An Introduction To The Nature and Functions of Language

Second Edition
Howard Jackson and Peter Stockwell
An Introduction to
THE NATURE
AND FUNCTIONS
OF LANGUAGE
A n I n t r o d u c t io n to th e N a tu r e a n d F u n c t io n s o f L a n g u a g e
S e c o n d E d it io n
'Its difficult to imagine a more helpful introductory book in the field o f language study. The topics have been
well chosen and each one is broken down using graspable examples and clutter-free descriptions. Some of
the analysis is deceptively detailed, but the terminology never gels in the way o f the explanation. l:or a clear,
engaging and straightforward introduction to how people study language, look n o further.'
Steven Jones, Director o f Undergraduate .Studies, School o f Education, The University o f Manchester,
UK
'This fully revised edition o f/In Introduction to the Nature and Functions o f Language is a highly accessible
and authoritative introduction to the analysis o f language W hile assuming n o specialist knowledge, the
book systematically sets out the key issues in English language linguistics to ofler students a comprehensive
guide to the field. W ith in its chapters the reader will find clear and well-written accounts of the ways
language is studied, how it is acquired and learnt, and it changes over time and varies between different
social groups, and how it is used in a range o f contexts. There arc review exercises, case studies, copious
examples and a useful glossary, all of which make the book extremely useful to anyone beginning the study
o f language.
Ken Hyland, Director, Centre for Applied English Studies and Chair o f Applied Linguistics, The
University of H ong Kong, Hong Kong
'[ackson and Stockwcll's A n Introduction to the Sature and Functions o f Language is a thorough, comprehensive,
and accessibly written introduction to English language and linguistics. particular strength o f the book is
the wide range of linguistic issues it discusses and the examples that are provided to illustrate them The
activities, projects and glossary make this book particularly useable.
Brian Paltridge, Professor ofTF.SOL, University o f Sydney Australia
'Students and lecturers alike will welcome the second edition o f Jackson & Stockwcll's An Introduction
lo the Nature and Functions o f Language. All essential areas o f linguistics arc outlined with each chapter
offering ideas for activities, topics and further reading. Importantly, a new chapter devoted lo texts and
discourses introduces students to key notions such as register, function, conversation analysis, coherence &
cohesion. It is particularly laudable that the chapter also takes into account the new interest in linguistics into
multimodal texts.
M o n i k a B c d n a r c k , L e c t u r e r i n L in g u is t ic s , U n iv e r s it y o f S y d n e y , A u s t r a l ia
Few introductory linguistics textboiks are as comprehensive as this one. Accessible, informative and packed
full o f practical activities and ideas for projects, this book is a must-read for all students new to the study
o f language.'
D a n M c l n t y r c , R e a d e r i n E n g l i s h L a n g u a g e a n d L in g u is t ic s , U n iv e r s it y o f H u d d e r s f ie ld , U K
'Aiming at the introductory level, A n Introduction to the Nature and Functions o f Language (now in a fully
revised 2 nd edition) provides a state-of-the-art survey o f the core concepts and key terms in language &
linguistics It helps students gain expertise and analytical skills in various branches o f the discipline, offering
numerous valuable didactic tools like study questions, chapter summaries, a comprehensive glossary as well
as a useful bibliography. This book is among the most accessible and entertaining introductions for students
o f language and linguistics currently available. I highly recommend it both as a courscbook and for selfstudy purposes.'
Reinhard Heuberger, Associate Professor, Department o f English, University o f Innsbruck, Austria
T h is p a g e in t e n t io n a lly le ft b la n k
An Introduction to the
Nature and Functions
of Language
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A ls o a v a ila b le f r o m C o n t in u u m
Discourse A nalysis, B r ia n Paltridge

Linguistics: A n Introductions W illia m B. M c G re g o r
U nd e rstan d in g Language, E liza b e th G rac c W in k le r
An Introduction
to the Nature
and Functions of
Language
Second Edition
Howard Jackson and Peter Stockwell
c o n t in u u m
Continuum International Publishing Group

T h e T o w e r B u ild in g
8 0 M a id e n L a n e
11 Y o r k R o a d
S u ite 7 01
London SEI "N X
N e w Y o r k . N Y 1 0038
www.continuumbookscom
H o w a r d J a c k s o n a n d P e te r S to c k w e ll 2011
A l l r i g h t ' re se rv e d N o p .irt o f t h is p u b lic a t io n m a y b e r e p r o d u c e d or

t r a n s m itt e d i n a n y f o r m o i b y a n y m e a n s , e le c tr o n ic o r m e c h a n ic a l,
in c lu d i n g p h o t o c o p y in g , r e c o r d in g , o r a n y i n f o r m a t i o n storag e
o r r e trie v a l s y s te m , w i t h o u t p r i o r p e r m is s io n i n w r i t i n g f r o m
th e p u b lis h e rs .
A u t h o r s h a v e as s e rte d th e ir r ig h t u n d e r t h e C o p y r ig h t . D e s ig n s a n d
P a te n ts A c t, 1 9 8 8 , t o be id e n t if ie d a s A u t h o r o f t h i s w o r k
British library Cataloguing in Publication Data

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.
IS B N : 9 7 8 I 4411 2151 6 (p a p e r b a c k )
IS B N : 9 7 8 - 1- 4411 -4373-0 ( h a r d c o v e r )
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

J a c k s o n , H o w a r d , 1945A n i n t r o d u c t io n t o t h e n a t u r e a n d f u n c t io n s o f la n g u a g e / H o w a r d
Fackson a n d P e te r S to c k w c ll * 2 n d c d
p cm .
In c lu d e s b ib lio g r a p h ic a l rc fc r c n c c s a n d in d e x .
IS B N : 9 7 8 1 4411 4 3 7 3 0 ( h a r d c o v e r )
IS B N : 9 7 8 - 1 - 4 4 I I -2151-6 ( p b k .)
I E n g lis h la n g u a g e - G r a m m a r . 2 L in g u is tic s I S to c k w e ll. Peter
I f T itle .
P E I I0 6 J 2 9 5 2010
425-dc22
20 1 0 0 0 8 9 7 7
T y p e s e t b y N c w g c n I m a g i n g S y s te m s P v t L td , C h e n n a i . In d ia
P r in t e d a n d b o u n d i n G r e a t B r it a in b y C P I A n t o n y R o w e .
C h i p p e n h a m . W ilt s h ir e
Contents
L is t o f F ig u r e s
A c k n o w le d g e m e n t s
In tr o d u c tio n
D e s c r ib in g L a n g u a g e
O v e r v ie w
1 .2 la n g u a g e is c o n te x tu a liz e d
1.4 La n g u a g e data
13
Further readin g
14
A T o o lk it f o r L a n g u a g e A n a ly s is
2.1
11
A ctivities
Overview
S o u n d s a n d le tte rs
2 .2 W ord s
1.1 W h a t is la n g u a g e ?
1 .3 D e s c r ib in g la n g u a g e : the lin g u is t ic d is c ip lin e s
xi
x iii
15
15
15
28
2 .3 Sen ten ces
42
2 .4 V a ria b ility a n d c o rre c tn e s s
56
A c tiv itie s
59
A n s w e r s to a c t iv itie s
67
F u rth e r re a d in g
72
S u g g e s t e d p ro je c ts
73
A n a ly s in g T e x ts a n d D is c o u r s e s
75
3.1 D isco u rse an d te xt
75
3 .2 R e g is t e r
76
3 .3 Function
83
3 .4 C o n v e rs a t io n
87
V III
C o n te n ts
3 .5 M u ltim o d a l texts
91
3 .6 T e xtu ality
95
A c tiv itie s
Language Change
4 .1
P re -h isto ry o f E n g lis h
99
102
103
103
4 .2 O ld E n g lis h / A n g lo -S a x o n
109
4 .3 M id d le E n g lish
115
4 .4 M o d e rn E n g lish
119
4 .5 T y p e s o f la n g u a g e c h a n g e
124
A c tiv itie s
130
135
S u g g e s te d p ro je c ts
135
L a n g u a g e A c q u is it io n a n d D e v e lo p m e n t
137
5 .1 G ro w th o f la n g u a g e stru c tu re s
138
5 .2 D e v e lo p m e n t o f la n g u a g e f u n c tio n s
142
5 .3 la n g u a g e in t h in k in g a n d c o n c e p tu a lis in g
143
5 .4 la n g u a g e a n d th e d e v e lo p m e n t o f c o m m u n ic a tio n
144
5 .5 S c h o o l y e a rs : re a d in g a n d w ritin g
145
5 .6 F in d in g o u t a b o u t la n g u a g e a c q u is itio n
147
5 .7 A c q u ir in g a s e c o n d la n g u a g e : b ilin g u a lism
148
A c tiv itie s
150
152
153
L a n g u a g e V a ria tio n
155
6 .1 S o c io lin g u is tic s
155
6 .2 A c c e n t a n d d ia le c t
156
6 3 E n g lis h a s a w o r ld la n g u a g e
163
6 .4 M u ltilin g u a lis m
167
6 .5 L a n g u a g e a n d d is a d v a n ta g e
169
6 .6 A ttitu d e s a n d co rre ctn e ss
172
A c tiv itie s
173
Fu rth e r re a d in g
176
177
C o n te n t s
L a n g u a g e in U s e
179
7 .1
P ra g m a t ic s
179
7 .2
Th e an alysis o f discou rse
187
7 .3
L a n g u a g e an d id eo lo g y
195
7 .4
S ty lis tic s
199
A c tiv itie s
206
Fu rth e r re a d in g
208
S u g g e s t e d p ro je c ts
208
G lo s s a ry
211
R e fe re n c e s
223
In d e x
229
List of Figures
Fig u re 2.1 O rgan s o f speech.
16
Fig u re 2.2 Vowel sounds o f English.
17
Fig u re 2.3 Consonant sounds o f English
20
Fig u re 4.1 Th e Indo-European family.
105
Fig u re 6.1
160
The/n/Variable in Norwich (following Trudgill<1983: 94)).
Acknowledgem ents
T h e a u th o r a n d p u b lis h e r w ish to th a n k the fo llo w in g tor p e rm is s io n to use co p y rig h t
m aterial:
Blackw ell P ub lishe rs lo r m a te ria l fr o m P. Fletcher, A Child's L e a rn in g o f English, 1985;

E v e ry m a n s L ib ra ry L td for an extract fr o m 'S ir G a w a in a n d th e G re e n K n ig h t fro m
A . C . C a w le y a n d J. J. A n d e rs o n , eds, Pearl, Cleanness, Patience, S ir G a w a in a m i the Green
K nigh t, E v e ry m a n e d itio n ; F u ji P h o to F ilm (U K ) L td for text f r o m ad vertising m a te ria l; The
C o n tr o lle r o f H e r M ajestys S ta tio n e ry O ffic e a n d th e N a tio n a l C u r r ic u lu m C o u n c il fo r an
extract f r o m E v o lu tio n o f th e Im p le m e n ta tio n o f E n g lis h in th e N a tio n a l C u r r ic u lu m at Key
Stages 1. 2 , 3 (1991
1993); O x fo r d U n iv e rsity Press for 'N o r th u m b r ia n C a e d m o n s H y m n
a n d W e s t S ax o n C a e d m o n s H y m n ' fr o m I I . Sweet, A n A nglo-Saxon R e ade r in Prose a n d

Verse, 15 th e d itio n revised b y D . W h ite lo c k , C la r e n d o n Press, 1967; W . W . N o r t o n &
C o m p a n y L td for E. E. C u m m in g s , a n y o n e lived in a p re tty h o w to w n fro m C om plete Poems
1904-1962 b y E. E. C u m m in g s , ed. b y G eorge F irm a g e . C o p y r ig h t 1940, 1968, 1991 b y the
Trustees for th e E. E. C u m m in g s Trust; P e n g u in U K Ltd for a d a p te d Table 10 fr o m Peter
T ru d g ill, Sociolinguistics: A n In tro d u c tio n to la n g u a g e a n d Society, P e n g u in B o o k s, 1974,
revised 1983, p. 109. C o p y r ig h t Peter T ru d g ill. 1974, 1983. G u a r d ia n N ew s a n d M e d ia Ltd
for: T h e extract in 3.2.2 fr o m th e article en title d 'G a lile o s telescope: Let's hear it for inventors
a n d to o lm a k e rs , c o p y rig h t G u a r d ia n N ew s & M e d ia Ltd 2009; th e extract in 3.3.4 fro m
the article e n title d 'H e e d th e call o f co m pa ssio n ' b y D e s m o n d T u tu a n d K a re n A rm s tro n g ,
c o p y rig h t G u a r d ia n N ew s & M e d ia L td 2009.
Every effort ha s b e e n m a d e to trace all th e co p y rig h t ho ld ers b u t il a n y ha v e been in a d v e r

te n tly overlo o ke d th e p u b lis h e rs w ill b e ple ased to m a k e th e necessary arra n g e m e n ts at the
firs t o p p o rtu n ity .
Introduction
O n e o l o u r m o s t strik in g attrib utes as h u m a n bein gs is o u r a b ility to use la n gu ag e . T h e stu d y

o f th e na tu re o f la n g u ag e a n d h o w it is used is c alled lin g u istic s . T h is b o o k is in te n d e d as an
in tro d u c tio n to th e lin g u istic s o f the E n g lis h la n gu ag e . It covers a ran g e o f subjects w ith in the
lin g u is tic dis c ip lin e s a n d a pp lie s th e m to th e stu d y o f th e E n g lis h language.
T h e first ch a p te r in tro du ces y o u to those disciplines a n d the seco n d pro vid es a n essential
to o lk it for the analysis o t th e la n gu ag e , in c lu d in g th e s o u n d system , w o r d structures a n d
sentence structures o f E n g lis h . C h a p te r 3 extends th e analy sis to th e c o n s id e ra tio n o f d is
courses a n d texts, w h ile C h a p te r 4 review s h o w E n g lis h ha s d eve lo pe d h is to ric a lly fro m
its b e g in n in g s . C h a p te r 5 review s issues in the in te ra c tio n o f la n g u a g e a n d society (s o c io lin
g uistics) a n d C h a p te r 6 considers la n g u ag e a n d the in d iv id u a l (p sy c h o lin g uistics), in c lu d in g
language a c q u is itio n . T h e fin a l chapter reflects o n la n g u ag e in use (p ragm atics).
Y o u w ill fin d th a t n o p r io r k n o w le d g e o f lin g u istic s o r th e s tu d y o f E n g lis h la n g u ag e is
assu m e d , a n d a ll te rm s are ex p la in e d w here th ey are in tro d u c e d , as w e ll as in the glossary at
th e e n d o f th e bo o k .
Each chapter is s u p p lie d w ith a n u m b e r o f'a c tiv itie s ' w h ic h co m e at the e n d o f th e m a in
text a n d refer back to p a rtic u la r sections in the chapter. These are in te n d e d to ex te n d your
u n d e r s ta n d in g o f th e ch a p te r a n d to practise te c h n iq u e s o f analysis. I f a p p ro p ria te , answers
a re p ro v id e d to activities. T h e activities are fo llo w e d b y suggestions for m o re extensive
la n g u ag e projects a n d b y p o in te rs to fu r th e r re a d in g o n the to p ic s c overed in th e chapter.
T h e b o o k is co m p le te d b y a bib lio g ra p h y , a glossary a n d a n in d e x . T he re are also o n lin e
resources lo r b o th stu d e n ts a n d lecturers, a n d these arc located at http://linguistics.jacksons to c k w e ll.c o n tin u u m b o o k s .c o m
W e h o p e th at th is b o o k w ill act as a s p r in g b o a rd fo r fu r th e r s tu d y in lin g u istic s , a n d th at
y o u w ill be in s p ire d to take y o u r investigatio ns in to the E nglish language fu rth e r, e ith e r as
p a r t o f y o u r course, o r for y o u r o w n interest a n d pleasure.
Describing Language
Chapter Outline
O v e rv ie w
1.1 W h a t is la n g u a g e ?
1.2 L a n g u a g e is c o n te x tu a lize d
1.3 D e s c r ib in g la n g u a g e : t h e lin g u is t ic d is c ip lin e s
1 .4 L a n g u a g e d a ta
11
A c tiv itie s
13
14
Overview
T h e a im o f th is o p e n in g c h a p te r is to set th e scene. It preview s in general te rm s the topics th at
w c w a n t to explore in th is bo o k . T h e d e ta il is fille d i n b y the fo llo w in g chapters. It investigates
th e nature o f la n gu ag e , o u tlin in g th e d is c ip lin e o f lin g u istic s , w h ic h pro v id e s th e ac a de m ic
fra m e w o rk for ta lk in g a b o u t language.
1.1 What is language?

W e need to d is tin g u is h first o f all b etw een la n g u a g e a n d a la n g u a g e . W e use th e term
la n g u a g e to refer lo th e g ene ral fa c u lty w h ic h enables h u m a n b e in g s to engage in the
v e rb a l exchange o f in fo r m a tio n
to 'ta lk ' to each other. T h e exchange m a y take place b y
m e a n s o l speech, w ritin g , s ig n in g , o r braille . A n d it m a y b e in a n y one o l th e w o rld s 6,900

or so id e n tifie d languag es ( w w w .cthnologue.com ).
W e are n o w u s in g la n g u a g e in o u r seco n d sense: to refer to a la n g u a g e . A la n g u ag e is the
p a rtic u la r fo r m o f v e rb a l c o m m u n ic a tio n used b y a specific g r o u p o f speakers. la n g u ag e is
d e fin e d in part b y th e p a rtic u la r characteristics o f its p r o n u n c ia tio n , g ra m m a tic a l structure
a n d vocabulary. It m a y b e d e fin ed , too, b y th e fact th at its speakers u n d e rs ta n d each o th e r
b u t are n o t u n d e r s to o d b y a n d d o n o t them selves u n d e r s ta n d speakers o f oth e r languages.
C h a p te r 1
However, a language is often also d e fin e d in political o r nation al terms: for exam ple, H u n g aria n is
the language spo ken b y th e pe o ple o f H un g a ry . B o th o l these are o v e rs im p lic a tio n s as w e shall
see later. B u t for no w , it serves to m a k e th e d is tin c tio n betw een la n g u a g e a n d a la n gu ag e .
1.1.1 Speech and w ritin g

S pe ech a n d w r itin g are the e x p re s s io n side o fla n g u a g e , the m e d ia b y w h ic h w e d is s e m in a te
o u r ve rb a l messages. O f these, speech is th e p r im a r y m e d iu m o f expression: w e ac q u ire the
a b ility to speak first; w c arc n o t ta u g h t to speak, as w e arc ta u g h t to write; all languag es have
a s p o k e n fo rm , b u t n o t all are w ritte n , a n d n o n a tu ra l la n g u ag e ha s existed in a w ritte n fo rm
before be in g a spo ken language.
W h e n w e speak, w e p r o d u c e a succession o f speech so u nd s. W h e n w c write, w e p r o d u c e a
succession o f w ritte n sy m b o ls: for E n g lis h , b y co ntrast w ith C h in e s e , these are letters, the
c o u n te rp a rt in w r itin g to th e s o u n d s o f speech. T h e s o u n d s o f speech a rc a c c o m p a n ie d b y the
r h y th m a n d pitc h features o f in to n a tio n . T h e letters o f w r itin g are o rg a n iz e d b y the devices o f
s p a c in g a n d p u n c tu a tio n . In to n a tio n in c lu d e s v a ria tio n in p itc h over a sequence o f sounds,
v a r ia tio n o f em p h a sis o r stress, as w ell as features o f c o n tin u ity a n d p a u sin g . P u n c tu a tio n
in c lu d e s th e use o f spaces to separate g ro up s o f letters, as w ell as m arks like the fu ll stop,
qu e s tio n m a r k , e x c la m a tio n m a rk , c o m m a a n d c o lo n , sin g le a n d d o u b le q u o ta tio n marks;
a n d p e rh a p s even, w ith word-processed text, the use o f b o ld , u n d e r lin in g , italics. A ll this
suggests th a t la n g u ag e has structure.
1.1.2 W ords and sentences

W h a t are th e s o u n d s o f speech a n d the letters o f w r itin g expressing? Speech is n o t ju s t a
seq ue nce o f s o u n d s , n o r w r itin g ju s t a seq ue nce o f letters. T h e spaces in w r itin g in d ic a te that
letters fo rm larger un its: w ords. A n d th e p u n c tu a tio n in d ic a tes th a t there are larger u n its still:
fu ll stops m a r k sentences, c o m m a s a n d s e m ic o lo n s m a y m a r k phrases a n d clauses. These
s tru c tu ra l u n its are m o r e o b v io u s in w r itin g th a n in speech, because w r itin g reflects n o t just
p r o n u n c ia tio n , b u t aspects o f g ra m m a tic a l structure as w e ll W o rd s a n d sentences, as u n its o f
structure , are expressed, th o u g h , b y speech as w ell as b y w ritin g .
W e rarely co m m u n ic a te i n single sentences, however. I n th e d ia lo g u e o f conversation, the
ultcranccs o f the pa rticip an ts b u ild u p in to a d isco u rse . I n w ritin g , w h ethe r its a new spaper
article or a 500-page novel, the sentences c o m b in e to fo r m a t e x t {see S ection 1.3.4). Discourses
a n d texts are also u n its o fla n g u a g e w ith th e ir p a rticu la r fo rm s o f o rg a n iza tio n a n d structure.
1.1.3 La n g u a g e is . . .
F ro m w h a t w e ha v e said so far, w c c a n say th at la n g u ag e is th e h u m a n faculty th a t enables
us to exchange m e a n in g fu l messages w ith s o m e o f o u r fe llow h u m a n bein gs b y m e a n s o f
discourses a n d texts, w h ic h are structure d a c c o rd in g to the rules a n d c o n v e n tio n s o f the
p a rtic u la r language th a t w e share w ith those fellow h u m a n beings.
L a n g u a g e is C o n te x t u a liz e d
1.2 Language is contextualized

N o n e o f u s speaks a n d w rites o u r la n g u ag e (o r languag es) in exactly th e sam e way. W e are
a ll in d iv id u a ls w h e n it c o nie s to la n gu ag e , as w e are in o th e r aspects o f o u r b e h a v io u r, e.g. o u r
m a n n e ris m s , th e w a y we dress or d o o u r hair. A n in d iv id u a ls la n g u ag e is c a lled th e ir id io le c t:
the fo r m le d derives fro m a G re e k w o rd m e a n in g speak, a n d id io derives fr o m th e Greek
w o rd for private
For a n y d isc o u rse o r text th a t we p r o d u c e a n u m b e r o f factors c o n trib u te to o u r in d iv id u
a lity as la n g u a g e users. First, there are ps y c h o lo g ic a l factors: o u r in d iv id u a l h is to ry as
la n g u a g e users. T h e n there are g eo g raph ical factors: w h e re w e c o m e f r o m or ha v e lived
d u r in g c h ild h o o d a n d adolescence. T h e n there are so c ia l factors: th e social m ilie u in w h ic h
w e w ere b ro u g h t u p a n d th e social g ro up s to w h ic h w e b e lo n g . A n d lastly, there arc factors
relatin g to the p u rp o s e o f a d isco u rse o r text. W e w ill lo o k at each o f these diffe ren t types o f
c o n te x t in tu rn .
1.2.1 Psych o lo gical factors

W e n o r m a lly b e g in o u r a c q u is itio n o f la n g u ag e d u r in g th e firs t year o f life w it h in the context
o f a fam ily, w here w e are spo ken to b y oth e r fa m ily m e m b e rs - parents, sisters a n d brothers,
a u n ts a n d uncles, g ra n d p are n ts . F ro m th e m w e le a rn o u r e a rly vocabulary. O n th e ir speech
w e m o d e l o u r speech. E ve n tually w e c a n pa rticipate in th e ir conversations.
In d u e course w e go to s c h o o l. O u r la n g u a g e le a r n in g c o n tin u e s apace a n d n o w brin g s
in th e w r itte n m e d iu m : w e le a rn to read a n d w rite . N o t o n ly th a t, b u t w e p r o b a b ly co m e
across d ilfe r e n t styles o f sp e ak in g . T h e te a c h e rs w a y o f s p e a k in g m a y d iffe r lr o m o u r ow n;
s o m e o f o u r peers m a y s p e a k differently. N e w m o d e ls m a y b e pre se nte d to us to im ita te . W e
m a y le a rn to speak i n a d iffe r e n t w a y at s c h o o l fr o m h o w w e sp e a k at h o m e . It m a y even
b e th e case th a t th e la n g u a g e o f s c h o o l a n d th e la n g u a g e o f h o m e are tw o diffe ren t
lan gu ag e s: E n g lis h a n d B e n g a li, say. In th is case, we b e g in to a c q u ire a s e c o n d la n g u a g e a n d
to b e c o m e b ilin g u a l.
A s o u r sc h o o lin g progresses a n d especially as w e le a rn to read a n d w rite, we b e c o m e aware
o f the o p e ra tio n o f language itself: th e relation betw een s o u n d s a n d letters, the n o t io n o f a
sentence. I f w e g o o n to le arn a foreign la n g u ag e i n scho ol, w e m a y have o u r atte n tio n d ra w n
to differences b etw een th at la n g u ag e a n d E n g lis h . W e b e g in to deve lo p w h a t is called
m e ta lin g u is tic k n o w led g e: k n o w le d g e ab o u t language.
Already, o n en te rin g s c h o o l, w e f in d ourselves ta k in g o n d iffe re n t roles: th e role o f c h ild to
o u r parents, th at o f sister o r b ro th e r to o u r sib lin g s, th at o f frie n d to o u r peers. I n scho ol, we
take o n the role o f p u p il to o u r teachers. A s w e go o n i n life , th e roles th at w e assu m e m ay
b e c o m e m o r e n u m e r o u s a n d varie d. F o r each one, we m a y a d ju s t o u r la n gu ag e , o u r style o f
speech o r w ritin g , e ven i f o n ly b y a s m a ll a m o u n t. It m a y b e th a t s o m e roles m a y require
a d iffe re n t languag e: c o nside r th e religious use o f H e b re w for lews, A ra b ic for M u s lim s ,
C h a p te r 1
P u n ja b i for S ik h s . O u r language a b ility as ad u lts spa n s a n u m b e r o f varieties, w h ic h we use

ac c o rd in g to the contex t in w h ic h w e are s p e a k in g o r w ritin g .
1.2.2 G e o grap h ical factors

O n e o f th e w ays in w h ic h a la n g u ag e varies is regionally. W e refer to a regional va rie ty o f
a la n g u ag e as a d ia lc c t. D ia le c t v a ria tio n m a y affcct th e w o rd s w c use (v o ca b u la ry ), the
structures w e use (g r a m m a r ) a n d th e s o u n d s we use (p r o n u n c ia tio n ). I f th e v ariation
c o n c e rn s p r o n u n c ia tio n alone, th e n w e refer to ac c e n t rathe r th a n diale ct. R e g io n a l va riation
m a y b e a m a tte r o f th e difference betw een n a tio n a l varieties, e.g. B ritish E n g lis h , A m e ric a n
E n g lis h . A u s tra lia n E n g lis h , In d ia n E n g lis h . O r it m a y be a m a tte r o f v a ria tio n w ith in a
n a tio n a l variety, w ith v a r y in g degrees o f specificity, e.g. W est M id la n d s accent/d iale ct, Black
C o u n tr y accent/d iale ct, D u d le y accent/dialect.
T h e accent o r d ia le ct th at w e use in a n y p a r tic u la r contex t w ill b e d e te rm in e d b y a n u m b e r
o f factors. O u r d ia le ct is fo rm e d in itia lly w h e n w e m o d e l o u r speech o n th at o f o u r fa m ily a n d
also o n th a t o f o u r peers, a t s c h o o l o r elsewhere. It c o n fo rm s to the d ia le ct o f the area in
w h ic h w c live. I I w e m o v e away tro m th a t area, say to r un iv e rs ity e d u c a tio n o r for w o rk , we
m a y m o d if y o u r accen t/d iale ct to m a k e ourselves m o r e u n d e rs ta n d a b le to people fr o m other
areas o f th e co u n try . W h e n w e g o b a c k h o m e , w e m a y w ell resum e s p e a k in g in o u r local
dialect. In d e e d , we m a y f in d th at w e have b e c o m e bi-dialectal, s p e a k in g tw o dialects,
c h o o s in g the a p p ro p ria te o n e for th e pe o ple th a t w e are ta lk in g w ith . W e m a y n o t d o this
conscio usly, b u t it sho w s th at wc can ad a p t o u r la n g u ag e to the context.
1.2.3 S o cia l facto rs

W e have n o te d already that, as in d iv id u a l speakers, w e a d op t a n u m b e r o f social roles, w h ic h m a y
require us to vary the language th at w e use. The role th at w e have in a particular context is only
o ne o l the social factors th at influences th e language w c use. T h e oth e r people invo lve d in the
interaction, w hether as partners in a conversation or as an audience for a spo ken m o n o lo g u e or
a w ritten text, m a y require us to adapt o u r language to the context. O u r relationship w ith these
people, b o th in term s o f fa m ilia rity a n d i n term s o f relative social status, are obviously im po rtant
d ete rm in an ts a n d affect the fo r m a lity o f o u r language. The m o re diverse a n d u n k n o w n the
audience, the less w e s h o u ld b e able to use features o l o u r local dialect, for example.
T h e p h ysical contex t m a y c o m b in e w ith o th e r social factors to in flu e n c e o u r language.
T h e sam e to p ic discussed in the c o m m o n r o o m o r o n th e bus m a y be c o u c h e d in different
language fro m th e discussion o f it in th e classroo m o r in a tu to r s study. T h e presence o f the
tu to r m a y b e seen as in flu e n tia l here, w h ic h b rin g s u s b a ck to th e pe o ple invo lve d i n an
interactio n.
B o th w h at we ta lk o r w rite a b o u t - th e to p ic o f o u r message - a n d th e ty pe o f interactio n
in w h ic h it takes pla c e - s e rm o n , interview , chat show , ne w sp a pe r article, etc. - are also part
o f th e contex t a n d have an in flu e n c e o n the va rie ty o f la n g u ag e th a t w e em ploy.
D e s c r ib in g L a n g u a g e : T h e L in g u is t ic D is c ip lin e s
1.2.4 Purpose facto rs

T h e co ntcx t in w h ic h a discourse o r text is p ro d u c e d in c lu d e s its pu rp o s e . S o m e language,
especially i n in fo r m a l co nve rsa tio n , has th e sole p u rp o s e o f m a in ta in in g social relationships,
rathe r th a n w ith c o n v e y in g a n y n e w in fo r m a tio n . M u c h o f o u r c o n v e rsa tio n a b o u t the
w eather is o f th is k in d .
O th e r discourse /te x t has th e p u rp o s e o f g e ttin g th in g s d o n e , g iv in g in s tru c tio n s , directing
o th e r pe o ple . O th e r discourse ha s a persuasive p u rp o s e , a tte m p tin g to c o n v in c e o th e r people
o f the rightness o f a b e lie f o r id e a. O r a discourse/text m a y have e n te rta in m e n t as its purp ose ,
b y m e a n s o f te llin g a story o r c ra c k in g a jo k e o r pla y in g cleverly w ith language itself.
A d is tin c tio n is so m e tim e s m a d e b etw een la n g u ag e th at is in te r a c tio n a l a n d la n g u ag e th at
is tr a n s a c tio n a l. In te ra c tio n a l la n g u ag e ha s its m a in focus o n th e social relation ships betw een
pa rticip a n ts w h e n th ey s p e a k to each other. T ran sa c tio n a l la n g u ag e ha s its m a in focus o n the
message th a t the la n g u ag e conveys: it is la n g u ag e for d o in g things.
W h a t beco m e s clear is that, as language users, wc ha v e c o m m a n d o v e r a w id e variety of
la n gu ag e , w h e th e r ju s t in o n e la n gu ag e , or in tw o o r m o re. W e a d ju s t o u r la n g u ag e to the
c ontex t in w h ic h w e are ta lk in g or w ritin g . T h e c o ro lla ry o f th is is th a t a n y language do e s n o t
h a v e ju s t o n e s ta n d a r d fo rm , b u t a m u ltip lic ity o f fo rm s. As users o f a language, w e have to
c ho o se fr o m th is m u ltip lic ity w h a t is ap p ro p ria te to an y given context.
1.3 Describing language: the linguistic disciplines

