuana General Hospital TB Clinic in Mexico is working to treat drugresistant strains of tuberculosis. Many people with the deadly disease enter the U.S.
from Mexico. WSJ's Betsy McKay reports. To this day, it isn't clear if he infected

anyone on either side of the border while he was contagious. But his tale illustrates
a nagging concern among health officials who say the 2,000-mile border between
the U.S. and Mexico could become a breeding ground for one of the hardest forms
of TB to treat. Already, both California and Texas, as well as some states on the
Mexico side of the border, have unusually high rates of drug-resistant TB. "This is a
very hot region" for drug-resistant TB, said Rafael Laniado-Laborin, chief of Tijuana
General Hospital's tuberculosis clinic and laboratory, who has had an influx of new
patients recentlyincluding one who recently returned from the U.S. and is in the
middle of treatment. With tuberculosis of any form, people can get around until the
disease is quite advanced. "You will go and work and move around," he said. " You
will transmit the disease before you know you're sick ." To be sure, the actual
number of cases in the U.S. and Mexico is still small and the rates of multidrugresistant TBor MDRare nowhere near as severe as India, China, or Eastern
Europe, where drug-resistant TB is at epidemic proportions. In 2011, the most
recent year available, Mexico had 467 MDR-TB cases, the World Health Organization
estimates, while the U.S. had 124, according to the Centers for Disease Control and
Prevention. Almost half of the U.S. cases came from California and Texas. Health
officials say it is crucial to jump on prevention now, because the disease is
transmitted airborne and can spread quickly. "We're all connected by the air we
breathe," said Thomas Frieden, director of the CDC, and a TB expert who
successfully battled a major outbreak of multidrug-resistant TB in New York City in
the 1990s, then spearheaded India's TB-fighting program for the World Health
Organization. Gonzalo Garcia has struggled with drug-resistant tuberculosis while
living in Tijuana. He doesn't know when he contracted the disease. In its drugresistant forms, TB can still be fatal, and the treatment may be painful, requiring up
to two years or more of medication and potentially months of isolation. Costs are
steep too; according to a recent CDC study, treatment on average in the U.S. was
about $140,000 and ran as high as $700,000.

T-Surveillance
D. Interpretation:
Surveillance is systematic collection of information
Kalhan 14 Anil Kalhan, Associate Professor of Law, Drexel University.

Maryland Law
Review 2014 74 Md. L. Rev. 1 Article: IMMIGRATION SURVEILLANCE lexis
A. The Functions and Practices of Immigration Surveillance
As conceptualized by John Gilliom and Torin Monahan, surveillance involves "the systematic
monitoring, gathering, and analysis of information in order to make decisions, minimize risk,
sort populations, and exercise power." n112 In this Section, I identify and analyze a series of
specific surveillance practices and technologies that have become increasingly important
components of immigration enforcement strategies. The processes and technologies that
comprise the information infrastructure of immigration enforcement enable new approaches
to four distinct sets of surveillance activities: identification, screening and authorization,
mobility tracking and control, and information sharing.

E. Violation:
While the aff does curtail a lot of surveillance that falls under
our interpretation, they also affect non-surveillance related
border operations
Miller 14 (Todd Miller has researched and written about U.S.-Mexican border issues for more than 10 years. He has worked on both
sides of the border for BorderLinks in Tucson, Arizona, and Witness for Peace in Oaxaca, Mexico. He now writes on border and immigration
issues for NACL, Todd

Miller, 4-22-2014, "Tomgram: Todd Miller, The Creation of a Border


Security State," Tomdispatch, http://www.tomdispatch.com/blog/175834/tomgram
%3A_todd_miller,_the_creation_of_a_border_security_state/) GW
Before 9/11, there was little federal presence on the Tohono Oodham reservation. Since then, the expansion of the
Border Patrol into Native American territory has been relentless. Now ,

Homeland Security stations,


filled with hundreds of agents (many hired in a 2007-2009 hiring binge), circle the reservation.
But unlike bouncers at a club, they check people going out, not heading in . On every paved road
leaving the reservation, their checkpoints form a second border . There, armed agents -- ever
more of whom are veterans of Americas distant wars -- interrogate anyone who leaves. In
addition, there are two forward operating bases on the reservation, which are
meant to play the role -- facilitating tactical operations in remote regions -- that similar
camps did in Afghanistan and Iraq. Now, thanks to the Elbit Systems contract, a new kind of border will continue to
be added to this layering. Imagine part of the futuristic Phoenix exhibition hall leaving Border Expo with the goal of
incorporating itself into the lands of a people who were living here before there was a New World, no less a United
States or a Border Patrol. Though this is increasingly the reality from Brownsville, Texas, to San Diego, California,
on Tohono Oodham land a post-9/11 war posture shades uncomfortably into the leftovers from a nineteenth

where the homeland security state meets its older


Manifest Destiny. On the gate at the entrance to her house, Tohono Oodham member
Ofelia Rivas has put up a sign stating that the Border Patrol cant enter without a
warrant. It may be a fine sentiment, reflecting a right embodied in the U.S.
Constitution, but in the eyes of the law, its ancient history. Only a mile from the
century Indian war. Think of it as the place
compatriot,

international boundary, her house is well within the 25-mile zone in which the Border Patrol can enter anyones
property without a warrant. These powers make the CBP a super-force in comparison to the local law enforcement
outfits it collaborates with. Although CBP can enter property warrantlessly , it still needs a warrant to
enter somebodys dwelling. In the small community where Rivas lives, known as Ali Jegk, the agents have
overstepped even its extra-constitutional bounds with home invasions (as people call them). Throughout the
Tohono Oodham Nation, people complain about Homeland Security vehicles driving at high speeds and tailgating

The
Border Patrol has pulled Oodham tribal members out of cars, pepper-sprayed them,
and beaten them with batons. As local resident Joseph Flores told a Tucson television station, It feels
like were being watched all the time. Another man commented, I feel like I have no civil
rights. On the reservation, people speak not only about this new world of intense
surveillance, but also about its raw impact on the Tohono Oodham people: violence
and subjugation. Although the tribal legislative council has collaborated extensively with Border Patrol
operations, Priscilla Lewis seemed to sum up the sentiments of many Oodham at an open hearing in 2011: Too
much harassment, following the wrong people, always stopping us, including and
especially those who look like Mexicans when driving or walking in the desert...
They have too much domination over us. At her house, Ofelia Rivas tells me a story. One day, she
on the roads. They complain about blinding spotlights, vehicle pull-overs, and unexpected interrogations.

was driving with Tohono Oodham elders towards the U.S.-Mexican border when a low-flying Blackhawk helicopter
seemingly picked them up and began following them. Hanging out of the open helicopter doors were CBP gunmen,
she said. When they crossed the border into Mexico, the helicopter tracked them through a forest of beautiful
saguaro cacti while they headed for a ceremonial site, 25 miles south of the border. They were, of course, crossing
what was a non-border to the Oodham, doing something they had done for thousands of years. Hearing, even
feeling the vibration of the propellers, one of the elders said, I guess we are going to die. They laughed, Rivas
added, as there was nothing else to do. They laughed real hard. Then, a mile or so into Mexico, the helicopter

Americans may increasingly wonder whether NSA agents are scouring


their meta-data, reading their personal emails, and the like. In the borderlands no
imagination is necessary. The surveillance apparatus is in your face. The highpowered cameras are pointed at you; the drones are above you; youre stopped
regularly at checkpoints and interrogated. Too bad if youre late for school, a meeting, or an
turned back.

appointment. And even worse, if your skin complexion, or the way youre dressed, or anything about you sets off
alarm bells, or theres something that doesnt smell quite right to the CBPs dogs -- and such dogs are a
commonplace in the region -- being a little late will be the least of your problems. As Rivas told me, a typical
exchange on the reservation might involve an agent at a checkpoint asking an Oodham woman whether, as she
claimed, she was really going to the grocery store -- and then demanding that she show him her grocery list .

People on the reservation now often refer to what is happening as an armed


occupation. Mike Wilson, an Oodham member who has tried to put gallon jugs of water along routes Mexican
migrants might take through the reservation, speaks of the Border Patrol as an occupying army. Its hardly
surprising. Never before in the Nations history under Spain, Mexico, or the United States have so many armed
agents been present on their land.

F. The aff is extra-topical which is a voter for limits.


It allows affirmative teams to gain advantage ground off of
planks of plans that do not fall under the resolution and that
the neg could never have prepared for.
They are literally gaining advantages off of the removal of
checkpoints.
This justifies affs like (insert ideas here).

Cartel DA

1NC
Organized crime along the border is in decline
Cawley 13 (Marguerite Cawley, journalist on organized crime, Violent Crime on
the US Southwest Border Decreased from 2004-2011: Study, 2/27/2013, Insight
Crime, http://www.insightcrime.org/news-briefs/violent-crime-on-the-us-southwestborder-decreased-from-2004-2011-study, DJE)
A US government study points to an overall decrease in US border crime between
2004 to 2011, further indicating that fears of a "spillover" effect from Mexico's war
against organized crime may be unfounded. The report, released by the United
States Government Accountability Office (GAO) earlier this month, found that the
average rate for both violent and property crimes had dropped in the US Southwest
border states. Arizona saw the most significant decline , of 33 percent over the
seven-year time period. Other decreases were seen in Texas (30 percent), California
(26 percent), and New Mexico (eight percent from 2005 onward). Significantly,
violent crime was found to be lower in border counties than in non-border counties
for all the years examined in three out of the four states -- California, New Mexico
and Texas -- with Arizona the only exception. The GAO also reported that assaults
against Border Patrol agents decreased between 2008 to 2012, to levels 25 percent
lower than in 2006. Officials from 31 of the 37 state and local law enforcement
agencies interviewed by the GAO stated that they had not observed violent crime
from Mexico regularly spilling over into the US, although many said they were still
concerned about safety levels in the region. Local law enforcement officials told the
GAO that increased law enforcement personnel and new infrastructure may have
contributed to the declining crime rates. Recent US federal efforts -- including
technical assistance to Mexico under the 2008 Merida Initiative and $600 million put
towards border security in 2010 -- have also aimed to curb violence in the region.
InSight Crime Analysis Concerns have long existed about the extent to which
Mexico's conflict may affect security dynamics in the US border states. Several
incidents, involving Mexican nationals carrying out violent attacks in relation to the
drug trade on US soil, have only served to feed such fears . However, available data
has generally failed to support these concerns. Figures from the Federal Bureau of
Investigations (FBI), for example, show that violent crime in Arizona declined from
532 incidents per 100,000 inhabitants in 2000, to 408 in 2010. An analysis by
Austin-based newspaper the Statesman found that, despite the release of a
government-sponsored report warning of escalating violence in Texas, the combined
number of murders in the state's 14 border counties fell by 33 percent between
2006 and 2010. The GAO's most recent study further supports the interpretation
that claims of rampant "spillover violence" in the US border region have been
mostly exaggerated.