F ro m th e pre vio us tw o sections o f th is ch a p te r w e have established th at la n g u ag e ha s stru c
ture a n d th at la n g u ag e has e n o r m o u s variety. W h a t a lin g u is t tries to d o is to investigate th at
s tructure a n d th a t va rie ty a n d pro po se w ays o f d e s c rib in g th e m th at w ill illu m in a te th e m a n d
g ive in s ig h t in to th e ir w o rkin gs.
It is w o r th e m p h a s iz in g th at a lin g u is t is interested in w h a t speakers a n d w riters actua lly
d o w ith la n gu ag e , n o t in w h a t th e y o u g h t to d o in o rd e r to p ro d u c e correct o r 'p ro p e r
la n gu ag e . L in g u is tic s is fu n d a m e n ta lly d e s c rip tiv e rathe r th a n p re s c rip tiv e . L in g u is ts take
the d a ta o f speech a n d w r itin g (see S ec tio n 1.4) a n d m a k e a n analy sis o f it, w ith th e pu rp ose
o f p r o v id in g d e s c rip tio n s o f a lan g u ag e in all its diverse m a n ife s ta tio n s a n d o f m a k in g sense
o f h u m a n bein gs la n g u ag e faculty.
To th at e n d , a n u m b e r o f lin g u is tic d is c ip lin e s have b e e n d e ve lo pe d, w h ic h deal w ith
v a rio u s aspects o fla n g u a g e a n d its use. W e w ill n o w re v ie w s o m e o f these, to g ive y o u a n idea
b o t h o f th e range o f lin g u istic p h e n o m e n a th a t there is to in vestigate a n d o f th e scope o f the
a c a d e m ic d is c ip lin e o f lin g uistics.
1.3.1 D escribing sounds

T he re are tw o related lin g u is tic d is c ip lin e s c o n c e rn e d w ith th e d e s c rip tio n o f sound s:
p h o n e tic s a n d p h o n o lo g y . P ho ne tics deals w ith h u m a n speech s o u n d s in general: w h at
C h a p te r 1
co nstitutes a h u m a n speech s o u n d , the w a y in w h ic h speech s o u n d s are p ro d u c e d (their

a rtic u la tio n ), the range o f speech s o u n d s th at h u m a n bein gs are capab le o f, th e physical
(a c o u s tic ) qu alities o f speech sounds.
P h o n o lo g y deals w ith speech s o u n d s fr o m th e perspective o f a p a rtic u la r language. It
considers th e sele ction th a t a language m akes fro m th e in v e n to ry o l h u m a n speech sounds,
a n d th e contrasts th at the la n g u ag e invokes for the p u rp o s e o f d is tin g u is h in g w ords. It also
considers th e ways in w h ic h s o u n d s c o m b in e in a lan g u ag e in to syllables a n d w ords, as well
as features o f in to n a tio n , stress a n d so o n , w h ic h a c c o m p a n y speech.
1.3.2 D e scrib in g w ords

T h e w o rd s o f a la n g u ag e arc investigated a n d describ ed b y m e a n s o f th e d is c ip lin e s of
le x icolo gy a n d m o rp h o lo g y . Lexicology is co n c e rn e d w ith e sta b lish in g w h a t a w o r d is in a
language; is th e w o rd e ar referring to th e o rg a n o f h e a rin g the sam e w o r d as th e e ar o f a cereal
pla n t (ear 0/ w heat)? It is also co n c e rn e d w ith h o w th e m e a n in g s o f w o rd s c a n b e described,
a n d w ith th e h is to ry o f w o rd s a n d th e ir m e a n in g s. L e x ico log y considers, to o , h o w w o rd s
relate to each o th e r in th e vo c ab u lary as a w h o le (e.g. th e m e a n in g s th ey share). T h e insights
o f le x icolo gy are a p p lie d in le x ic og rap hy to th e m a k in g o f d ic tio n a rie s , w h ic h are atte m p ts to
m a k e de s c rip tio n s o f a la n g u ag e s w o r d stock.
M o rp h o lo g y , w h ic h is so m e tim e s reg ard e d as a p a r t o f g ra m m a r, is co n c e rn e d w ith the
analysis o f the structure o f w ords. 'H ie w o r d m o rpho log y is m a d e u p o f tw o e lem ents that
d erive fro m G reek : m o rp h m e a n s form ' a n d logos m e a n s w o rd , reason, study'. M o rp h o lo g y
is th e s tu d y o f (w o rd ) fo rm s. A w o rd such as d e n a tio n a lize d is c o m p o s e d o f a n u m b e r o f
e lem ents (calle d m o rp h e m e s):
the root nation,
the -al suffix to m ake national,
the -izc sutfix to make nationalize,
the de- prefix to make denationalize,
and finally the -(e)d suffix to make the past tense or past participle form o f the verb.
M o r p h o lo g y describes these w o rd fo rm a tio n a n d w o rd s tr u c tu r in g processes, a n d h o w w ords
v a ry in fo r m (b y m e a n s o f in fle c tio n s) for diffe ren t g ra m m a tic a l purposes.
1.3.3 D e scrib in g sentences

T h e lin g u istic d is c ip lin e th a t deals w ith th e structure o f sentences is syntax, w h ic h , a lo n g
w ith m o rp h o lo g y , constitutes g ra m m a r. T h e w o rd syntax derives fr o m a G re e k te rm th at means
'p u ttin g together': it investigates h o w w o rd s are p u t together in to sentences. T h is is n o t ju s t a
m a tte r o f possible w o r d orders; e.g. I hav e to write a n essay o n H a m le t is a po ssib le o rd e r in
English, w h ile Have to I H am le t o n essay write is n o t. It also concerns the differences i n m e a n in g
th a t result fr o m a lte rn a tiv e po ssib le orders: c o m p a r e / im kissed M a r y , M a r y kissed lim .
D e s c r ib in g L a n g u a g e : T h e L in g u is t ic D is c ip lin e s
Jim a n d M a r y kissed. A n d it considers a ll th e va rio u s w ays, s im p le a n d c o m p le x , i n w h ic h

sentences are structured.
S yn tax is so m e tim e s lim ite d to the stu d y o f the structure o l sentences. IIo w cve r, sentences
them selves are p u t together in to texts a n d discourses. T hese, th o u g h , are s tru c tu re d rather
d iffe re n tly fr o m sentences a n d th e y have spaw n e d th e ir o w n lin g u is tic disciplines.
1.3.4 D escribing disco u rses and texts

For s o m e lin g uists, the te rm d is c o u rs e in c lu d e s b o th s p o k e n a n d w ritte n discourses. So,
d iscourse analysis w o u ld be c o n c e rn e d e q u a lly w ith the d ia lo g u e o f co nve rsatio n a n d the
w ritte n articles fo u n d in scientific jo u rn a ls . O th e r lin g uists use th e te rm te x t lin g u is tic s
to in c lu d e b o t h w ritte n a n d sp o k e n texts'. It is pe rh a p s m o r e sensible, since b o t h te rm s exist,
to restrict d is c o u rs e to sp o k e n la n g u ag e a n d text to w ritte n language.
D is c o u rs e analy sis is, th en , th e lin g u istic d is c ip lin e co n c e rn e d w ith th e d e s crip tio n ol
sp o k e n in te ra c tio n , w h ethe r in th e d ia lo g ue s o f interview s a n d co nve rsatio n o r in the
m o n o lo g u e s o f s e rm o n s a n d lectures. It investigates the w ays in w h ic h p a r tic ip a n ts in
d ia lo g u e interact, h o w a co nve rsatio n keeps g o in g , as w ell as th e m e c h a n is m s for co n tro llin g
m o re stru c tu re d in teractio n s, like interview s.
Text lin g u istic s , o r text g ra m m a r, is co n c e rn e d w ith th e s tu d y o f w ritte n c o m m u n ic a tio n ,
m a in ly in the fo r m o f m o n o lo g u e s, b u t also oc ca sio n a lly in th e fo r m o f a d ia lo g u e , as in an
e xchange o f letters. It investigates th e features th at m a k e a text m a k e sense as a w h o le , as well
as the m e a n s, e.g. pa ra g ra p h s, b y w h ic h texts are s tru ctu re d a n d th e various types o f text
th at exist to fu lfil th e diverse fu n c tio n s th at texts have in c o m m u n ic a tio n (e.g. te llin g a story,
a rg u in g a p o in t, d e s c rib in g a place , te llin g s o m e o n e h o w to d o so m e th in g ).
1.3.5 D escribing m eaning

M e a n in g is all pervasive in la n gu ag e . T h e oth e r aspects o f la n g u ag e - the sounds/letters, the
m o rp h o lo g y , th e sy n tax - a ll serve the p u rp o s e o f c o m m u n ic a tin g m e a n in g fu l messages
b etw een h u m a n beings. T h e stu d y o f m e a n in g is th e pro v in c e o f th e lin g u istic d is c ip lin e o f
sem antics. S em antics deals w ith the m e a n in g o f w o rd s a n d o f parts o f w o rd s (m o rp h e m e s ),
a n d so overlaps w ith th e interests o f le x icolo gy a n d m o rp h o lo g y . It also deals w ith the m e a n
in g o f sentences, a n d so overlaps w ith th e interests o f syntax. In d e e d , th e te rm s e m a n tic s is
s o m e tim e s q u a lifie d to reflect these diffe ren t concerns, e.g. lexical s e m a n tic s , g ra m m a tic a l
sem antics.
1.3.6 D escribing la n gu a ge and the in dividu al

T h e ways i n w h ic h an in fa n t acquires la n g u ag e a n d th e in v e s tig a tio n o f w h a t goes o n in s id e a
persons m in d w h e n they use la n g u ag e are s tu d ie d b y psych olin guistics. A s th e te rm im plies,
th is is a d is c ip lin e th at spa n s th e c o m m o n interests o f p s y c h o lo g y a n d lin g uistics. Its interest
is la n g u ag e as a n aspe ct o f h u m a n beh avio ur, in c lu d in g la n g u ag e i n its n o r m a l fu n c tio n s : how
C h a p te r 1
w e store la n gu ag e , h o w w e access it a n d the processes in v o lv e d in u n d e r s ta n d in g a n d

p r o d u c in g language. It is also interested in h o w in d iv id u a ls o pe rate as b ilin g u a ls , w h e n they
ac q u ire a n d use tw o o r m o r e languages.
A s w e ll as in ve stigatin g h o w h u m a n bein gs ac q u ire a la n g u ag e a n d le a rn s e c o n d a n d
sub se qu en t languages, p s ych olin guistics also studies language b re a k d o w n a n d loss in
in d iv id u a ls , as a result o f h e a d in ju ry , stroke o r oth e r tra u m a . A n in d iv id u a ls la n g u ag e m a y
p ro v id e ev id e nce o f the n a tu re o f the in ju r y suffered; equally, th e lan g u ag e loss, o r aphasia,
m a y tell us s o m e th in g a b o u t h o w o u r b ra in s process language.
1.3.7 D e scrib in g la n gu a ge and so cial variatio n

T h e ways in w h ic h language varies so cially is the c o n c e rn o t s o c io lin g uistics, w 'hich, as the
te r m im p lie s , lies a t th e intersection o f lin g u istic s a n d sociology. M a n y o f the categories
o f sociology, e.g. social g ro u p o r social n e tw o rk , are u s e d b y s o c io lin g u is ts to investigate
th e ways in w h ic h la n g u ag e reflects, m a in ta in s o r even co nstitutes so c ia l d is tin c tio n s , social
id e n tity a n d behaviour.
Sociolinguistics often investigates th e correlation between a linguistic feature, e.g. o l p r o n u n
c ia tio n o r gra m m a r, a n d a social d is tin c tio n , e.g. gender o r social class. It is also interested in
h o w m u ltilin g u a l c o m m u n itie s w o rk , h o w lin g uistic m in o ritie s (e.g. W e lsh or Bengali in the
U K ) m a n a g e , a n d h o w lin g u a francas like pid g in s a n d creoles {e.g. in th e C a rib b e a n ) develop.
1.3.8 D e scrib in g la n gu a ge in use

M o re recently (in the last few decades) a lin g uistic d isc ip lin e has developed ca lled pragm atics,
w 'hich d ra w s o n a n u m b e r o f the d is c ip lin e s w e have a lre ady m e n tio n e d in ord e r to present
an a c c o u n t o l th e ways i n w 'hich la n g u ag e is used. T h e e m p h a s is is o n the contexts a n d
p u rp o s e s o fla n g u a g e use. It draw s o n so c io lin g u is tic s a n d discourse analy sis e sp e c ia lly It is
interested, for exam ple, in h o w pe o ple use la n g u ag e to get th in g s do n e , o r to in flu e n c e others,
or to persuade.
1.3.9 Su m m arizin g . . .
T h e core lin g u is tic d is c ip lin e s , those w h ic h stu d y th e system o l language, arc: p h o n o lo g y
(d r a w in g o n
p h o n e tic s ),
m o rp h o lo g y ,
lexicology,
syntax
and
discourse
analysis/text
lin g uistics. P erv a d in g th e m a ll to a greater o r lesser extent is sem antics.

I.o o k in g o u tw a rd fro m la n g u a g e to th e w id e r contex t o f its use in h u m a n c o m m u n ic a tio n
are the d is c ip lin e s o f psych olin guistics, so c io lin g uistic s a n d pragm atics.
L a n g u a g e c a n b e a p p ro a c h e d Ir o m a n u m b e r o f perspectives. It is as th is is d o n e th at a
p ic ture o f the v a rie ty a n d c o m p le x ity o f la n g u ag e beg in s to em erge. It is a n exp loration
th at seem s to have barely be g u n . Y o u can share in th a t e x p lo ra tio n as y o u u n d e rta k e wro rk in
la n g u ag e study.
L a n g u a g e D a ta
1.4 Language data

W h a t a rc lin g u is ts d e scrib in g ? W h e r e d o th ey get th e ir d a ta fr o m ? L in g u is ts c la im to be
d e s c rib in g w h a t p e o p le say a n d w rite, n o t 'prescribing' h o w th ey s h o u ld d o it. T h e y are,
th crclore , n o t try in g ju s t to id e n tity best practice. A n y th in g th a t is said o r w ritte n in a
la n g u ag e co nstitutes d a ta th a t m a y be o f interest to a lin g u is t for so m e descriptive pu rp ose
o r other.
1.4.1 Introspection
S o m e lin g u is ts believe th a t, as n ative speakers o f a la n gu ag e , reflecting o n th e ir o w n k n o w
ledge o f th e ir la n g u ag e p ro v id e s th e m w ith th e d a ta th a t th ey need. T h is is accessing
lin g u is tic d a ta b y in tro s p e c tio n . For s o m e p u rp ose s, e.g. te stin g h o w a lin g u is tic th eo ry
w o rks, th is m a y p ro v id e ad e q u a te data. B u t it has th e d a n g e r o f p r o d u c in g o n ly th e d a ta that
the lin g u is t ne ed s to pro ve a p o in t. A n d it is ve ry d iffic u lt so m e tim e s to b e sure w h a t your
o w n practice is i n lin g u is tic matters: repeat s o m e th in g e n o u g h tim e s to y o u rse lf a n d yo u
c a n pe rsu ad e yo urse lf th a t th is is w h a t y o u reg ularly say. For exam ple , d o y o u say She's quite
different fro m her m o th er or She's q u ite different to h e r m o th er?
1.4.2 Elicitatio n
T h e self-generated, subjective d a ta f r o m in tro s p e c tio n is fo r m o s t p u rp o s e s q u ite in a d e
qu ate . T he re are tw o othe r, m o re reliable, w ays o f o b t a in in g d a ta . I f a lin g u is t is interested in
in v e s tig a tin g s o m e p a r tic u la r aspect o f la n gu ag e , th e y m a y n eed to c o lle ct s o m e very
sp e c ific data. To d o th a t, th e y m a y c o n s tr u c t a qu e s tio n n a ire to elic it th e d a ta th a t th e y are
interested in , fr o m a p a rtic u la r set o f speakers o f a lan gu ag e . T h is is, therefore, c a lled the
e lic ita tio n te c h n iq u e o f o b ta in in g data. T h is is a c o m m o n te c h n iq u e i n s o c io lin g uistic s,
w h e re a lin g u is t is s tu d y in g th e c o rre la tio n betw een lin g u is tic features a n d social categories.
For e x a m p le , a lin g u is t m a y be interested i n fin d in g o u t w h ic h p re p o sitio n p a rticu la r
s o c ia l g ro up s use afte r th e ad je c tiv e different (different fro m , different to o r different th a n ).
A n e lic ita tio n te c h n iq u e , b y m e a n s o f a q u e s tio n n a ire , w o u ld be an a p p ro p ria te w ay i n w h ic h
to co lle ct such data.
1.4.3 Corpora
M a n y lin g u is ts , w h o m a y b e interested in rath e r b ro a d e r areas o f lin g u is tic in v e s tig a tio n , rely
these days o n a c o rp u s o f data. A co rp u s (fro m L a tin fo r 'b o d y ') is a c o lle c tio n o f texts a n d /o r
discourses w h ic h a lin g u is t uses to s tu d y aspects o l a language. F o r investigatio ns o t the
language system , th e c o rp u s w ill n eed to be q u ite extensive, a n d to in c lu d e a representative
sa m p le o f th e range o f discourses a n d texts th at o c c u r i n a la n g u ag e c o m m u n ity . I f th e in te r
est is in vocabulary, i.e. lexicological, th e n th e co rp u s needs to b e m o r e extensive th a n i f the
C h a p te r 1
interest is p h o n o lo g ic a l o r g ra m m a tic a l. T hese days th e c o rp u s is lik e ly to b e h e ld o n a

co m puter.
O n e o f th e earliest a n d m o s t fa m o u s co rp o ra (or corpuses) is th e S urve y o f English Usage,
w h ic h is a co rp u s o f s o m e 750,000 w ords, tw o- third s o f w h ic h is s p o k e n data. It w as collected
at U n iv e rsity C o lle g e L o n d o n u n d e r th e d ire c tio n o f Professor R a n d o lp h Q u ir k , a n d it has
been u s e d b y m a n y lin g u is ts to investigate va rio u s aspects o f E n g lis h (see: ww w .ucl.ac.uk/
english-usage/index.htm ). It was co nv e rte d in to c o m p u te r fo r m at th e U n iv e rsity o f L u n d in
Sw eden a n d becam e th e L o n d o n - L u n d C orpus. A n o th e r extensively u s e d c o m p u te r c o rp u s is
the 1 m illio n w o rd Lancaster/Oslo-Bergen C o rp us (k n o w n as L O B ), w h ic h c o n ta in s som e
500 text extracts o f a r o u n d 2,000 w o rd s e a c h fro m p r in te d m a te ria l p u b lis h e d i n th e year
1961 (see: h ttp ://k h n t.h it.u ib .n o /ic a m e /m a m ia ls/lo b /in d e x .h tm ) . It w as c o n s tru c te d u n d er
th e dire c tio n o f Professor G e o ffre y Leech at the U n iv e rsity o f Lancaster as a B ritish E nglish
c o u n te rp a rt to a co rp u s o f A m e r ic a n E n g lis h th at h a d been co nstruc te d at B ro w n U niversity
in the U S A in the 1960s - th e B ro w n C orpus. A n u m b e r o f c o m p a ris o n s b etw een B ritish a n d
A m e r ic a n E n g lis h ha v e b een m a d e u s in g these tw o c o rp o ra . C o u n te rp a rts to these tw o
co rpo ra, w ith m a te ria l p u b lis h e d in 1991/2, ha v e b e e n d eve lo pe d u n d e r th e d ire c tio n o f
Professor C h ris tia n M a i r at th e U n iv e rsity o f F reib urg i n G e r m a n y ; th ey arc k n o w n as the
F R O W N (F reiburg B ro w n ) a n d F L O B (F re ib u rg L O B ) co rp o ra . Studies us in g these corpora
have traced s o m e o f th e d e ve lo pm e n ts in B ritish a n d A m e r ic a n E n g lis h over th e 30-year
p e r io d b e tw e e n 1961 a n d 1991.
W i t h th e greater po w e r a n d storage capacity o f even deskto p c o m p u te rs in recent years,
the d e v e lo p m e n t o f h ig h ly accuratc scanners a n d o p tic a l character re a d in g software, w h ic h
c a n translate text in to electro nic fo r m w ith o u t th e need for k e y in g it in , as w ell as th e ready
a va ila b ility o f text in electro nic fo rm , lin g uists have been able to deve lo p ve ry large corpora.
In the early 1990s, the B ritish N a tio n a l C o rp us ( w w w .natcorp.ox.ac.uk) w as d eveloped,
c o n ta in in g 100 m illio n w o rd s o f w ritte n text (9 0 % ) a n d spo ken discourse (1 0 % ). It co ntin ue s
to b e a w ell-used source o f la n g u ag e d a ta , a n d it c a n b e searched o n lin e . A c o un te rp art
A m e ric a n N a tio n a l C o rp us is u n d e r c o n s tru c tio n (see: w w w .anc.org).
E ven larger c o rp o ra ha v e b een d eve lo pe d for th e p u rp o s e o f d ic tio n a r y m a k in g . I n the
1980s a jo in t project b etw een C o llin s p u b lish e rs a n d B ir m in g h a m U niversity, u n d e r the
d ire c tio n o f Professor Jo h n Sinclair, d eve lo pe d the C O B U I L D co rp u s, w h ic h b ecam e the
B a n k o f English, w h ic h is c o n tin u a lly b e in g a d d e d to a n d n o w s ta n ds at over 500 m illio n
w o rd s ( http://w w w .m ycobuild.com /about-collins-corpus.aspx) . A c o rp u s d eve lo pe d b y O x fo rd
U n iv e rsity Press ( O x fo rd English C o rpus) for its d ic tio n a r y c o m p ila tio n w o rk , a n d derived
largely fro m the internet, c o n ta in s o v e r 2 b illio n w o rd s ( www .askoxford.com/oec).
M u c h us e fu l w o rk in language s tu d y can b e u n d e r ta k e n w ith a m o re m o d est co rp u s. A n y
c o lle c tio n o f d a ta , ho w ever lim ite d , can reveal in te re s tin g th in g s a b o u t language. How ever, it
is usua lly useful i f y o u hav e so m e idea o f w h at yo u are lo o k in g for. T h is is w h y y o u need to
have a g ene ral k n o w le d g e a n d u n d e r s ta n d in g o f th e lin g u is tic system .
A c tiv itie s
Activities
A c tiv ity 1.1
M a k e a re c o rd in g fro m the rad io o f an in te rv ie w o r o th e r live speech. Transcribe ab o u t
o n e m in u te o f it, n o t in g d o w n as m a n y features o f w h a t yo u h e a r as yo u c a n , in c lu d in g
h e sitatio n s, m u m b lin g s a n d the like.
Take a b r ie f article fr o m a ne w sp a pe r or m a g a zin e .
C o m p a r e y o u r tra n sc rip tio n o f the sp o k e n d a ta w ith th e w ritte n text, a n d n ote d o w n a ll the
differences th at y o u can observe.
H o w are speech a n d w r itin g d iffe re n t fr o m each other?
A c tiv ity 1.2

For a ty pical d a y in y o ur life , ke ep a d ia r y o f all the tim e s d u r in g th a t d a y w h e n y o u use
language, eith e r a s a speaker o r w riter, or as a listener o r reader.
M a k e a note o f w h ic h role yo u ha v e (speaker, listener, etc.), w h o th e o th e r p a r tic ip a n ts were,
w h a t th e p u rp o s e o f th e use o fla n g u a g e w as a n d th e ph ysical context.
N ote also w h e th e r y o u no tic e d y o u rse lf a d a p tin g y o u r la n g u ag e to the contex t - th e people,
the s itu a tio n o r the purp ose .
A t th e e n d o f th e day, review y o u r use o f language d u r in g th at day, a n d prepare to be
surprised!
A c tiv ity 1.3

Take a n y sentence fro m th e m a te ria l th at yo u collected for A ctivity 1.1. A tte m p t to describe
it fr o m as m a n y lin g u is tic perspectives as yo u can. Y o ur d e s c rip tio n w ill in e v ita b ly be
in c o m p le te , b u t it w ill b e g in to g ive yo u an im p re s s io n o f th e great va rie ty o f th in g s th at
there is to f in d o u t a b o u t language.
A c tiv ity 1.4

G o to th e British N a tio n a l C o rp us website: w w w .natcorp.ox.ac.uk. K nter th e phrase different
fr o n t in to th e L o o k u p b o x in th e 'Search th e C o rp u s ' sectio n , a n d clic k o n 'Go'. A fte r som e
m o m e n ts , yo u w ill b e presented w ith the results o f th e search, in c lu d in g th e n u m b e r o f times
different f r o m o ccu rs in th e co rp u s a n d 50 sentences fr o m th e co rp u s illu stra tin g th e use o f
th is phrase. N o te the n u m b e r o f occurrences.
C h a p te r 1
N o w d o th e sam e w ith different to. H o w m a n y occurrences are Ih e re o f different io ? W h ic h

p re p o sitio n , f r o m o r to, is m o r e c o m m o n after different i n late tw entieth- century British
E n g lish? D id the result surprise you?
Y o u m a y lik e to c o n tin u e ex p lo rin g th e B ritish N a tio n a l C o rp u s a n d d o in g fu r th e r searches o f
w o rd s a n d phrases th a t interest you.
Further reading
w id e - r a n g in g a n d re a d a b le i n t r o d u c t io n t o t h e s t u d y o f t h e E n g lis h la n g u a g e is C r y s ta l (201)2). A m o r e d e ta ile d .
s y s te m a tic a n d t e c h n ic a l s u r v e y o f t h e f ie ld u G r a m le y a n d P h U o ld <2<XM). o r C u l p e p e r et a l. (2 0 0 9 ).
The following are useful reference sources that can be mined for information on English and on language more widely
McArthur (1992), Crystal (1997) on language in general, and Crystal (2003) on the English language.
F o r a d v ic e o n t e r m in o lo g y , y o u s h o u l d c o n s u lt C o n t i n u u m 's 'K e y T e r m * s e rie s , in c lu d i n g J a c k s o n (2 0 0 7 )
A Toolkit for Language Analysis
Chapter Outline
O v e rv ie w
2.1
S o u n d s a n d le tte rs
15
15
2 .2 W o rd s
28
2 .3 S e n te n c e s
42
2 .4 V a ria b ility a n d co rre ctn e ss
56
A c tiv itie s
59
A n s w e r s t o a c tiv itie s
67
72
73
Overview
In th is chaptcr, w c arc g o in g to explore h o w th e E n g lis h lan g u ag e w orks, fr o m th e p o in t o f
v ie w o f its in te r n a l system . W e b e g in w ith th e sm allest elem ents, s o u n d s a n d letters. W e th e n
m o v e o n to the .structure a n d m e a n in g o t w ords; after th a t, to th e structure a n d fu n c tio n o f
sentences.
2.1 Sounds and letters

T h e K n g lish alp h a b e t - th e w o r d derives fr o m the n a m e s o f th e first tw o letters o f th e Greek
alph ab e t: a lp h a a a n d b e ta - c o n ta in s 2 6 letters: ab cd e fg h ijk lm n o p q rs tu v w x y z.
T hey a rc u s e d to w rite the w o rd s a n d sentences o f E n g lis h . Five o f th e letters are s a id to be
vow els: a e io u . T h e re m ain d e r are c o n s o n a n ts. T h e te rm s c o n s o n a n t a n d vo w e l are m o re
app ro priate ly used o f th e s o u n d s w h ic h th e letters arc su p p o s e d to represent.
C h a p t e r 2 A T o o lk it f o r L a n g u a g e A n a ly s is
N a s a l cavity
H ard palate
V elu m
(soft palate)
U vula
Blade
Epiglottis
V o ca l chords
O eso p h agu s
Laryn x
W indpipe
Fig u re 2.1
O rg a n s o f speech.
W c have a lre ady establish ed ( in S ec tio n 1.1.1) th a t speech is th e p r im a r y m e d iu m of

language. Letters are therefore the a tte m p t to represent in w r it in g th e s o u n d s o f speech. There
are m o r e speech s o u n d s in E n g lis h th a n there are letters in th e a lph ab e t: s o m e 40 dis tin c t
s o u n d s altogether. T h e alp h a b e t is, thus, in a d e qua te fo r representing each s o u n d w ith a
u n iq u e sy m b o l. P h o n e tic ia n s have devised a n o ta tio n , based o n the R o m a n a lp h ab e t, w ith
th e a d d itio n o f s y m b o ls fro m th e G re e k alp h a b e t a n d elsewhere, in w h ic h each s o u n d has
a u n iq u e s y m b o l; it is c a lled the In te rn a tio n a l P h o n e tic A lp h a b e t o r IP A . W e s h a ll be
in tro d u c in g th e sym b o ls as w e discuss th e speech s o u n d s o f English.
E n g lis h speech s o u n d s are pro d u c e d as w e breathe o u t. T h e c o lu m n o f a ir th at w e exhale
is m o d ifie d as it passes fr o m th e lun g s, o u t p a st th e g lo ttis in the th ro a t, a n d th ro u g h the
m o u t h or nose: it is given v o i c e (n oise ) b y th e vo c al co rds in th e glottis; in d iv id u a l sounds
are sh a p e d b y the m o u th , a n d especially th e to n g u e (n ote th e use o f th e w o rd tongue as an
o ld e r s y n o n y m o f language).
2.1.1 Vow els (see Figure 2.2)

T he re is a greater m is m a tc h b etw een vo w e l letters a n d vow el s o u n d s (5 letters to represent
20 s o u n d s ) th a n b etw een c o n s o n a n t letters a n d s o u n d s . V ow el s o u n d s i n E n g lis h are all
v o ic e d , th a t is, we m a k e th e m w ith o u r vocal co rds v ib ra tin g . I f y o u p u t y o u r fingers o n your
S o u n d s a n d L e tte rs
Front
High
Mid
Low
Central
i:
BA-k
a:
u:
0:
a:
S im p l e v o w e ls
D ip h t h o n g
Fig u re 2.2 Vowel sounds o( English.
th ro a t, near y o u r g lo ttis (A d a m s app le in m e n ), a n d say a a ah h h , y o u can feel the v ib r a tio n o f

y o u r vocal cords.
W h a t d is tin g u is h e s vow els fr o m c o n s o n an ts is th at vow el s o u n d s arc m a d e w ith o u t a n y
restriction in th e m o u t h to th e airflo w c o m in g u p fro m the lun g s. D iffe re n t vo w e l s o u n d s are
m a d e b y th e c o m b in a tio n of lo u r factors:
1. length: whether a vowel Is short or long (a long vowel is indicated with a following colon ':);
2 . height: how high or low the tongue and lower jaw arc (high, m id , low);
3. place: where in ihe mouth the sound is made (front, central, back);
4. lips: the shape o f the lips (spread, rounded).
For exam ple , th e lo n g h ig h fro n t spread vow el is fo u n d in seed, represented b y th e letters er,
th e 'lo n g h ig h b a c k r o u n d e d vo w e l is fo u n d in fo o d , represented b y oo.
N o w le t us e x a m in e th e v o w e l s o u n d s fo u n d in E n g lis h , lo o k in g first at the fro n t vowels,
th e n th e central vow els, a n d lastly th e back vowels.
F r o n t v o w e ls
E n g lis h ha s fo u r fro n t vowels, th o s e in seed, Sid, stiid, sad, fo r w h ic h the 1PA sy m b o ls are:
seed / i :/ long high front spread vowel
Sid HI short high front spread vowel (also symbolized by III)
m id I d short m id front spread vowel (also symbolized by //)
sad In i short low front spread vowel (also symbolized by /ar/).
I f y o u say these vow els in order, fr o m h ig h to low , y o u w ill perceive th a t y o u r to n g u e is
progressively lo w ere d a n d y o u r m o u t h beco m e s m o r e o p e n . N ote th a il is c o n v e n tio n a l to
p u l p h o n e tic tra n sc rip tio n s betw een slash brackets / /. Square brackets | ] are also used, as we
shall see later (S e ction 2.1.4).
C e n t r a l v o w e ls
E n g lis h ha s three c e n tra l vowels, th e tw o in burden, a n d the o n e i n b u d . T h e IP A sym b o ls for
these v o w e ls are:
burden - the first vowel (ur) la :/ is a long m id central spread vowel
burden
the second vowel (e) /o/ is a short m id central spread vowel
b ud / / short low central spread vowel.