Eliminating border patrol in the Tohono Oodham nation will


collapse the best prevention methods against cartel crime.
Pitts 13 (Byron Pitts, ABC News Anchor & Chief National Correspondent, In
Efforts to Secure US-Mexico Border, Ariz. Native Americans Feel Caught in the

Middle, 7/27/2013, ABC News, http://abcnews.go.com/US/efforts-secure-us-mexicoborder-ariz-native-americans/story?id=19496394, DJE)


In Southwest Arizona, where the U.S. and Mexico borders meet, the U.S. Border
Patrol has made huge strides in capturing border crossers and seizing drugs from
Mexican cartels, but there is one stretch of land along the border that has made life
a daily hell for a tribe of Native Americans. The Tohono O'odham Nation, a Native
American reservation about the size of Connecticut, is located in the Sonoran
Desert, about 60 miles south of Tucson, Ariz., right on the U.S. border with Mexico.
Here, there is no barbed-wire high fence, but open desert, with only a vehicle barrier
meant to stop cars but not people. It is an area where the U.S. government has the
fewest resources and the widest open space to patrol, making it a hot spot for
Mexican drug cartels and human smuggling operations . "Nightline" spent 48 hours
with U.S. Border Patrol agents and the Tohono O'odham reservation police force to
get a firsthand look at the battle on the border. "The Tohono O'odham Nation is one
of our most problematic areas," Arizona Commander Jeffrey Self of the U.S. Border
Patrol told "Nightline". "The narcotics smugglers have moved up into the
mountainous area. There is not a lot of access." While border-crossing
apprehensions in Arizona are down 43 percent from two years ago, it is a different,
more complicated story on the Tohono O'odham Nation. Drug seizures on the
reservation are steadily climbing -- nearly 500,000 pounds of marijuana was seized
last year, a number that has nearly doubled since 2010. Recently, Tohono O'odham
police seized $1 million worth of marijuana in just one week. But the Tohono
O'odham tribal members are caught in the middle of a war between the Mexican
drug cartels coming through their community and the U.S. Border Patrol officers
who tribal members say have become more aggressive to stop them.

If cartels gain ground they will launch bioterror attacks


Lentzos 14, Senior Research Fellow in the Department of Social Science, Health
and Medicine at Kings College London (1/27/14, Filippa Lentzos, BioSocieties, The
risk of bioweapons use: Considering the evidence base)
I can see a situation in which a group of individuals will set up a cell and do these
things in a state that doesnt have effective laws in place, probably no laws in place
at all. And they could quite easily build up a small laboratory complex in a safe
haven state: develop a device, even test it in a sort of rudimentary way within the
safe haven state, and then from that, build up a device which they could take and
use somewhere else. And I dont think that has happened yet with any group trying
to develop biological weapons, but its certainly happened with illicit drug type
production, where theres been a bunch of individuals who are making illicit drugs,
and as the laws tighten up in one particular country, theyll relocate to a second
country. And as things tighten there, theyll go to a third country. So thats
happened certainly in the Asia Pacific, with illicit drug cartels, and I can see a
scenario where that could happen with bioweapons too. And that really the
motivation behind my interests in helping smaller countries develop legislation,
develop government structures, including law enforcement, to make it more difficult

for these rogues to do these things within these states.And just because the Aum
Shinrikyo attempts werent successful, it doesnt mean to say that its okay, that its
more difficult than everybody thought, it wont happen. I think there may well be a
certain level of complacency starting to develop, and that we may well be caught
out later on. It mightnt be very sophisticated, but it could be a very disruptive
event. Former bioweapons inspector and microbiologist: I agree, even if biological
weapons havent been used that doesnt mean they wont be. Maybe its still easier
to cause terror through other means. But we could not have anticipated 9/11; we
could not foresee that airplanes would be used for that sort of attack. So we cant
foresee all scenarios, we dont know what is next, so I wouldnt exclude anything.
And the biothreat is more relevant than a nuclear threat; I mean, you cant easily
acquire a nuclear or even dirty bomb. But you can easily acquire biological agents.
You dont even have to break into a lab, you can get it in nature, you can get if off a
sick person. And, you dont even necessarily have to weaponize it. I mean how
many casualties do you need to cause terror? You dont need mass casualties, its
not war. Were talking about infectious disease agents being spread deliberately,
and that doesnt necessarily require weaponization.

Bioterrorism is an existential threat that risks mass deaths and


social disorder
Saunders-Hastings 14 (Patrick Saunders-Hastings, doctoral student in the
Population Health program at the University of Ottawa, Securitization Theory and
Biological Weapons, 1/8/2014, http://www.e-ir.info/2014/01/08/securitizationtheory-and-biological-weapons/, DJE)
A governments decision to securitize an issue is a strategy to make extreme
responses seem justified, and it centers on the perceived existential risk a threat
poses to the population. Beginning with a brief history of biological weapons use,
this section will aim to defend the framing of biological weapons use as an
existential threat by examining their ability to cause mortality or to generate
negative social and economic fallout. A brief discussion of the potential catastrophic
consequences of a smallpox attack will illustrate the argument. The use of biological
weapons dates back centuries. Examples include the Tatars catapulting plagueinfected corpses over city walls at the siege of Kaffa in the 14th century, the
deliberate triggering of a smallpox epidemic among Native Americans via
contaminated blankets in the 18th century during the French and Indian War, and
the contamination of salad bars with salmonella at a restaurant in Oregon in the
20th century2. However, with the development of the germ theory during the 19th
and into the 20th century, there was an increase in scientific knowledge about
biological weapons. States became increasingly interested in such weapons, with
Japan establishing a bioweapons program between 1932-1945, the United States in
1942, and the Soviet Union in 197313. In 1972, in response to increasing concern
about the threat of biological weapons, the United Nations proposed the Convention
on the Prohibition of the Development, Production and Stockpiling of Bacteriological

(Biological) and Toxin Weapons and on their Destruction, more commonly known as
the Biological Weapons Convention (or BWC)14. The treaty came into effect in 1975,
and banned the development, acquisition, and stockpiling of biological weapons1.
However, it failed to halt the research and development of biological weapons,
which have continued into the 21st century. Those who argue that government
response to the biological weapons threat has been overstated point to very low
mortality in previous attacks11. The anthrax attacks of 2001 in the United States,
for example, resulted in only 5 deaths15. This argument could be used to urge
governments to instead invest resources in areas that consistently cause higher
mortality, such as infectious diseases like AIDS or even the seasonal flu. However, in
carrying out a threat assessment, it is also important to look at the potential for
mortality. Here it has been suggested future attacks may not be on the same
relatively small scale as those in the past15. It is difficult to produce reliable
estimates of fatalities that might result from an attack; there is huge variation in
estimates and, often, little statistical evidence to support the predictions11. That
said, it is agreed that, in theory, even small amounts of a dangerous biological
agent could cause significant mortality if prepared and disseminated effectively16.
For instance, the WHO estimates that 50kg of B. anthracis distributed upwind of a
population of 500 000 would leave 95 000 people dead and 125 000 more
incapacitated17. Other sources suggest that 100kg of B. anthracis, disseminated via
a crop-sprayer, could kill as many as three million people, and comparable values
have been projected for other agents2,18. Another concern is that a contagious
biological agent will result in person-to-person transmission, creating a selfsustaining effect not present in any other weapons class10. While mass casualties
are possible, it is also important to note that, even in situations with few casualties,
biological weapons attacks may have profound social and economic ramifications3.
Such attacks could lead to widespread social panic and disorder, resulting in selfdestructive behaviour and creating what is called a societal autoimmune effect
involving increases in crime and looting19. While there is little evidence to predict
this would occur based on previous disaster situations (such as the terrorist attacks
on the World Trade Center in 1993 and 2001, where the public reaction is described
as effective and adaptive, rather than panicked and disruptive), it must remain a
consideration20. The effects of a largescale attack involving biological weapons are
unknown, and epidemics of highly fatal diseases may cause serious social
disruption20. The economic consequences of biological weapons attacks are severe
and suggest that investing in defense makes good economic sense. While there
were only five deaths in the 2001 anthrax attacks, those attacks resulted in tens of
billions of dollars in government spending21. Also, the financial sector may be
negatively impacted if investor confidence plummets3. Similarly, an attack on the
agricultural sector, which accounts for 15% of the United States GDP, could have
severe economic ramifications3. If the biological agent being used is contagious,
there could also be implications for trade and travel restrictions3. The SARS
epidemic of 2003 showed the economic consequences of a highly infectious
disease, essentially crippling some of the most dynamic cities in the world4. The
Center for Biosecurity has estimated the economic cost of a biological weapons
attack in the U.S. could exceed one trillion USD15. In short, there are social and
economic consequences that, considered in conjunction with the potential for

catastrophically high mortality, justify the framing of biological weapons as a


significant existential threat to the United States . This is illustrated by considering
the specific case of smallpox.

UQ
Violence is downJuarez proves
Denvir 7/1, A Philadelphia-Based Contributing Writer To Citylab and A Former
Staff Reporter At Philadelphia City Paper. (7/1/15, Daniel Denvir, CityLab, Jurez to
Tourists: It's Safe to Come Back Now, http://www.citylab.com/crime/2015/07/juarezto-tourists-its-safe-to-come-back-now/397232/)
Murder capital of the world is no one's idea of a good tourism promotion. But Ciudad
Jurez's murder tally has long since plummeted from the astronomical high of more
than 3,000 recorded in 2010. In 2014, 424 or 538 people were reported killed in
Jurez (depending on what entity is doing the reporting). Per capita, even that
higher number represents a murder rate similar to that ofDetroit or New Orleans.
The border city nonetheless remains forbidden territory for Americans who in prior
decades would cross over from El Paso in droves to visit family, bars, restaurants,
dentists, pharmacies and strip clubs. Jurez is by no means a paragon of security,
but its certainly safe enough to grab dinner.

Link
Surveillance is effective in fighting the cartels. The aff removes
it.
Bucella 12, Written testimony of U.S. Customs and Border Protection Office of
Intelligence and Investigative Liaison Assistant Commissioner Donna Bucella for a
House Committee on Homeland Security Subcommittee on Border and Maritime
Security hearing titled Border Security Threats to the Homeland: DHS Response to
Innovative Tactics and Techniques (6/15/12, Donna Bucella, Department Homeland
Security, Border Security Threats to the Homeland: DHS Response to Innovative
Tactics and Techniques, http://www.dhs.gov/news/2012/06/15/written-testimonyus-customs-border-protection-house-homeland-security-subcommittee)
****NOTE: CBP is Customs and Border Protections
Over the past three years, the DHS has dedicated historic levels of personnel,
technology, and resources in support of our border security efforts. Most recently,
the Presidents Fiscal Year (FY) 2013 Budget Request continues these efforts by
supporting the largest deployment of law enforcement officers to the frontline in our
agencys history: more than 21,300 Border Patrol agents; 1,200 Air and Marine
agents; and 21,100 CBP officers; working 24/7 with state, local, tribal, and Federal
law enforcement to target illicit networks trafficking in people, drugs, weapons, and
money. Over the last year, we have brought greater unity to our enforcement
efforts, expanded collaboration with other agencies, and improved response times.
CBP has also deployed additional technology assetsincluding mobile surveillance
units, thermal imaging systems, and large-and small-scale non-intrusive inspection
equipmentalong our Nations borders. CBP currently has over 270 aircraft,
including nine Unmanned Aircraft Systems (UAS) and more than 300 patrol and
interdiction boats that provide critical aerial and maritime surveillance and
operational assistance to personnel on the ground. The UAS program is rapidly
changing how ground assets are deployed, supplying Border Patrol Agents with
unparalleled situational awareness through the UASs broad area electronic
surveillance capabilities. Going forward, CBP will continue to integrate the use of
these specialized capabilities into the daily operations of CBPs frontline personnel
to enhance our border security efforts. The results of this prioritization to the border
and our layered approach to security are clear. In FY 2011, Border Patrol
apprehensions along the Southwest bordera key indicator of illegal immigration
decreased 53 percent since FY 2008, and are less than one fifth of what they were
at their peak in 2000. We have matched these decreases in apprehensions with
increases in seizures of cash, drugs, and weapons. During FYs 2009 through 2011,
DHS seized 74 percent more currency, 41 percent more drugs, and 159 percent
more weapons along the Southwest border as compared to FY 2006-2008. In FY
2011, CBP seized more than $126 million in illegal currency and nearly five million
pounds of narcotics nationwide. At the same time, according to 2010 Federal Bureau
of Investigation (FBI) crime reports, violent crimes in Southwest border states have
dropped by an average of 40 percent in the last two decades. Every key measure
shows we are making significant progress; however, we must remain vigilant and

focus on building upon an approach that puts CBPs greatest capabilities in place to
combat the greatest risks.

Bioterror
Bioterror leads to species extinction, global economic collapse,
culture destruction more technology and motives
Joseph P. Dudley and Michael H. Woodford, 7-7-2002, "Bioweapons,
Biodiversity, and Ecocide: Potential Effects of Biological Weapons on Biological
Diversity," No Publication, http://bioscience.oxfordjournals.org/content/52/7/583.full
(Dudley is a consultant on military environmental and conservation policy issues with Versar, Inc., Springfield, VA,
and a research associate at the Institute of Arctic Biology, University of Alaska Fairbanks, and at the Department of
Earth Sciences, University of Alaska Museum, Rockville, MD 20851-1405. Woodford is a fellow of the Royal College
of Veterinary Surgeons, London, and chair of the Working Group on Wildlife Diseases at the Office International des
Epizooties, World Organization for Animal Health, Algarve, Portugal .)

Bioweapon disease
outbreaks could cause the extinction of endangered wildlife species, the erosion of
genetic diversity in domesticated plants and animals, the destruction of traditional human
livelihoods, and the extirpation of indigenous cultures Many analysts rank cultured and
genetically engineered biological organisms as the most dangerous of all existing
weapons technologies, with the potential for producing more extensive and
devastating effects on human populations than even fusion nuclear weapons (Henderson
Bioweapons, Biodiversity, and Ecocide: Potential Effects of Biological Weapons on Biological Diversity

1999). Biological weapons (bioweapons) are defined as biological organisms, and substances derived directly from living organisms,
that can be used to cause death or injury to humans, animals, or plants. Diseases and biological toxins have been used as weapons
of war throughout recorded history, from at least as early as Biblical times to the present day. Historically, bioweapons were used
primarily, although not exclusively, for direct attacks against human populations. Biowarfare has historically involved the use of
plant and fungal toxins (hellebore, ergot), animal carcasses, human cadavers, disease-contaminated clothing or blankets, and fecal

The potential spectrum of bioterrorism ranges from


isolated acts against individuals by individuals (rogue scientist or Una bomber-type scenarios) to tactical and
strategic military uses and state-sponsored international terrorism intended to
cause mass casualties within or among humans or animals or both (Tucker 2000, Zilinskas 2000). Perhaps the oldest
matter (Christopher et al. 1997, Kortepeter et al. 2001).

traditional application of bioweapon techniques has been the contamination or poisoning of drinking water sources using animal
carcasses, human cadavers, feces, or poisonous plants and their derivatives. During the 14th century, Mongol armies catapulted the
infected corpses of plague victims over the walls into the besieged city of Caffa, in what is now the Crimea, to try to force the
surrender of the city's inhabitants. During the 18th century, the British colonial army used smallpox-contaminated blankets to
spread disease among Native American tribes in northeastern North America and smallpox-infected civilian infiltrators to spread
disease among insurgent American militias during the American Revolutionary War (Wheelis 1999). Government-sponsored scientific
research into the development of technologically sophisticated applications of biological weapons for use against humans, livestock,
and crops began during the early decades of the 20th century. Most government bioweapons programs included research on the
culture and testing of disease agents intended specifically for use against livestock and food crops (Ban 2000). During World War I,
Germany investigated techniques for using anthrax, glanders, cholera, and fungal diseases of wheat as biological weapons. German
espionage agents attempted to create outbreaks of anthrax among livestock in Romania and Argentina and spread glanders among
horses and mulesthen still critically important as cavalry mounts and draft animals for the transport of artillery, ordnance, and
suppliesin Mesopotamia, France, Argentina, and the United States. Germany was also implicated in an attempt to precipitate an
epidemic of plague among humans in St. Petersburg, Russia (Dire and McGovern 2002). Japan developed and used biological
weapons against human and animal populations in Asia during the period 19321945 (Kortepeter et al. 2001). Plague-infected fleas
were reportedly used by the Japanese to precipitate plague epidemics in China during World War II, and it has been estimated that
some 10,000 human subjects were used for bioweapon experiments in China involving anthrax, plague, tularemia, and smallpox

newly developed genetic


engineering techniques to create antibiotic-resistant and vaccine-subverting strains of
smallpox, anthrax, plague, and tularemia for bioweapon applications (Alibek and Handelman
(Christopher et al. 1997). During the 1980s and 1990s, Soviet scientists used

2000). Genetically modified zoonotic and epizootic diseases of humans and animals (plague, tularemia, anthrax) and virulent
cultivated or wild strains of natural livestock diseases (e.g., foot and mouth disease [FMD], rinderpest, brucellosis)

represent

potentially serious threats to livestock, wildlife, and endangered species populations . Plant
diseases developed for bioweapons applications against food crops, opium poppies, and coca plants may, however, infect nontarget
species of wild plants and become established locally subsequent to their introduction to new environments (Madden and van den

Bioterrorist uses of enzootic livestock diseases and emerging zoonotic


diseases (diseases that can be transmitted between animal and human populations) represent a potentially
serious threat to livestock and wildlife populations never previously exposed to
Bosch 2002).

these diseases.