T h is last vow el / / o ccu rs ty p ic ally in th e speech o f s o u th e rn British E nglish speakers.
Speakers in th e M id la n d s a n d N o rth use a h ig h b a c k ro u n d e d vo w e l /u / instead.
B a c k v o w e ls
E n g lis h ha s five b a c k vowels, fr o m h ig h to lo w those in fo o d , good, fo rd , G od , g u a rd . T h e IPA
sym b o ls for these vow els are:
fo od /u :/ long high back rounded vowel
good /u/ short high back rounded vowel (also symbolized by lo i)
fo rd lo'.l long m id back rounded vowel (also symbolized by I x l )
G o d l o i short low back rounded vowel (also symbolized by In i)
guard f a i l long low back spread vowel.
M a n y w o rd s th a t are p r o n o u n c e d in S o u th e rn B ritish E n g lis h w ith the lo n g lo w b a c k spread
vow el / a : / are p r o n o u n c e d in th e M id la n d s a n d N o rth w ith th e s h o rt lo w fro n t spread vowel
/a /, e.g. ask, grass, la u g h , p a t h . T h is is o ne o f th e m a in differences b etw een s o u th e rn a n d
n o r th e r n E n g lis h accents, together w ith th e
/ /
(s o u th e rn ) versus / o l (n o r th e r n ) d ille re n c e
in w o rd s lik e b ud , com e, fu n .
Y o u w ill notice th at th e labels for vow el so u n d s fo llow a regular sequence: length - he ig h t place - lips - vowel.
D ip h t h o n g s
A ll th e vow el s o u n d s w e have co n sid e re d so fa r arc m a d e w ith a sin g le c o n fig u ra tio n o l the
m o u th . O n c e h a v in g m a d e th e c o n fig u ra tio n , in te rm s o f to n g u e h e ig h t, place a n d lips, we
can m a k e th e vo w e l s o u n d for as lo n g as w e have breath to s u s ta in it. Y o u m ig h t n o tic e th at it
is o n th e vow el s o u n d s th a t singers are able to susta in notes. W e can c a ll these vo w e l sounds
'sim p le vowels o r m o re te ch n ica lly m o n p h th o n g s '. T here are. how ever, s o m e vo w e l so u n d s in
E n g lis h w h e re th e c o n fig u ra tio n o( the m o u t h changes in th e course o l m a k in g th e so u n d .
T h e y are c a lled d ip h th o n g s . For exam ple , th e vow el in m a d e is a d ip h th o n g : it beg in s as a m id
fro n t vow el a n d th e n te n d s to w ards a h ig h fr o n t vow el; it is s y m b o liz e d as /ei/.
E n g lis h ha s three sets o f d ip h th o n g s , a c c o rd in g to th e seco n d vow el o f th e d ip h th o n g : I)
those te n d in g tow ards / if; 2 ) th o s e te n d in g to w ards /u / ; 3) those te n d in g tow ards /a/.
T h e /i/ d ip h th o n g s are th e vow el s o u n d s i n sail, stile, soil, w h ic h are represented b y the

fo llo w in g IP A sym bols:
sail le V m id front to high front diphthong
stile /ai/ low-front to high-front diphthong
soil lo t! mid-hack to high-lront diphthong.
T h e /u / d ip h th o n g s are th e vo w e l s o u n d s in load, lo u d , represented b y th e fo llo w in g IP A
sym bols:
load /ou/ mid-back to high-back diphthong
lo ud /q u / low-back to high-back diphthong.
T h e l o i d ip h th o n g s are th e vow el s o u n d s in fierce, scared, tour, w h ic h are represented b y
the IP A sym bols:
fierce Hol high-front to mid-central diphthong
scared /ccil mid-front to mid-ccnlral diphthong
tour /u s / high-back to mid-central diphthong.
T he re is s o m e v a ria tio n in th e p r o n u n c ia tio n o l these d ip h th o n g s , a n d in s o m e accents,
e.g. Scottish, s im p le vowels m a y be used instead. I n th e case o f tour, for exam ple , th e vow el
m ay, for m a n y speakers, be /o:/ rathe r th a n l u o l.
W e have n o w describ ed th e 12 s im p le vowels a n d th e 8 d ip h th o n g s o f E n g lis h . It is in the
vow els th a t there is th e greatest d isp a rity b etw een n u m b e r o f s o u n d s ( 20 ) a n d n u m b e r o f
letters (5 ), even ta k in g in t o ac c o u n t c o m b in a tio n s o l letters (sec fu r th e r S ec tio n 2.1.5). It is
also in the vow el s o u n d s th at w e c a n detect m o s t o f the differences o f accent a m o n g speakers
o f E n g lis h (see lu r th e r S ec tio n 2.1.8).
2.1.2 Co nso nants (see Figure 2.3)

U n lik e vow els, th e p r o n u n c ia tio n o f co nso n an ts involves s o m e in te r ru p tio n o f th e airflow,
w h ic h is caused b y articulato rs (to n g u e , lip s, r o o f o f th e m o u t h ) c o m in g together, o r in to
close p r o x im ity T he re are three factors th a t d e te rm in e th e q u a lity o f a c o n s o n a n t so u n d :
1 . whether the vocal cords are vibrating, called voicing:

2 . the place where the articulation takes place;
3. the m a n n e r o f the articulation - complote interruption o f the airtlow, as against partial
interruption.
V o ic in g
W h e t h e r th e vocal co rds are v ib r a tin g o r n o t d ete rm in e s w h e th e r a c o n s o n a n t is v o ic e d (w ith
v ib r a tio n ) o r u n v o ic e d (w ith o u t v ib r a tio n , also c a lled voiceless) . M a n y c o n s o n a n ts in
E n g lis h are in un v o ic e d /v o ic e d pairs, for ex am ple in th e fin a l s o u n d s o f lace / s i a n d laze lzl\
P la c e
Bilabial
Stop
of
articulation
Labio-dental
Dental
Alveolar
t d
Affricate
=
fC
Palatal
Velar
Glottal
k 9
U d3
1 v
Fricative
N a sa l
Figure 2.3
Lateral
Approximant
V/
C o n s o n a n t s o u n d s o f E n g lis h .
Is/ is un v o ic e d , /z / is vo ic e d . To lest th is , p u t y o u r fingers i n y o ur ears a n d say /s/ - /z/ in

succession: th e b u z z in g in y o u r cars w h e n y o u say I 'd in d ic a tes th at y o u r v o c al co rds arcv ib ra tin g .
P la c e o f a r tic u la tio n
M u c h o f the a rtic u la tio n o f c o n s o n a n t s o u n d s o c c u rs w ith so m e p a r t o f the to n g u e against
s o m e p a r t of fh e ro o f o f th e m o u t h , b u t n o t exclusively. S ta rtin g fr o m th e fro n t o f the m o u th ,
w e can id e n tify a n u m b e r o f places o f a rtic u la tio n relevant to th e p r o n u n c ia tio n o f E nglish
co nso n an ts. See F igu re 2 .1 in S ec tio n 2.1.
L a b ia l a rtic u la tio n - in v o lv in g the lip s - is used for th e in it ia l s o u n d s o f boast /b /, m ost
/m / a n d vast I v l. T h e first tw o /b m / ha v e a b ila b ia l a r tic u la tio n , u s in g th e u p p e r a n d
lo w e r lip. T h e last o n e I v l ha s a la b io - d e n ta l a r tic u la tio n , us in g the lo w e r lip a n d th e u p p e r
fro n t teeth.
D e n ta l a rtic u la tio n - w ith th e to n g u e tip ag ainst th e b a c k o f the u p p e r fro n t teeth - is used
for th e in itia l s o u n d s o f th ird / / a n d those Id/.
A lveolar a rticulatio n
w ith the blade o f the tongue against the bony, alveolar ridge just b e h in d
the up pe r front teeth - is used for th e in itia l s o u n d s o f d oo r /d/ zoo IvJ, n e a r I n / , le a f ZU.
P alatal a rtic u la tio n - w ith the fro n t o f th e to n g u e ag ainst the h a r d palate - is used for the
in itia l s o u n d o f j o b I d ^ f - represented here b y th e letter i - a n d o f shop /J'/ - represented here
b y th e letter c o m b in a tio n sh.
Velar a rtic u la tio n - w ith the b a c k o f th e lo n g u e ag ainst th e v e lu m (soft pala te ) - is used for
the in itia l s o u n d o f g ir l I g / a n d fo r th e fin a l s o u n d o f b a n g /
represented here b y th e letter
c o m b in a tio n 'ng', cxccpt i n s o m e accents (fo r e x am ple in th e W e s t M id la n d s ) w here n g is

p r o n o u n c e d / g/.
G lo tta l a rtic u la tio n - us in g th e g lo ttis - is used for o n e s o u n d in E n g lis h , th e u n v o ic e d /h /
a t th e b e g in n in g o f horse, a lth o u g h a n o th e r glottal s o u n d is h e a rd in m a n y accents, the g lottal
stop / ? / , su b s titu tin g fo r the /tI s o u n d represented b y th e letters 'tt' in b u tte r o r letter.
M a n n e r o f a r tic u la tio n
T h e m a n n e r o f a rtic u la tio n describes th e w ay in w h ic h th e a rtic u la to rs c o m e together. It
pro vid es a us e fu l w ay in w h ic h to categorize c o n s o n a n t so u n d s . W e can id e n tify five classes
o f c o n s o n a n t a c c o rd in g to th e ir m a n n e r o f a rtic u la tio n : s to p ( o r plosive), fricative, nasal,
lateral, ap p ro x im a n t.
S t o p c o n s o n a n ts
T h is class o f c o n s o n a n t in c lu d e s /b / at th e b e g in n in g o f b ird , / d / at th e b e g in n in g o f d irt, /g/
a t th e b e g in n in g o f g irl. T h e y are called s to p c o n s o n an ts because th e articulato rs c o m e
together to c o m p le te ly s to p the airflow . T h e s u b se q u e n t release o f th e sto p p e d a ir flo w is often
a c c o m p a n ie d b y p lo s io n , w h ic h gives th e m th e ir oth e r n a m e o f plosive.
T h e fo llo w in g un v o ic e d /v o ic e d p a irs o f stop c o n s o n a n ts o c c u r in E n g lish:
bilabial /p b/, initially in pin, bin
alveolar / 1 d/ . initially in fin, dm
velar /k g/. initially in conic, gum.
W e m ig h t also in c lu d e here th e g lo tta l s to p / ? / , n o te d earlier, w h ic h is m a d e b y b rin g in g
the vocal co rds to g e th e r a n d co m p le te ly s to p p in g th e a ir flo w i n th e glottis. A lth o u g h associ
ated w ith th e speech o f East L o n d o n (C o c k n e y ), it is used b y m a n y pe o ple as a s u b stitu te for
/t/, as n o te d in th e m id d le o f w o rd s like b utte r, b u t also at th e en d o f w o rd s like sit.
English also has a p a ir o f s to p co nso n an ts at the palatal place o f a rtic u la tio n , w h ic h are a
little diffe ren t Iro m those ju s t d escribed. T h e release o f th e stop involves fric tio n (see fricatives
b e lo w ), a n d th e y are so m e tim e s c a lled affricate s. T h e y are fo u n d in itia lly in choke a n d joke:
palatal / t / d j / (compare alveolar stops above and palatal fricatives below).
F rica tiv e s
I n the p r o n u n c ia tio n o f fricatives th e a rtic u la to rs c o m e close together, b u t w ith o u t c o m
p le te ly s to p p in g the airflow . A s a ir is forced th r o u g h th e s m a ll g a p b etw een articulators,
fr ic tio n occurs. T he re are fo u r un v o ic e d /v o ic e d pairs o f fricatives i n English:
labio-dental K v/, initially in fan, van
dental / <V, initially in thin, then
alveolar /s /.!, initially in sup, zap
palatal / / 3 /, finally in ash and in the m iddle o f azure. The voiccd palatal fricative ( 5/ is usually found
only in the m iddle o l words i n English, and rarely at the beginning or end.
T here is o n e fu rth e r s o u n d in English th at is c o u n te d as a fricative: it is the un vo ice d glottal
fricative /h /, w h ic h occurs o n ly at th e b e g in n in g o f a syllable, for e x am ple in heat, in h u m a n .
N a sa l
N asal c o n s o n a n ts are like sto ps in th at there is a c o m p le te closure o f articulato rs in the
m o u th . How ever, th e uvu la, w h ic h n o r m a lly b lo c ks o ff th e passage to the n o s e fo r o th e r
speech s o u n d s , is low ered, a n d th e a ir flo w escapes in s te a d th ro u g h th e nose. So, nasals
are c o n t in u a n t s o u n d s , like fricatives: th ey can b e s u sta in e d o r c o n tin u e d . A ll nasals in
E n g lis h arc vo ic e d c o n s o n a n ts, w ith o u t voiceless co un te rp arts. T he re are three in all:
bilabial Im ), initially in mice
alveolar I n i, initially in nice
velar //. finally in lung.
T h e velar n asal It)/ is restricted i n its d is tr ib u tio n : it d o e s n o t o c c u r at th e b e g in n in g s o f
syllables/w ords. I n s o m e accents it is alw ays fo llo w e d by th e voiced velar stop /g /, so /lo n g /
rathe r th a n /lo t)/. W h e n th is is the case, it c o u ld b e regarded as just a v a r ia n t o f th e alveolar
n asal I n i o c c u rr in g before /g / (sec S ec tio n 2.1.4 o n variants).
L a te ra l
Like stops a n d nasals, lateral c o n s o n a n ts in vo lve a co m p le te closure in th e m o u th , betw een
th e to n g u e a n d so m e p a r t o f th e palate. I lowever, a ir is allow e d to escape o v e r the sides o f the
to n g u e , so laterally. There is one lateral c o n s o n a n t in E n g lis h ; it is voiced:
alveolar /!/, initially in lord.
A p p r o x im a n t
T he re are three fu r th e r s o u n d s in E n g lis h , w h ic h are c o u n te d as c o nso n an ts. I n their
a rtic u la tio n th ey arc m o re lik e vowels in th at th ey d o n o t im p e d e the a ir flo w ; how ever, they
are like c o n s o n a n ts i n the k in d s o f a rtic u la tio n th ey 'a pp ro x im a te a n d in th e ir fu n c tio n in
the structure o f syllables (see S ec tio n 3.1.3). These a p p ro x im a n ts arc all voiccd:
bilabial /w /, initially in wet
alveolar h i , initially in rat
palatal Ijl, initially 111 yet.
A ll three ap p ro x im a n ts are restricted in th e ir d is trib u tio n s in syllables a n d words:
bilabial /w/ generally occurs only initially, although it is used as a substitute for I II in the speech of
some Southern English and Scottish speakers, e.g. in film /fiw m /, kill /kiw/;
alveolar I r l occurs readily initially and between vowels (e.g. in hurry), but variably, according to
accent, in other positions;
palatal
1)1 occurs initially and in initial consonant com binations with /p/ (e.g. pure /pjuo/), /b/
( beauty /bjuiti/), /f/ {fetv /fju:/), H I ( tune /tju:n/), I d / (duke /dju:k/), /kI (cure /kjua/), I n / (new /
nju:/), a n d I'or some speakers /l/ (lure /ljua/).
2.1.3 Syllables
S o u n d s d o n o t o c c u r in iso la tio n , except as expressions o f surprise, pleasure, fru s tra tio n or
a n n o y a n c e ( O h ! M m ! E h ! A a rg h !). S o u n d s c o m b in e together in to (s p o k e n ) w o rd s a n d
sentences. T h e ways in w h ic h s o u n d s c o m b in e c a n best b e described, how ever, i f we recog
n ize th e syllable as a u n it o f p h o n o lo g ic a l o rg a n iz a tio n sm a lle r th a n a w o rd . S o m e w o rd s are
c o m p o s e d o t o n ly o n e syllabic (fo r e x a m p le p lu m , p e a r): th ey arc m o n o s y lla b ic . O th ers
are c o m p o s e d o f m o r e th a n o n e syllable (for e x am ple lem on - tw o syllables, straw berry three syllables): th ey are p o ly s y lla b ic .
syllable ha s a vow el s o u n d as its ce n tra l e lem en t. I n E n g lis h th e vo w e l m a y b e preceded
b y u p to th re e c o n s o n a n ts a n d fo llo w e d b y u p to fo u r co n s o n a n ts. T he re are restrictio ns o n
w h ic h c o n s o n a n ts m a y o c c u r in w h ic h po s itio n s . For exam ple , il three c o n s o n a n ts precede
a vo w e l, th e firs t o n e m u s t be /s /, th e se c o n d m a y b e eith e r /p / , I I I o r /k /, a n d th e th ir d m a y
b e eith e r / I/ ( if th e s e c o n d c o n s o n a n t is / p / ) , /w / ( i f th e seco n d c o n s o n a n t is /k /) o r /r / (w ith
a n y o f th e seco n d c o n s o n a n ts ). T h e po ssib le syllable - in itial th re e - co nso nant c o m b in a tio n s
are th e n : /sp l/ (splash), /sp r/ (spray), /str/ (stray ), / skr/ (screw), /s k w / (square). C le a rly , there
is a m u c h greater n u m b e r o( po ssib le tw o - c o n s o n a n l c o m b in a tio n s , a n d every c o n s o n an t
m a y o c c u r s in g ly in syllable - in itial p o s itio n w ith th e ex c e p tio n o f
!\)t.
T h e po ssib le c o m b in a tio n s o f c o n s o n a n ts are th o s e th a t o c c u r n a tu r a lly in m o n o s y lla b ic

w o rd s . I n po lysyllab ic w'ords it is n o t alw ays easy to d e te r m in e w h e re th e b o u n d a rie s betw een
syllables fall, b u t the pe rm is s ib le c o n s o n a n t c o m b in a tio n s g ive s o m e fa ir g u id a n c e . For
e x a m p le , in a c u te / a k ju :t/ th e re a rc tw o syllables, w ith th e vow els / a / a n d /u :/. T h e qu e s tio n
is, to w h ic h syllable d o th e c o n s o n a n ts /k / a n d 1)1 b e lo n g ? T h e I k l c o u ld b e lo n g to th e first
syllable, b u t th e 1)1 c o u ld n o t, because /k j/ is n o t a po ssib le syllable-final c o m b in a tio n . The
1)1 c o u ld b e lo n g to the seco n d syllable, so c o u ld th e I k l , since /k j/ is a p o s sib le syllable-initial

c o m b in a tio n (e.g. cure /k iu D /). So. th e syllables in acute c o u ld b e d iv id e d e ith e r a s / a k -ju :t/
o r as /a- k ju :t/. T h e d e c is io n betw een these tw o rests o n ju d g e m e n ts a b o u t lik e lih o o d , based
o n h o w fre q u e n tly o c c u r r in g the alte rn ative patte rns are fo u n d to be in E n g lis h w ords.
Flow m a n y syllables m a y a w o rd c o n ta in ? C learly, there arc m a n y m o n o s y lla b ic w o rd s in
E n g lis h (scratch /skratJ7. fla s k /llu :s k /, squashed /s k w n ft/). Two- a n d three-syllable w ords
are also q u ite c o m m o n (fla-grant, nui-sance; im-por-tant, af-ter-ncon). T h e n , as th e n u m b e r
o f syllables i n w o rd s increases, th e p a tte rn o ccu rs less frequently, a n d th e w o rd s becom e
m o re obscure.
Four-syllabic: me-tan-cho-ly /m e Ian k o li/, un-de-ci-dcd / \di sui did/
Five-syllable: pri-vi-ti-sa-tion /prai va lai zei .fan/, ad-mi-nis-tra-tive /a d m i nis tra liv/
Six-syllabic: in-dis-tin-gui-sha-ble /in dis lin gw i J a b a l/ . sen-ti-men-ta-Ii-ty /sen li men la li ti/
Seven-syllable: in-des-truc-ta-bi-li-ty /in dis irA k ta bi li ti/.
2.1.4 Variation
p a rtic u la r s o u n d m a y n o t alw ays hav e exactly the sam e p r o n u n c ia tio n every tim e th at it
o ccurs. S o u n d s v a ry a c c o rd in g to th e context, i n p a rtic u la r the o th e r s o u n d s th at s u rro u n d
th e m . T h e v a r ia tio n c a n be o l several k in d s . S o m e s o u n d s v a ry o n a regular basis ac c o rd in g
to th e ir p o s itio n in a syllable or w o rd . C e rta in so u n d s , w h e n th ey c o m e at the e n d o f a w ord,
are liab le to v a ry in the d ire c tio n o f a s o u n d b e g in n in g the fo llo w in g w o rd ; a n d so m e so u n d s
at th e b e g in n in g o f w o rd s m a y b e in flu e n c e d b y th e s o u n d at th e e n d o f th e pre ce d in g w ord.
S om e s o u n d s are liab le to b e o m itte d in certain contexts.
A llo p h o n e s
The te chn ical te rm given to th e speech s o u n d s o f a la n g u ag e is p h o n e m e . W e ha v e been
d isc u ssin g th e p h o n e m e s o f E n g lis h , h o w th ey are artic u la te d , a n d h o w th ey c o m b in e in to
syllables a n d words. p h o n e m e is a s o u n d s e g m e n t, w h ic h enters in to th e structure o f
syllables a n d w o rd s , a n d w h ic h , w h e n replaced b y a n o th e r p h o n e m e , m akes a d iffe re n t w ord.
For exam ple , th e s u b s titu tio n o l /t/ lo r / d / in / d in / m a k e s a d iffe re n t w o rd i n E n g lis h /tin/;
so d o e s the s u b s titu tio n o f / m l for I n / - / d im / . Clearly, th e n ,
/if, /d / . I m / , / n / are different
p h o n e m e s in English.
C o n s id e r n o w th e p r o n u n c ia tio n o f IV in lip /lip / a n d in p i l l /p il/. These tw o occurrences
o f /l/ are artic ula te d slig htly d ifferently : in the case o f / lip / , th e to n g u e blad e contacts the
alveolar rid g e , b u t the rest o f th e to n g u e is fairly flat in the m o u t h - th e so-called cle a r I. In
the case o f / p il/ , how ever, w h ile th e to n g u e b la d e co n ta c ts th e alveolar rid ge as before, the
back o f th e to n g u e is raised to w ards th e v e lu m (soft palate) - the so-called velarized o r d a r k I.
How ever, th e s u b s titu tio n o f o ne ty pe o f /l/ for th e oth e r w o u ld n o t m a k e a d iffe re n t w ord,
m erely a slig h tly d iffe re n t p r o n u n c ia tio n (speakers fr o m S o u th W ales o fte n use a clear /l/ in
fin a l p o s itio n i n w o rd s like p ill). T h is v a riation is n o t p h o n e m ic , b u t a llo p h o n ic , a n d it is
e n tire ly predictable: th e clear ( 1 ) a llo p h o n e o f /l/ o c c u rs before vowels, th e velarized or
d a r k ftl a llo p h o n e occu rs belore c o n s o n a n ts (help) a n d w o rd - fin a lly (fu ll). W h e n tra n s c rip
tio n is a t th e d e ta ile d level o f p h o n e tic (a llo p h o n ic ) varian ts it is p u t betw een square
brackets, so clear [1 | a n d d a r k (f|, to d is tin g u is h p h o n e tic tra n s c rip tio n fr o m th e m ore
general, p h o n e m ic , tra n sc rip tio n .
A n o th e r m a jo r case o f a llo p h o n ic v a r ia tio n o c c u rs w ith th e u n v o ic e d sto ps / p t k /. In
in itia l a n d lin a l p o s itio n s , these u n v o ic e d stops, w h e n th e y arc released, arc a c c o m p a n ie d by
a p u f f o f a ir c a lle d a s p ir a t io n . H o ld y o u r h a n d in fro n t o f y o u r m o u t h a n d say p ie a n d
y o u w ill feel th e a s p ir a tio n . H ow ever, w h e n these sto ps o c c u r afte r /s/, e.g. in sport, stork,
score, th e y are u n a s p ira te d . So, th e u n v o ic e d sto ps ha v e a n a s p ira te d a llo p h o n e (p 1' th k 'l
a n d a n u n a s p ira te d a llo p h o n e |p t k|, w h o s e o c cu rren c e s are p r e d ic ta b le fr o m their
p h o n o lo g ic a l context.
W e also n o te d earlier ( in S ec tio n 2 . 1 .2 ) th a t in accents w here nasal / 1)/ is alw ays follow ed
b y /g /, it c o u ld b e co n sid e re d to be a v a r ia n t o f /x\/: In ) is an a llo p h o n e o f I n / befo re /g/.
A s s im ila tio n
W h a t is h a p p e n in g in ih e case o f [], w h e n regarded as a va ria n t o f I n / , is th a t the alveolar
n asal I n / is a s sim ila tin g ' to th e velar a rtic u la tio n o f th e fo llo w in g /g /. A s s im ila tio n also
o ccu rs at w o r d b o u n d a rie s , w h e n a w o rd - fin a l alve olar co n s o n a n t (such as /t/, /d /. I n i ) m a y
a ssim ilate to a fo llo w in g w o rd - in itia l b ila b ia l o r v e la r co n s o n an t.
S ay th e fo llo w in g phrase o u t lo u d to y o u rse lf several tim e s at a n o r m a l speed, a n d notice
in p a rtic u la r the p r o n u n c ia tio n o f th e fin a l c o n s o n a n t o f th e first w o rd : lo u d bangs. Two
th in g s arc h a p p e n in g here: first, th e /d / o f lo u d assim ilates to th e in itia l / b / o f bangs a n d
b eco m e s /b/; s e c o n d , th is /b / is n o t released, b u t th e closure is h e ld for th e /b / o f bangs, where
it is th e n released.
Here are so m e fu r th e r exam ples w here as sim ila tio n is likely to o c c u r at th e e n d o f a w ord
in flu e n t speech: sho rt course /t/ to /k / - /Jo :k ko:s/; lig ht b u lb /t/ to Ip / - /la ip b A lb /; g o o d g irl
/d / to /g/ - / g ug go:l/; lean m eat I n i to / m / - /li:m m i:t/; f in e ca r I n i to / / - /fa in k a :/.
A s s im ila tio n is illustrated here w ith w o rd - fin a l alve olar stops a n d nasals, since th e y appear
to b e m o r e susceptible to chang e th a n m o s t. O th e r types o f a s s im ila tio n d o occur, e.g. /s/ to
/ / / in nice shop / n a i f J n p / , a n d yo u w ill n o d o u b t n o tic e m o r e as y o u b e g in to lis te n carefully
to th e w ay p e o p le a r o u n d yo u speak.
E lis io n
A n o th e r process th at h a p p e n s w h e n w o rd s are c o n n e c te d in speech is elision, w h ic h is the
term for w h e n a s o u n d th at is present in the p r o n u n c ia tio n o f a w o rd in is o la tio n is om itte d .
W e are all fa m ilia r w ith the d ro p p e d 'IV: orrible in s te a d o f horrible. It is a feature, to a greater
o r lesser degree, o l th e casual speech o f m o s t E n g lis h speakers.
E lis io n o c c u rs , p e rh a p s less pe rce p tib ly b u t m o r e c o m m o n ly , in flu e n t spe ech , at w o rd
b o u n d a rie s . A w o rd - fin a l alveolar stop / t d / m a y b e e lid e d in flu e n t speech w h e n it is p re
c eded b y a c o n s o n a n t a n il th e fo llo w in g w o r d b e g in s w ith a c o n s o n a n t. F o r exam ple , in the
p h ra s e la st bus, the I t / o f last is e lid e d - /lu :s bAs/; in r o u n d lo p, the I d / o f r o u n d is e lid e d / r a u n tDp/.
A fter elisio n ha s ta k e n place, th e c o n s o n a n t p re ce d in g the e lid e d / i l or / d / m a y th e n be
su b je c t to a s s im ila tio n . For exam ple , in lin e d pap er, th e I d / o f lin e d is elid ed , a n d th e n I n i
assim ilates to b ila b ia l / p / o f p a p e r a n d b e c o m e Im /: /la im p e ip a /. I n signed confession, th e /d /
o f signed is elid ed , a n d the In / assim ilates to th e in itia l I k l o f confession a n d beco m e s /i)/: /saip
k o n fe j'o n /.
2.1.5 Letter-sound correspondence

W e ha v e n o te d alre ady th a t there is a d is p a rity b etw een th e n u m b e r o f letters in the alph ab e t
(26) a n d th e n u m b e r o f ph o n e m e s i n E n g lis h (a b o u t 4 0 ). But there is a n o th e r d is p a rity : a
letter (o r g ro u p o f letters) d o e s n o t c o rre s p o n d every tim e w ith th e sa m e p h o n e m e ; a n d a
p h o n e m e is n o t alw ays represented b y the sam e letter.
Let u s c o nside r a n e x am ple o f each o f these. H o w is th e letter s p r o n o u n c e d i n the

fo llo w in g w ords: soon, rise, m a n s io n , leisure? It co rrespo n ds to fo u r d ilie r e n t ph o n e m e s: /s/,
I tJ , I f I , / 3 H o w is th e p h o n e m e l o : l spelt in th e fo llo w in g w ords: cord, f a ll, fo u r , sword,
caught, bought, f lo o r b ro a d ? I f w e c o u n t w i n sw o rd a n d 'gh' in caught a n d b o u g h t as silent
letters, w e have th e fo llo w in g spe llin gs lo r lo :l: or, a, our, au, o u , 00 . Y o u w ill n o tic e th at this
sin g le vow el s o u n d (n o t a d ip h th o n g ) c o rrespo n ds in s o m e o f these w o rd s to tw o letters
(calle d a dig ra p h ).
The reason for the extensive lack o f co rrespo n de n ce betw een s p e llin g a n d p r o n u n c ia tio n
in m o d e r n E n g lis h is h is to ric a l (see C h a p te r 4 ). E n g lis h s p e llin g represents th e p r o n u n c ia tio n
o f o v e r 500 years ago: in the in te rv e n in g tim e , p r o n u n c ia tio n h a s c h a n g e d considerably, but
the sp e llin g ha s ch a n g e d b u t little.
2.1.6 Stre ss and intonation

S o un d s (p h o n e m e s) c o m b in e together in to syllables a n d syllables in to w ords (see S ection 2.1.3),
a n d w o rd s in to the utterances o f c o n n e c te d speech. I n a w o rd o f m o re th a n o n e syllable
(a po lysyllab ic w o rd ), o n e o l th e syllables is utte re d w ith m o r e p r o m in e n c e th a n a n y o f the
o th e rs. For exam ple , in the two-syllable w o rd carpet, th e firs t syllable is m o re p r o m in e n t th a n
the seco n d, w hereas in secure th e seco n d is m o r e p r o m in e n t th a n th e first.
T h is is th e p a tte rn in th e p r o n u n c ia tio n o f E n g lis h po lysyllab ic w ords, th at o n e syllable
receives m a i n stress, b u t n o t th e sam e syllable in every w o rd . In a w o rd w ith several syllables,
o ne o f th e o th e r syllables m a y also receive s e c o n d a ry stress; for ex am ple in calculatio n . m a in
stress is o n th e t h ir d syllable 'la /le i/, w h ile th e first syllable cal / k a l/ receives seco n dary
stress. T h e re m a in in g syllables are said to be un s tre s s e d . M a in stress is c o n v e n tio n a lly m arke d
w ith a h ig h vertical lin e befo re th e syllable receiving it; a n d se c o n d a ry stress is m a rk e d by a
lo w vertical lin e before th e syllable receiving it; unstressed syllables are u n m a r k e d
/,k a l kja
lei J a n /.
Syllables th at are unstressed fre q u e n tly c o n ta in th e m id central vo w e l l o i (a ls o called
the schw a vo w e l) o r th e / i/ or / u / vow els; fo r ex am ple the s eco n d a n d fo u r th syllables o f
calculatio n have th e sch w a vowel: /,k a l kje 'le i / o n / . S o m e w o rd s th at d o n o t ha v e a schw a
vo w e l w h e n sp o k e n in is o la tio n have th e ir u s u a l vo w e l rep lace d w ith a schw a in connected
speech: c o m p a re a n d / a n d / w ilh f is h a n d chips / I l / s n t / ip s / (n o te also elisio n o f /d /); o f lo v l
w ith c u p o f tea / k A p o v t i: / .
P ro m in e n c e is, th e n , a feature o f th e p r o n u n c ia tio n o f w o rd s in th e fo rm o f stress. It is
also a feature o f utte rances in c o n n e c te d spe ech , as p a r t o f in to n a tio n . In to n a tio n refers
to th e v a r ia tio n s i n to n e, th e tu n e s , w h ic h a c c o m p a n y spe ech . For exam ple , a q u e s tio n
such as W o u ld y o u like a d rin k ? w o u ld p r o b a b ly b e u tte re d w ith a rising* in to n a tio n ,
w hereas a s ta te m e n t s u c h as I d like som e coffee, please w o u ld b e u tte re d w ith a fa llin g
in to n a tio n .
A lso, o n e w o r d (s tric tly sp e a k in g , th e stressed syllable o f th a t w o rd ) is m o re p r o m in e n t in
the in to n a tio n tu n c th a n th e others. It is c alled the n u c le u s o t the tu n c a n d it falls o n the m ost
n e w sw orthy ite m in th e utterance: d rin k in th e firs t e x a m p le in th e pre vio us pa ra g ra p h , a n d
coffee in the second.
In th e m o s t n e u tra l utte rin g , the n u c le u s is lik e ly to b e o n th e last o r ne arly last w o rd in an
in to n a tio n tu n e . How ever, it m a y b e place d o n a lm o s t a n y item , u s u a lly w ith em p h a tic effect.
N o tic e th e effect o f m a k in g , i n tu r n , w o uld , y o u , a n d like p r o m in e n t i n W o u ld y o u like a
d rin k ? P ro m in e n c e , a n d o th e r resources o f in to n a tio n , enable u s to express a va rie ty o f
attitu d e s to w h a t w e are saying: sincerity, irony , sarcasm , a n d so on .
2.1.7 Punctuation
I n w r itin g , w e d o n o t have the resources o f stress a n d in to n a tio n i n o rd e r to a d d c o lo ur
a n d n u a n c e to w h a t w e arc c o m m u n ic a tin g . In ste a d , w e ha v e p u n c tu a tio n : c o m m a , s e m i
c o lo n ; co lo n : fu ll stop, q u e s tio n m a r k ? e x c la m a tio n m a rk ! a n d q u o ta tio n m a rk s
However,
in to n a tio n a n d p u n c tu a tio n are n o t equivalen t. P u n c tu a tio n d o e s n o t fu lfil in w r itin g the

s a m e fu n c tio n s th a t in to n a tio n fu lfils in speech.
T h e e x c la m a tio n m a r k a n d q u e s tio n m a r k c o u ld perhaps b e associated w ith features o f
stress a n d in to n a tio n . For exam ple , an e x c la m a tio n m a r k at th e e n d o l She w as a w o nderful
w o m a n ! w o u ld in c lin e y o u to read th is w ith a ris in g nuc le us o n W O N d e r fd .
T h e c o m m a , s e m ic o lo n a n d c o lo n are used to m a r k s tru c tu ra l u n its w ith in a sentence,
e specially w here there is lik e ly to b e a m b ig u ity in re a d in g it. In th at sense, th ey m a y
c o rre s p o n d w ith th e b o u n d a rie s o f in to n a tio n tunes, b u t n o t necessarily. For exam ple, in the
p re v io u s sentence, th e first c o m m a m a rk s o f f the in itia l phrase I n th a t sense fr o m th e rest
o f the sentence, b u t in speech it w o u ld n o t need to have its o w n in to n a tio n tu n e a n d m a y w ell
b e in c o rp o ra te d w ith w h a t follow s. Equally, in speech there c o u ld be a n in to n a tio n b o u n d a ry
b etw een b o u n d a rie s a n d of, w h ic h is n o t m a r k e d b y a c o m m a in w ritin g .
It is better to regard p u n c tu a tio n as an in d e p e n d e n t system fro m in to n a tio n , o n e th at
ha s b e e n fa s h io n e d especially for w ritin g . T he re are n o h a r d a n d fast rules for the use o f
p u n c tu a tio n . Fashions in w h e re to use c o m m a s , se m ic o lo n s a n d co lo n s have c h a n g e d over
the years. A lth o u g h we d o n t have tim e to go in to the details, a style g u id e w ill he lp w ith the
specifics a n d there is p le n ty o f fu rth e r reading.
2.1.8 A cce n t and h and w riting