This risk holds true even, and perhaps especially in some instances, for wildlife species that may become
infected by serious livestock diseases without exhibiting overt clinical signs of infection. Many formerly ubiquitous diseases that
have been eradicated from livestock populations in the United States and Western Europe over the past century are still common
elsewhere and readily accessible to individuals and terrorist organizations. Vaccines for many animal diseases still common in
developing countries have been phased out in Europe and North America, and these vaccines, along with drugs for routine
treatment, may not be readily available in sufficient quantities to suppress large-scale disease outbreaks among animals and
livestock. Many of the bioweapons agents cultured and tested for use against animals and humans during the early decades of the

Current biological weapons arsenals, however, include


are highly infectious and contagious, easy to produce and deploy, and able to
cause high morbidity or mortality in human and animal populations. Diseases of particular concern for their
20th century were not highly contagious organisms.
diseases that

bioweapons potential include smallpox, tularemia, plague, Newcastle disease, FMD, classical swine fever (hog cholera), avian
influenza, African swine fever, Rift Valley fever, African horse sickness, rinderpest, and Venezuelan equine encephalomyelitis (OTA

Prior assumptions that bioweaponeers and bioterrorists


might not be willing to endanger their own lives in developing and deploying highly
contagious human diseases need to be reevaluated in the light of the many recent
suicide attacks in the United States and Israel. It is important to emphasize that bioterrorist attacks
1993, CNS 2002, Kortepeter et al. 2001).

against livestock or crops do not require access to weaponized diseases or laboratory cultures of disease organisms, nor do they
involve organisms that may cause disease in humans.

Bioterror is the most severe cause of extinction they


exponentially affect us and materials are becoming accessible
Jason G. Matheny, 2007. "Reducing the Risk of Human Extinction" Harvard
Physics, http://users.physics.harvard.edu/~wilson/pmpmta/Mahoney_extinction.pdf
We already invest in some extinction countermeasures. NASA spends $4 million per year monitoring near-Earth
asteroids and comets (Leary, 2007) and there has been some research on how to deflect these objects using
existing technologies (Gritzner & Kahle, 2004; NASA, 2007). $1.7 billion is spent researching climate change and
there are many strategies to reduce carbon emissions (Posner, 2004, p. 181). There are policies to reduce nuclear
threats, such as the NonProliferation Treaty and the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty, as well as efforts to secure

Of current extinction risks, the most severe may


be bioterrorism. The knowledge needed to engineer a virus is modest compared to
that needed to build a nuclear weapon; the necessary equipment and materials are
increasingly accessible and because biological agents are self-replicating, a weapon
can have an exponential effect on a population (Warrick, 2006; Williams, 2006). 5 Current U.S.
expertise by employing former nuclear scientists.

biodefense efforts are funded at $5 billion per year to develop and stockpile new drugs and vaccines, monitor
biological agents and emerging diseases, and strengthen the capacities of local health systems to respond to

There is currently no independent body assessing the


risks of high-energy physics experiments.
pandemics (Lam, Franco, & Shuler, 2006).

Mexico Collapse
Strong cartels risk Mexico becoming a failed state
Luhnow 09 (David Luhnow, Latin America editor, The Perilous State of Mexico,
2/21/2009, The Wall Street Journal,
http://www.wsj.com/articles/SB123518102536038463, DJE)
Much as Pakistan is fighting for survival against Islamic radicals, Mexico is waging a
do-or-die battle with the world's most powerful drug cartels . Last year, some 6,000
people died in drug-related violence here, more than twice the number killed the
previous year. The dead included several dozen who were beheaded, a chilling echo
of the scare tactics used by Islamic radicals. Mexican drug gangs even have an
unofficial religion: They worship La Santa Muerte, a Mexican version of the Grim
Reaper. In growing parts of the country, drug gangs now extort businesses, setting
up a parallel tax system that threatens the government monopoly on raising tax
money. In Ciudad Juarez, just across the border from El Paso, Texas, handwritten
signs pasted on schools warned teachers to hand over their Christmas bonuses or
die. A General Motors distributorship at a midsize Mexican city was extorted for
months at a time, according to a high-ranking Mexican official. A GM spokeswoman
in Mexico had no comment. "We are at war," says Aldo Fasci, a good-looking lawyer
who is the top police official for Nuevo Leon state, where Monterrey is the capital.
"The gangs have taken over the border, our highways and our cops. And now, with
these protests, they are trying to take over our cities. The parallels between
Pakistan and Mexico are strong enough that the U.S. military singled them out
recently as the two countries where there is a risk the government could suffer a
swift and catastrophic collapse, becoming a failed state. Pakistan is the greater
worry because the risk of collapse is higher and because it has nuclear weapons.
But Mexico is also scary: It has 100 million people on the southern doorstep of the
U.S., meaning any serious instability would flood the U.S. with refugees. Mexico is
also the U.S.'s second biggest trading partner. Mexico's cartels already have
tentacles that stretch across the border. The U.S. Justice Department said recently
that Mexican gangs are the "biggest organized crime threat to the United States,"
operating in at least 230 cities and towns. Crimes connected to Mexican cartels are
spreading across the Southwest. Phoenix had more than 370 kidnapping cases last
year, turning it into the kidnapping capital of the U.S. Most of the victims were
illegal aliens or linked to the drugs trade. Former U.S. antidrug czar Barry McCaffrey
said Mexico risks becoming a "narco-state" within five years if things don't improve.
Outgoing CIA director Michael Hayden listed Mexico alongside Iran as a possible top
challenge for President Obama. Other analysts say the risk is not that the Mexican
state collapses, but rather becomes like Russia, a state heavily influenced by
mafias. Such comparisons are probably a stretch -- for now anyway. Beyond the
headline-grabbing violence, Mexico is stable. It has a thriving democracy, the
world's 13th-largest economy and a growing middle class. And as many as 90% of
those killed are believed to be linked to the trade in some way, say officials. "We
have a serious problem. The drug gangs have penetrated many institutions. But
we're not talking about an institutional collapse. That is wrong," says Attorney

General Eduardo Medina Mora. Officials in both Washington and Mexico City also say
the rising violence has a silver lining: It means that after decades of complicity or
ignoring the problem, the Mexican government is finally cracking down on the drug
cartels and forcing them to fight back or fight with one another for turf. One telling
statistic: In the first three years of President Felipe Calderon's six-year term,
Mexico's army has had 153 clashes with drug gangs. In the six years of his
predecessor Vicente Fox's term, there were only 16." If Mexico isn't a failed state,
though, it is a country with a weak state -- one the narcos seem to be weakening
further.

A Mexican collapse would draw the U.S. in


Debusmann 09 (Bernd Debusmann, senior correspondent, Among top U.S.
fears: A failed Mexican state, 1/9/2009, The New York Times,
http://www.nytimes.com/2009/01/09/world/americas/09iht-letter.1.19217792.html?
_r=0, DJE)
According to the Joint Forces study, a sudden collapse in Mexico is less likely than in
Pakistan, "but the government, its politicians, police, and judicial infrastructure are
all under sustained assault and pressure by criminal gangs and drug cartels. How
that internal conflict turns out over the next several years will have a major impact
on the stability of the Mexican state." It added: "Any descent by Mexico into chaos
would demand an American response based on the serious implications for
homeland security alone." What form such a response might take is anyone's guess ,
and the study does not spell it out, nor does it address the economic implications of
its worst-case scenario. Mexico is the third biggest trade partner of the United
States (after Canada and China) and its third-biggest supplier of oil (after Canada
and Saudi Arabia).

That causes war


Beck 09 (Glenn Beck, radio show host interviewing Texas State Senator Dan
Patrick, What Happens to the U.S. if Mexico Collapses?, 2/16/2009, Fox News,
http://www.foxnews.com/story/2009/02/17/what-happens-to-us-if-mexicocollapses.html, DJE)
GLENN BECK, HOST: OK. There is California. Let's try this one. Mexico is the 12th
largest economy and second largest trading partner with the U.S . And I don't know if
you have noticed this. Grab a fire extinguisher. It's on fire. Close to 6,000 people
were killed by rival drug gangs which is twice as many as in 2007. Texas is terrified
that the violence is going to spill over the border. In a minute, I will explain how the
whole world is going to change if Mexico collapses. The number one place for
kidnappings is Mexico City. Who do you think number two is for kidnapping? You
know, I was thinking Bogota, Columbia. Maybe some place in Somalia. Well, close. It
is Phoenix, Arizona where there were almost 400 reported kidnappings last year and
many more went unreported. Excuse me? John McCain was on the campaign trail for
how many months, and we never heard about this and it's happening in his

backyard? No one is talking about it, because it's not in anybody's best interest, you
know, except yours and mine. I think it's in your best interest to know all of the facts
and what it means to you. Texas officials are now planning for the worst-case
scenario of, what do you do if Mexico just collapses? State Senator Dan Patrick is
joining me now. Hey, Dan, how are you? SEN. DAN PATRICK (R), TEXAS STATE
SENATOR: Hi, Glenn. Thank you for your passion on everything. It comes through.
Video: Watch Glenn's interview with Senator Dan Patrick BECK: Thank you. Thank
you. PATRICK: Thank you, Glenn. BECK: I have been, and I know you have been, too
- talking about the border, not because ... PATRICK: Yes. BECK: ... much to many
people's chagrin here in America that I don't hate Mexicans. I don't hate people who
are different than me. Almost everybody on the planet is different than me. I mean,
look at me. PATRICK: Right. BECK: The problem is this is a dangerous situation.
People feel disenfranchised. Mexico is on the verge of collapse. You've got massive
murder problems and drug problems. What are you are guys worried about? And
how are you preparing in Texas for a possible push into America from people just
fleeing a drug state? PATRICK: Well, Glenn, we had hearings a couple of weeks ago.
And I asked our Homeland Security Director Steve McCraw of Texas if he feared the
collapse of Mexico and did we have a plan. And he didn't deny the fact that it is a
concern. And since that subcommittee meeting we had a few weeks ago, he has
been working with Gov. Perry and I'm meeting with him in a few days, as a matter of
fact, to see their progress on developing a plan. You will love this term, Glenn. The
United States has a plan called "mass migration" as opposed to the collapse of
Mexico. And we need a plan here in Texas because there are two scenarios, Glenn.
One is a slow collapse, an economic collapse of Mexico in which hundreds of
thousands would come here over a period of time. The second is what I call a
Colombian collapse of Mexico, an assassination of the president, the drug cartels
taking over the country, civil war breaking out on the streets, people fleeing for
their lives, not for a job. We have to be prepared in the United States for both and
Texas must be prepared.