O n e w a y in w h ic h w e s h o w o u r in d iv id u a lity as h u m a n bein gs is h o w we speak a n d w rite. You
c a n reco gn ize a p e rs o n just fr o m th e ir vo ice o n the te lepho ne o r w h o th e sender o f a letter is
fro m th e h a n d w r itin g o n the envelope. T h e p h ysical shape o f o u r m o u th s , the distance
b etw een o u r glottis a n d o u r lip s, the size o f o u r n asal cavity, all c o n trib u te to m a k in g us
s o u n d th e in d iv id u a l th a t w e are w h e n we speak. H o w we h o ld a pe n o r p e n c il, w hether

w e are left o r rig h t h a n d e d , the an gle o f th e p e n to the paper, all c o n trib u te to m a k in g o u r
h a n d w r itin g in d iv id u a l.
W e also share features o f o u r accent (th e w ay w c speak) w ith p a r tic u la r g ro u p s in society
(sec fu r th e r C h a p te r 6 ). I f w c a rc M id la n d e r s o r N o rth e rn e rs o f E n g la n d , w c w ill pro b a b ly say
/gras/ a n d /k u p / rathe r th a n S o u th e rn /g ru :s / a n d /lo\p/. S o m e g ro u p s o f pe o ple regularly
substitute a glottal stop for /t/ in w o rd s like water, b u tte r a n d f i t . W o m e n ofte n have slig htly
d iffe re n t in to n a tio n patte rns fr o m m e n .
S im ila r th in g s are tru e o f h a n d w r itin g . W e m a y have b e e n ta u g h t a p a rtic u la r m e th o d o f
h a n d w r itin g , w h e n w c first learnt to w rite, a n d w e share th e features in c u lc a te d b y that
m e th o d w ith oth e rs s im ila rly ta u g h t. W o m e n a n d m e n o fte n have d iffe re n t styles o f w ritin g .
T he re a rc those w h o believe th at h a n d w r itin g c a n g ive clues to p e rso n a lity a n d character, and
so m e p e rso n n e l m a n a g e rs use h a n d w r itin g analy sis as part o f th e selection pro ce d u re for
n e w staff.
Just as w c c a n chang e o th e r aspects o f o u r appearance a n d b eh avio ur, so w c c a n m ak e
a n e ffo rt to chang e o u r accent a n d h a n d w r itin g . In d e e d , w e m a y u n c o n s c io u s ly adapt
o u r accent w h e n wc b e g in m ix in g w ith n e w g ro up s o l pe o ple , i f wc g o aw ay to university,
for exam ple.
T h e expression side o fla n g u a g e , h o w w e speak a n d h o w w e w rite, are fa s c in a tin g areas o f
stu d y in them selves, n o t least because th ey reflect o u r in d iv id u a lity . B u t w e ha v e to re m e m
ber th at th ey serve p r im a r ily to c o n v e y th e m e a n in g s th a t w e w a n t to c o m m u n ic a te , w h ic h
arc e n c o d e d b y th e w o rd s a n d sentences o l g ra m m a r. It is to w o rd s th a t w e tu r n next.
2.2 Words
A s experienced w riters o f a language, w e read ily have a n o t io n o f w h a t a w o rd is: a sequence
o f letters b o u n d e d b y spaces. I f we relate th a t b a c k to speech, a s p o k e n w o r d is pre s u m a b ly a
seq ue nce o f sound s: b u t there is n o t h in g in speech c o rre s p o n d in g to th e spaces o f w ritin g .
W e d o n o t pause b e tw e e n each w o rd ; th o u g h , w h e n we d o pause, it is u s u a lly a t th e e n d o f a
w o rd , b u t b y n o m e a n s always.
L in g u is ts w h o analyse languag es th a t d o n o t have a w r itte n fo rm use a va rie ty o l criteria
for d e te r m in in g w h at th e w o rd s o f th e lan g u ag e are. s u c h as: w h a t co n s titu te s th e m in im a l
response to a qu estion ; w h a t sequences o f s o u n d reoccur w ith th e s a m e m e a n in g in different
contexts; h o w w o rd stress operates; h o w prefixes a n d suffixes are m a n a g e d . W h a t a lin g uist
dete rm in e s fr o m these crite ria b e c o m e s th e basis o f w o rd s in the w r itte n la n gu ag e . T h e w o rd s
th at w c id e n tify in w r itin g in E n g lis h , th e n , arc n o t a rb itra ry sequences o f letters b u t have
va lid ity in the g ra m m a r o f the language.
T h is se c tio n is g o in g to e x a m in e w o rd s in m o d e r n E nglish. W e w ill d e fin e w h a t w e m e a n
b y th e te rm w o r d in g ra m m a r, a n d w e w ill lo o k at th e structure a n d m e a n in g o f words.
W o rd s
2.2.1 W ords and hom onym s

Let u s b e g in for th e m o m e n t w ith the d e fin itio n o f a w o rd as a sequence o f letters b o u n d e d
b y spaces. O n th is d e fin itio n , is the sequence te ar in th e fo llo w in g sentences th e s a m e w ord?
A tear rolled dow n his check.
Your coat has a tear in it.
O n th e d e fin itio n as given the answ er m u s t be 'Yes: the tw o instances ha v e the same
seq ue nce o f letters. B u t fr o m o u r w id e r k n o w le d g e o f E n g lis h , w e k n o w th a t th ey are different
w ords: for a start, th e y ha v e d iffe re n t p r o n u n c ia tio n s - /tia / a n d / te a /.
C o n s id e r n o w the seq ue nce f a n in th e fo llo w in g sentences:
The fan asked the footballer for his autograph.
Engines are fitted with a fan to keep them cool.
O n th is o c casio n , th e s p e llin g is th e sam e, a n d so is th e p r o n u n c ia tio n - /fa n /. So, a d e fin itio n
o f w o rd s th at takes a c c o u n t o n ly o f s p e llin g a n d p r o n u n c ia tio n is n o t adequate.
T h e tw o instance s o f te ar a n d the tw o instance s o f f a n d iffe r i n m e a n in g . Y o u w ill fin d
th at te ar a n d f a n b o th have tw o entries in a d ic tio n a ry , c o rre s p o n d in g to th e ir different
m eanings.
W o rd s w h ic h share th e sam e s p e llin g a n d p r o n u n c ia tio n , lik e f a n , arc c a lled h o m o n y m s
(fro m tw o G re e k w ords, h o m o = sam e, n y m = n a m e ). W o rd s w h ic h share th e same
s p e llin g b u t have a diffe ren t p r o n u n c ia tio n , like tear, are ca lled h o m o g r a p h s (G re ek g ra p h =
w r itin g ).
T h e o th e r possibility, w h ic h w e have n o t m e n tio n e d yet, is w here tw o w o rd s share
the sam e p r o n u n c ia tio n b u t ha v e a d iffe re n t sp e llin g . T h e y are ca lled h o m o p h o n e s (G re ek
p h o n e = s o u n d ). A n e x am ple o f a p a ir o f h o m o p h o n e s w o u ld be cue a n d queue , b o th
p r o n o u n c e d /k iu:/.
C learly, a d e f in it io n o f w o r d ne ed s to take in t o a c c o u n t th e fact th at diffe ren t w o rd s m a y
h a p p e n to be p r o n o u n c e d o r spelt th e sam e, as a result o f his to rica l changes. M e a n in g m u st
b e central to the d e fin itio n o l w ords. I n ord e r to b e able to ta lk a b o u t w o rd s as sequences o l
letters o r so u n d s , lin g uists so m e tim e s use th e te rm s o r th o g r a p h ic w o r d (a w o rd in w ritin g )
a n d p h o n o lo g ic a l w o r d (a w o rd in s o u n d ). A n d th ey use th e term le x e m e to ta lk a b o u t
a w o rd fro m a s e m a n tic perspective, a p p ro x im a tin g to a n e n try in a d ic tio n a ry . So, tear
represents a sin g le o rth o g ra p h ic w o rd b u t tw o p h o n o lo g ic a l w o rd s a n d tw o lexemes: f a n
represents a sin g le o rth o g r a p h ic a n d a sin g le p h o n o lo g ic a l w o rd b u t tw o lexemes.
2.2.2 Word classes and in flection s

W e d o n o t k n o w h o w m a n y w o rd s there are in E n g lis h . T h e c u rre n t (s e c o n d ) 20-volum e
e d itio n o f th e O x fo rd English D ic tio n a ry c o n ta in s ov e r h a lf a m illio n w ords. S o m e o f those
have fa llen o u t o f use a n d are obsolete; o n the o th e r h a n d , th e O E D d o e s n o t have m a n y

m o d e r n w o rd s fr o m areas like science, te c hn o lo g y , c o m p u tin g a n d p o p c u ltu re , to n a m e but
four. (See C rystal 2006a, C h a p te r 2 , for a d isc u ssio n o f h o w d iffic u lt it is to estim ate th e size
o f th e vo c ab u la ry o f E nglish.)
W h e n lin g u is ts w a n t to d escrib e the w ay in w h ic h w o rd s o pe rate in th e structures ol
the la n gu ag e , it w o u ld be im p o s s ib le to treat each w o rd in d iv id u a lly . I n a n y case, m a n y words
operate in th e s a m e o r a s im ila r way. So, lin g u is ts assign w o rd s to w o r d classes, a n d the
d e s c rip tio n o f g ra m m a r is th en , in part, th e d e s c rip tio n o f h o w w o rd classes ope rate in the
s tru c tu re o f sentences.
A n o ld e r te rm fo r w o r d class is p a r t o f s p e e c h , w h ic h m o d e r n lin g u is ts reject as a rathe r
m is le a d in g o r at least u n in fo r m a tiv e te rm . W o rd s are assigned to a class o n crite ria of:
sim ilar operation in syntax (see Section 1.3.3);
Sim ilar variations in form (m orphology - see Section 1.3.2);
sim ilar type o f meaning.
For E n g lis h , so m e e ig h t m a jo r w o rd classes are established:
n o u n , verb, adjective, adverb;
pronoun, determiner, preposition, conjunction.
T h e class w ith th e largest m e m b e rs h ip is lh a t o f n o u n . T h e verb, ad jcc tiv c a n d ad verb classes
also have large m e m b e rs h ip s . T h e r e m a in in g fo u r classes have relatively s m a ll n u m b e rs o f
w o rd s , a n d th e ir m e m b e rs arc us e d m a in ly to pro v id e g ra m m a tic a l c o n n e c tio n s w it h in a n d
b etw een sentences.
W e w ill lo o k a t each w o rd class in turn.
Nouns
Here is a list o f E n g lis h n o u n s : m o th er, architect, factory, spoon, piece, triangle, h u m o u r,
in q u ir y hour, bravery, th eo ry suspense.
N o u n s refer to th e th in g s th at we ta lk a b o u t. Y o u w ill see fr o m th e s m a ll selection o f
n o u n s listed above th a t th e y refer to a w id e v a rie ty o f th in g s: people, objects, abstractions,
ideas.
I n the syntax o f sentences, n o u n s are the item s lh a t are in v o lv e d in w h a t is g o in g o n , the
Subjects a n d O b je c ts (sec S ec tio n 2.3.1 ) o f sentences, e.g.
The architect (Subject) designed a factory (Object).
M y mother (Subject) ate the cake (Object).
C h aracteristic o f m a n y th in g s is th a t th ey c a n be c o u n te d : three m o th e rs , six architects,
m a n y lactories, all cakes. Y o u can see th at the n o u n s chang e th e ir shape slightly: th ey ad d
an in f le c t io n to m a rk th e p lu r a l. T h e y are c a lled c o u n ta b le n o u n s a n d th ey ha v e two
W o rd s
fo rm s: a s in g u la r fo rm , w h ic h is th e u n in fle c te d base fo r m ; a n d a p lu r a l fo rm , w h ic h is the

s in g u la r fo r m w ith the a d d itio n o f a n in fle c tio n a l suffix , in w r itin g u s u a lly eith e r -s o r -es.
S in g u la r a n d p lu r a l are te rm s o f th e g ra m m a tic a l category o f n u m b e r .
O th e r n o u n s are u n c o u n ta b le : th e y refer to a m ass a n d th ey d o n o t have a p lu ra l in fle c tio n ,
e.g. h u m o u r, bravery, suspense, flo u r , fu rn itu re , o il. I n ord e r to refer to in d iv id u a l qu a n titie s o l
th e m ass, yo u have to use expressions like: f o u r types o f h u m o u r , 30 0 g ram m e s o fflo u r , three
pieces o f fu r n itu re .
S o m e n o u n s ha v e a n o th e r in fle c tio n , w h ic h relates to possession. I.o o k at these exam ples:
the v io lin is ts instrum en t, the violinists' instrum ents. Y o u m a y have n o tic e d th a t these
tw o exam ples ha v e the sam e p r o n u n c ia tio n , w h ic h is also th e sa in e as th e p lu ra l in fle c tio n
instrum ents. I n w r itin g , how ever, w e d is tin g u is h possession b y a s in g u la r n o u n ('s ) fro m
possession b y a p lu ra l n o u n (s').
T h e 's/s represents the possessive (o r genitive} case. Case is a g ra m m a tic a l category
associated w ith n o u n s (a n d p r o n o u n s ), w h ic h signals a n o u n s relation to o th e r elem ents in
the sentence. E n g lis h n o u n s have o n ly tw o cases: th e possessive case (w ith s/s in fle c tio n ),
a n d th e c o m m o n case ( n o in fle c tio n ). N o u n s in th e possessive case u s u a lly s ig n a l a re la tio n
s h ip o f possession w ith a n o th e r n o u n . C o m m o n case n o u n s arc us e d in a ll oth e r fu n c tio n s .
V e rb s
H ere is a list o f E n g lis h verbs: throw, spread, decide, f a ll, lose, forget, s ta n d , prefer, believe,
c o n ta in , seem, have, be.
Verbs refer to: w h a t pe o ple d o (ac tio n s, e.g. throw , decide) . w h at h a p p e n s (events, e.g. lose,
forget) , th e w ay th in g s are (states, e.g. c o n ta in , seem).
In th e sy n tax o f a sentence the verb tells yo u a b o u t th e s itu a tio n (a c tio n , event, state) that
the 'th in g s (i.e. n o u n s ) are in v o lv e d in . For exam ple ,
The architcct threw the spoon to m y mother, (action)

That comedian has lost his hum our, (event)
The factory contains a lot o f furniture, (state)
Verbs ha v e a n u m b e r o f in fle c tio n s. I.o o k at th e fo llo w in g fo rm s o f th e v e rb decide:
decide
(to) decide
d c id s
d e c id in g
decided
decided
T h e lo rm s in the first c o lu m n , ca lled th e fin it e lo rm s , sh o w d is tin c tio n s o l the g r a m m a ti

cal category o f tense. T h e first tw o fo rm s (decide, decides) are p re s e n t te n s e , a n d th e th ird
o n e (decided) is pa st tense. T h e base (u n in fle c te d ) fo r m is th e present decide. Decides, w h ic h
ha s a -(e)s in fle c tio n , is c a lled th e 3 r d p e rs o n s in g u la r p re se n t te n s e in fle c tio n (see o n
p r o n o u n s be lo w ). T h e past tense in fle c tio n is n o r m a lly (e)d.
T h e fo rm s i n th e s eco n d c o lu m n , c alled th e n o n -fin ite form s, are: th e in fin itiv e (to decide),
s o m e tim e s w ith o u t to; a n d th e tw o p a rticiple s - present p a rtic ip le w ith th e -ing in fle c tio n
(de cid ing ), a n d past p a r tic ip le w ith th e -(e)d in fle c tio n (like th e past tense). For a few
verbs the p a st tense a n d p ast pa rtic ip le have diffe ren t in fle c tio n s , e.g. show, shows, showed,
to show, show ing, show n. T h e p a st p a r tic ip lc lo r m is the o n e th a t com es after have in
c o n s tru c tio n s like:
I have decided to stay.
I have stolen the crow n jewels.
O n e , ve ry c o m m o n , verb - be - ha s eig ht diffe ren t forms:
am ( 1 st person singular present tense)
is {3rd person singular present tense)
are ( 2 nd person & plural present tense)
was (1st & 3rd person singular past tense)
were ( 2 nd person & plural past tense)
lo be (infinitive)
being (present participle)
been (past participle).
A d je c tiv e s
Here is a list o f E n g lis h adjectives: ta ll, wide, little, clear, superb, necessary, r o u n d , stable,
y ellow , brave, fierce, comic.
A djectives refer to the q u alities o f th in g s T h e y serve to classify a n d describe n o u n s , e.g.
I? w ide road, a superb view, a stable relationship.
I n th e sy n tax o f E n g lis h sentences, adjectives c o m e cith e r before a n o u n , o r afte r a verb
like be o r seem i n relation to a n o u n as S ubje ct, e.g.
You turn into the wide road.
The road is wide.
M a n y adjectives have in fle c tio n s for c o m p a r a tiv e a n d s u p e rla tiv e degree, m a rk e d b y the
suffixes -er a n d -est, for e x a m p le w ider, widest; sm aller, smallest. S o m e adjectives m a r k the
c o m p a ra tiv e a n d supe rlative w it h the adverbs m ore a n d m ost; for ex am ple m o re stable, most
stable; m o re necessary, m ost necessary. W h e th e r th e in fle ctio n s -er/-est o r the adverbs m o rel
m ost are u s e d d e p e n d s in large p a r t o n h o w m a n y syllables the adjective w o rd has: single
syllable adjectives u s u a lly take -er/-est; adjectives w ith three o r m o re syllables take m o re/
m o st; a n d tw o-syllable adjectives vary.
S om e adjectives are n o t g r a d a b le in th is w a y a n d so d o n o t have c o m p a ra tiv e a n d
supe rlativ e fo rm s, e.g. r o u n d , yellow . A 'th in g ' is n o r m a lly e ith e r r o u n d o r s o m e o th e r shape
(square, tria n g u la r, c o n ic a l, etc.); it is e ith e r 'yellow ' or s o m e o th e r c o lo u r: there are n o degrees
o f ro un d n ess' o r 'yellowness'.
W o rd s
A d v e rb s
H ere is a list o f adverbs in m o d e r n E n g lish: slowly, superbly, c a re fu lly no w , often, always; out,
off, up; however, therefore, thus.
The class o f adverbs c o n ta in s a rathe r v a rie d set o f w o rd s . T h e a bove list c o n ta in s exam ples
o f fo u r d is tin c t subclasses:
- -ly adverbs, derived from adjectives (slow-ly, carefulAy, spontaneously), referring to the m anner in
which som ething happens or is done (She walked slowly dow n the street)
- simple adverbs {now, often) referring mostly to tim e meanings, and so complementing the tense of
the verb in the sentence
- adverb particles (out, up), whose m ain use is to com bine w ith verbs to form phrasal verbs, such as
speak out, give up
- conjunctive adverbs (however, therefore), which are used to join sentences together, for example
The standard o f the service was not very good. I cannot therefore recommend this restaurant.
.Some adverbs c a n b e g ra d e d fo r degree, like adjectives, b u t o n ly w ith the adverbs m ore a n d

most, n o t n o r m a lly w ith in fle ction s: m o re slowly, m ost carefully, oftener (?).
P ro n o u n s
P ro n o u n s ha v e th e g ene ral fu n c tio n o f s ta n d in g for or re p la c in g n o u n s . T h is is th e firs t o f the
s m a ll, g ra m m a tic a l classes o f w o rd th a t w e m e n tio n e d in S ec tio n 2.2.2. It c o n tain s a diverse
set o f item s, b u t w h a t w e m o s t read ily th in k o f as p r o n o u n s are th e Personal P ronouns:
I, me. m in e
wc, us, ours
you, yours
he, h im , his
she her hers
they, them , theirs
it. its
T h e y are a n interesting g ro u p o f w ords, because th ey m a n ife s t so m e g ra m m a tic a l categories
th at are n o t evident anyw h ere else in E n g lis h words.
First o f all, the category o f p e r s o n applies, a n d there are three te rm s in th is category. First
pe rso n p ro n o u n s refer to th e speaker: /, we, etc. Seco n d pe rso n p r o n o u n s reier to th e person
a d dressed:y o u . T hird pe rso n p r o n o u n s refer to th e p e r s o n /th in g b e in g talke d ab o u t: he, she,
it, they, etc.
S econdly, th e category o f n u m b e r app lie s. S in g u la r p ro n o u n s , refe rring to o ne person,
in c lu d e : /, he, she, it. P lu ra l p ro n o u n s , refe rring to m o r e th a n o ne pe rs o n , in clud e : m., they.
T h e p r o n o u n y o u m a y be us e d w ith eith e r sin g u la r o r p lu ra l reference, to a sin g le addressee
o r to a n audience.
T h ird ly , th e category o f case applies. For th e n o u n w e saw th at there w as a c o m m o n case
f o r m a n d a possessive/genitive case fo rm . For the p r o n o u n , there are three te rm s in this
category: subjective, objective a n d g en itive (o r possessive). I n the first pe rso n s in g ula r
p r o n o u n s , I is subjective case, m e is objective case, a n d m in e is g en itive case. W i t h y o u a n d it

there is n o d is tin c tio n b etw een subjective a n d objective case. Subjective case fo rm s are used
w h e n th e p r o n o u n ha s S ub je c t fu n c tio n in a sentence; objective case fo rm s are used w h e n the
p r o n o u n ha s O b je c t fu n c tio n in a sentence (see S e c tio n 2.3.1), o r afte r a pre p o sitio n ; a n d
g en itive ease to rm s arc used w h e n the p r o n o u n refers to possession; lo r exam ple
I met her yesterday.
She can have a go alter me.
The responsibility is yours.
F o u rth ly , th e category o f g e n d e r app lie s, b u t o n ly i n th e case o f th e th ir d person sin g ula r
p ro n o u n s . T he re are three term s: m a s c u lin e , fe m in in e a n d neuter. T h e m a s c u lin e p ro n o u n s
are: lie, h im , his. T h e le m in in e p ro n o u n s arc: she, her, hers. T h e ne ute r p r o n o u n s arc: it, its.
C o m b in in g these categories, we have a system o f personal p ro n o u n s in E n g lis h as follows:
First
Second
sing p lu
sing plu
Third
sing plu
m fn
subj
I we
you you
he she it
they
obj
me us
you you
him her it
them
gen
m ine ours
yours yours
his hers its
theirs
The re m a in in g subclasses o f p r o n o u n are as follow s:

R e fle x iv e p r o n o u n :
myself, ourselves, yourself, himself, herself, itself, themselves. These are used
either in reference to the person under discussion (She has hurt herself) or for purposes o f emphasis
(She congratulated m e herself).
In te r r o g a tiv e
pro noun,
used lor questioning: W ho? W h o m ? Whose? (subjective, objective and
genitive case, respectively) W hat? W hich?

Relative p ro n o u n , used to introduce relative clauses' (see below): w ho, w h om , whose, which, that.
In d e fin ite p r o n o u n s ,
used to refer to a non-specific person or thing. They arc formed w ith some, any,
every or no as a first part, and body, thing or one as a second part; for example someone, nothing,
everybody.
Dem onstrative pronouns, which have a pointing function: this, these (for close to the speaker); that,
those (for distant from the speaker).
D e te rm in e rs
The w o rd s i n th is seco n d g ra m m a tic a l class o f w o rd s have the gene ral fu n c tio n o f a c c o m p a
n y in g n o u n s a n d 'd e te rm in in g ' th e ir status in an o n g o in g discourse o r text. T he re are two
bro a d subclasses o f d e te rm in e r: id e n tifie rs a n d qu antifiers.
T h e subclass o f id e n tifie r s includes:
Articles: a/an (indefinite), the (definite)
Possessives: my, our, your, his, her, its, their. Note the general difference in form between these
possessive determiners and the genitive pronouns (his and its are the same). Compare: M y book
W o rd s
is the red one (possessive determiner) - The red one is m in e (genitive/possessive pronoun).
(Note: pronouns replace nouns, determiners accompany nouns.)
Dem onstratives: this, these; that, those (the same forms as the demonstrative pronouns), Compare:
That pencil belongs to me (determiner) - That is my pencil (pronoun).
T h e subclass o f q u a n t ifie r s includes:
N um erals: the cardinal numbers (one, two, three, etc.), a n d the ordinal numbers (first, second, third,
etc.), expressing specific quantities o f things.
Inde finite quantifiers: some, many, several, a lot of, few, etc., which express non-specific quantities o f
things.
P re p o s itio n s
T h e w o rd class o f p re p o sitio n s c o n ta in s item s such as th e follow ing:
about, alter, against, along, am ong, between, by. during, from, into,
near, on, opposite, over, since, through, towards, under, until, with.
P re po sition s arc u s e d lo c o n n e d ih e n o u n fo llo w in g th e p r c p o s ilio n c ilh e r to a n o lh e r
n o u n or to so m e o th e r ele m e n t in th e sentence. For exam ple: in the g ir l a t the cashdesk, the
p re p o sitio n a t connects th e n o u n cashdesk to th e n o u n g irl e x p la in in g w h ic h g irl yo u are
ta lk in g a b o u t. In Please p u t the m o n e y in to the box, th e p re p o sitio n in to c o nn e cts th e n o u n box
lo the rest o f the sentence, especially the verb p u t, expressing 'w here yo u p u t the m oney.
P re p o s itio n s o fte n ha v e a p la ce or d ire c tio n m e a n in g (a s a t a n d in to in th e exam ples
above). P re po sition s ha v e o th e r m e a n in g s also:
time: after, before, during
topic: about, concerning
instrument: with
agent: by
accompaniment: with, without
comparison: like
purpose: for
reason: because of
C o n ju n c tio n s
T h is fo u r th class o f g ra m m a tic a l w o rd s ha s tw o subclasses: c o o r d in a tin g c o n ju n c tio n s a n d
s u b o r d in a tin g c o n ju n c tio n s .
C o o rd in a tin g conjunctions include: and, but, or.
S u b o rd in atin g conjunctions include: when, while, li. so that, because, although, where, as. etc.
T h e m a in fu n c tio n o f c o n ju n c tio n s is to c o n n e c t tw o sentences, eith e r as e qual partners
(c o o rd in a tin g ) o r w ith o n e s u b o r d in a te lo th e oth e r (s u b o rd in a tin g ).
C o o r d in a tin g c o n ju n c tio n s are also used to c o n n e c t o th e r k in d s o f e le m e n t (such as

w ords):
The m ilk m a n brought the m ilk at 6 and the postm an delivered the letters at 6.30. (sentence
coordination with and)
I Ic delivers norm al and skim m ed milk, (word coordination w ith and)
S u b o o rd in a tin g c o n ju n c tio n s in tro d u c e ad verb ial clauses' (see b e lo w ), w ith a range of
m e a n in g s (lim e , c o n d it io n , p u rp o s e , reason, etc.), e.g.
W c can go when you are ready, (tim e subordinate clause with tvhen)
Weve changcd the date so lhat you can comc too. (purpose subordinate clause w ith so that).
2.2.3 Prefixe s and suffixes

W c n o tic e d in the pre vio us se c tio n th a t the p lu ra l in fle c tio n tor n o u n s a n d the p a st tense
in fle c tio n for verbs are u s u a lly suffixes a d d e d to th e base f o r m o f th e w o rd : -s o r -es for the
p lu ra l; -d o r -ed fo r th e past tense. A w o rd s u c h as o nio ns is, therefore, c o m p o s e d o f tw o
elem ents: the base o n io n a n d th e e n d in g -s. T h e fo r m o n io n is itself an in d e p e n d e n t w ord,
b u t th e e n d in g -s o n ly ever o ccu rs in c o m b in a tio n w ith a base.
I n the lin g uistic d iscipline o l m orphology, w h ic h studies the fo rm s o f w ords (see Section 1.3.2),
the base elem ent o f a w o rd is called the ro o t, a n d the en d in g is called a suffix. A n elem ent lhat
is a dded before a root is called a prefix , e.g. re-furbish, un-stable. Prefixes a n d suffixes are
colle ctiv ely c a lled affixes; a n d roots a n d affixes arc collectively c a lled m o r p h e m e s .
T h e structure o f a w o rd is de s c rib e d in te rm s o f m o rp h e m e s . T h e m in im a l structure o f
m o s t w o rd s is a root m o r p h e m e (w c w ill n ote one o r tw o exceptions later). To the ro o t m a y
be a d d e d affixes.
A ffixes m a y have tw o fu n c tio n s in th e structure o f E n g lis h words. First, as w e have
seen, th ey m a y have a n in fle c tio n a l fu n c tio n , expressing g ra m m a tic a l categories like plu ra l
n u m b e r, past tense, c o m p a ra tiv e degree. In fle c tio n s in E n g lis h are, in fact, alw ays suffixes;
a n d i f a w o r d ha s m o re th a n o n e suffix , the in fle c tio n is alw ays the last one.
T h e seco n d fu n c tio n th at affixes m a y have, a n d th is app lie s to b o th prefixes a n d suffixes,
is a d e r iv a t io n a l fu n c tio n . A n e w w o r d is de riv e d b y th e a d d itio n o f a n a ffix to a ro o t. For
exam ple, the a d d itio n o f th e s u ffix -al to th e ro o t na tu re enables u s to derive th e adjective
n a tu r a l; the fu r th e r a d d itio n o f the prefix u n
enables us to derive the negative o r opposite
adjective u n n a tu ra l.
D e r iv a tio n a l suffixes u s u a lly chang e the w o rd class o f th e ite m to w h ic h th ey are added,
for exam ple
Verb Noun: -ant (disinfectant), -ation (organization), -rncnt (agreement),
-al (refusal), -cr/-or (baker, actor)
Adjective - Noun: ness (sickness), ity (sterility)
W o rd s
N oun/Adjective Verb: -ifv (purify), -izc (terrorize), -cn (soften)
N oun - Adjective: -ful (careful), -less (fearless), -ly (friendly), -ish (foolish)
Verb Adjective: -able/ ible (stackable, digestible)
Adjective Adverb: -ly (superbly, honestly)
D e r iv a tio n a l prefixes d o n o t n o r m a lly chang e th e w o r d class o f the ite m th e y are a d d e d to,
for e x am ple
Negative/opposite: un (unsure), dis (discolour), 111 (inexpert)
Degree/size: super- (supernatural), sub- (substandard), over- (overindulge), under- (underfed),
hyper- (hyperinflation)
Time: pre- (prewar), post- (postmodernist), ex- (ex-policeman), re- (reinvent)
T h e fo llo w in g prefixes d o , how ever, c h a n g e th e w o rd class o f th e ite m th at th ey arc
a d d e d to:
be-: befriend, besiege (form ing verbs)
cn-: encircle, endanger (form ing verbs)
a-: afloat, awake (form ing adjectives)
Because E n g lis h has, in its histo ry, taken so m a n y w o rd s (a n d parts o f w o rds) fro m other
languages, especially th e classical languages, L a tin a n d G re ek , th e structure o f s o m e w ords
to d ay c a n n o t b e d is c e rn e d , except w ith co nside ra b le d iffic u lty or a k n o w le d g e o f th e classical
languages. For exam ple , the w o rd legible lo o k s as i f it c o n ta in s th e su ffix -ible, w h ic h , as we
ha v e seen, c ha n g es a verb in to a n adjective (digest-ible). B u t il w c re m o v e th e su ffix fro m
legible w e are left w ith (p r e s u m a b ly th e ro o t) leg (w h ic h has n o t h in g to d o w ith leg th e lim b ).
Legible m e a n s able to b e read: leg is a L a tin ro o t m e a n in g read. W ith o u t th a t kno w led g e
o f L a tin , legible is u n an alysable , unless wc c a ll leg a b o u n d ro o t (i.e. it c a n n o t exist as an
in d e p e n d e n t w o rd ), w h ic h occu rs o n ly in the structure leg- + -ible, b u t it is n o t a g o o d id e a to
recognize a m o r p h e m e o n th e basis o t a sin g le exam ple.
A n o th e r case o f a po ssib le b o u n d ro o t is fo u n d in th e w o rd disgruntled, w h ic h occurs
o n ly in th is negative fo rm in m o d e r n E n g lish: th e ro o t g ru n tle is n o t part o f cu rre n t E nglish
a n y m o re , it s obsolete.
2.2.4 Com pound w ords