Econ Collapse
Strong cartels risk Mexico becoming a failed state
Luhnow 09 (David Luhnow, Latin America editor, The Perilous State of Mexico,
2/21/2009, The Wall Street Journal,
http://www.wsj.com/articles/SB123518102536038463, DJE)
Much as Pakistan is fighting for survival against Islamic radicals, Mexico is waging a
do-or-die battle with the world's most powerful drug cartels . Last year, some 6,000
people died in drug-related violence here, more than twice the number killed the
previous year. The dead included several dozen who were beheaded, a chilling echo
of the scare tactics used by Islamic radicals. Mexican drug gangs even have an
unofficial religion: They worship La Santa Muerte, a Mexican version of the Grim
Reaper. In growing parts of the country, drug gangs now extort businesses, setting
up a parallel tax system that threatens the government monopoly on raising tax
money. In Ciudad Juarez, just across the border from El Paso, Texas, handwritten
signs pasted on schools warned teachers to hand over their Christmas bonuses or
die. A General Motors distributorship at a midsize Mexican city was extorted for
months at a time, according to a high-ranking Mexican official. A GM spokeswoman
in Mexico had no comment. "We are at war," says Aldo Fasci, a good-looking lawyer
who is the top police official for Nuevo Leon state, where Monterrey is the capital.
"The gangs have taken over the border, our highways and our cops. And now, with
these protests, they are trying to take over our cities. The parallels between
Pakistan and Mexico are strong enough that the U.S. military singled them out
recently as the two countries where there is a risk the government could suffer a
swift and catastrophic collapse, becoming a failed state. Pakistan is the greater
worry because the risk of collapse is higher and because it has nuclear weapons.
But Mexico is also scary: It has 100 million people on the southern doorstep of the
U.S., meaning any serious instability would flood the U.S. with refugees. Mexico is
also the U.S.'s second biggest trading partner. Mexico's cartels already have
tentacles that stretch across the border. The U.S. Justice Department said recently
that Mexican gangs are the "biggest organized crime threat to the United States,"
operating in at least 230 cities and towns. Crimes connected to Mexican cartels are
spreading across the Southwest. Phoenix had more than 370 kidnapping cases last
year, turning it into the kidnapping capital of the U.S. Most of the victims were
illegal aliens or linked to the drugs trade. Former U.S. antidrug czar Barry McCaffrey
said Mexico risks becoming a "narco-state" within five years if things don't improve.
Outgoing CIA director Michael Hayden listed Mexico alongside Iran as a possible top
challenge for President Obama. Other analysts say the risk is not that the Mexican
state collapses, but rather becomes like Russia, a state heavily influenced by
mafias. Such comparisons are probably a stretch -- for now anyway. Beyond the
headline-grabbing violence, Mexico is stable. It has a thriving democracy, the
world's 13th-largest economy and a growing middle class. And as many as 90% of
those killed are believed to be linked to the trade in some way, say officials. "We
have a serious problem. The drug gangs have penetrated many institutions. But
we're not talking about an institutional collapse. That is wrong," says Attorney
General Eduardo Medina Mora. Officials in both Washington and Mexico City also say

the rising violence has a silver lining: It means that after decades of complicity or
ignoring the problem, the Mexican government is finally cracking down on the drug
cartels and forcing them to fight back or fight with one another for turf. One telling
statistic: In the first three years of President Felipe Calderon's six-year term,
Mexico's army has had 153 clashes with drug gangs. In the six years of his
predecessor Vicente Fox's term, there were only 16." If Mexico isn't a failed state,
though, it is a country with a weak state -- one the narcos seem to be weakening
further.

Mexican economy is key to the US economy heavily


interdependent on each other
Wilson, 11 works at the Mexico Institute at the Woodrow Wilson International
Center for Scholars (Christopher E. Working Together: Economic Ties between the United States
and Mexico November 2011 Wilson Center http://www.wilsoncenter.org/sites/default/files/Working
%20Together%20Full%20Document.pdf) // czhang

Mexico and the United States are no longer distant neighbors whose economies are engaged in direct
competition and where gains on one side of the border imply losses on the other. They are now deeply
integrated economies whose future is also linked. Trade between the two countries
is not a zero-sum game but a question of mutual interest. If the Mexican economy
prospers, it is likely to enhance U.S. competitiveness considerably, and vice
versa. Indeed, it is hard to conceive of a strategy for increasing U.S. economic competitiveness and supporting
job-creation that does not significantly take into account its two neighboring countries, Mexico and Canada. Unlike
two decades ago, when the agreement to launch a free trade agreement in North America generated enormous
controversy, the U.S. economy is now inextricably linked to that of its neighbors , and
future efforts will have to take this mutual dependence into account. This does not mean that economic
integration across the border is uncomplicated and there are no legitimate disputes or real dislocations within
particular industries that will need to be addressed. But it does mean that it will be in the self-interest of the
United States to see Mexico primarily as a partner in economic efforts, rather than as a competitor, and that

calls for policies that enhance existing production chains and strengthen both
economies. It also suggests that Mexican economic growth will have significant positive
effects for the U.S. economy, which calls for greater U.S. policy attention to
support Mexicos efforts to strengthen its economic future.

Economic decline causes war, multiple warrants and studies


Royal 10 (Jedediah, Director of Cooperative Threat Reduction at the U.S. Department of Defense, 2010,
Economic Integration, Economic Signaling and the Problem of Economic Crises, in Economics of War and Peace:
Economic, Legal and Political Perspectives, ed. Goldsmith and Brauer, p. 213-215)

periods of economic decline may increase the likelihood


of external conflict. Political science literature has contributed a moderate degree of attention to the
Less intuitive is how

impact of economic decline and the security and defence behaviour of interdependent stales. Research in this vein
has been considered at systemic, dyadic and national levels. Several notable contributions follow. First, on the
systemic level. Pollins (20081 advances Modclski and Thompson's (1996) work on leadership cycle theory,

the global economy are associated with the rise and


fall of a pre-eminent power and the often bloody transition from one
pre-eminent leader to the next. As such, exogenous shocks such as economic crises could
finding that rhythms in

usher in a redistribution of relative power (see also Gilpin. 19SJ) that leads to uncertainty about power

even a relatively
certain redistribution of power could lead to a permissive
balances, increasing the risk of miscalculation (Fcaron. 1995). Alternatively,

environment for conflict as a rising power may seek to challenge a


declining power (Werner. 1999). Separately. Pollins (1996) also shows that global economic
cycles combined with parallel leadership cycles impact the
likelihood of conflict among major, medium and small powers, although he
suggests that the causes and connections between global economic conditions and security conditions remain

trade expectations
suggests that 'future expectation of trade' is a significant variable
in understanding economic conditions and security behaviour of states.
He argues that interdependent states are likely to gain pacific
benefits from trade so long as they have an optimistic view of future
trade relations. However, if the expectations of future trade decline,
particularly for difficult to replace items such as energy resources, the
likelihood for conflict increases, as states will be inclined to use
force to gain access to those resources. Crises could potentially be the trigger for
unknown. Second, on a dyadic level. Copeland's (1996. 2000) theory of

decreased trade expectations either on its own or because it triggers protectionist moves by interdependent
states.4 Third, others have considered the link between economic decline and external armed conflict at a national
level. Mom berg and Hess (2002) find a strong correlation between internal conflict and external

The linkage, between


internal and external conflict and prosperity are strong and mutually
reinforcing. Economic conflict lends to spawn internal conflict, which
in turn returns the favour. Moreover, the presence of a recession tends
to amplify the extent to which international and external conflicts selfreinforce each other (Hlomhen? & Hess. 2(102. p. X9> Economic decline has also
been linked with an increase in the likelihood of terrorism (Blombcrg. Hess.
& Wee ra pan a, 2004). which has the capacity to spill across borders and lead to
external tensions. Furthermore, crises generally reduce the popularity
of a sitting government. "Diversionary theory" suggests that, when
facing unpopularity arising from economic decline, sitting
governments have increased incentives to fabricate external
military conflicts to create a 'rally around the flag' effect. Wang (1996),
conflict, particularly during periods of economic downturn. They write.

DcRoucn (1995), and Blombcrg. Hess, and Thacker (2006) find supporting evidence showing that economic
decline and use of force are at least indirecti) correlated. Gelpi (1997). Miller (1999). and Kisangani and
Pickering (2009) suggest that Ihe tendency towards diversionary tactics arc greater for democratic states
than autocratic states, due to the fact that democratic leaders are generally more susceptible to being
removed from office due to lack of domestic support. DeRouen (2000) has provided evidence showing that

periods of weak economic performance in the United States, and thus


weak Presidential popularity, are statistically linked to an increase in the
use of force. In summary, recent economic scholarship positively correlates
economic integration with an increase in the frequency of economic crises,
whereas political science scholarship links economic decline with
external conflict al systemic, dyadic and national levels.' This implied connection
between integration, crises and armed conflict has not featured prominently in the economic-security debate and
deserves more attention.

(Extra Card)

Cartels are a huge burden on Mexicos economy


Estevez 14 (Dolia Estevez, a news contributor on issues concerning US-Mexico
relations and politics, Mexico's Astonishing Costs Of Fighting Drug Cartels Have Not
Reduced Violence, 6/19/2014,
http://www.forbes.com/sites/doliaestevez/2014/06/19/mexicos-astonishingspending-on-fighting-drug-cartels-has-not-reduced-violence/, DJE)
Mexicos efforts to reduce the alarming levels of violence are having a significant
impact on the countrys economy. In 2013, the cost of fighting the powerful drug
cartels rose to almost $172.7 billion (more than twice Mexicos foreign debt),
according to the Global Peace Index 2014, published this week by the London-based
Institute for Economics & Peace (IEP). The sum, which is almost one tenth (9.4%) of
Mexicos GDP, amounts to $1,430 per person. Mexicos violence containment costs
are not only monetarily much higher than those incurred by Syria, Iraq and Libya,
but among the highest in the world. Mexico ranks 25th in this category among 162
nations. The global economic impact of violence is estimated at $9.8 trillion or
11.3% of the global GDP. This year Mexicos peacekeeping price tag is believed to
be the highest ever. To put things in perspective, $172.7 billion is significantly more
than twice Mexicos foreign debt of $73.5 billion, according to data from Mexicos
Ministry of Finance. Yet violence and homicides have not diminished significantly,
due in large part, as the report points out, to the countrys endemic corruption and
institutional weakness. In this years IEPs Global Peace Index, Mexicos rank
slightly deteriorated, dropping from 133 to 138 (out of 162 countries), with
Iceland, Denmark and Austria being the top three most peaceful, and South Sudan,
Afghanistan and Syria the least peaceful countries. Violence containment spending
is defined by the IEP as economic activity that is related to the consequences or
prevention of violence where the violence is directed against people or property.
IEPs methodology values thirteen different dimensions: military expenditure;
homicides; internal security; violent crime; private security; incarceration; GDP
losses from conflict; deaths from internal conflict; fear; terrorism; UN peacekeeping;
internally displaced persons and refugees, and deaths from external conflict of
violence.

WMD
Cartels make wmd use likely
BPW 10 BioPrepWatch (1/21/10, BioPrepWatch, Drug trade could increase
availability of bioweapons http://bioprepwatch.com/stories/510506427-drug-tradecould-increase-availability-of-bioweapons#sthash.SRj9Orv6.dpuf)
Drug cartels, as a result of the increase in the narcotics trade, have been
increasingly able to acquire biological and chemical weapons and radioactive
material for the purpose of WMD creation, the U.S. State Department has warned.
"The sums of money involved are growing in extraordinary amounts, and that raises
the possibility, because of the sums and the areas in which these groups have
begun to operate, for that opportunity to be exploited," David Johnson, assistant
secretary of state for the Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement
Affairs, told The Jerusalem Post. "Some of these criminal syndicates have the
organizational and financial wherewithal that could potentially allow them to acquire
and sell radioactive material, biological and chemical weapons, and technologies
used for weapons of mass destruction."

Terror DA
Opening parts of the U.S. Mexican border could give
terrorists an opening
Rothman 14, Associated Editor of Hot Air (8/29/14, Noah, Hot Air, Report: ISIS
eyeing Mexican border to infiltrate America and execute terrorist attacks,
http://hotair.com/archives/2014/08/29/report-isis-eyeing-mexican-border-toinfiltrate-america-and-execute-terrorist-attacks/)
Aside from this being a deeply unnerving development, this has the potential to
completely scramble the political thinking in this country regarding immigration
reform and border security. A report from Fox News reporter Jana Winter filed on
Friday indicates that Islamic State fighters are eyeing the porous U.S.-Mexico border
as a potential area in which aspiring jihadists can infiltrate the country and prepare
terrorist attacks. Social media chatter shows Islamic State militants are keenly
aware of the porous U.S.-Mexico border, and are expressing an increased interest
in crossing over to carry out a terrorist attack, according to a Texas law enforcement
bulletin sent out this week. A review of ISIS social media messaging during the
week ending August 26 shows that militants are expressing an increased interest in
the notion that they could clandestinely infiltrate the southwest border of US, for
terror attack, warns the Texas Department of Public Safety situational awareness
bulletin, obtained by FoxNews.com. The three-page bulletin, entitled ISIS Interest
on the US Southwest Border was released to law enforcement on Thursday. In
related news, White House Press Sec. Josh Earnest told reporters on Friday that the
number of illegal immigrants crossing the southern border had dropped
precipitously. When asked if the crisis on the border was over, Earnest said it was.
For now, he added.

An ISIS presence in Mexico amplifies the link to terrorism


Judicial Watch 15 (A foundation that writes on legal issues, ISIS Camp a Few
Miles from Texas, Mexican Authorities Confirm, 4/14/2015,
http://www.judicialwatch.org/blog/2015/04/isis-camp-a-few-miles-from-texasmexican-authorities-confirm/, DJE)
ISIS is operating a camp just a few miles from El Paso, Texas, according to Judicial
Watch sources that include a Mexican Army field grade officer and a Mexican
Federal Police Inspector. The exact location where the terrorist group has
established its base is around eight miles from the U.S. border in an area known as
Anapra situated just west of Ciudad Jurez in the Mexican state of Chihuahua.
Another ISIS cell to the west of Ciudad Jurez, in Puerto Palomas, targets the New
Mexico towns of Columbus and Deming for easy access to the U nited States, the
same knowledgeable sources confirm. During the course of a joint operation last
week, Mexican Army and federal law enforcement officials discovered documents in
Arabic and Urdu, as well as plans of Fort Bliss the sprawling military installation

that houses the US Armys 1st Armored Division. Muslim prayer rugs were recovered
with the documents during the operation. Law enforcement and intelligence sources
report the area around Anapra is dominated by the Vicente Carrillo Fuentes Cartel
(Jurez Cartel), La Lnea (the enforcement arm of the cartel) and the Barrio Azteca
(a gang originally formed in the jails of El Paso). Cartel control of the Anapra area
make it an extremely dangerous and hostile operating environment for Mexican
Army and Federal Police operations. According to these same sources, coyotes
engaged in human smuggling and working for Jurez Cartel help move ISIS
terrorists through the desert and across the border between Santa Teresa and
Sunland Park, New Mexico. To the east of El Paso and Ciudad Jurez, cartel-backed
coyotes are also smuggling ISIS terrorists through the porous border between
Acala and Fort Hancock, Texas. These specific areas were targeted for exploitation
by ISIS because of their understaffed municipal and county police forces , and the
relative safe-havens the areas provide for the unchecked large-scale drug
smuggling that was already ongoing. Mexican intelligence sources report that ISIS
intends to exploit the railways and airport facilities in the vicinity of Santa Teresa,
NM (a US port-of-entry). The sources also say that ISIS has spotters located in the
East Potrillo Mountains of New Mexico (largely managed by the Bureau of Land
Management) to assist with terrorist border crossing operations. ISIS is conducting
reconnaissance of regional universities; the White Sands Missile Range; government
facilities in Alamogordo, NM; Ft. Bliss; and the electrical power facilities near Anapra
and Chaparral, NM.

Elections Link
Public opposed to the plan Republicans push for stronger
borders backlash against plan blames Dems and turns votes
Republican
John Mccormick, 9-4-2014, "Americans in Poll Increasingly Want Tough Border
Control," Bloomberg, http://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2014-0903/americans-in-poll-increasingly-want-tough-border-control
Americans increasingly want tighter border security and tougher
immigration enforcement, bolstering the Republican position as President Barack
Obama considers executive action on the issue. One-third say stricter controls
should be the priority for U.S. policy , up from 25 percent who held that view in February 2013,
according to a survey by the Pew Research Center. Efforts to revise immigration laws remain stalled in
Sept. 4 (Bloomberg) --

Congress, with Republicans stressing border control and Democrats pushing to ease deportations. The White House

Obama may delay executive action to change the U.S. policy until after Novembers
congressional elections, for fear of hurting Democratic candidates. Among whites, there is much
has said

more support for improving border security and enforcing immigration laws more strictly, the report released
yesterday by the Washington-based Pew says. The proportion of whites who place the highest priority on border
control is 37 percent, double that of Hispanics. The harder-line position comes even as a separate report by Pew
showed no growth in the number of undocumented immigrants in the U.S. over the last four years. Pews poll,
conducted Aug. 20-24 of 1,501 adults, offered a choice of whether border security and law enforcement should be
given priority over creating a way for undocumented immigrants to become citizens if they meet certain conditions.
Almost a quarter -- 23 percent -- said they give greater importance to offering a path to citizenship. About four-in-10
- - a plurality -- said both should be given equal priority. Igniting Passions A flood of unaccompanied and

By
a margin of 53 percent to 36 percent, more Republicans say the emphasis should be
on better border security and stricter enforcement. Among independents, 41 percent support
undocumented children, mostly from Central America, trying to enter the U.S. has ignited passions on the issue.

giving equal priority to a path to citizenship and better border security, while 33 percent back greater border
security and tougher law enforcement, up from 25 percent in February 2013. Even the share of Democrats saying
the priority should be on taking a harder line increased to 19 percent from 14 percent. Forty-five percent give equal
priority to both a path to citizenship and enhanced security and enforcement, down from 52 percent at the

Washington politicians leery of


dealing with immigration some rationale for their inaction. It showed that the number of
beginning of last year. The Pew report, also released yesterday, offered

undocumented immigrants in the U.S. has stabilized since the end of the recession and shows no signs of rising.
11.3 Million There were 11.3 million unauthorized immigrants living in the U.S. in March 2013, Pew estimates, the
same as in 2009. The marked slowdown in new arrivals means that those who remain are more likely to be longterm residents, and to live with their U.S.-born children, the report says. The analysis underscores the central role
economic conditions play in the flow of immigrants. When times are good, more of them arrive in the U.S. The
number of undocumented immigrants rose briskly for decades before plunging during the 2007-2009 recession. As
growth has stalled, theres also been a rise in the median length of time that unauthorized immigrants have lived in
the U.S., going from less than eight years in 2003 to almost 13 years in 2013.