D e riv a tio n , b y m e a n s o f prefixes a n d sulfix e s a d d e d to a ro o t, is one w ay i n w h ic h n e w w ords
are fo rm e d in a la n gu ag e . A n o th e r w ay is c o m p o u n d in g , w h ic h involves th e c o m b in a tio n o f
tw o ro o t m o rp h e m e s , s u c h as
bookmark, deadlock, hamstring, popcorn, seaweed, textbook, touchstone.
M a n y c o m p o u n d s , as these exam ples, are w r itte n 'solid', as a sin g le o rth o g ra p h ic w ord
a n d w ith o u t a h y p h e n . O th e r c o m p o u n d s arc w r itte n w ith a h y p h e n b etw een th e tw o root
m o rp h e m e s , a n d s o m e are o p e n c o m p o u n d s w ith th e tw o roots as separate o rth o g ra p h ic

w o rd s , for instance
cable-car, day-dream, fan-belt, ring-finger, time-switch
cable television, day nursery, fan heater, ring road, tim e bomb.
W h e th e r a c o m p o u n d is o p e n , h y p h e n a te d o r so lid m a y b e a re fle c tio n o f the degree to w h ic h
it ha s b e e n accepted as a lexem e b y speakers o f th e language. D ic tio n a r ie s m a y d iffe r
o n w h e th e r th ey regard a c o m p o u n d as s o lid , hy p h e n a te d o r o p e n ; a n d there seem s to be a
general te n d e n c y to reduce hy p h e n a tio n .
M o s t c o m p o u n d s are n o u n s . A ll th e exam ples g iv e n so fa r hav e b een n o u n s , w ith the
exce ptio n o f day-dream , w h ic h be lo n g s to b o th th e n o u n a n d th e v e rb classes. C o m p o u n d s
are fo u n d in w o rd classes oth e r th a n n o u n , fo r exam ple
Verbs: babysit, double-cross, dry-clean, gatecrash, proof-read
Adjectives: dow n hearted, long term, newsworthy, public-spirited, soft centred.
S om e o f these adjectives illustrate an interesting w o rd fo rm a tio n process in
English:
adjective -t n o u n + -ed (th e pa st pa rtic ip le e n d in g o n verbs, b u t here a d d e d to a n ad je ctive *

n o u n c o m b in a tio n to fo rm a c o m p o u n d adjective, like sofl-centred).
T he re is a n o th e r k in d o f c o m p o u n d fo u n d in E n g lis h , w h ic h is n o t strictly s p e a k in g a
c o m b in a tio n o f roo t+ ro ot, s in c e th e parts o f the c o m p o u n d d o n o t exist as in d e p e n d e n t
w o rd s in E n g lis h . T h is type o f c o m p o u n d c a n be illu stra te d b y th e fo llo w in g exam ples:
astronaut, bibliophile, biology, geography, misogyny, telephone, xnophobe.
T h e tw o pa rts o f th e c o m p o u n d are roots in L a tin o r G re ek , w h ic h ha v e been bo rro w e d a n d
th e n c o m b in e d to fo rm a c o m p o u n d in E n g lish: e.g. astro 'star + n a u t s a ilo r, b ib lio b o o k *
p h ile lover, tele d is ta n t + p h o n e s o u n d . T h e c o m p o u n d s d id n o t exist i n classical L a tin or
G reek. I n E n g lis h , s u c h c o m b in a tio n s are c a lled n e o c la s sic a l c o m p o u n d s , a n d th e ir parts
are c a llcd c o m b in in g fo rm s. T hey are o fte n fo rm e d for th e te chn ical lan g u ag e o l science,
te c h n o lo g y a n d m e d ic in e .
Finally, there are s o m e c o m p o u n d s th at are a h y b r id o f th e classical a n d n o r m a l types,
w here o n e e le m e n t (n o r m a lly the first) is a c o m b in in g fo rm a n d the oth e r is a n o r m a l English
ro o t. e.g. biodegradable, Francophile, geophysics, retro rocket, telecom m unication. N o te h o w
th e w o rd France ha s been m a d e to lo o k like a classical c o m b in in g fo rm in Francophile.
2.2.5 W ord m eaning

T h e m e a n in g o f a w o rd is c o m p o s e d o f a n u m b e r o f elem ents:
1. what it relers to i n the world o l o u r experience,
2 . its place in the vocabulary o f the language and its relationship to other words;
3. the regular company that it keeps when it is used In speech and writing.
W o rd s
T h e th ir d o f these w e w ill de a l w ith u n d e r th e h e a d in g o f c o llo c a tio n in S ectio n 2.2.7. The

seco n d involves lexical re latio n s h ip s o f sam eness (s y n o n y m y ) a n d o p p o site n e ss (a n to n y m y )
o f m e a n in g , w h ic h we w ill c o n s id e r in S e c tio n 2.2.6. In th is se ctio n we w ill b e c o n c e rn e d w ith
w h a t w e p ro b a b ly m o s t re a d ily th in k o f as th e m e a n in g o f a w o rd : th e re la tio n o f reference.
T h e m o s t o b v io u s e x am ple o f th e reference relation is w h e n a w o rd can be associated w ith
a set o f objects. A n ex am ple m ig h t be app le o r chair. W h e n we b e g in to th in k a b o u t th e range
o f objects th a t w e m ig h t w an t to a p p ly e ith e r o f these w o rd s to, w e realize h o w d iffic u lt it is to
characterize th e reference o f a w o rd . T h e k in d s o f features th at w e m ig h t in c lu d e i n o u r
d e s c rip tio n w o u ld in clud e : size a n d shape, co lo u r, use o r fu n c tio n , its pa rts o r c o m p o n e n ts,
w h at general class o f objects it belongs to.
D ic tio n a r y d e fin itio n s are a ttem pts to describe the reference o f w ords. T h e Concise O x fo rd
English D ic tio n a ry (20 04) defin es app le as: 'th e ro u n d e d fr u it o f a tree o f th e rose fam ily, w ith
g re en o r re d s k in a n d c ris p flesh. So, app le b e lo n g s to th e class o f fr u it, ha s a r o u n d shape, can
b e red o r g re en in co lo ur, is c o m p o s e d o f flesh', a n d co m e s fro m a p a r tic u la r ty pe o f tree.
W o rd s lik e app le a n d c hair are fairly s traig h tfo rw a rd to define. T hey refer to objects
th at can be seen, or a t least easily p ic tu re d , a n d th ey have p h ysical features th a t can be
o bserved a n d d escribed. T h e y b e lo n g to the set o f c o n c re te n o u n s , o f w h ic h these th in g s
a re tru e . It is m u c h m o r e d iffic u lt to c h aracterize w o rd s th at have a n abstract reference, such
as - r e m a in in g w ith n o u n s - justice, conscience, space.
W i t h n o observable features to describe, w o rd s w ith abstract reference have to be de fin e d
b y m e a n s o f paraphrase. C o n s id e r th e d e fin it io n o f conscience in th e C o n cis e O x fo rd : a
person's m o r a l sense o f rig h t a n d w r o n g . It is classified as a k in d o f m o r a l sense, w h ic h itself
has abstract reference.
W ith verbs a n d adjectives, there are s o m e th at a llo w d e fin itio n i n p h ysical term s, such
as verbs referring to p h ysical a c tio n s {clim b, ru n , s w im ) o r adjectives referring to physical
q u a litie s (o p a q u e , tria n g u la r). B u t the great m a jo rity refer to abstract entities, w here p a r a
p h ra s e is us e d for d e fin in g .
In th e case o f th e g ra m m a tic a l w o r d classes, m a n y w o rd s d o n o t ha v e m e a n in g i n te rm s o f
the reference relation. P re p o s itio n s m a y refer to diffe ren t k in d s o f spatial or te m p o r a l relation
(in to , on; after, d u rin g ). C o n ju n c tio n s m a y refer to va rio u s c irc u m s ta n tia l m e a n in g s ( when
tim e , if c o n d itio n , because reason). P ro n o u n s have a s h iftin g reference: I refers to w h oever the
speaker h a p p e n s to be; y o u to the addressee o f th e m o m e n t; a n d the th ir d pe rso n p ro n o u n s
have reference to n o u n s p re vio usly m e n tio n e d in th e discourse o r text. D e te rm in e rs also have
a fu n c tio n largely in te rn a l to la n gu ag e , th o u g h q u a n tifie rs ha v e s o m e co u n te rp a rt in the
w o rld o f experience.
2.2.6 Synonym s and antonym s

T h e m e a n in g o f a w o rd is d e te r m in e d n o t o n ly b y th e reference relation th a t it enters in to
b u t also b y the relations th at it co ntra cts w ith o th e r w o rd s i n th e vo c ab ula ry , c alled sense
r e la tio n s . T w o o f th o s e re la tio n s are s y n o n y m y (sam eness o f m e a n in g ) a n d a n to n y m y

(oppo siteness o f m e a n in g ).
T w o o r m o re w o rd s are said to b e sy n o n y m s i f th e ir m e a n in g s o v e rla p to a considerable
extern a n d th e y c o u ld be s u b stitute d for each o th e r in app ro priate contexts. S uch s y n o n y m
pa irs m ig h t in clud e :
quick - rapid, small - little, cry - weep, discover - find, conceal - hide,
buyer - purchaser, lavatory - toilet, story - talc.
E n g lis h is p a rtic u la rly ric h in sy n o ny m s, because its v o c a b u la ry c o m e s fr o m tw o different
p r im a r y sources: A ng lo - S ax on (o r O l d E n g lis h ), the la n g u ag e o f th e G e r m a n ic in va d e rs in
th e fifth a n d s ix th centuries; a n d F re n ch /I,atin , th r o u g h th e N o r m a n c o n q u e st o f th e eleventh
c e n tu ry a n d the in flu e n c e o f classical L a tin fo llo w in g th e fifte en th- ce n tury Renaissance.
M a n y pa irs o f s y n o n y m s have one w o r d o f G e r m a n ic o r ig in a n d o n e o f F re n c h /L a tin orig in ,
for exam ple
quick/rapid, weep/cry, find/discover, hide/conceal, buy/purchase.
O fte n th e G e r m a n ic w o r d is m o re c o llo q u ia l a n d th e F re n c h /L atin w o r d m o re fo rm a l or
technical.
S o m e tim e s th e m e m b e rs o f a s y n o n y m p a ir ha v e a diffe ren t social cachet. T h is is the
case w ith toilet (fro m F ren c h ) a n d lavatory (fro m L a tin ). ( W h ic h d o y o u say?) S y n o n y m
pa irs also arise fr o m re g io n a l va ria tio n , for ex am ple betw een B ritis h a n d A m e r ic a n English:
b is c u it - co o k ie , lift - elevator, pa v e m e n t - sid e w alk . S im ila r cases o c c u r also w ith in , say,
B ritish E n g lis h , for instance: p lim s o ll - sand sho e - p u m p - dap , b utty - sa nd w ic h .
A n t o n y m y w o rks rathe r d iffe ren tly fr o m syno ny m y. O n ly s o m e w o rd s have a n to n y m s .
Y o u c a n n o t ask, for exam ple , W h a t is the o p p o s ite o f yellow ?', because yellow does not
have a n a n to n y m . Yellow is d e fin e d b y its pla c e in a series o f c o lo u r w o rd s th at are m u tu a lly
exclusive: yellow is y e llo w because it is n o t green, red, blue. etc.
W c can d is tin g u is h th re e d iffe re n t k in d s o f an to n ym y . O n e k in d is illustrated b y g ra d a blc
adjectives such as:
narrow -wide, short - long, cowardly - brave, cheap - expensive, dry - wet.
T h e y are c a lled g r a d a b le a n to n y m s . T h e ir reference is relative to th e obje ct b e in g described:
a n a rro w ro a d is still w id e r th a n a n a rro w p la n k o f w o o d . A n d w h e n the q u a lity is b e in g
question e d , o n ly o n e o f th e m is n o r m a lly used, e.g. 'H o w w id e is the ro a d ? rathe r than
'F low n a rro w is th e road ?. T h e latter im p lie s th a t y o u hav e a lre ady d e te rm in e d th a t the
r o a d is narrow . I n such qu estion s, a n d in g iv in g m e a s u re m e n ts , it is alw ays th e larger o f
the a n to n y m s th a t is us e d , so 'H o w lo n g is it? , 'T h e ro a d is 3 m etres w id e .
A seco n d k i n d o f a n to n y m c a n b e illustrated b y th e pairs:
true - false, alive - dead, open - shut, o n - off, occupied -vacant.
W o rd s
Here th e re la tio n sh ip is a n eith e r/o r one. A d o o r m a y b e either open o r shut, it c a n n o t he

m o re one th a n th e other. T h e assertion o f o n e q u a lity is th e d e n ia l o f th e o th e r: i f a statem ent
is true, th at im p lie s th at it is n o t false. Such a n to n y m s are c a lled c o m p le m e n ta r y anto nym s.
T h e th ir d k in d o f a n to n y m c a n be illustrated b y th e pairs:
b o rro w - le n d , b u y - sell, g iv e - re ceive, husband - w ife , ab o ve - below.
T hese a n to n y m s arc ca lled co nve rse s o r r e la tio n a l o p p o s ite s . T hey represent tw o sides o i a
relation. For exam ple , if B ill is H illa ry s h u s b a n d , th e n H illa r y is B ills w ife ; i f N a th a n borrowed
1 0 fr o m K irsten, th e n K irs te n lent 1 0 to N ath a n .
Sense relations lik e s y n o n y m y a n d a n to n y m y c o n trib u te to d e fin in g the m e a n in g o f words.
A th ir d sense relation recognizes th a t w o rd s m a y b e related to each o th e r in th e g en e ra lity o f
th e ir reference. For exam ple, cutlery is a m o r e general w a y o t referring to th e m o r e specific
knives, fo rks a n d spoons. T h is sense relation is c a lled h y p o n y m y : knife, fo rk , spoon are
h y p o n y m s o f cutlery.
2.2.7 C o llo catio n s and idiom s

W e suggested earlier (S e ction 2.2 .5) th a t the m e a n in g o f a w o r d is in part d e te r m in e d by the
regular lexical c o m p a n y th a t the w o rd keeps. For exam ple , p a r t o f th e m e a n in g o f m u g g y is its
a sso c ia tio n w ith weather.
T h e adjective false is associated o n th e o ne h a n d w ith n o u n s like passport, banknote,
n u m b e r plates (w he re it is a s y n o n y m o f counterfeit), o n th e o th e r h a n d w ith n o u n s s u c h as
a ssu m ptio n , hope (w here it is a s y n o n y m o f u n w a rra n te d ), a n d fu rth e rm o re w ith n o u n s such
as teeth, leg, eyelashes (w he re it is a s y n o n y m o f a rtific ial). T h e c o llo c a tio n s o i fa ls e p ro v id e a
basis o n w h ic h to id e n tify the diffe ren t 'm e a n in g s o r senses o f th e w ord.
F ro m these tw o exam ples, m u g g y a n d false, it is clear th at w o rd s d iffe r in th e ir ran g e o i
c o llo c a tio n . M u g g y has a rathe r restricted range o f c o llo c a tio n , fa ls e a s o m e w h a t broader
range, a n d an adjective like g o o d has a v e ry w id e range, so m u c h so th a t c o llo c a tio n does
n o t co n trib u te to the ch a ra cte riza tio n o f its m e a n in g .
A t the m o re restricted e n d o f c o llo c a tio n a l range, w o rd s m a y b e c o m e so m u tu a lly
pre d ic ta b le i n a p a rtic u la r contex t th at th e y lo r m in to a fix e d e x p re s sio n , such as break a
h a b it, a b a d h a b it. I f such expressions b e c o m e overused, th ey b e c o m e clichs o r stereotypical
phrases, lik e desirable residence ( in estate agents b lu rb ), once u p o n a tim e ( in fa iry stories),
g o ld en o p p o rtu n ity ( in advertising).
W h e n such fixed expressions n o lo n g e r have th e ir lite ra l m e a n in g , o r w here th e m e a n in g
o t th e expression is m o r e th a n the s u m o f its parts, th e n w e talk o f an id i o m , s u c h as
keep ones nose clean

poke ones nose in to something
turn ones nose up at something.
Such id io m a tic expressions operate i n la n g u ag e as prefabricated w holes. T here is a range

o f such expressions, fr o m th e c o m p le te ly id io m a tic (non- literal) to th e a lm o s t literal. W e
ha v e n o space to lo o k at th e m in d eta il here, b u t see th e d isc u ssio n in G ra m le y a n d P tzo ld
(2004), C h a p te r 3.
2.3 Sentences
W e are fa m ilia r w ith th e n o tio n o f a 'sentence fr o m w ritin g : it is a sequence o f w o rd s; the
first w o rd b e g in s w ith a c a p ita l letter; a n d th e seq ue nce te rm in a te s w ith a n a p p ro p ria te
p u n c tu a tio n m a r k - fu ll stop (.). qu e s tio n m a r k (?),o r ex c la m a tio n m a r k (!).
I n th is s ectio n , wc are lo o k in g at th e n o t io n o f sentence' ir o m th e p o in t o i v ie w o i its
syntactic structure: th e ways in w h ic h w o rd s c o m b in e , the e lem ents in sentences a n d th e ir
possible orders. T h e sentences o f w r itin g d o n o t alw ays co rre s p o n d to sentences d e fin e d in
s tru c tu ra l term s.
W e b e g in b y c o n s id e rin g so m e o f th e basic s tru c tu ra l elem ents o f sentences.
2.3.1 Su bject, O bject and Com plem ent

T h e basic structure o f a sentence is m a d e u p o f a v e rb together w ith a n u m b e r o f nou n s.
Sentences s u c h as the fo llo w in g illustrate the basic structure:
Birds fly.
Cows cat grass.
Grass gives hum ans indigestion.
T h e first sentence c o n ta in s th e verb fly , a n d th e n o u n birds, lu n c tio n in g as Subject. T h e
s e c o n d c o n ta in s th e verb eat, th e n o u n cows fu n c tio n in g as S ubje ct, a n d the n o u n grass as
O b je c t. T h e th ir d c o n ta in s the v e rb gives, the n o u n grass as Subject, th e n o u n s h u m a n s a n d
indigestion as O b je c ts. Indigestion is called a D irect O b je c t, a n d h u m a n s a n In d ire c t O b ject.
T h e In d ire c t O b je c t, w h ic h u s u a lly 'receives o r ben e fits fro m ' th e D ire c t O b je c t, can often
also b e expressed b y m e a n s o f th e p re p o sitio n to o r f o r w ith th e nou n :
Grass gives indigestion to humans.
She saved a scat for me.
Y o u w ill notice th at th e S ub je ct o ccu rs to th e left o f th e v e rb in each in sta n c e , a n d th e O bjects
to the rig h t. T h e S ub je c t n o u n also interacts w ith the verb: if th e n o u n is sin g u la r in n u m b e r
(fo r e x a m p le grass), th e v e rb is in th e 3 rd pe rso n sin g u la r fo r m in the present tense (gives);
i f th e n o u n is p lu ra l (cows), th e v e rb has th e fo r m ap p ro p ria te to 3rd pe rso n p lu ra l (e at). The
S ubject n o u n is said to agree w ith th e verb in n u m b e r. I n E n g lis h the v e rb w ill change
its fo r m lik e th is o n ly w h e n the v e rb is in the present tense a n d the S ub je c t is a th ir d person
(3 rd p e rs o n p r o n o u n o r n o u n ).
S e n te n c e s
F ro m these three exam ples, we can see th at verbs c o m b in e w ith diffe ren t n u m b e rs o f
n o u n s : f l y w ith o n ly one, eat w ith tw o, a n d g ive w ith three. I f o n ly o n e occurs, it ha s Subject
f u n c tio n . I f tw o o c cu r, o ne ha s Subject fu n c tio n a n d the o th e r O b je c t. A n d i f three occur,
o n e is Subject, o ne is In d ire c t O b je c t, a n d the t h ir d is D ire c t O b je c t. A Subject a n d a Verb
are alw ays present in a b asic sentence. I lo w m a n y O b je c ts o c c u r d e p e n d s o n the m e a n in g o l
the verb.
S o m e verbs req uire , i n a d d itio n to the Subject, an e le m e n t called a C o m p le m e n t, for
exam ple
Banks arc businesses.
Strawberries taste delicious.
I n these exam ples, the C o m p le m e n ts are th e n o u n businesses a n d the adjective delicious.
C o m p le m e n ts d iffe r fr o m O b je c ts in th a t th ey reflect b a c k o n a n d d escrib e th e Subject. T hey
o c c u r w ith a lim ite d set o f verbs, typically be a n d become. A n d th ey m a y be adjectives as well
as n o u n s .
S o m e verbs req uire an O b je c t a n d a C o m p le m e n t in a d d itio n to a S ubje ct, for exam ple
Students th in k gram m ar difficult.
America elected O bam a president.
I lore th e C o m p le m e n ts are th e adjective d ifficult a n d th e n o u n president. I n these sentences,
th e C o m p le m e n ts describe th e O b je c ts g r a m m a r a n d O b a m a respectively A g a in there is
a lim ite d set o f verbs th a t req uire th is structure: th in k , consider, f i n d ( in o ne o f their
m e a n in g s ) - eq uiv alen t to be; elect, m a k e - e q u iv a le n t to become.
F ro m w h a t w e ha v e d iscussed so far. we can id e n tify a n u m b e r o f b asic sentence structures
in E n g lish:
1. Subject + Verb (Birds fly)
2. Subjcct I Verb i Object (Cows cat grass)
3. Subject + Verb + Indirect Object + Direct Object (Grass gives hum ans indigestion)
4. Subject + Verb + C om plem ent (Banks are businesses)
5. Subjcct + Verb + Object + Complement (Students th in k gram m ar difficult).
V erbs w h ic h take a n O b je c t are c a lled tra n s itiv e verbs. T hose w h ic h d o n o t are called
in tr a n s itiv e . S im ilarly, sentence structures th at c o n ta in a n O b jc c t are called tra n sitiv e , a n d
th o s e w h ic h d o n o t are c alled intransitive.
N o te th a t w here n o u n s occur, as S ubje ct, O b je c t, C o m p le m e n t, p r o n o u n s can also occur.
2.3.2 Noun phrase

I n a ll the exam ples in S e c tio n 2.3.1 w e used sin g le w o rd s (verbs, n o u n s /p r o n o u n s , adjectives)
fo r th e sentence elem ents. A s a result, so m e o f th e sentences s o u n d rathe r u n n a tu r a l, because
Subjects a n d O b je c ts e specially rarely co nsist o f a n o u n b y its e lf (p r o n o u n s , how ever, d o

u s u a lly o c c u r alo n e ). A n u m b e r o f ite m s m a y a c c o m p a n y a n o u n a n d serve as its m o d ifie r s .
T h e term given to a n o u n a n d a n y a c c o m p a n y in g m o d ifie r s is n o u n ph ra s e .
A s o u r exam ples have illustrated, a n o u n phrase m a y b e c o m p o s e d o f ju s t a n o u n (or, m ore
likely, ju s t a p r o n o u n ) . A n o u n is usua lly m o d ifie d by a t least a d e te rm in e r, e.g. definite
or in d e fin ite article, possessive, q u a n tifie r (see S ec tio n 2.2.2):
A journalist is interviewing the president.
O u r gain is your loss.
This train is two hours late.
Several people gave the beggar a few coins.
O n ly one id e n tifie r (article, possessive, de m o n s tra tiv e ) m a y o c c u r in a n o u n phrase, but
s o m e c o m b in a tio n s o f q u a n tifie r arc possible, lo r exam ple
They sold us their last few stamps.
N o tic e th a t an y q u a n tifie r s fo llo w th e id e n tifie r, except th a t a ll a n d q u a n tifie rs in c lu d in g
the w o r d o f precede a n id e n tifie r, fo r exam ple
all the five songs
plenty o f our friends.
A n o th e r c o m m o n m o d ifie r o f n o u n s is a n adjective, e ith e r w ith o r w ith o u t a determ iner,
for exam ple
the Five green bottles
clear glass.
M o re th a n o n e adjective m a y o c c u r i n a n o u n phrase, for exam ple
the large, red, plastic bag.
W h e n m u ltip le adjectives o c cu r in a n o u n phrase, a p rin c ip le o l o rd e rin g operates. In th is
exam ple , th e size adjective (large) precedes th e c o lo u r adjective (re d ), w h ic h in tu r n precedes
the m a te ria l adjective (plastic).
S om e n o u n s m a y also act like adjectives a n d m o d ify o th e r n o u n s : th ey arc k n o w n as n o u n
m odifiers', for exam ple
a nasty car infection
the famous history professor.
T h e n o u n m o d ifie r s in these exam ples are e a r a n d history. I f a n o u n m o d ifie r a n d n o u n
b e c o m e reg ularly associated, there is a ch a n c e th at th e c o m b in a tio n w ill d e v e lo p in to a
c o m p o u n d n o u n (a s earache).
S e n te n c e s
W e have id e n tifie d a n u m b e r o f e lem ents th at m a k e u p a n o u n phrase. T h e m in im a l

s tructure c o n ta in s th e h e a d n o u n (o r p r o n o u n ) . T h is m a y b e preceded b y m o d ifie r s in the
fo llo w in g order:
identifier - quantificr(s) - adjcctivc(s) - noun modifier.
Besides these m o d ifie r s th at m a y c o m e before a n o u n , there are m o d ifie r s th at m a y follow
a n o u n in th e s tru c tu re o t a n o u n phrase. M o st o f these a rc lo n g e r th a n a sin g le w o rd . H e re is
a list o f th e m , w ith a n exam ple; w e shall c o m e b a ck to m o s t o f th e m later o n .
adverb (the road back)
prepositional phrase (the road to the beach)
relative clause (the road which leads to the beach)
present participle clause (the road leading to the beach)
past participle clause (the road taken by m ost holidaymakers).
It is u n u s u a l for m o r e th a n o ne ty pe o f m o d ifie r after th e n o u n to occur, so th e y are n o t
o rdered in th e s a m e w ay as th e m o d ifie r s before th e n o u n . C o m b in in g b o t h types o f m o d ifie r
c a n generate s o m e qu ite c o m p le x n o u n phrases. H o w c o m p le x th e n o u n s phrases are in a text
is ofte n a m easure o f th e ty pe o f text it is. as well as o f p e rs o n a l style: jo u rn a lis tic texts a n d
fo rm a l/te c h n ic a l texts te n d to have m o r e c o m p le x n o u n phrases th a n , say, p e rso n al letters
a n d p o p u la r fictio n .
N o u n phrases fu n c tio n in sentence structure as S ubjects, O b je cts a n d C o m p le m e n ts .
2.3.3 Verb phrase

W e have n o te d th at the V e rb e le m e n t is c e n tra l i n a sentence (S e c tio n 2.3.1). T h e Verb
e le m e n t is alw ays a v e rb phrase. T h e m in im a l fo r m of a verb phrase is a le x ic a l (o r m a in )
verb, fo r exam ple
says
regret
proposed
took.
Y o u w ill n o tic e th at these verbs sh o w a d is tin c tio n betw een p re se n t a n d p a s t tense: says a n d
regret are present tense, proposed a n d took arc pa st tense. A ll fin ite verb phrases sh o w tense,
e ith e r present o r past, a n d it is th e first w o rd in th e v e rb phrase th a t sho w s the tense.
S im p le pa st tense verbs (lik e proposed, took) usually refer to a s itu a tio n th at o c cu rred in
past tim e . S im p le present tense fo rm s (lik e regret, says, k n o w ), how ever, u s u a lly refer e ith e r to
s o m e th in g th a t is always th e case (firs t ex am ple b e lo w ) o r to s o m e th in g th at reg ularly occurs
(seco n d exam ple ), o r to a cu rre n t stale o f m in d (th ir d exam ple):
W e regret that refunds cannot be given.
She says grace before every meal.
He knows that he is a danger to other drivers.
S im p le present tense fo rm s refer lo th e present m o m e n t in tim e o n ly in c o m m e n ta ry , for

ex am ple o n sporl:
Sm ith passes to Jones, and (ones shoots. Its a goal!
F u rth e r subtleties in relation to tim e are expressed b y m e a n s o f a u x ilia r y verbs, w h ic h

c o m e before th e m a in verb in a v e rb phrase. T h e progressive aspe ct is expressed b y m eans
o f be as an a u x ilia ry v e rb together w ith the present p a rtic ip le fo r m o f th e m a in verb (see
S ec tio n 3.2.2 u n d e r Verbs) , for exam ple
is cutting
are playing
was passing
were visiting.
Y o u w ill n otice th at the tense is n o w sh o w n b y th e au x ilia ry be, as th e first ite m in th e verb

phrase.
Progressive aspect focuses o n a s itu a tio n as b e in g in progress o r la stin g o v e r tim e . The
progressive is n o t n o r m a lly possible w ith m a in verbs refe rring to states, o n ly to those
refe rring to ac tio n s o r events. T h e present progressive is th e m o s t u s u a l fo r m for referring
l o s o m e th in g g o in g o n at th e (present) m o m e n t o f sp e ak in g , in response, lo r exam ple , to the
q u e s tio n W h a t are y o u doing?:
I am cutting the hedge.
T h e past progressive is ofte n us e d to set th e scene for a story, lo r exam ple

The sun was shining. The birds were singing. The trees were swaying
in the breeze. People were going about their daily business.
T h e s to ry its e lf w ill t h e n n o r m a lly b e to ld in the sim p le pa st tense:
Lydia opened the front door and stepped out onto the pavement
She walked purposefully to the baker's and entered the shop.
E n g lis h ha s a seco n d aspect: the p e rfe c t (o r pe rfe c tiv e ) aspect. It is fo rm e d w ith ha v e as
an au x ilia ry verb, together w ith th e p a s l pa rtic ip le o l a m a in verb, for exam ple
has stayed
have found
had moved.
A g a in th e tense is s h o w n in th e au x ilia ry verb, as th e first ite m in th e v e rb phrase.
S e n te n c e s
Perfect aspect relates to the d is tr ib u tio n o f a s itu a tio n in p a st tim e . T h e present perfect
refers eith e r to a s itu a tio n th at beg an in th e past a n d is still c u rre n t at th e tim e o f speaking
(first e x am ple b e lo w ), o r to a s itu a tio n th at o ccu rred a t a n u n s p e c ifie d tim e i n th e past
(seco n d exam ple):
1 1c h a s liv e d i n B i r m i n g h a m s in c e t h e w a r.
They have found their lost cat.
T h e p a st perfect refers to a s itu a tio n th a t preceded a n o th e r pa st tim e situ a tio n : so it is a

past in th e past', fo r exam ple
They had moved to their new house before Lydia was born.
A th ir d a u x ilia ry v e rb relates to a q u ite diffe ren t g ra m m a tic a l category: voice. Voice

dis tin g u is h e s a c tiv e a n d passive v e rb phrases (a n d sentences). T h e n o r m a l sentence
structure is in th e active voice. Passive vo ice is expressed b y be as an a u x ilia ry v e rb together
w ith th e past pa rtic ip le o f a m a in ve rb , for exam ple
is claimcd
are performed
was decided
were written.
Passive voice involves n o t o n ly a n a p p ro p ria te fo rm o f th e verb phrase b u t also a

rearran ge m en t o f the e lem ents o f the sentence. C o m p a r e the first, active e x am ple b elo w
w ith th e seco n d, passive exam ple:
The pharmaccutical company claims a major breakthrough in pain relief.

A m a jo r b r e a k t h r o u g h i n p a in r e lie f is c la im e d b y t h e p h a r m a c e u t ic a l c o m p a n y .
T h e O b je c t {breakthrough) o f the active sentence beco m e s th e Subject o f the passive

sentence: a n d th e S ub je c t o f th e active sentence beco m e s a by-phrase.
W e ha v e so far describ ed three au x ilia ry verbs th a t m a y o c c u r in a verb phrase:
have past participlc (perfect aspect), as in has taken

be + present participle (progressive aspect), as in is taking
be + past participle (passive voice), as in is taken
T h e y m a y o c c u r in c o m b in a tio n , in w h ic h case th e y o c c u r in th e relative ord e r as listed:
perfect aux - progressive aux - passive aux - m ain verb.
It is alw ays th e v e rb th a im m e d ia te ly follow s a n au x ilia ry (w h e th e r a n o th e r au x ilia ry or the

m a in verb) w h ic h is in th e pa rtic ip le fo r m ap p ro p riate to th e au x ilia ry (so present pa rtic ip le
after progressive au x ilia ry be, etc.), as in
has been tak in g has (pcrfcct aux) - been (progressive aux in past participle form after pcrfcct have) taking (m a m verb in present participle after progressive be),
is being taken: is (progressive aux)
being (passive aux in present participle after progressive be)
taken
(m a in verb in past participle after passive be)

has been being taken: has (pcrfcct aux) - been (progressive aux in past participle alter perfect have) being (passive aux in present participle alter progressive be) - taken (m ain verb in past participle
after passive be)
T here is o ne fu rth e r type o f a u x ilia ry verb th at m a y o c c u r in a verb phrase: a m o d a l a u x ilia ry
verb. It precedes an y oth e r auxiliary. H ere is a list o f the m a in m o d a l au x ilia ry verbs:
can/could, m ay/m ight, shall/should, will/would, must.
M o d a l aux iliaries arc follow ed by th e base fo r m o f th e v e rb (th e in fin itiv e w ith o u t to), for
e x am ple
can swim
m igh t sleep
should have been speaking
must be being interviewed.
A s th e first ite m in th e verb phrase, w h ic h th e y are w h e n e v e r th ey occur, m o d a l auxiliaries
s h o w present/past tense (th e past o t m u s t is h a d to). I low cver, in d iv id u a l present a n d past
fo rm s o f m o d a ls ha v e diffe ren t m e an in g s: m ig h t, for e x a m p le , is n o t a d ire c t past o f m ay.
C om pare:
This story m ay amuse you./This story m igh t amuse you.
You m ay n o w begin writing./You m igh t now begin writing.
I n th e first p a ir o f exam ples, m ig h t expresses a less c e rtain , m o re ten tative statem ent th a n
m a y . I n the se c o n d pair, m a y gives pe rm is s io n , w h ile m ig h t offers a sug gestio n (a g a in m ore
tentative th a n m ay ).
W e b e g in to see the k in d s o f m e a n in g s th at th e m o d a l verbs express: o n the o n e h a n d , the
speakers assessm ent o f the possibility, p ro b a b ility o r ce rta in ty o f th e situ a tio n ; o n th e oth e r
h a n d , th e S u b je c ts in v o lv e m e n t in te rm s o f ability, p e rm is s io n a n d o b lig a tio n . For exam ple:
possib ility/ce rtain ty
The trains m ight be running o n time.
The trains could be ru n n in g on time.
The trains m u st be ru n n in g o n time.
S e n te n c e s
a b ilit y / p e r m is s io n / o b lig a t io n
She can drive a car.

You can/m ay drive her car.
You should drive her car.
You shall drive her car
You must drive her car.
I w ill leave y o u to p u z z le ov e r the su b tle differences in m e a n in g co nve ye d b y th e m o d a l
a u x ilia ry verbs in these examples.
Y o u w ill have n o tic e d th at w e ha v e n o t m e n tio n e d a fu tu re tense, o n ly a present a n d a
past tense. T h a t is because E n g lis h do e s n o t have a fu tu re tense as suc h : n o su ffix a d d e d to
the verb to m a k e the future, like th e p a st tense suffix -ed. A pp ro priately, because o f the
u n c e rta in ty o f the fu tu re , E n g lis h uses the m o d a l v e rb w ill ( w h ic h ha s a pre d ictio n m e a n in g
in m a n y contexts) as o ne m a jo r m e a n s o f refe rring to fu tu re tim e . O th e r m e a n s in c lu d e
the quasi-aux iliary b e g o in g to, as w e ll as th e sim p le present a n d present progressive tenses
(u s u a lly w ith adverbs w ith a fu tu re reference), for exam ple
W e will meet at six in the restaurant.
Wc'rc going to meet in the restaurant.
W c meet at six.
W e are meeting Hillary and Bill al six.
Y o u m a y notice su b tle differences o f m e a n in g in these d iffe re n t ways o f ta lk in g a b o u t the
future.
T he re is one last ite m fo u n d in a v e rb phrase th a t needs to be m e n tio n e d , w h ic h is n o t an
a u x ilia ry verb. II is th e negative w o rd n o t, w h ic h we use to m a k e a v e rb phrase, a n d u ltim a te ly
th e sentence, negative rather th a n positive. N o t c o m e s afte r th e first au x ilia ry verb in a verb
phrase, a n d i n in fo r m a l styles it m a y be sh o rte n e d to n't, a n d in w r itin g jo in e d to the a u x ilia ry
th at it follow s, for exam ple
Cant see
Mustn't be seen
Wasnt being looked after
Havent protested.
I f there is n o a u x ilia ry v e rb in a v e rb phrase, o n ly a m a in v e rb , th e n a d u m m y a u x ilia ry is
used (d o ) to p ro v id e an au x ilia ry for n o t to follow , e.g.
pays
does n o t pay/doesn't pay
bought - d id not buy/didn't buy.

Y o u w ill n o tic e th at th e d o au x ilia ry carries th e tense, as th e firs t ite m in th e v e rb phrase: a n d
th e m a in verb is in the base form .
S u m m a r iz in g , a verb phrase consists m in im a lly o f a m a in verb, w h ic h m a y b e preceded by

u p to lo u r a u x ilia ry verbs a n d negative n o t, as follows:
m odal aux - perfect aux - progressive aux - passive aux - m ain verb
w ith n o t after w h ic h e v e r is th e first auxiliary, o r after d o i f n o oth e r au x ilia ry is present.
2.3.4 A dverb ials

In S ec tio n 2.3.1, w e lo o k e d at the m a jo r roles played b y elem ents in a sentence - Subject,
O b je c t a n d C o m p le m e n t - a n d a t th e basic structures th a t th e y c o m p o s e . Subjects a n d O bjects
represent th e entities (p e rs o n s/th in g s ) in v o lv e d in the s itu a tio n (a c tio n , even t o r state), w h ic h
is represented by th e (m a in ) verb; C o m p le m e n ts represent attrib utes o f entities.
I n th is sectio n , w e co nside r o n e fu rth e r ty pe o f sentence e lem en t, w h ic h ha s th e syntactic
role o f A d v e rb ia l. A d ve rb ials are n o r m a lly o p tio n a l e lem ents in sentence structure: th ey are
n o t required, b y th e verb, to m a k e the sentence g ra m m a tic a l. A d v e rb ia l e le m e n ts represent
c irc u m s ta n tia l in fo r m a tio n re la tin g to a s itu a tio n , s u c h as place (w he re s o m e th in g h a p p e n e d ),
tim e (w h e n ), m a n n e r /m e a n s (h o w ), re a s o n /p u rp o s e (w h y ), for exam ple
I was doing m y homework o n the bus.
B r ia n te ll a s le e p a fte r d in n e r .
The bell tolled m onotonously

We are cancelling the concert because o f the lead singers illness.
O n the bus in the first e x a m p le is a n A d v e rb ia l o f place; afte r d in n e r in th e s eco n d an
A d v e rb ia l o t tim e ; m o n oton o usly in th e th ir d an A d v e rb ia l o i m a n n e r ; because o j the lead
singers illness in th e fo u r th a n A d v e rb ia l o f reason.
A d ve rb ials are o fte n expressed, as in these exam ples, b y adverbs a n d pre p o sitio n a l phrases.
T h e ad v erb here is m onotonously, w h ic h is derived by m e a n s o l the -ly su ffix fr o m the
adjective m o n o to n o u s . M a n n e r A d ve rb ials are ty p ic a lly expressed b y s u c h -ly adverbs. O th e r
adverbs express tim e , e.g. now , soon, th en , to m o rro w , shortly, often, annually.
A pre p o sitio n a l phrase consists o f a p re p o s itio n (on , after, because of) fo llo w e d b y a n o u n
phrase (o n + the bus, after + d in n e r). T hey are a c o m m o n m e a n s o f expressing all k in d s o f
A dverbial.
A sentence m a y c o n ta in m o re th a n one A d v e rb ia l, for exam ple
S a lly w o n th e race y esterday ( t im e ) i n I Ic ls in k i (p la c e ) i n re c o r d t i m e ( m a n n e r ) .
In th is exam ple , all three A d v e rb ia ls c o m e at th e e n d o f th e sentence. A n A d v e rb ia l may,

however, be place d a t th e b e g in n in g o f a sentence, o r in d e e d i n th e m id d le (u s u a lly sin g le
w o rd adverbs), fo r exam ple
O n Friday evenings (tim e) wc go with our friends (manner) to the cinema (place).
D u r i n g th e s u m m e r (tu n e ) w c h a v e o lte n (tim e - fre q u e n c y ) g o n e c a m p in g in th e C o ts w o ld s (place).
S e n te n c e s
A d ve rb ials are usua lly o p tio n a l elem ents: w e c a n cho o se w h ethe r to give in fo r m a tio n
a b o u t th e tim e , place, m a n n e r, a n d so o n o f a s itu a tio n , o r n o t. Subjects, O b je c ts a n d
C o m p le m e n ts are n o t n o r m a lly o p tio n a l e lem ents o f sentence structure i n th is way. H o w
ever. w ith s o m e verbs, a n A d v e rb ia l (u s u a lly o f place) m a y be m o re o r less o blig a to ry : to
leave it o u t w o u ld crcatc a s tru c tu ra l g a p in th e sentence. For exam ple:
Lydia has gone to the library*.
I left my umbrella o n the bus.
S o m e o n e ha s to g o so m e w h e re , so the place A d v e rb ia l to th e lib rary is m o re o r less obligatory.
L y dia ha s g o n e does m a k e sense o n its o w n , a lth o u g h i f th e verb fo r m is c h an g e d fr o m present
perfect to sim p le p a st (L yd ia went), there is a greater sense o f in co m p le te n e ss. A g a in , w ith the
s eco n d exam ple , leave (like lose a n d f in d ) im p lie s som ew here; so o n the bus is a m o r e or less
o b lig a to r y A d v e rb ia l in th is sentence. It is arg u a b ly m o r e o b lig a to r y th a n to the lib rary in the
firs t exam ple , since even I have left m y um b re lla is in c o m p le te .
2.3.5 Clauses
T h e u n its o f syntactic structure th a t w e have talke d a b o u t so far have in c lu d e d : w o rd , phrase
a n d sentence. W o rd s c o m b in e together in to phrases, for in s ta n c e n o u n phrase, v e rb phrase,
p re p o s itio n a l phrase. A (s im p le ) sentence is m a d e u p o f a v e rb (phrase) together w ith the
S ubje ct, O b je c t a n d C o m p le m e n t ( n o u n o r adjective) phrases th a t th e verb requires, as well
as a n y A d v e rb ia l (adve rb or p re p o sitio n a l) phrases. T h u s each s im p le sentence , as w e have
describ ed it, c o n ta in s a sin g le m a in verb (p lu s a n y auxiliaries).
S im p le sentences co nsist o f one clause. A clause is a syntactic u n it c o n s istin g o f a verb
together
w ith its associated S ubje ct, O b je c ts /C o m p le m e n t
and
A d ve rb ials. C o m p le x
s en ten c e s co nsist o f m o r e th a n o ne clause. C lauses c o m b in e in to c o m p le x sentences in tw o

ways: b y c o o r d in a tio n a n d by su b o rd in a tio n .
T w o clauses are c o o rd in a te d w h e n th ey are jo in e d b y o n e o f th e c o o r d in a tin g c o n ju n c tio n s
a n d , b u t, or, fo r e x am ple
The bus was late a n d she missed her connection.
You can take the train, but the tare is higher.
You can travel direct or you can go via London.
C o o r d in a t i o n jo in s clauses th at are essentially in d e p e n d e n t. C o m p a r e The bus was late. She
m issed h e r connection., w here th e first ex am ple ha s been separated in to tw o s im p le sentences.
T h e o th e r exam ples can b e s im ila rly separated. W h a t th e c o o r d in a tin g c o n ju n c tio n d o e s is to
m a k e e x p lic it th e m e a n in g c o n n e c tio n betw een th e tw o clauses: vario u s k in d s o f a d d itio n for
a n d , o p p o s itio n for b u t, alternative for or.
S u b o r d in a t io n jo in s a s u b o r d in a te cla u s e to a m a i n clause. A su b o rd in a te clause fu n c tio n s
w it h in th e m a in clause as Subject, O b je c t, C o m p le m e n t o r A d v e rb ia l. It c a n n o t b e separated
fr o m th e m a i n clause to leave th e tw o clauses to sta n d a lo n e as s im p le sentences. H e re are

s o m e exam ples o f c o m p le x sentences c o n ta in in g a su b o rd in a te clause:
W hat you ate telling m e is an o ld story. (Subject clause: what you are telling m e + Verb: is +Complement
noun phrase: an old story). The m a in clause is X is an old story, the subordinate clause, what you are
telling me, fills X. ihc Subjcct slot, in ihc m ain clause.
I d id not know that you could speak Germ an. (Subject pronoun: I + Verb: d id not know + Object clause:
th at you could speak German). The m ain clause is I d id not know X ; the subordinate clause, that you
could speak German, fills X. the Objcct slot, in the m a in clause.
The hardest task is remembering the vocabulary. (Subjcct n oun phrase: the hardest task * Verb: is +
Com plem ent clause: remembering the vocabulary). The m a in clause is The hardest task is X; the
subordinate clause, remembering the vocabulary, fills X, the Complement slot, in the m ain clause.
You can come here after yo u have been to the bank. (Subjcct pronoun: you t Verb: can come * Adverbial
(place) adverb: here + Adverbial (time) clause: after. . .). The m a in clause is You can come here (X);
the subordinate clause, after you have been to the bank, fills X , the optional Adverbial slot in the
m a m clause.
S u b o rd in a te clauses th at fu n c tio n as Subject, O b je c t o r C o m p le m e n t replace n o u n phrases,
a n d so th e y are ca lled n o m in a l or n o u n clauses. T ho se th at fu n c tio n as A d v e rb ia l replace
a d verb s/prep ositio n a l phrases, a n d th ey are c a lled a d v e r b ia l clauses. T he re are also clauses
th at fu n c tio n as m o d ifie r s o f n o u n s , w ith in a n o u n phrase, w h ic h d o th e s a m e jo b as an
adjective: th ey are c a lled a d je c tiv a l clauses. A djectival clauses in c lu d e relative clauses
(see S e c tio n 2.3.2 a n d be lo w ), for e x am ple
an interesting proposal, w hich we will discuss at our next meeting.
N o m in a l clauses in c lu d e the fo llo w in g types (all illustrated in th e fo llo w in g exam ples in
O b je c t p o s itio n in th e m a in clause, w here n o m in a l clauses are fo u n d m o s t c o m m o n ly ):
- //iof-clausc. introduced by the conjunction that. w hich is sometimes, however, omitted, e.g. I think
(that) yo u know each other.
- '/(-clause, introduced by a ivft-word (such as who, what, why, whether). Unlike the that o f thatclauscs. the wh-vrord is an element (Subject, Objcct, and so o n ) o f the iWi-dausc. So, in You haven't
told m e what you d id on holiday, what you did on holiday is the n /-clause O bject o f told, a n d within
the /-clause what is the Object o f did)
- -ig-clause, introduced b y a present participlc form o f the verb and often lacking a Subjcct, for
instance I don't remember seeing him at the theatre. 11re the -ing-dause. seeing h im at the theatre is
Object o i remember, and it has n o Subject. In this case, the Subject is assumed to be the same as that
o f the m a in clause, so I. I f the Subject o f the subordinate -mg-clause is different from that o f the main
clause, it is often possible to supply one, as m y daughter in I don't like m y daughter staying out late,
where m y daughter slaying out late is O bject oHike.
- inf-dause, introduced by an infinitive form o f the verb, and often w ithout a Subject, for instance
III have decided to offer you the jo b. Here, the subordinate inf-clausc, to offer you the jo b is Object
o l decide, a n d it has n o Subjcct: it is the same as the Subjcct o f the m a in clause, h t . I f the inf-clausc
S e n te n c e s
is Direct O bject in a sentence w ith an Indirect O bject (e.g. with the verb tell), then the Subject o f
the ini-clause is assumed to be the same as the Indirect Object, as in I lo hl Lydia lo close Ihe door
behind her. As w ith ing clauses, a Subject may be supplied where appropriate, as the fee in She
requested the fee to be p a id into her account. Sometimes an introductory vvh-word precedes the
inf-clause, as in We haven't decided where to go on holiday: this is called a it'/i-inf-dausc.
A d v e rb ia l clauses are u s u a lly in tro d u c e d b y a s u b o r d in a tin g c o n ju n c tio n , w h ic h gives
s o m e in d ic a tio n o f th e ad verb ial m e a n in g o f the clause, for e x a m p le when/before/after/w hile
(tim e ), because/since (reason), if/unless (c o n d itio n ):
W hen the buzzer sounds, you should press this button

W e are unable to fulfil your order, because the items are out o f stock
I f y o u c a ll in t o th e o ffic e , t h e f o r m s c a n b e s ig n e d .
M in o r types o l ad verb ial clause in clud e :
- inf-clause. introduced by an infinitive form ot the verb and with the m eaning o f 'purpose', as in
I have lo call in a l the post office to buy some stamps. Note that the Subject o f the purpose inf-clause
(to buy some stamps) is the same as the Subject o f the m a in clause (I). I f the Subject is different, it is
introduced by the preposition for, as in / h a d to call in fo r Bill to sign theform.
- -irtg-clause, containing a present participle form o f the verb, sometimes introduced by a subordinat
ing conjunction, and w ith a time' m eaning, for instance I fo u n d this gold ring, (while) looking for
shells on the beach; After visiting the cathedral, they went to a cafefor a coffee. In this case the Subject
o f the -iwg-dause is always the same as the Subject ot the m ain clause.
A d je c tiv a l clauses, w h ic h a ll f u n c tio n as m o d ifie r s afte r the n o u n (see S ec tio n 3.3.2),

in c lu d e th e fo llo w in g types:
- relative clause, introduced by a relative pronoun. Like the /-word in
-clauses, the relative
pronoun has a fun ctio n (Subject. Object, C o m plem ent, a n d so o n ) w ith in the relative clause. For
example, in the song which she sang, the relative pronoun which is Object o f sang; in the song which
comes next, which is Subject o f comes. I f the relative pronoun is fun ctio nin g as O bject in the rela
tive clause, it m ay be om itted, as in the song she sang. lhe frie n d (whom) she met a t the parly.
- -iwg-clause, introduced by a present participle form o f the verb, for instance the song topping the
charts a t the moment. The -mg-clausc docs not have a Subject; it is assumed to be the same as the
n o u n being m odified (song in this example).
- -cW-dause, introduced by a past participle form o f the verb, for instance the exam faile d by most
students. As w ith the -ing-dausc modifier, there is no Subject in the -ed-dausc; it is assumed to be
the same as the n oun being m odified (exam in this example).
C o o r d in a tio n a n d s u b o r d in a tio n o f clauses in tro d u c e s considerable c o m p le x ity in to the
syntax o f sentences, a n d such sentences o fte n take co nside ra b le u n ra v e llin g to u n d e rs ta n d
h o w th e structure is w o rk in g . C o m p le x ity o f syntactic structure is also a reflection o f h o w
elab o rate o u r la n g u ag e can b ec o m e , e specially w h e n w e w rite, w h ic h is w h e re m o s t o f the

m o re c o m p le x s u b o r d in a tio n occurs.
2.3.6 Sentences
W c ha v e n o w seen th at sentences ha v e structures w h ic h en a b le us to express a n d talk ab o u t
the situ a tio n s th a t we w an t to c o m m u n ic a te to o th e r pe o ple . T h e Verb in a sentence expresses
the a c tio n , event o r state; the Subject a n d O b je c t express th e persons a n d th in g s invo lve d in
ih e situ a tio n ; th e C o m p le m e n t expresses a n attrib u te o f th e Subject o r O b je c t; a n d A d ve rb ials
express va rio u s a c c o m p a n y in g c ircu m s ta n c e s o f th e situatio n .
W h e n w c use a sentence in c o m m u n ic a tio n , it lulfils lo r us one o f fo u r pu rp o se s o r fu n c
tion s: it m a k e s a s ta te m e n t, asks a q u e s tio n , gives a c o m m a n d , expresses a n exclam atio n .
C o m p a r e th e follow ing:
S ta te m e n t:
W e h a v e v is ite d a ll th e c a p ita l c itie s o f E u r o p e .
Question:
Have you visited all the capital cities o f Europe?
Com m and:
V is it th e c a p ita l c itie s o f E u ro p e !
Exclamation:
W hat a lot o f cities to visit!
W hat have you visited?
Y o u w ill n otice th a t the diffe ren t fu n c tio n s are reflected i n diffe ren t structures (orders o f
w ords). T h e sta te m e n t, u s u a lly co n sid e re d th e basic ty pe o f sentence, has its elem ents in the
o rd e r: Subject - Verb - O b ject.
T he re are tw o types o f qu e s tio n . T h e 'yes/no' o r p o la r q u e s tio n (H a v e yo u visited . . .?)
expects e i t h e r ^ o r n o as a n answer. It d iflc rs fr o m th e statem ent structure in th at th e first
au x ilia ry o f the v e rb phrase inverts w ith th e Subject (Y ou h a v e --- - H a v e yo u.?). T h e whor in fo r m a tio n seeking qu e s tio n ( W h a t ha v e y o u visited?) beg in s w ith the iv/i-word, w h ic h
specifies th e ty pe o f in fo r m a tio n b e in g s o u g h t, a n d th e n S ub je c t/a ux iliary in v e rsio n takes
place, unless the w/i-word is itself th e Subject (as in W h o c a m e yesterday?).
A c o m m a n d sentence has n o Subject, a n d th e v e rb is in th e base fo rm (in fin itiv e w ith o u t
to). A person c a n be n o m in a te d - Sally, pass m e the salt, please - b u t th ey are n o t th e Subject
o l th e sentence.
A n ex c la m a tio n is in tro d u c e d b y e ith e r w h a t or ho w . W h a t 'is fo llo w e d b y a n o u n phrase:
W h a t a n a m a z in g sight! H o w is fo llo w e d b y a n adjective o r adverb: H o w b e a u tifu l y o u r eyes
are! H o w c h a rm in g ly she spoke to us!
Sentences rarely o c c u r in iso la tio n , except, for exam ple , in notices (Passengers m u s t cross
the lin e by the bridge.). A sentence u s u a lly fo rm s p a r t o f a n o n g o in g d isc o u rse o r text, a n d as
s u c h it m a y b e a d a p te d in various ways to th e oth e r sentences in its im m e d ia te context. T hat
is th e to p ic o f the ne xt section.
S e n te n c e s
2.3.7 Sentence rearrangem ents

sc ntcncc is a lin e a r s c q u c n c c o f e lem ents a rra n g e d in a pa rticu la r order. T h e b asic o rd e r for
a sta te m e n t (see S ec tio n 2.3.6) is: S ub je c t - Verb - O b je c t/C o m p le m e n t - (A d v e rb ia l). The
in itia l ele m e n t in a sentence, u s u a lly the Subject, is th e o n e th at n o r m a lly creates a li n k w ith
the pre v io u s sentence in a text o r discourse, so cre a tin g a lo g ic a l order
The 200 metres hurdles was w on by Sally. She easily outpaced her rivals.
She in th e s eco n d sentence picks u p th e S u lly o f th e first. Subjects are o fte n p r o n o u n s for this
reason. T h e y represent g iv e n in fo r m a tio n m e n tio n e d in the pre v io u s sentence.
T h e Subject is ofte n the to p ic o f th e sentence, a b o u t w h ic h the rest o f th e sentence (the
c o m m e n t ) says s o m e th in g n e w , w ith the m o s t s ig n ific a n t o r n e w sw o rth y in fo r m a tio n
c o m in g at th e e n d o f th e sentence.
T h e in itia l a n d fin a l p o s itio n s in a sentence are thus v e ry sig n ific an t, a n d for th is reason
there are devices for e n s u rin g th a t th e app ro priate e le m e n t appears in these po sitio ns.
T h e cho ice o f verb w ill in flu e n c e w h ic h ite m occu rs as Subject: c o m p a re the cho ice o f give
a n d g e t i n the follow ing:
H illary gave Bill the idea.

Bill got the idea from I lillary.
T h e use o f a passive c a n b r in g in to Subject p o s itio n an ite m th at w o u ld b e O b je c t i n the

active sentence; co m pare
Sally w on the 200 metres hurdles.

The 200 metres hurdles was won by Sally.
I f an e le m e n t oth e r th a n the S ub je c t takes u p in itia l p o s itio n in a sentence, in o rd e r to m ak e

th e c o n n e c tio n w ith th e p re v io u s sentence, th e n we say th a t the e le m e n t has b een fr o n te d .
C o n s id e r th e fo llo w in g exam ples:
Some races Sally can w in easily. (Object some races fronted)

Tired I am not. (Complement tired fronted)
Across the bridge streamed the refugees. (A djunct o f place across the bridge fronted)
H ere th e fr o n tin g is ac h ie v e d b y s im p ly re a rra n g in g th e e lem ents i n th e sentences. The

sentences m a y s o u n d a little strange in is o la tio n , b u t w ith in a contex t m u c h less so.
T h e o p p o s ite o f fr o n tin g is p o s tp o n e m e n t , w h e re a n e le m e n t is m o v e d fro m its usual
p o s itio n to the e n d o f a sentence, because it is th e m o s t n e w sw o rth y ite m i n th e sentence.
S o m e tim e s th e p o s itio n th at s u c h an e le m e n t vacates is fille d b y it. T h is is p a rtic u la rly the

case if th e ele m e n t be in g m o v e d is th e Subject, e.g.
It was a surprise to fin d you already at home.

I call it an outrage lhal the library is shut on Saturdays.
In th e firs t ex a m p le , the S ub je c t in fin itiv e clause (to f in d y o u . . . ) is p o s tp o n e d , a n d in the

seco n d, th e O b je c t f/wf-clause (th a t the lib r a r y . . . ) is po s tp o n e d . I n b o th cases th e vacated
p o s itio n in th e sen ten ce is fille d b y it, w h ic h h o ld s th e place for th e p o s tp o n e d S ub je c t or
O b je c t. N o m in a l clauses, e specially as S ubje ct, are o fte n p o s tp o n e d in th is way.
A n e le m e n t is so m e tim e s p o s tp o n e d because it is th e longest in th e sentence. A lo n g (or
w e ig h ty ) ele m e n t is o fte n also the m o s t new sw orthy, as in
We reported to the police the theft o f his bicycle from the school cycle rack.
Here the lo n g D ire c t O b je c t (th e theft . . .) is p o s tp o n e d to afte r the In d ire c t O b je c t

p re p o s itio n a l ph ra s e (to the police).
T h e re a rra n g e m e n t o f e le m e n ts i n a sentence, to achieve fr o n tin g o r p o s tp o n e m e n t, serves
th e p u rp o s e o l e n a b lin g th e sentence to fit app ro priate ly in to a de v e lo p in g text o r discourse.
T h e message o f th e text o r d isc o u rse is th u s m o re clearly a n d s m o o th ly e laborated and
conveyed.
2.4 Variability and correctness

In th is chapter w e have been d isc u ssin g the lin g u istic system o f E n g lis h , e x a m in in g th e rules
a n d co n v e n tio n s that w c fo llo w w h e n w e speak a n d w rite E n g lis h . In d e s c rib in g language, we
o fte n give th e im p re s s io n th a t there is a closed system o f rules, rather like a c o m p u te r pro gram ,
w h ic h w e have to fo llo w i f wc w a n t to speak o r w rite a language p ro p e rly o r correctly'.
This se c tio n in te n d s to co rrect th a t im p re s s io n , to s h o w th a t th e re is co n s id e ra b le v a r i
a b ility a n d ope n - e n de d ne ss in th e lin g u is tic system o f E n g lis h , as in d e e d o f a n y language.
S o m e o f th e p o in ts m e n tio n e d he re w ill b e e x p lo re d m o r e fu lly , especially in C h a p te r 6.
2.4.1 Id io le ct and d iale ct (see Se ctio n 1.2)

Clearly, British E n g lis h is o n ly one o f a n u m b e r o f n a tio n a l varieties o f E n g lis h , in c lu d in g
A m e r ic a n E n g lis h , A us tra lia n E n g lis h , In d ia n E n g lis h , W est A fr ic a n E n g lis h , a n d so o n . But.
w ith in th e B ritish Isles, E n g lis h ha s m a n y re g io n al variations: dialects. D ia le c ts arc m o stly
restricted to th e s p o k e n m e d iu m , w ith m o s t w ritte n , o r a t least prin te d , text i n th e prestigious
sta n d a rd d ia le c t o f p u b lic c o m m u n ic a tio n .
V a r ia b ilit y a n d c o r r e c tn e s s
S o m e tim e s th e v a r ia tio n is solely o ne o f p r o n u n c ia tio n : accent. T h e g r a m m a r a n d
v o c a b u la ry arc fr o m the sta n d a rd d ia le d , o n ly th e p r o n u n c ia tio n ha s re g io n a l features.
I n th at sense, w e all speak w ith an accent, e ith e r o n e th a t betrays o u r regional o rigin s
(Y o rk sh ire , C o r n w a ll, H o m e C o u n tie s ) o r o u r so c ia l o r ig in s (so c a lled R e ceive d P r o n u n
c ia tio n , p r o m o te d p a rtic u la rly i n th e priv ate e d u c a tio n system).
W e also have features o f o u r language th a t m a rk u s o u t as in d iv id u a ls : o u r id io le c t. It
m a y b e a w o rd o r phrase th at wc overuse. It m a y b e a n id io s y n c ratic p r o n u n c ia tio n . O r we
m a y ha v e a te n d e n c y to use a p a rtic u la r syntactic structure. N otice, for ex a m p le , h o w som e
p o litic ia n s , trade u n io n leaders a n d th e like freq ue n tly use th e c o n s tru c tio n W h a t . . . i s . . .
(as in W h a t I w o u ld say to y o u is . . . )
E n g lis h varies in p r o n u n c ia tio n , g r a m m a r a n d v o c a b u la ry a c c o rd in g to w here y o u live, the
e d u c a tio n yo u have received, y o u r past lin g u is tic experience, a n d the k in d o l pe rso n th a t yo u
are, in c lu d in g y o u r personality, interests, a n d so o n . N o t o n ly th a t, b u t y o u v a r y th e w ay th at
y o u speak - a n d w rite - a c c o rd in g to the contex t in w h ic h y o u are s p e a k in g o r w r itin g , a n d
the pe o ple th at yo u are s p e a k in g to. W h a t is correct o r pro pe r d e p e n d s o n the contex t in
w h ic h the la n g u ag e is b e in g used.
2.4.2 C h a n gin g language