Iran Politics Link


Border enforcement is supported universally. The plan would
pit Obama against everyone.
Johnson 2007(Dean and Mabie-Apallas, Professor of Public Interest Law and
Chicana/o Studies, Opening the Floodgates, New York University Publication)
Conservatives generally find themselves deeply split on the issue of immigration.
Some staunch members of the Republican Party, including President George W.
Bush, generally favor liberal admission policies, or at least more liberal policies
than the ones currently in place. Economic conservatives see gains from
immigration and inexpensive labor. In stark contrast, another wing of the
Republican Party is deeply concerned with the alleged cultural impacts of
immigration. This faction aggressively plays on populist fear about cultural changes
blamed on immigrants and demands restrictionist policies and tougher border
enforcement. Today, this arm of the Republican Party, represented most
prominently by Congressman Tom Tancredo and the conservative icon Pat
Buchanan, often exercises great influence over the direction of immigration law
and policy by tapping into broad-based fears of economically and otherwise
insecure U.S. citizens. Poor, working, and middle-income people worry about the
changes wrought by immigration and are not likely to sympathize with the desire of
big business for cheap labor. On the other hand, Democrats also find themselves
divided on immigration. Economically, they are concerned with immigrations
downward pressure on the wage scale and its impact on a long-time base of
Democratic support, labor unions. Although change has come in recent years,
organized labor, often supportive of the basic Democratic agenda, has historically
supported restrictionist immigration laws and policies. Many liberals, however,
desire the humane treatment of immigrants and often push for pro-immigration
and pro-immigrant laws and policies. There, however, is some common ground.
Many Democrats and Republicans often agree that increased border enforcement is
necessary. Like tough-on-crime stances, this has proved time and time again to be
a politically popular position. This is even true for those sympathetic to 138 | The
Economic Benefits of Liberal Migration of Labor Across Borders the plight of
immigrants. In addition, influenced by public fears of being overrun by floods of
immigrants, politicians of both parties often support limits on legal immigration and
heavy border enforcement.

Neoliberalism Link
Eliminating borders revitalizes neoliberalism and opens up
financial barriers that allows the market to access new sources
of capital
Wilkie 2008 [Rob, Assistant Professor of Cultural and Digital Studies at the University of Wisconsin-La
Crosse, Supply Chain Democracy and Circuits of Imperialism, Red Critique Fall/Winter 2008,
http://redcritique.org/FallWinter2008/supplychaindemocracyandcircuitsofimperialism.htm, Accessed 7/15/15,
*modified for gendered language, AX]
Second, it is argued that the development of post-labor means of production creates the conditions for the
expansion of capital globally, in turn disrupting the traditional boundaries between nations, thereby creating a "flat"
or "borderless" world of free cultural and financial exchange (Friedman, The World is Flat; Ohmae, The Borderless

What "flat" or "borderless" signifies is an increased "capitalization" in the postWWII period of formerly socialist and colonized nations and their incorporation into
the global system of production, either through the shifting of manufacture from the "North" to the
"South" ("outsourcing"/"off-shoring") or by becoming integral players in a post-national
"supply-chain" that has been enabled by advances in communication as well as the
opening up of trade and financial barriers to free up the flow of formerly "trapped"
or unproductive capital. Proponents of the "flat world" thesis point to the expansion of international trade
World).

which, according to the IMF, "has grown five times in real terms since 1980, and its share of world GDP has risen
from 36 percent to 55 percent over this period" (IMF 137). This "flattening" of the global economy , in
which it is said that the expansion of production and trade relations between nations constitute the emergence of a

is essentially premised upon a theory


of a "universal evolution in the direction of capitalism" (Fukuyama xv) in which there is
no longer any "outside" to capitalism. In this reading, the "developed" economies of the
North have moved beyond the traditional economic cycle, while transplanting the
conditions of new growth and prosperity to the "developing" nations in the South. As
level playing field between formerly unequal or hostile nations,

Martin Wolf writes, "In the post-war era, the most successful route to development seems to have been via the
export of labor-intensive manufactures, the route on which China has followed Hong Kong, Singapore, Taiwan and
South Korea" (147). The "problem" for the ideologists of capital and this image of globalization as leveling the world

the continuing existence of deep social and


economic inequalities cannot be solved at the level of ideas and thus still have to be
explained. That is to say, even though "globalization" has become synonymous in theory with
the end of the economic challenges to capitalism's dominance, this does not change
the reality that the expansion of capitalism globally has corresponded in actuality
with a rising level of inequality and a sharpening of the class divide , both between the
North and South, as well as within the respective countries of each. This is because capitalism is a system
that depends upon the exploitation of labor. Regardless of whether or not the primary
location of production is the North or the South, or whether the workers work in factories that are highly
mechanized or newly digitalized, it is the production of surplus value extracted from the surplus labor
of workers by owners that drives capitalism forward. That exploitation remains even in the
"global" factories of today is supported in a recent study from the World Bank which, despite touting the
is that insofar as concepts are abstractions of reality

results of "free-market" globalization as having reduced the number of people living in povertydefined as the
ridiculously low, and ultimately arbitrary, sum of less than $1 per dayby 260 million in the period 1990-2004,

real inequality between the rich and poor has actually increased
during this time in 46 of the 59 developing countries surveyed (4). Over the same period, a
study by the International Monetary Fund also found that " Inequality has been rising in countries
nonetheless showed that

across all income levels, except those classified as low income" and that overall "the income share of the
richest quintile has risen, whereas the shares of the remaining quintiles have declined" (158-159). That the two
main representatives of capitalist finance found rising inequality and a sharpening of the class divide despite

the economic
contradiction between capital and labor does not reside at the level of the concept
representing globalization as moving beyond class binaries is due to the fact that

in other words, the conflict over globalization is not simply a political or intellectual struggle over how to best define
the termbut

rather in the property relations that enable the owners of the means of
production to accumulate capital at the expense of those who own only their labor
power. As Marx argued more than one hundred fifty years ago and which is proven once again by the increases in
global inequality, "even the most favorable situation for the working class, namely, the most
rapid growth of capital, however much it may improve the material life of the worker, does not abolish the
antagonism between [his/her] interests and the interests of the capitalist " (Wage Labor
and Capital 39). Even as developments of labor productivity result in new, higher standards of living for some

developments are always restricted under capitalism to the


accumulation of surplus value and thus it is always the interests of the bosses that will
take precedence over the needs of the working class.
workers, these

We must understand Native Americans as proletarians their


analysis renders invisible the set of historical capitalist
relations that informed genocide against the Native body and
made oppression possible
Libretti, 1 (Tim, Associate Professor of English and Women's Studies at
Northeastern Illinois University. He has published articles on proletarian literature,
U.S. Third World and multi-ethnic literatures, Marxism, and cultural studies in such
journals as MELUS, Women's Studies Quarterly, and Mediations.2001, Modern Fiction
Studies, Vol 47, No. 1, The Other Proletarians: Native American Literature and Class
Struggle, AS)
This rich passage raises many points for discussion in terms of how Ortiz constructs class consciousness and how
this text and his writing as a whole relate to and redefine the contours and politics of the proletarian [End Page 180]
literary genre. Ortiz here is asserting the privileged historical, economic, and social position, as well as the
privileged perspective of the Native American in the historical development and contemporary society of U.S.
capitalism. Just as Lukacs in History and Class Consciousness argues that "the superiority of the proletariat must lie
exclusively in its ability to see society from the center, as a coherent whole" (69), Ortiz effectively suggests that
Native Americans occupy a "more central" position in society from which to comprehend it as a coherent whole.
However, while Lukacs argues that "the self-understanding of the proletariat is [. . .] simultaneously the objective
understanding of the nature of society" and that "when the proletariat furthers its own class-aims it simultaneously
achieves the conscious realization of the--objective--aims of society, aims which would inevitably remain abstract

Ortiz represents Native


Americans' self-understanding as yielding a more accurate and insightful vision of
the trajectory of social history because they are most immediately threatened and
affected by the historical development of capitalism . First in line for genocide, they are first to
possibilities and objective frontiers but for this conscious intervention" (149),

understand through experience the operations and aims of our current course of historical development. Thus they
occupy the most advantageous position from which both to achieve a full consciousness of U.S. capitalism and to
intervene consciously in redirecting historical development. Consequently, Ortiz means to bring the exigency of

while Native Americans are


most urgently conscious of the task of survival, it needs to be a larger working-class
issue; it needs to be the premise of the class struggle itself to prioritize survival by making lands "productive to
serve humanity." However, Ortiz warns that such a goal "will take real decisions and actions and concrete
understanding by the poor and workers of this nation" (360). The above passage also highlights the
importance of understanding Native Americans as a dynamic part of the U.S.
survival to the forefront of political and class consciousness, suggesting that

proletariat and of U.S. labor history . In the text as a whole, Ortiz worries about the "preservation" of
Native American culture in museums and state parks that tend to hypostatize Native Americans as relics of history
rather than as historical and contemporary participants in U.S. society and economy. The worry is that Native
Americans will be isolated in "natural wilderness or [End Page 181] cultural parks" (360) and thus relegated to the
margins instead of recognized as the center of social change and class consciousness that Ortiz believes they need

The other sectors of the working class need to understand the genocide and
exploitation of Native Americans if they are going to understand comprehensively
the operations of U.S. capitalism , the path of their genuine self-interest within that system, and the fate
to be.

that awaits them if they do no act to redirect the course of history by learning from and following the lead of Native
Americans. It is here that Ortiz makes his most passionate plea, one worth quoting at length: They will have to see
that the present exploitation of coal at Black Mesa Mine in Arizona does not serve the Hopi and Navajo whose
homeland it is. They will have to understand that the political and economic forces which have caused Hopi and
Navajo people to be in conflict with each other and within their own nations are the same forces which steal the
human fabric of their own communities and lives. They will have to be willing to identify capitalism for what it is,
that it is destructive and uncompassionate and deceptive. They will have to be willing to do so or they will never
understand why the Four Corners power plants in northwestern New Mexico continue to spew poisons into the air,
destroying plant, animal, and human life in the area. They will have to be willing to face and challenge the
corporations at their armed bank buildings, their stock brokers, and their drilling, mining, milling, refining and
processing operations. If they don't do that, they will not understand what Aacqu and her sister Pueblos in the
Southwest are fighting for when they seek time and time again to bring attention to their struggle for land, water,
and human rights. The American poor and workers and white middle class, who are probably the most ignorant of
all U.S. citizens, must understand how they, like Indian people, are forced to serve a national interest, controlled by
capitalist vested interests in collusion with U.S. policy makers, which does not serve them. Only when this
understanding is attained and decisions are reached and actions taken to overcome economic and political
oppression imposed on us all will there be no longer a national sacrifice area in the Southwest. Only then will there
[End Page 182] be no more unnecessary sacrifices of our people and land. (360-61) In this catalog of what the
American poor and working class need to see, understand, and do--much of which entails facing and
comprehending the particular exploitation and colonized status of Native Americans--Ortiz is suggesting that Native
American class consciousness and political self-interests are not only identical to those of the non-Native American
working class and poor but that, even more so, they are definitive of class consciousness and working-class political
interests. If they do not understand the Native American situation, they will not understand "the same forces which
steal the human fabric of their own American communities and lives." This same recognition is equally crucial in the
literary critical sphere when we attempt to map the coordinates of a genre of proletarian literature as such a genre

To marginalize
Native American literature or categorize it wholly apart from and exclusive of
proletarian literature re-enacts the same gesture of making invisible the Native
American working class, of isolating it from the scene of wage labor. Moreover, what is
also rendered invisible by obscuring the historical experience of Native Americans,
their working-class experience, and their narrative of survival and class struggle, is
the historical memory of an unalienated relationship with the land . We have already seen
becomes the cultural representation and mouthpiece of the U.S. working class and its interests.

Ortiz represent precolonial moments in which the Aacqu's lives were described as ones of material well being and
spiritual integrity. While his narrative of colonization represents their growing dependence on wage labor and their
general dependence under capitalism because of the diminution of their access to natural resources caused in part
by their dispossession and in part by industrial capitalism's destruction of those resources, Ortiz also highlights that
what remains through oral history is a memory of an actual culture or way of life characterized not by alienation but
by integrity with nature, oneself, and others. Ortiz writes, I don't know when it was that the grass was as high as a
man's waist. I never knew that. All my life, the grass had been sparse and brittle. All my life, the winters have been
cold and windy [End Page 183] and the summers hot and mostly rainless. But the people talk about those good
years when they could cope with life on their own terms. The winters were always cold and the summers hot, but
they could cope with them because there was a system of life which spelled out exactly how to deal with the
realities they knew. The people had developed a system of knowledge which made it possible for them to work at
solutions. And they had the capabilities of developing further knowledge to deal with new realities. There was

The
phenomenon Ortiz describes here is the general deskilling of the human, of the alienation
that capitalism inflicts in its will to dominate. Here Ortiz depicts again, it is worth reiterating, the
probably not anything they could not deal properly and adequately with until the Mericano came. (349)

way capitalism curtails rather than enhances productive efficiency as he represents how the colonizing process
hobbled the people, made them dependent rather than self-sufficient, and robbed them of their creative abilities
and skills. But what is perhaps most striking about the narrative is that Ortiz represents an actual useable past that
is not simply a utopian invention but rather a viable historical model. The importance of Ortiz's identification of this

historical actuality is that it challenges those critics who see Marxism's ideal of a culture of disalienation, in which
each person realizes her species being, as not only unattainable but also as never having been attained, as
historically fantastic. Take, for example, Stephen Greenblatt's criticism of a passage from The Political Unconscious
in which Fredric Jameson speaks to the process whereby capitalism diminishes the unalienated individual subject in
its production of the fragmented bourgeois individual. Greenblatt writes, The whole passage has the resonance of
an allegory of the fall of man: once we were whole, agile, integrated; we were individual subjects but not
individuals, we had no psychology distinct from the shared life of the society; politic and poetry were one. Then
capitalism arose and shattered this luminous, benign totality. The myth echoes throughout Jameson's book, though
by the close it has been eschatologically reoriented so that the totality lies not in a past revealed to have always
[End Page 184] already fallen but in the classless future. A philosophical claim that appeals to an absent empirical
event. (3) While Greenblatt no doubt has a point--it is certainly difficult to attribute alienation solely to the onset of
capitalism, as though somehow feudal and slave economies featured whole and happy individual subjects--his own
sense of the past is equally distorted, at least in light of Ortiz's narrative. Nonetheless, Greenblatt's criticism is one
commonly hauled out to attempt to undermine the legitimacy of Marxist theories of human nature and liberation.
Thus, Ortiz's identification of this historical moment of integration, as opposed to alienation, serves not only to
challenge the cynical bourgeois critics of Marxism but, perhaps even more importantly, to give the Marxist tradition

To distance or isolate Native


Americans from the U.S. working class and their literature from the larger proletarian tradition is to
impoverish and, really, to disempower the U.S. working class by cutting it off from this model
a model of possibility on which to build and imagine a postcapitalist culture.

of possibility that ought to inform class struggle. Indeed, as Ortiz strenuously argues throughout the piece, it is

the condition of alienation from ourselves, nature, and other people that most seriously needs to be
addressed, as alienation is the premise of exploitation and the destructive features
of capitalism; Native Americans possess most vividly the collective memory of
unalienated life, as opposed to most elements of the U.S. working class whose memory is confined to a
capitalist world and an experience of wage labor, which might explain why so much energy in labor struggles
focuses on wages rather than focusing more concertedly on alienation and on the use of resources. Native
Americans are best positioned to assess the experience of alienation under capitalism, Ortiz suggests, because they
have not just an imagination but also an historical knowledge of a different mode of production, culture, and way of
life, as we see in the following passage in which Ortiz discusses the experiences of Laguna and Navajo miners
working for the Kerr-McGee mines in New Mexico: The Navajo men who went into the underground mines did not
have much choice except to work there, just like the Laguna miners who find themselves as surface labor and semiskilled [End Page 185] workers. The Kerr-McGee miners who had stayed for any length of time underground
breathing the dust laden with radon gas would find themselves cancerous. The Laguna miners would find
themselves questioning how much real value the mining operation had when their land was overturned into a gray
pit miles and miles in breadth. They would ask if the wages they earned, causing wage income dependency, and
the royalties received by the Kawaikah people were worth it when Mericano values beset their children and would
threaten the heritage they had struggled to keep for so long. (356) The Laguna miners are able to measure their
value system and the social relationships it entails against that of capitalism and its destructive, even murderous,
effects on the land and the people. Once again, Ortiz counterpoints two modes of conceptualizing value, embodied
in one culture that prioritizes quality of life and in another quantitatively oriented culture committed to
accumulating monetary wealth at the expense of life. The importance here, though, is that the Native American
working class already possesses the value system for as well as the memory and imagination of a postcapitalist
culture that the non-Native American U.S. working class needs to recognize as a valuable and crucial attribute of its
tradition of resistance to capital and its aspirations of social transformation. Similarly, Ortiz also speaks of the
memory of the Peublo Revolt of 1680 in which enslaved Africans, native Americans, and descendants of the Chicano
people fought back against Spanish colonialism. This example of multiracial organizing and resistance is highlighted
as a central element of the collective memory of empowerment and change. It is just such models of revolt that the
U.S. working class needs as part of its historical and class consciousness, which it needs to be attached to and not
dissociated from. But yet when critics narrowly periodize and restrictively define the category of proletarian
literature, it is just such dissociation and erasure that takes place. In developing a Marxist cultural tradition on the
Left that is capable of directing and imagining full liberation, we must construct a proper proletarian literature genre
which maps comprehensively the body of texts that are expressions of class struggle and which mediates the
sociological and the cultural in a way that allows us to draw on the whole rich collective tradition of working class

Understanding Native American


literature as proletarian begins this process of political and literary reorganization. Both
struggle [End Page 186] against racial patriarchal capitalism.

Silko and Ortiz offer rethinkings of Marxism and class struggle that position Native Americans as pivotal actants and
Native American culture and history as a rich reservoir of models for imagining change as well as postcapitalist
culture and economy. Both culturally and politically, the Left needs to revivify its cultural imaginary and not
dissociate by virtue of its exclusive cultural and political categories from political and cultural traditions that offer
meaningful cross-fertilization. Indeed, just as Marx said the educators must be educated, so the Left must be
educated by other left Marxist traditions it might not have even recognized as such. As Ward Churchill admonishes,

when you think about Native American political concerns over such issues as land and water rights, The great
mass of non-Indians in North America really have much to gain, and almost nothing to lose, from the success of
native people in struggles to reclaim the land which is rightfully ours. The tangible diminishment of U.S. material
power which is integral to our victories in this sphere stands to pave the way for realization of most other agendas-from anti-imperialism to environmentalism, from African-American liberation to feminism, from gay rights to the
ending of class privilege--pursued by progressives on this continent. Conversely, succeeding with any or even all
these other agendas would still represent an inherently oppressive situation if their realization is contingent upon an
ongoing occupation of Native North America without the consent of Indian people. Any North American revolution
which failed to free indigenous territory from non-Indian domination would simply be a continuation of colonialism in

the working class is the lynchpin of


liberation because in order to liberate itself it must do away with class altogether , we
another form. (88) Indeed, just as Marx theorizes that

can take Churchill here, as well as Silko and Ortiz, to be in some sense saying that for the non-Indian U.S. working
class to liberate itself, Native Americans must be liberated. Put another way, the working class cannot liberate only
part of itself, so it must identify and understand [End Page 187] itself fully in order to liberate itself fully. Mapping
this understanding via the space of a proletarian literary genre is a place to begin.