L anguage is c o nstan tly c h a n g in g (see C h a p te r 4). T h is in e vitably m e a n s th at the language
system is o p e n a n d un stab le. A t a n y p o in t in tim e , s o m e chang e is ta k in g place, perhaps
im p e rc e p tib ly to th e c u r re n t speakers, b u t e v id e n t in th e longer term .
C h a n g e is m o s t o b v io u s ly seen in vocabulary. T h e w o rd s o f a p p ro v a l, for exam ple , used b y
y o u r parents o r g ran d pare n ts are n o t those yo u w o u ld use. A m o re recent w o rd o f app ro val has
b een cool, c o rre s p o n d in g to y o u r parents' great, p e rha ps, a n d to y o u r g ran d pare n ts ca p ita l or
A I . W h a t w o rd d o y o u use n o w to signal app ro val (w icked pe rhaps)? N o t o n ly d o existing
w o rd s chang e th e ir use, b u t n e w w o rd s are also c o nstan tly be in g co in e d in the language a n d
o ld ones b e c o m e obsolete, as the interests a n d pre o c c up a tio n s o f th e g eneratio ns change.
BREAKO U T BOX
D is c u s s t h e w o r d s y o u a n d y o u r p e e r s u s e t o s i g n a l a p p r o v a l a n d t h a t s o m e t h i n g is g o o d W r i t e t h e s e
w o r d s d o w n a n d a s s e m b le t h e m i n o r d e r o f p o p u la r it y . W h i c h w o r d i$ <it t h e t o p ? W h y
P ro n u n c ia tio n also changes, as d o e s th e status o f accents, for e x am ple th o s e th at are

co n sid e re d acceptable i n p u b lic b ro adcasting . It y o u h e a r a ne w s reader (o r s h o u ld it be
newscaster) o f 30 years ago, y o u w ill f in d th e ir accent qu ite diffe ren t fr o m th o s e o f the news
readers o f today. T h e prestigious 'R eceived P ro n u n c ia tio n accent does n o t s o u n d th e s a m e as
it d id tw o o r three decades ago. N e w accents arise: there ha s been d iscu ssio n in recent years
a b o u t th e rise a n d in creasin g a c c e p ta b ility o f the E s tu a ry E n g lis h accent in th e L o n d o n

area, a k i n d o f a d a p ta tio n o f R P to th e C o c k n e y accent o f East L o n d o n (as i n the speech o f the
fo rm e r L o n d o n m a y o r K e n L ivingstone.
N e ith e r does g ra m m a r re m a in im m u n e fr o m chang e. T here are areas o f d is p u te d
g ra m m a tic a l usage w h ic h p ro b a b ly represent a c h a n g e ta k in g place. O n e s u c h co n c e rn s the
p re p o sitio n used after th e adjective different: is it fr o m , to or th a n * T h e conservative o ne is
fr o m , b u t to is p ro b a b ly m o r e w id e ly fo u n d i n present-day E n g lish; th a n is still larg ely frow n e d
o n , at least in B ritish English.
A n o th e r g ra m m a tic a l ch a n g e , w h ic h is n o t p a rtic u la rly a m a tte r o f d is p u te , is in th e usage
o f th e relative p r o n o u n w h o m . I n fact, th is p r o n o u n is fa llin g o u t o f use a n d d is a p p e a rin g
fr o m th e class o f relative p r o n o u n s . T h e reason fo r th is is p r o b a b ly th a t m o s t speakers d o
n o t u n d e r s ta n d th e su b ject/o bje ct d is tin c tio n , w h ic h governs the use o t w h o /w ho m .
I n part, a lack o f u n d e r s ta n d in g o f th e s u b ject/o bje ct d is tin c tio n is also th e reason for
a n o th e r c u rre n t g ra m m a tic a l change: the between yo u a n d 1 p h e n o m e n o n . A fter a preposition,
a p e rs o n a l p r o n o u n n o r m a lly takes th e obje ct fo rm : f o r me, afte r her, f r o m us, a b o u t them .
H ow ever, if there are tw o p r o n o u n s afte r a p re p o sitio n , jo in e d b y a n d , a n d the s eco n d one
is a lir s t pe rso n s in g u la r, th e n a c u r re n t te n d e n c y is to use / ra th e r th a n m e, s o between yo u
a n d I in s te a d o f between y o u a n d m e. In d e e d , th e practice is s p re a d in g to o th e r contexts:
an E n g lis h teacher w ro te in a n e m a il ( in 2009) 'th e y 'll be d r iv in g E s th e r a n d I b a c k o n the
F ri, w h e re the su b je c t fo r m / is used in D ir e c t O b je c t p o s itio n , n o t after a pre p o sitio n .
A n o th e r cause o f m u c h c o n fu s io n in m o d e r n E n g lis h usage is th e ap o stro p h e . T h is is
p a rtly a m a tte r o l p u n c tu a tio n (so, s p e llin g ), b u t it is also largely a m a tte r o f g ra m m a r, since
an u n d e r s ta n d in g o f g ra m m a r (th e possessive/genitive case) is n e ed e d i n o rd e r to use the
a p o s tro p h e appropriately. W ill th e ap o s tro p h e fin a lly die?
B R E A K O U T BO X
C a n y o u t h in k o t e x a m p le s o f th e m is u s e o f a n a p o s tr o p h e , e ith e r w h e r e a n a p o s tr o p h e h a s b e e n
in s e rte d w h e r e it is n 't n e e d e d (v id e o 's) o r w h e r e a n a p o s tr o p h e h a s b e e n o m itte d IS t M a ry s )? D o y o u
k n o w o f a n / n e a r w h e r e y o u live ?
2.4.3 C re ative language

It s h o u ld b e clear b y n o w th a t a la n g u ag e is n e ith e r a closed system (it a llo w s considerable
v a r ia tio n ) n o r in a stable state ( it is c o n s ta n tly c h a n g in g ). T h e o pe nne ss a n d in s ta b ility are
m o s t o b v io u s ly seen in the e x p a n sio n o f th e vo c ab ula ry , as th e la n g u ag e c o in s n e w w o rd s lo
deal w ith c ha n g es in c u ltu re a n d soc iety - n e w discoveries a n d in v e n tio n s i n science a n d
technology, n e w co n c e rn s a n d fa sh io n s, such as in respect o f th e e n v ir o n m e n t o r in youth
A c tiv itie s
c ultu re . B u i, as w e have seen, there is va ria b ility a n d chang e in p r o n u n c ia tio n a n d g ra m m a r

as well, a n d in c id e n ta lly i n th e c o n s tr u c tio n o f texts a n d discourses.
O n e o f the co nsequences o f th is o pe nne ss a n d in s ta b ility is th a t w e are able to p la y
w ith la n g u ag e a n d to b e creative w ith it. W e d o th is in the p la y g r o u n d in p r im a r y school;
it is o lte n th e basis o f jo kes, o r o l a c o m e d ia n s repartee; a n d p o e try is so m e tim e s a n ex p e ri
m e n ta tio n w ith la n gu ag e . H ere are tw o exam ples. T h e first c o m e s fr o m Lew is Carroll's
Jabberw ocky p o e m :
'T w a s b r illig , a n d th e s lit h y t o w s
D id g y re a n d g im b le in Ih e w a b e :
A ll m im s y w e r e t h e b o ro g ro v e s ,
A n d th e m o m e ra th s o u tg ra o e .
T h e effect here is ac h ie v e d b y lexical in n o v a tio n (nonsense w o rd s ), b u t the g r a m m a r is

c o n v e n tio n a l. Y o u c o u ld assign a w o rd class labe l to each w o rd q u ite easily: b rillig - adjective,
g yre - verb, raths - p lu ra l n o u n , a n d so on .
T h e seco n d ex am ple is fro m e.e.cum m ing s:
a n y o n e liv e d in a p r e tty h o w to w n
(w ith u p s o f lo a t in g m a n / b e lls d o w n }
s p r in g s u m m e r a u tu m n w in te r
h e s a n g h is d id n t h e d a n c e d h is d id
H ere th e p o e t is p la y in g w ith th e g ra m m a r. M a n y w o rd s are reassigned to a diffe ren t w ord

class a n d us e d in u n u s u a l syntactic po sitio ns: a n y o n e is us e d as a p ro p e r n o u n (a n a m e ), h o w
is used as a n adjective, d id n t a n d d id are used as n o u n s , a n d so o n . A n d w h a t d o yo u m a k e o f
u p so f lo a tin g m a n y bells d o w n ?
Activities
A c tiv ity 2.1.1
G iv e th e IP A s y m b o l for the vo w e l s o u n d s in th e fo llo w in g w ords. I f y o u get stuck, yo u can
seek he lp in a n up-to-date d ic tio n a ry : m a n y o f th e m (check in th e G u id e to U s in g th e D ic
tio n a ry ) use the IP A to in d ic a te the p r o n u n c ia tio n o f w ords, b u t there m a y be s o m e v a ria tio n
in th e sym b o ls used.
c a n s o u p b o r n s o n g s e n d feel b a r k le a r n safe p e a c e c o o k r o p e l u n c h t o u g h b o u g h t la d d e r c h o ic e
p a lm r is k affair
A c tiv ity 2.1.2

G iv e a p h o n e tic tra n sc rip tio n o f th e fo llo w in g w o rd s . W h e n y o u ch e c k y o u r tra n sc rip tio n
w ith th at in a d ic tio n a r y us in g th e IP A , yo u s h o u ld re m e m b e r th at th e d ic lio n a r y is n o ta lin g
a p a rtic u la r accent, n a m e ly S o u th e rn British E n g lis h . I f th is is n o t y o u r accent, there m a y

be s o m e le g itim a te v a ria tio n in tra n sc rip tio n . It is interesting to see w h e th e r th e d ic tio n a ry
confesses th at its p r o n u n c ia tio n is fo r o n ly o n e accent.
piccc fad lurch mouth joy wrong cream shore clothe good stretch weave youth happy binge
frequent station thankful
A ctiv ity 2.1.3

W o rk o u t the syllable structure o f the fo llo w in g words. T h e s p e llin g is n o t necessarily a
reliable guid e : y o u s h o u ld m a k e a ph o n e tic tra n s c rip tio n first, so th a t y o u can see th e sounds
th at y o u have to deal w ith .
standard decision police asteroid screamed television vanquished envelope newspaper procedure
circular entertainment premillcnial sparkling planetary
A ctiv ity 2.1.4

M a k e a tra n s c rip tio n o f th e w o rd s in the fo llo w in g phrases as th o u g h th e y were p ro n o u n c e d
in iso la tio n . T h e n c o n s id e r if a n y o f th e types o f v a ria tio n th a t w e have d iscussed in this
se c tio n - allo p h o n e s , a s s im ila tio n , elisio n - c o u ld occur.
slot machine wine bottle lead weight list price wet but happy ten past four sent by post on this shelf
a slight cold in the head don't lose your way
A ctiv ity 2.1.5

It w o u ld take to o lo n g to o u tlin e all th e letter-sound co rrespondences in m o d e r n E n g lis h , but
y o u can explore th is fo r yourself. 11re a rc s o m e ke y s o u n d s to investigate, fo r th e letters they
m a y b e represented by:
Consonants IkJ, 1(1. If/, 1)1
Vowels (m uc h more variable!): I\l, I d , /a:/, Iw.l, /3:/, Is /, le i/, /ou/, /ai/
A ctiv ity 2.1.6

1. W h e re do e s the m a in stress lall o n the fo llo w in g w o rd s w h e n spo ken in iso la tio n ?
safety safari salute sandwich satisfaction saxophone security segregate sensational sentimental
serenade sociology
2. W h e r e , in a n e utra l utterance o f the fo llo w in g sentences, w o u ld th e n uc le us o f the
in to n a tio n tu n e m o s t lik e ly fall?
a) Please pass the salt.
b) H ow far is it to the station?
c) This is where wc pick A unty up.
A c tiv itie s
d) Have you completed the exercise?
e) Keep o ff the grass.
W h e re else c o u ld yo u p lac e the n uc le us a n d w h at d ifference w o u ld it m a k e to th e hearers
u n d e r s ta n d in g o f th e sentence?
A c tiv ity 2.1.7

I f y o u are interested in fin d in g o u t m o r e a b o u t the cu rre n t co n v e n tio n s o n p u n c tu a tio n , yo u
c o u ld co n s u lt o n e o l th e follow ing:
R. L.Trasks Penguin Guide to Punctuation, 2004
-
the guide to punctuation at the back o f the Concise Oxford Dictionary (8th edition, 1990)
B o th o f these give a sensible a c c o u n t o f p u n c tu a tio n .
A c tiv ity 2.1.8

(1) R e cord yourself, i f po ssib le w h e n yo u are s p e a k in g in n o r m a l co nversation. W c o fte n
a d ju s t o u r accent w h e n w e read. Listen to th e re c o rd in g , a n d m a k e a note o f w h a t y o u th in k
a rc th e dis tin c tiv e features o l y o u r accent. M a n y m o d e r n m o b ile p h o n e s a n d m u s ic players
a llo w for re c o rd in g a n d pla y b a c k so th is s h o u ld be easier th a n y o u th in k .
(2) L o o k at a n e x a m p le o f y o u r h a n d w r itin g a n d c o m p a re it w ith s o m e o n e elses. W h a t are the
d ifferences i n the w a y yo u fo rm y o u r letters
th e ir size, sh ap e , angle, etc.? W h a t is it that
m a k e s y o u r h a n d w r itin g in d iv id u a l to you?
A c tiv ity 2.2.1

E n g lis h ha s qu ite a n u m b e r o f h o m o n y m s (d iffe re n t w o rd s spelt a n d p r o n o u n c e d the sam e),
lo r instance, base, com pact, elder, host, last, m in t, p e n , spar. H o m o n y m s are co n sid e re d to be
d iffe re n t lexem es because th ey ha v e a d iffe re n t origin.
L o o k these w o rd s u p in a d ic tio n a r y , to establish th at th e y are h o m o n y m s , h a v in g a diffe ren t
m e a n in g a n d a d iffe re n t o rig in . T h e o r ig in o r e ty m o lo g y o f a w o rd is usua lly g iv e n in square
brackets at the e n d o f a d ic tio n a r y entry.
N o w th in k o l liv e fu rth e r pa irs o l h o m o n y m s a n d ch e c k yo ur guesses in a d ictio n a ry .
A c tiv ity 2.2.2 - Nouns

N o t all p lu ra ls are m a rk e d b y the -(e)s suffix . L o o k at the fo llo w in g p lu ra l n o u n s a n d relate
th e m to th e ir singulars. H o w is th e p lu ra l fo rm e d fro m the sin g u la r in each case?
feet, mice, oxen, teeth, men, children, cacti, criteria, indices, corpora
A ctiv ity 2.2.2 - Verbs

Q u ite a n u m b e r o f verbs d o n o t fo llow th e re g ula r pa tte rn for verb in fle c tio n s g iv e n above.
G iv e th e 3 rd s in g u la r present, p a st tense a n d p a st p a rtic ip le fo rm s for th e fo llo w in g (base
fo rm s o i ) verbs. T h e first one is c o m p le te d lo r you.
steal steals stole stolen
sing
see
take
bring
tell
stand
wear
think
speak
A ctiv ity 2.2.2 - A d je ctives

G iv e th e co m parativ e a n d superlative fo rm s fo r the fo llo w in g adjectives. T h e list in c lu d e s some
o l th e s m a ll n u m b e r o l adjectives th at fo r m th e ir c o m p a ra tiv e a n d superlative irregularly.
great bad attractive honest nasty good free cruel lovely handsom e tim id
A ctiv ity 2.2.2 - A dverbs

Ide n tify the adverbs in the fo llo w in g sentences a n d say w h ic h subclass each o f th e m belongs to.
1. He began his speech rather pompously.
2. Youve done it again!
3. Their team has. moreover, w on the match.
4. Her plane has just taken off.
5. You shouldnt give u p so easily.
A ctiv ity 2.2.2 - Pronouns

T h is is th e p e rs o n a l p r o n o u n system th a t operates in m o d e r n 'standard' E n g lis h . T he re are
m a n y n o n - s ta n d a rd a n d d ia le c t va ria tion s. P erhaps y o u can th in k o f s o m e i n y o u r o w n or
y o u r frie n d s language o r in the la n g u ag e o f y o u r area o f th e country.
In w h at w ays m ig h t th e use o f p e rso n al p ro n o u n s in th e fo llo w in g be co n sid e re d 'nonstandard'?
1. T he teacher gave the book to Billy and I.
2. Me and Billy are going to tell on you.
3. I Icrs the one to blame.
A c tiv itie s
4. I don't think them over there like us.
5. G iv e u s a b re a k !
A c tiv ity 2.2.2 - Prepositions

(1 ) M a k e u p sentences u s in g th e p re p o s itio n s in th e list given, to illustrate th e ir m e a n in g s.
S o m e p re p o sitio n s c a n ha v e m o re th a n o n e m e a n in g (e.g. afte r for place a n d tim e ). E nsure
th a t y o u r e x a m p le m a k e s clear w h ic h m e a n in g is in ten d ed .
(2) I lo w m a n y o t these p re p o s itio n s can be us e d w ith m o re th a n o n e m e an in g ?
C h e c k y o u r guesses in a dictionary.
A c tiv ity 2.2.2

G iv e th e w o rd class labe l to all the w o rd s i n th e fo llo w in g sentences. D ic tio n a rie s usua lly
give th e w o rd class o l a w o rd , th o u g h olde r d ic tio n a rie s usua lly in c lu d e w h a t w e have called
de te rm in e rs in th e class o f adjectives. I f y o u are un su re , yo u c a n check y o u r guess in a
dictionary*. R e m e m b e r th a t so m e w o rd s m a y b e lo n g to m o re th a n one w o rd class.
1. She ran along the river bank.
2. A s tr a n g e s e n s a tio n s u d d e n ly c a m e o v e r h im .
3. They are always asking for clarification o f o u r aims.

4. O u r holiday has been an exhausting but delightful cxpericnce.
5. H e c a n c o m e fo r th is in te r v ie w i f i t c a n b e h e ld n e x t Friday.
A c tiv ity 2.2.3

A nalyse th e structure o f th e fo llo w in g w ords, id e n tify in g the roots, prefixes a n d suffixes. I'or
each suffix , say w h e th e r it has a d e riv a tio n al o r a n in fle c tio n a l fu n c tio n . N o tic e an y changes
in the sp e llin g a n d p r o n u n c ia tio n o f m o r p h e m e s (especially ro o ts ), a n d n o te an y c ha n g es o f
w o r d class th at result fr o m d e riv a tio n a l suffixes.
adviser, blamelessly, classifies, ensnaring, generalization, interminable, misspelt, postmodernists,
slavery, thankfulness, unfortunately, vocalist
A c tiv ity 2.2.4

T h in k o f as m a n y c o m p o u n d s as y o u can th a t have as th e ir first ele m e n t th e root:
hard, light, road, tea, white; electro-, teleC h e c k y o u r in tu itio n w ith a dictionary.
C lassify th e c o m p o u n d s b y th e ir sp e llin g (o p e n , hy p h e n a te d , so lid ) a n d b y th e ir w o rd class
( n o u n , verb, adjective).
A ctiv ity 2.2.5

S o m e lin g uists v ie w lh e reference o f a w o r d like c u p as s o m e k in d o f id e al o f th e object.
O th e rs vie w th e reference as a prototype: the pro toty pic a l c u p w ill have ce rta in features - a
narrow er base th a n to p , for p u ttin g o n a saucer; a h a n d le ; m a d e ir o m ceram ic m aterial; for
h o ld in g liq u id s a n d d r in k in g fro m ; etc.
A tte m p t a de s c rip tio n o f th e reference o f th e fo llo w in g w o rd s b y lis tin g th e features th a t you
t h in k are pro totypical:
book, door, suitcase, telephone, tree
C h e c k y o u r de s c rip tio n w ith the d e fin itio n s in , preferably, m o r e th a n one dic tio n a ry .
A ctiv ity 2.2.6

1. F in d sy n o n y m s fo r the fo llo w in g w ords. W h y m ig h t y o u cho o se o n e m e m b e r o f each pair
rathe r th a n th e o th e r (fo r ex am ple because o f d iale ct, fo rm a lity , social c o n n o ta tio n )?
keep, voter, money, hubris, yell, commence
2. F in d a n to n y m s for the fo llo w in g w ords. W h a t k in d o f a n to n y m y d o th ey represent (gradable, co m p le m e n ta ry , converse)?
sharp, parent, quiet, guilty, superior, opaque
3. List h y p o n y m s (m o re s p e c ific w o rd s ) for th e follow ing:
lurm ture, crockery, fish
A ctiv ity 2.2.7

1. W h ic h n o u n s d o y o u associate m o s t re a d ily w ith these adjectives?
rancid, flat, unkem pt, powerful, safe
2. W h ic h n o u n s w o u ld yo u expect to fo llo w these verbs:
prune, spread, prosecute, deny, spend
C h e c k y o u r suggestions lo r 1. a n d 2. w ith so m e o n e else. T he re m a y w ell be qu ite a n u m b e r o f
possible answ ers for each one.
3. W h a t id io m s c a n yo u fo rm th at in c lu d e th e fo llo w in g words:
hand, first, stand
C h e c k y o u r answers w ith a g o o d d ic tio n a ry .
A c tiv itie s
A c tiv ity 2.3.1

W h ic h basic s tru c tu re is represented b y cach o f th e fo llo w in g sentences?
1. Brian scores runs.
2. Babies cry.
3. They send charities m oney
4. C urry smells appetizing.
5. Coffee stains carpets.
6. She finds language fascinating.
7. O p in io n s differ.
S. You arc wonderful.
9. Inventions generate trade.
10. W ork makes yo u tired.
A c tiv ity 2.3.2

A n a ly s e th e n o u n phrases i n th e fo llo w in g sentences b y g iv in g a label to each o f th e ir c o n
stituents. T hey c o n ta in o n ly m o d ifie r s before the n o u n .
1. T he famous brass b a nd played a slow military march.
2. Your younger sister broke these valuable o ld records.
3. The first six people boarded the red London bus.
4. I told the police officer the whole truth.
5. They found Spielbergs latest film overwhelming.
A c tiv ity 2.3.3

Id e n tify th e v e rb phrases in the fo llo w in g sentences.
W h a t is th e tense o f th e verb ph ra s e - present o r past?
A nalyse th e verb phrases b y la b e llin g each item .
1. W c are operating in this area.

2. I dont need any replacement windows.
3. W c have been pestered by double-glazing people.
4. O u r nextdoor neighbour is talking to one at the moment.
5. W c could have paid a lot o f money.
6. M any such firm s will be calling in the receiver.
A c tiv ity 2.3.4

Id e n tify th e A d ve rb ials in the fo llo w in g sentences.
W h ic h m e a n in g d o e s e a c h o n e have - place, tim e , m a n n e r, reason . . . ?
W h ic h fo r m do e s each one ha v e - ad verb , pre p o sitio n a l phrase?
1. We return from holiday tomorrow.

2. She carefully put the letter into the postbox.
3. D ue to the rail strike n o classes w ill be held until Monday.
4. O n Saturday they are giving a concert for charity.
3. We travelled b y coach from Santander along the coast to San Sebastian.
A ctiv ity 2.3.5

H e re a rc a le w sentences io r y o u to try a n d unravel:
Id e n tify th e su b o rd in a te clause in each o f the sentences.
Is the s u b o rd in a te clause fu n c tio n in g as Subject, O b je c t, C o m p le m e n t or A d v e rb ia l, o r is it
adjectival? T he re is o n e o f each.
1. W h o could have told you that remains a mystery.

2. You should read the instructions bclorc you operate the machine.
3. T he shock for m e was w inning the poetry prize.
4. Sites w hich have lain derelict for years are now being built on.
5. 1 would like to help you.
A ctiv ity 2.3.6

D iv id e th e fo llo w in g sentences in to th e ir c o n s titu e n t elem ents: S ubje ct. V erb, O b ject,
C o m p le m e n t, A dverbial.
W h a t category o f e le m e n t fills each slot (such as: p r o n o u n , n o u n phrase, p re p o s itio n a l phrase,
adverb, that-clause, -ing-clause, a n d so on)?
1. T he foreign students d id not understand their teacher's humour.
2. These bottles are em pty and we are taking them to the bottle bank.
3. T he traffic warden told m e to park o n the other side.
4. ! fave you finished making fun o f them?
5. I stupidly forgot that she had gone away.
A c tiv ity 2.3.7

T ake a text th at discusses o r explains s o m e to p ic , o r th at argues a p o in t (such as a feature
article o r ed ito ria l in a serious' ne w sp ape r). E x a m in e each sentence. D o e s it have its n o rm a l
o rd e r o f e lem ents (Subject - V e rb - O b je c t/C o m p le m e n t fo r a statem ent sentence, a n d so
o n ) ? I f n o t, h o w have th ey b een rearran ge d (fro n tin g , p o s tp o n e m e n t)? A n d for w h a t pu rp ose
(c o n n e c tio n to pre vio us sentence, m o s t n e w sw o rth y in fo r m a tio n at e n d )?
A n s w e r s to A c tiv itie s
A c tiv ity 2.4.1

Listen care fully ov e r a p e r io d o f lim e to m e m b e rs o f y o u r fa m ily sp e a k in g . M a k e a n ote o f
features o f th e ir idolects.
D o y o u share so m e features as a fam ily?
W h a t i s t y p i c a l o f t h e a c c e n t / d i a l e c t o f t h e r e g i o n i n w h i c h y o u liv e ?
A c tiv ity 2.4.2

F in d o u t w h a t th e rules are tor th e use o l th e a p o s tro p h e (tor e x am ple in a g u id e to
p u n c tu a tio n (s u c h as T rask (2004) or a usage h a n d b o o k ).
L o o k o u t fo r m is s in g o r w r o n g ly used apo stro ph e s - i n shopkeepers' signs, p e rs o n a l a n d
o ffic ia l letters, h a n d b ills , a n d oth e r j u n k m ail.
W o u ld it b e better if we d ro p p e d it altogether?
A c tiv ity 2.4.3

Try a n d w o rk o u t w h a t is h a p p e n in g to th e g ra m m a r in th e fo llo w in g fu r th e r e.e .c u m m in g s
verse:
w h e n b y n o w a n d tre e b y le a l
s h e la u g h e d h is \,< sh e c r ie d h is g r ie f
b ir d b y s n o w a n d s t ir b y still
a n y o n e 's a n y w a s a ll to her
Answers to activities
A c tiv ity 2.1.1
c a n /a /, s o u p /u :/, b o r n /o:/, so n g lo t , se n d /e/, feel / i:/, b a r k /a:/, le a rn Id :/, safe /ei/ , peace /i:/,
c o o k / u / , ro p e /o u / , lu n c h I a / o r /u /. to u g h
/a /
o r /u /, b o u g h t / o : / , la d d e r /a/ + /a /, cho ice /
o il, p a lm /a:/, risk /i/, a ffa ir /a / + /ca/.
A c tiv ity 2.1.2

piece /pi:s/, fad /fa d /, lu r c h /lo:tf/, m o u t h /m a u O /, jo y /tfcoi/, w ro n g /ro i)/, c re a m /k ri:m /,
shore /J o :/ , clothe /k lo u /, g o o d /g u d /, stretch /stretJ7, weave /w i:v /, y o u th /ju :0 /, h a p p y /
hapi:/, b in g e /bincfe/, freq ue n t /frirk w a n t/, sta tio n /ste ij'an /, th a n k fu l /0ai)kfo l/.
A c tiv ity 2.1.3

s ta n d a r d /s ta n - d a d /, d e c is io n /d i- s i- ja n /, p o lic e /pa- li:s/, as te ro id /a-sta-roid/, sc re am e d /
s k ri:m d /, television /te-b-vi-3an/, va n qu ishe d /van - kw i/t/, envelope /cn-va-loup/, new spaper
/n ju :z- pe i- pa/, pro ce d u re /pro-si:-d 3 o /, circular /sa:-kja-Ia/, e n te rta in m e n t /en-ta-teinm a n t/ , p r e m ille n ia l /pri:-m i-le-njal/, s p a rk lin g /spa:-klii)/ o r /spa:k-lii)/, p la n e ta ry /plana-ta-ri/.
A ctiv ity 2.1.4

slot m a c h in e /slot m a j'i:n / - /slo p m a / h n /
w in e b o ttle / w a in b o ta l/ -/w a im botl/
le ad w eight /le d w eit/ - /le b weit/
list pric e /list prais/ - /lis prais/
wet b u t h a p p y /w et b a t ha p i:/ - /w o p b a t api:/
ten past fo u r /te n pa:st fo:/ - / tern pa:s fo:/
sent b y post /sent b a i p o u s t/ - /s e m b i po u s t/
o n th is sh e lf / o n dis / e lf / - /o n d ij / e l f /
a s lig h t c o ld in th e h e a d / a s lait k o u ld in a h e d / - /a slaik k o u ld in i ed/
d on t lose y o u r w ay / d o u n t lu :z jo : w e i/ - /d o u n lu :z j a wei/.
A ctiv ity 2.1.6

1. safety
/ seifti:/.
safari / s a fa:ri:/, salute
/sa lu :t/,
s a n d w ic h
/s a n d w iij/.
satisfaction
/satisf a k ja n / , sa x o p h o n e /s a k s a fo u n /, sec u rity /stk ju r iti/, segregate /segrageit/, sensational

/s e n seiJ a n a l/ , s e n tim e n ta l /s e n tim e n ta l/, serenade /sc ra 'ne id /, so ciolo gy /sousi'olacfei/.
a) SALT
b) STAtion
c) AU Nty
d ) c x c rC IS E
e) GRASS
A ctiv ity 2.2.2 - Nouns

feet: change o f vowel from /u/ to /i:/
mice: change o f vowel from Iau/ to /a1/
oxen: addition o f -en suffix
teeth: change o f vowel from /u :/ to /i:/
men: change o f vowel from /a/ to /c/
children: addition o f -en (perhaps -rcn) suffix, and change o f pronunciation o f root /tja ild' to /tfild/
cacti: change o f ending from -us to -i (Latin plural)
criteria: change o f ending from -on to -a (Greek plural)
in d ic e s : c h a n g e o f e n d in g f r o m -ex to -ices ( L a t in p lu r a l)
corpora: change o f ending from us to ora (Latin plural)
A c tiv ity 2.2.2 - Verbs

sing sings sang sung
see secs saw seen
lake lakes took taken
bring brings brought brought
tell tells told told
stand stands stood stood
wear wears wore worn
th in k thinks thought thought
speak speaks spoke spoken
A c tiv ity 2.2 .2 - A djectives

g re a t: g re a te r g re a te st
b a d : w o rse w o rst
a t t r a c t iv e : m o r e / m o s t a t t r a c t iv e
h o n e st: m o re / m o s t h o n e st
n a s t y : n a s t i e r n a s t ie s t
g o o d : h o tte r, b e st
ir e e : f r e e r fr e e s t
c r u e l : c r u e l l e r c r u e l le s t
l o v e ly : l o v e l i e r l o v e lie s t
h a n d so m e , h a n d s o m e r h a n d so m e s t o r m o re /m o s t h a n d so m e
t i m i d : m o r e /m o s t t im id
A c tiv ity 2.2.2 - Adverbs

1 . pom pously (-ly adverb)
2. again (simple adverb)
3. moreover (conjunctive adverb)
4. just (simple adverb), o f f (adverb particle)
5. u p (a d v e r b p a r tic le ), e a s ily (-ly ad v e rb )
A c tiv ity 2.2 .2 - Pronouns

1. should be 'm e : objective case after preposition to
2. Me should be T : subjective case as Subjcct o f sentence
3. H e r ' should be she': subjective case needed
4. 'them is used instead o f the demonstrative 'those'
5. 'us usually used in such expressions as a singular, so 'me'
A c tiv ity 2.2.2

I. She (personal pronoun) ran (verb) along (preposition) the (definite article) river (noun) bank
(noun)
2. A (indefinite article) strange (adjective) sensation (noun) suddenly (adverb) came (verb) over
(preposition) h im (personal pronoun)
3. They (personal pronoun) are (auxiliary verb) always (adverb) asking (verb) for (preposition)
clarification (noun) o f (preposition) o u r (possessive determiner) aim s (noun)
4. O u r (possessive determiner) holiday (n o u n ) has (auxiliary verb) been (verb) an (indefinite
article) exhausting (adjective) but (coordinating conjunction) delightful (adjective) experience
(noun)
5. He (personal pronoun) can (m o dal auxiliary verb) com e (verb) for (preposition) this (dem on
strative determiner) interview (noun) if (subordinating conjunction) it (personal pronoun) can
(m o dal auxiliary verb) be (auxiliary verb) held (verb) next (adjective) Friday (noun)
A ctiv ity 2.2.3

adviser: advise (verb root), -er (derivational suffix, changes verb to noun)
blamelessly: blame (noun root), -less (derivational suffix, changes n oun to adjective), -ly
(derivational suffix, changes adjective to adverb)
classifies: class (n o u n root), -ify (derivational suffix, changes noun to verb), -cs (inflectional suffix,
3rd person singular present tense)
ensnaring: snare (noun root), en- (derivational prefix, changes n oun to verb), -ing (inflectional
suffix, present participle)
generalization: general (adjective root), -i/e (derivational suffix, changes adjective to verb),
-ation (derivational suffix, changes verb to noun)
interminable: terminate (verb root), -able (derivational suffix, changes verb to adjective), in(dcrivational prefix, negative)
misspelt: spell (verb root), mis- (derivational prefix, badly), -t (inflectional suffix, past tense/past
participle)
postmodernists: modern (adjective root), -ist (derivational suffix, changes adjective to noun), post(derivational prefix, 'after), -s (inflectional suffix, plural)
slavery: slave (noun root), ery (derivational suffix, changes concrete to abstract noun)
thankfulness: thank(s) (noun root), -ful (derivational suffix, changes n oun to adjective), -ness
(derivational suffix, changes adjective into noun)
unfortunately: fortune (noun root), -ale (derivational suffix, changes n oun to adjective), -ly
(derivational suffix, changes adjective to adverb), un- (derivational prefix, negative)
vocalist: voice (noun root), -al (derivational suffix, changes n oun to adjective), -ist (derivational
suffix, changes adjective to agent noun)
A ctiv ity 2.2.4

1 . for instance
keep: retain (formal)
voter: elector (formal)
money: bread (slang), dosh (informal)
hubris: pride (neutral)
yell: bawl (pejorative)
commence: start (less formal)
2.
sharp: blunl (gradable)
parent child (converse)
q u id : noisy (gradable)
guilty: innocent (complementary)
superior: inferior (converse)
opaque: transparent (gradable)
3.
furniture: chair, table, sofa, stool, etc.
crockery: dish, plate, bowl, cup, saucer, etc.
fish: halibut, plaice, trout, salm on, etc.
A c tiv ity 2.3.1

1. s v o
2. S V
3. S V O O
4. S V C
5. S V O
6.
svoc
7. S V
8. S V C
9.
SVO
10. s v o c
A c tiv ity 2.3.2

'd a - d e fin ite article, 'ia' - in d e fin ite article, id ' - id e n tifie r, 'poss' - possessive, d e m d em o n s tra tiv e , q u
= qu a n tifie r,
ad )' = adjective,
nm ' = noun
m o d ifie r, 'ri = n o u n ,
p r o n = p ro n o u n
1 . the (da) famous (adj) brass (n m ) band (n); a (ia) slow (adj) m ilitary (adj) march (n)
2. y o u r (p o s s .id ) y o u n g e r ( a d j) sister ( n ) ; th e s e ( d e n i.id ) v a lu a b le ( a d j ) o ld (a d j) r e c o r d s ( n )
3. the (da) first (qu) six (qu) people (n); the (da) red (adj) London (n m ) bus (n)
4. I (pron); the (da) police (n m ) officer (n); the (da) whole (qu) truth (n)
5. th e y ( p r o n ) ; S p ie lb e rg s (p o s s .n ) latest (a d j) f i l m ( n )
A c tiv ity 2.3.3

1 . are operating: present: are (progressive auxiliary), operating (m ain verb - present participle)
2 . don't need: present: d o (d u m m y do'), not (negative), need (m a m verb)
3. h a v e b e e n pestered: p re s e n t: h a v e (p e r fe c t a u x ), b e e n (p a s siv e a u x - p a s t p a r tic ip le ) , p estered
( m a in v e rb
p a st p a r tic ip le )
4. is talking: present: is (progressive aux), talking (m a in verb - present participle)
5. could have paid: past: could (m odal aux), have (pcrfccl aux), paid (m a in verb - past parliciplc)
6 . w i ll b e c a llin g in : p re s e n t: w i ll ( m o d a l a u x - w it h i u lu r e m e a n in g ) , b e (p r o g r e s s iv e a u x ), c a llin g
i n ( m a i n v e rb (p h r a s a l)
p r e s e n t p a r tic ip le )
A c tiv ity 2.3.4

1 . from holiday (place: prepositional phrase); tom orrow (time: adverb)
2 . carefully (m anner: adverb), into the postbox (place: prep phrase)
3. d u e t o th e r a il s tr ik e (re a s o n : p r e p p h r a s e ), u n t i l M o n d a y (tim e : p r e p p h ra s e )
4. O n Saturday (time: prep phrase), for charity (purpose: prep phrase)
5. by coach (means: prep phrase), from Santander (place: prep phrase), along the coast (place: prep
phrase), to San Sebastian (place: prep phrase)
A ctiv ity 2.3.5

1. w h o c o u ld h a v e t o ld y o u th a t: S u b je c t o t 'r e m a in s
2. before you operate the machine: Adverbial (o f time)

3. w inning the poetry prize: C om plem ent after was
4. which have lain dcrclict for years; adjectival (relative clause modifying sites)
5 . t o h e lp y o u : O b je c t o f like
A ctiv ity 2.3.6

1. T h e fo r e ig n s tu d e n ts (S :n p ) d i d n o t u n d e r s t a n d ( V v p ) t h e ir teac h ers h u m o u r ( 0 : n p )
2 . These bottles (S:np) are (V:vp) em pty (C:adj) and (conjunction) we (S:np) are taking (V vp)
them fO :n p ) to the bottle bank <A:prep phr)

3. The traffic warden (S:np) told (V:vp) m e (O i:np) to park on the other side (O d :in f cl)
4. yo u (S:np) have finished (V v p ) m aking fun o f them (0:-ing-cl)
5. I (S:np) stupidly <A:adv) forgot (V v p ) that she had gone away (0 :th a t cl)
Further reading
A n u m b e r o f se rie s o f in t r o d u c t o r y b o o k ' o n la n g u a g e a n a ly s is a n d d e s c r ip t io n h a v e a p p e a r e d i n re cent y e a r s , f o r e x a m p le
t h e L a n g u a g e W o r k b o o k s ' a n d 'E n g lis h L a n g u a g e In t r o d u c t io n s ' se rie s f r o m R o u t lc d g c . a n d t h e 'E d i n b u r g h T e x t
b o o k s o n lh e E n g lis h L a n g u a g e ' f r o m E d m b u i g h U n iv e r s ity Press.
C o l l i n s a n d M c e s ( 2 0 0 8 ) , A s h b y <2005) a n d M c M a h o n < 2 0 0 1 ) d e a l w i t h p r o n u n c ia t io n J a c k s o n (2 0 0 2 ) is a n in t r o d u c t o r y
te x t o n g r a m m a r a n d v o c a b u la r y , a n d H u d s o n < 1998) a n d M i l le r (2 0 0 8 ) a ls o t a c k le g r a m m a r . H a u e r <1998. C o ate s
(1 9 9 9 ) a n d H u d s o n <1995) i n t h e 'L a n g u a g e W o r k b o o k s ' se rie s e x p lo r e v a r io u s a sp e c ts o f w o r d s , t h e i r m e a n i n g a n d
s tru c tu re
A m o r e e x te n siv e a c c o u n t o f E n g lis h w o r d s a n d v o c a b u la r y c a n b e f o u n d i n J a c k s o n a n d
7.6
A m v c la
(2 0 0 7 ).
T h e 's ta n d a r d ' a c c o u n t o f E n g li s h p r o n u n c ia t i o n is b y t h e late A G G i n u o n , t h e late st e d i t i o n o f w h i c h ( t h e s e v e n t h ) is
O u t t c n d c n (2 0 0 8 ) A n u m b e r o f a u t h o r it a t iv e re fe re n ce g r a m m a r s o f E n g lis h h a v e b e e n p u b lis h e d o v e r t h e last
d e c a d e s , b e g in n in g w i t h t h e 'Q u i r k ' g r a m m a r s o f 1 9 7 2 ( A G r a m m a r o f C o n t e m p o r a r y E n g lis h ) a n d 1985 < A C o m p r e
h e n s iv e G r a m m a r o f t h e E n g lis h l a n g u a g e ) . W h i l e th e s e w e r e b a s t'd o n t h e S u r v e y o f E n g lis h U sage c o lle c t io n o f texts.
S u g g e s t e d P ro je c ts
m o r e r e c e n t g r a m m a r s h a v e u s e d m o r e e x te n s iv e c o m p u t e r c o r p o i a . i n c l u d i n g B ib e r e t a L (1 9 9 9 ) a n d C a r t e r a n d
M c C a r t h y (2 0 0 6 ).
A n e w se rie s o f in t r o d u c t o r y te x ts Is u n d e r d e v e lo p m e n t b y C a m b r id g e U n iv e r s ity Press, e n t it le d C a m b r i d g e I n t r o d u c
t i o n t o t h e E n g lis h L angu ag e'. A v o l u m e o n p r o n u n c ia t i o n h a s b e e n p u b lis h e d : M c C u I lv (2 0 0 9 ).
A u s e fu l g u i d e t o d o i n g p r o je t ! * i n la n g u a g e H u d ) i t W r a y a n d K le m m e r (2 0 0 6 ).
Suggested projects
W e h a v e a t t e m p t e d t o p r o p o s e i n t h is c h a p t e r a d e s c r ip t io n o l t h e lin g u is t ic s y s te m o f E n g lis h T h e in t e n t i o n h a s b e e n to
m a k e y o u a w a r e o f h o w E n g lis h w o r k s a n d t o p r o v i d e y o u w i t h t h e t o o ls o f a n a ly s is fo r u n c o v e r in g t h e s tr u c tu r e o f
la n g u a g e t h a t y o u f in d i n t h e d is c o u r s e ' a n d te x ts o f e v e r y d a y life.
T o p ic s f o r p r o j e t s a r is in g f r o m t h is c h a p t e r w o u ld , p e r h a p s , m o s t a p p r o p r ia t e ly f o c u s o n t h e n itty - g r itty o f la n g u a g e th e
s o u n d s o f s o m e o n e 's a c c e n t , t h e g r a m m a t ic a l s tr u c tu r e s u s e d i n a n e w sp a p e r's e d ito r ia l o t a n a d v e r tis e m e n t, th e
v o c a b u la r y a n d s y n t a x o f a c h ild r e n 's r e a d in g b o o k
T o u n d e r t a k e s u c h a p r o jc c t y o u n e e d to:
d e c id e w h a t lin g u is t ic fe a tu r e o r fe a tu r e s y o u w a n t t o f i n d o u t a b o u t
- c o lle c t a p p r o p r ia t e a n d s u f f ic ie n t la n g u a g e d ata
- a n a ly s e t h e d a ta f o r y o u r c h o s e n featu res
-
p r e s e n t y o u r r e s u lts a n d d e s c r ib e w h a t y o u h a v e fo u n d
- d is c u s s t h e c o n c lu s io n s t h a t y o u c a n d r a w f r o m y o u r results
Su g ge stio n s fo r in v e stig a tin g pronunciation:

1
M a k e u p a s h o r t p a s s a g e t h a t c o n ta in s a t le ast o n e o f a ll t h e v o w e ls a n d c o n s o n a n t s o f E n g lis h . A s k f o u r o r fiv e frie n d s

t o r e a d t h e passage, a n d re c o r d t h e m d o i n g so . A ls o ic c o r d y o u r f r ie n d s e n g a g e d i n o r d in a r y c o n v e r s a tio n . L is te n to
y o u r r e c o r d in g s . W h a t d iffe r e n c e s i n p r o n u n c ia t i o n a r e th e re : a ) b e tw e e n e a c h i n d iv i d u a ls r e a d in g a n d th e ir S p o n ta
n e o u s c o n v e r s a tio n ; b> a m o n g y o u r f r ie n d s
2 . R e c o r d a fa v o u r ite p r e s e n te r f r o m t h e r a d io . M a k e a d e t a ile d d e s c r ip t io n o f th e ir p r o n u n c ia t i o n . D o t h e y h a v e a n y
fe a tu r e s o t p r o n u n c ia t i o n t h a t are p e c u lia r t o t h e m '
3
R e c o r d a n d lis te n c a r c f u lly t o a n u m b e r o f n e w s b u lle tin s . W h a t u s e d o e s t h e n e w s r e a d e r m a k e o f i n t o n a t i o n i n o rd e r

t o g iv e m e a n in g t o t h e n e w * . C a n y o u te ll, fo r e x a m p le , t h a t a n e w s it e m is g o in g t o b e a d isa s te r ' s t o i y b e fo r e y o u h a v e
h e a r d a ll t h e w o r d s ' Y o u C a n t r y t h e s a m e in v e s t ig a t io n w i t h f o o t b a ll r e s u lts c a n y o u te ll i f a p a r t ic u la r re su lt is a w in .
lo se o r d r a w f o r t h e h o m e s id e b e lo r c y o u h e a r t h e s e c o n d sco re 5
Su g ge stio n s fo r in v e stig a tin g w ords:

1.
T a k e a b r o a d s h e e t n e w s p a p e r ( s u c h a s t h e G u a r d i a n o r I n d e p e n d e n t ) a n d a t a b lo i d ( s u c h a s T h e D a i ly M a i l o r M ir r o r ) .
E x a m in e a n e w s sto ry , a fe a tu r e a r t ic le a n d a n e d ito r ia l f r o m e a c h f o r t h e c o m p le x it y o f t h e v o c a b u la r y I n t e r m s o l
n u m b e r a n d t y p e s o f s im p le w o r d s , d e r iv e d w o r d s ( w i t h pre fix e s a n d s u ffix e s ), a n d c o m p o u n d w o rd s . W h a t d if f e r
e n c e e m e r g e b e tw e e n t h e n e w s p a p e r s , a n d b e tw e e n t h e d if f e ie n t t y p e s o f a r tic le ?
l ake t w o d iff e r e n t ty p e s o f te x t, s u c h as a n o v e l a n d a le g a l d o c u m e n t , o f e q u a l le n g t h i n t e r m s o f n u m b e r o f w o r d s
(say . 2 0 0 0 ) S o r t t h e w o r d s i n t h e te x t a c c o r d in g t o w o r d cla ss ( n o u n , v e r b , p r e p o s it io n , e tc .) Y o u m a y w a n t t o m a k e
s u b d iv is io n * . lo t e x a m p le d is t in g u is h ty p e s o f p i o n o u n - p e r s o n a l. r e la tiv e , a n d s o o n . H o w d o t h e t w o te x ts c o m p a r e ?
I ' th e r e a d iff e r e n c e i n t h e n u m b e r a n d ty p e s o f g r a m m a t ic a l w o r d { d e t e r m in e r , p r o n o u n , p r e p o s it io n , c o n ju n c t io n )
th a t a rc u se d
3 . C o ll e c t a ll t h e c o m p o u n d w o r d s f r o m a n e d i t i o n o f a n e w s p a p e r , n o t in g t h e t y p e o f te x t ( n e w s sto ry , a d v e r tis e m e n t,
a n d '> o n ) th a t e a c h c o m e s f r o m . A t t e m p t a c la s s if ic a t io n o f t h e c o m p o u n d s , l o r e x a m p le a c c o r d in g t o w o r d class,
a c c o r d in g t o c o m p le x it y ( t w o . i h r c c o r lo u r r o o ts ), a c c o r d in g t o w h e t h e r n e o - c la s s ic a l, I r o m n a t iv e r o o ts o r a c o m b i n a
t io n . A
ik
t h e r e a n y d iffe r e n c e s b e tw e e n t h e ty p e s o f text?
Su g ge stio n s fo r in v e stig a tin g sentences:

1
T a k e a n y t e x t o r p a ir o f te x ts a n d e x a m in e t h e m f o r d iff e r e n t ty p e s o f s e n te n c e s t r u c tu r e , i n c l u d i n g t h e b a s ic p a tte r n s
(S V . S V C . S V O , a n d s o o n ) ; n u m b e r , t y p e a n d p o s it io n o f A d v e r b ia ls ^ n u m b e r , ty p e (t h a t - d a u s e , - in g - d a u s e , a n d s o
o n ) a n d f u n c t i o n ( S u b je c t , O b je c t , a n d s o o n ) o f s u b o r d in a t e clauses.
T a k e a n e w s p a p e r n e w s s to r y , a n e x t r a c t f r o m a n o v e l a n d a n a r lic le f r o m a n e n c y c lo p a e d ia . E x a m in e t h e n o u n
p h r a s e s , p a r t ic u la r ly t h e n u m b e r a n d t y p e s o f m o d if ie r s . D o a n y h a v e m o r e t h a n o n e a d je c t iv e i n a n o u n p h ra s e ?
W h .i t u s e is m a d e o f n o u n m o d if ie r s ? A r e th e r e m o d i f i e r s a fte r t h e n o u n
re la tiv e c la u s e s , p r e p o s it io n a l p h r a s e s ,
a n d t h e lik e
3
T a k e a n y m o r e e x te n siv e t e x t a n d e x a m in e it f o r a p a r t ic u la r g r a m m a t ic a l fe a tu re , s u c h a s p r e p o s it io n a l p h rase s.
A d v e r b ia l , th a t clause s, m o d a l v e rb s , q u e s tio n s
lo r w h a t p u rp o s e
H o w m a n y a n d w h a t ty p e s a r e u s e d ? I n w h a l k in d s o f c o n te x t a n d
Analysing Texts and Discourses
Chapter Outline
3.1
D is c o u r s e a n d text
75
3 .2 R e g is te r
76
3 .3 F u n c tio n
83
3 .4 C o n v e rs a tio n
87
3 .5 M u ltim o d a l te xts
91
3 .6 T e xtu a lity
95
A c tiv itie s
99
102
3.1 Discourse and text

W h e n w c c o m m u n ic a tc . w c d o so b y m e a n s o f texts a n d discourses. In S ec tio n 1.3.4, w c m a d e
a d is tin c tio n betw een th e 'texts o f w ritte n c o m m u n ic a tio n a n d th e d iscourse s o f spo ken
c o m m u n ic a tio n . T h e d is tin c tio n is n o t absolutely clear-cut: there arc, for exam ple , discourses
th at are w ritte n to b e s p o k e n , such as ne w s b u lle tin s o n ra d io or televisio n; sim ilarly , there are
texts w h ic h resem ble conversations, such as in in te rn e t chat ro o m s. In d e e d m u c h electro nic
[or c o m pu te r- m e dia te d ) c o m m u n ic a tio n b lu rs th e b o u n d a rie s betw een text a n d discourse:
it o fte n fu n c tio n s like speech a n d ha s s o m e o f the characteristics o f speech, even th o u g h it
takes place th ro u g h th e m e d iu m o f w ritin g .
W e rarely c o m m u n ic a te b y m e a n s o f sin g le sentences, except p e rh a p s in ce rta in k in d s o f
in s tru c tio n : Keep o f f the grass! Please sw itc h o f f y o u r m o b ile p h o n e ! N o rm a lly , sentences
c o m b in e in to a text, o r s p o k e n utterances fo r m a speech o r a c o nve rsa tio n , o f v a r y in g lengths,
fr o m the b r ie f in te ra c tio n to m a k e a purchase in a s h o p to a m u lti- v o lu m e e n cy c lo pe d ia . N ot
o n ly d o texts a n d discourses v a r y co nside ra b ly in th e ir le n g th , th ey also v a r y e n o rm o u s ly in
C h a p t e r 3 A n a ly s in g T e x ts a n d D is c o u rs e s
pu rp o s e , fu n c tio n a n d style o fla n g u a g e . Y o u need o n ly reflect o n a sin g le da y in y o u r life to

appreciate th e range o f d iffe re n t texts a n d discourses th at y o u have b een a p a rty to: casual
c o n v e rsa tio n w ith frie n d s o r fam ily, b u y in g th in g s, p a r tic ip a tin g in classes, c o m p o s in g
diffe ren t types o f text for sc ho ol o r college w o rk , lis te n in g to ra d io , television o r so n g lyrics,
e m a ilin g , texting, u p d a t in g a social n e tw o rk in g site, a n d so on .
H o w d o we b e g in to m a k e sense o f th is b e w ild e rin g a rray o f texts a n d discourses?
L in g u is ts w o rk in g i n th e areas o f text lin g uistics a n d discourse analy sis have p ro p o s e d a
n u m b e r o f a pp ro ache s to th is p ro b le m . W e w ill use so m e o f th e ir insights as we deve lo p an
a p p ro a c h to an a ly s in g texts a n d discourses. Besides the basic d is tin c tio n o f m ode', betw een
spcech a n d w ritin g , to w h ic h w c shall r e tu rn i n S ec tio n 2.2, texts a n d discourses arc
o fte n d iv id e d in to those th a t are fu n d a m e n ta lly tra n sa c tio n a l a n d those th at are p r im a rily
in te ra c tio n a l. I n tra n sa c tio n a l texts a n d discourses, th e lo c u s is o n th e c o n te n t o f the
m essage, w h e th e r th a t is to c o n v e y in fo r m a tio n , to c o m p le te a piece o f business, to tell
s o m e o n e h o w to d o s o m e th in g , o r to tell a story. I n in te ra c tio n a l texts a n d discourses, the
focus is o n p r o m o tin g th e re la tio n s h ip betw een the pa rticip an ts (w rite r a n d reader, speaker
a n d hearer).
Texts a n d discourses c a n be categorized n o t o n ly b y th e tra n sa c tio n al/ in te ra c tio n a l
d is tin c tio n , h u t b y m e a n s o f a n u m b e r o f o th e r crite ria a n d param eters. W e c o u ld categorize
th e m b y re g is te r (see S ec tio n 3.2), w h ic h is a term th a t describes a v a rie ty o f a language
ac c o rd in g to w h o is us in g it a n d th e uses to w h ic h it is b e in g pu t. So, a text m ig h t be in the
legal register ( a c o n tra c t o f e m p lo y m e n t), o r a discourse m ig h t b e i n the in s tru c tio n a l register
(te a c h in g s o m e o n e h o w to co ok, m a y b e ). W c c o u ld ch aracterize texts a n d discourses
ac c o rd in g to f u n c t io n (see S e c tio n 3.3), w h e th e r th ey are te llin g a story, d e s crib in g s o m e
th in g ( a pe rso n , place o r o b je c t), e x p la in in g s o m e th in g (an idea or co n c e p t), g e ttin g so m e o n e
to d o s o m e th in g o r to chang e th e ir b e h a v io u r; te llin g s o m e o n e h o w to d o s o m e th in g . W e
c o u ld characterize th e m a c c o rd in g to th e ir stru c tu re : h o w co nve rsatio n s w o r k (S e ction 3.4),
h o w (m u lt im o d a l) texts th a t c o n ta in im a g e s as well as text integrate th e tw o (S e ction 3.5),
w h a t k in d s o f structure c a n create co h e re n t texts (S e c tio n 3.6).
A ll texts a n d discourses o c c u r i n a context. E a c h is p ro d u c e d a t a p a rtic u la r tim e , in a
p a rtic u la r place, b y s o m e person o r persons, fo r s o m e p u rp o s e , l im e , place, person a n d
p u rp o s e are categories external to la n g u ag e (e x tra lin g u istic ), b u t th ey in flu e n c e th e fo rm
a n d c o n te n t o f th e text: w h ethe r it is sp o k e n o r w ritte n , w h e th e r it has a fo rm a l style o r an
in fo r m a l one, h o w it is c o n s tru c te d , a n d so o n . C o n te x tu a l factors w ill pla y a s ig n ific a n t part
in o u r a p p ro a c h to the analy sis o f texts a n d discourses.
3.2 Register
T h e te rm register is used in va rio u s w ays w ith in lin g uistics. It is so m e tim e s us e d to refer
to th e fo rm a lity o f a text o r discourse, o n a scale fr o m very fo rm a l (such as a n A c t o f
R e g is te r
P arlia m e n t) to 'very in fo r m a l or 'c o llo q u ia l (.such as a co nve rsatio n b e tw e e n frie n d s ). W e are

u s in g register in th e sense em p lo y e d b y the lin g u is t M ic h a e l H a llid a y , to refer to the features
o f th e la n g u ag e o f a text o r discourse th at reflect associated features o f th e contex t in w h ic h
the discourse o r text is situated or takes place. Register features arc co n sid e re d u n d e r three
headings: field, te n o r a n d m o d e . Field relates to the c o n te n t o r sub jcct m a tte r o f a text or
discourse; te n o r relates to th e persons w h o p ro d u c e a n d c o n s u m e a text or discourse, a n d
th e ir re la tio n s h ip ; m o d e relates to the m e a n s b y w h ic h a d isc o u rse o r text is p r o d u c e d a n d
delivered. W e w ill co nside r each o f these areas in tu rn a n d illustrate th e m .
BREAKO U T BOX
K H a llid a y ( b 1 9 ? 5 ) is a w o r ld r e n o w n e d B -itis h lin g u is t w h o h a s p io n e e r e d a w a y o f lo o k in g a t
la n g u a g e c a lle d s y s te m ic f u n c t io n a l lin g u istic s
3.2.1 Field
Features o l field an sw er th e qu estion : w h a t is the text about? T h e sub jcct m atter o f a text or
d isc o u rse is p r im a r ily expressed th ro u g h th e v o c ab u la ry th a t is used, w h ic h w ill usua lly be
f o u n d to b e lo n g to one o r tw o se m an tic fields o r d o m a in s . L o o k at the fo llo w in g text (fro m :
hup://new s.bbc.co.uk/spo rtIIh U cric k c l/8181490.slrn [accessed 5/8/09)):
A s u p e r b 1 2 3 b y M a h e la J a y a w a r d e n e s e t u p a c o m f o r t a b le s ix -w ic k e t w in f o r S r i L a n k a o v e r
P a k is t a n w h ic h g a v e t h e m a n u n a s s a ila b le 3 0 le a d in th e s e r e s . The to u ris ts m a d e 2 8 8 8 in th e ir
5 0 o v e r s , in c lu d in g 6 6 fro m U m a r A k m a l, b ro th e r o f w ic k e t -k e e p e r K a m r a n . B u t Ja y a w a rd e n e 's
b e llig e r e n t to n - w h ic h in c lu d e d 1 4 (o u r s a n d a s ix - c o u p le d w it h U p u l T h a r a n g a 's 7 6 . s e t u p a
2 0 2 - r u n o p e n in g w ic k e t p a rtn e r s h ip . D e s p ite lo s in g w ic k e t s , Sri L a n k a e a s e d h o m e w it h 2 ' b a lls
t o sp are .
W o rd s like wicket, over, wicket-keeper, fo u r, six, run , b ull, o p e n in g partn e rship, as w ell as the
n a m e s o l the c o un trie s a n d th e players, place th is text clearly i n the field o f th e g am e o f
cricket. There are a d d itio n a l in d ic a to rs o f th is field, in c lu d in g c o m b in a tio n s (co llo c atio n s)
s u c h as six-wicket w in , '5 0 overs, '1 4 fours' '20 2- run . . . p a rtn e rs h ip , 'lo s in g w ickets, 'b alls
lo spare.
N o w lo o k a t th is text (fr o m : http://w w w .dire ct.g ov.uk /e n /S w in e flu/D G _l7 7 8 3 1 (accessed
5/8/091):
T h e H e a lt h P ro te c tio n A g e n c y e s tim a te s th e re w e r e 1 1 0 .0 0 0 n e w c a s e s o f s w in e (lu in E n g la n d la st
w e e k . T h is is o n ly s lig h t ly u p fro m 1 0 0 .0 0 0 th e p r e v io u s w e e k . T h is s u g g e s t s th a t th e rate o f in fe c
tio n h a s s ta rt e d t o s lo w T h is m a y b e d o w n to th e s ta rt o f th e s c h o o l h o lid a y s a n d th e la u n c h o f th e
N a tio n a l P a n d e m ic Flu S e rv ic e . T h e re is n o s ig n th a t th e v ir u s is b e c o m in g m o r e s e v e re o r d e v e lo p in g
r e s is ta n c e to a n tiv ira ls.
W o rd s lik e cases,f l u , infection, p a n d e m ic , virus, a n tiv iral, as w e ll as th e n a m e s o f th e o rg a n iz a

tio n s (H e a lth P ro te ctio n A gency, N a tio n a l P a n d e m ic F lu Service), place th is text in th e field
o l he alth . C o llo c a tio n s such as s w in e flu , 'rate o l in fe c tio n , d e v e lo p in g resistance c o n fir m
th is analysis.
It is u s u a lly q u ite straig h tfo rw a rd to id e n tify the field to w h ic h a text o r d isc o u rse belongs,
e specially in texts like these, w here th e s e m a n tic d o m a in o f th e d o m in a n t v o c a b u la ry is
fa irly o b v io u s . Y o u w ill n otice th at a ll th e w o rd s id e n tifie d b e lo n g to the n o u n class (see
S ec tio n 2.2.2): e ven th e n u m e ra ls f o u r a n d six i n th e cricket text arc u s e d as n o u n s i n this
g enre, as is a n tiv ir a l (b asically a n adjective) i n th e h e a lth text. G enerally, n o u n s are the
p r im a r y in d ic a to rs o f field.
T h e te rm s th at w e use to labe l fields m a y range fr o m the general to the m o r e specific. This
m a y reflect h o w we cho o se to characterize th e field, o r it m a y be a reflection o f lh e fact that
s o m e fields are m o r e app ro priate ly de s c rib e d in general te rm s (e n g in e e rin g , p o litic s ), w h ile
others are m o re o b v io u s ly specialized (diesel engines, b rid g e c o n s tr u c tio n ). H e alth is
qu ite a gene ral te rm , a n d w e c o u ld have s a id th at th e text b e lo n g e d to th e v ira l in fe c tio n or
in flu e n z a field. O n the o th e r h a n d , cricket is fa irly specific; at a m o r e g ene ral level it co uld
have been la be lle d te a m gam e , o r even spo rt. There is n o sta n d a rd set o f fie ld labels: som e
are ob v io u s, others are for th e choosing.
3.2.2 Tenor
Features o t te n o r a n sw er th e q u estion : w h o p articip ate s i n p r o d u c in g a n d c o n s u m in g th e text
o r discourse, a n d w h at is th e ir relation ship? T h is is a less s traig h tfo rw a rd qu e s tio n to answ er
th a n th a t relatin g to field. I n th e case o f spo ken discourse, it is easier, because y o u generally
k n o w w h o th e p a rtic ip a n ts are a n d po ssib ly s o m e th in g a b o u t th e m . I n th e case o f w ritten
texts, th e a u th o r m a y b e u n k n o w n o r n o t w ell k n o w n , a n d e ven less m a y b e k n o w n a b o u t the
reader(s).
R e g is te r
In sp o k e n discourse w here th e re is in te ra c tio n betw een th e p a rticip a n ts , for ex am ple in a

c o n v e rsa tio n o r an intervie w , tw o in te rlin k e d factors are o f p a rtic u la r sig n ifican ce : 1 ) w h at
status each p a r tic ip a n t has in relation to the other(s); a n d 2 ) w h at th e social d istance' is
b etw een th e p a rticip a n ts. I n te rm s o f status, b o t h or a ll p a rtic ip a n ts m a y hav e e q u a l status
in the discourse, such as in a co nve rsatio n betw een frie nds; o r o n e p a r tic ip a n t m a y be o l
a h ig h e r status, o r ha v e m o r e p o w e r th a n a n o th e r, as in an intervie w . I n te rm s o f social
d ista n c e, p a rtic ip a n ts m a y k n o w each o th e r q u ite w e ll a n d be o n fr ie n d ly term s, o r th ey m a y
k n o w each o th e r less w ell or n o t at all.
T h e status o f a p a r tic ip a n t m a y d e te r m in e w h e th e r th e y have th e l ig h t to a sk questions,
m a k e suggestions o r g ive in s tru c tio n s . A s k in g a q u e s tio n m a y b e a sig n o f powcrlcssness, as
it recognizes th e oth e r p a rticip a n t as possessing in fo r m a tio n ( W h a t tim e is the n e xt train ?).
A lte rn ative ly, a q u e s tio n m a y be a n expression ot p o w e r (H ave y o u fin is h e d y o u r w ork?).
N ote th at th e first ty pe o f q u e s tio n is in fo rm a tio n - se e k in g ( W h a t tim e ?), w hereas the second
is a y e s /n o q u e s tio n , here w ith the fu n c tio n o f che c kin g . It is u s u a lly o n ly a p a rtic ip a n t
w ith h ig h e r status w h o ha s the rig h t to g ive in s tr u c tio n s (Shut the d o o r b e h in d y o u!). I f
s o m e o n e o f equal o r h ig h e r status is b e in g addressed, th e in s tr u c tio n w ill b e ph ra se d as
a morc-or-less p o lite request ( W o u ld y o u m in d s h u ttin g th e d o o r? C o u ld y o u shut th e doo r
b e h in d you, please?).
T h e status re la tio n s h ip s betw een p a r tic ip a n ts w ill a ls o in flu e n c e h o w th e y address each
o the r. It is u s u a l to use firs t n a m e s b etw een p e o p le o f e q u a l status, o r to p e o p le o f low er
status. B u t pe o ple o f h ig h e r status are m o re n o r m a lly addressed b y u s in g a title a n d last
n a m e (M r s lo n c s . D r K h a n ), o r in s o m e contex ts ju s t a title (D o c to r , V icar. H e a d m a s te r).
R elative status m a y also d e te r m in e w h o h a s th e r ig h t to in itia te s p e a k in g i n a discourse,
to n o m in a te w h o speaks a n d w h e n , to c h a n g e th e to p ic b e in g talke d a b o u t, a n d to b rin g
a d is c o u rs e to a n e n d . I n o th e r w ords, they, for e x a m p le a n in te rv ie w e r, m a n a g e the
w h o le discourse.
T h e social distance b etw een p a rtic ip a n ts in a discourse in flu e n c e s th e level o f form ality.
F o rm a lity m a y b e expressed in h o w pa rticip an ts address e a c h o th e r: use o f first n a m e s tends
to in d ic a te fa m ilia rity , or less fo rm a lity ; w hereas use o f titles o r title a n d last n a m e te n d s to be
associated w ith greater form ality . T h e level o f fo rm a lity is expressed m o s t o b v io u s ly th ro u g h
the k i n d o f v o c a b u la ry lh a t is used. T h e fo r m a l 'G uests are k in d ly requested to rem ove their
footw ear m a y b e expressed m o re fa m ilia r ly as M a y w e ask yo u to take y o u r shoes o f f The
use o f slan g , dia le ct o r oth e r k in d s o f c o llo q u ia lis m w o u ld s ig n a l a very in fo r m a l discourse
a n d fa m ilia r ity a m o n g the pa rticip a n ts.
I.o o k at the fo llo w in g extract (fro m C h e e p e n a n d M o n a g h a n (1990: 134) w h e re a H ost
o p e n s the d o o r to a V'isitor.
(k n o c k o n d o o r)
V is ito r
'b e f o r e I fo rg e t*
H ost
a h I w a s ju s t a b o u t to p h o n e y o u
V is ito r: b e fo re I f o r g e t I'm g o n n a d o it th is m o m e n t
H o s t:
oh m y key
V is ito r w h y
H ost
y e s . g iv e m e it b a c k . g iv e m e b a c k m y k e y -
w e r e y o u g o n n a p h o n e m e a n d s a y d o n 't c o m e
n o I w a s g o n n a p h o n e y o u a n d s a y a r e n t ' y o u c o m in g '
Visitor: "oh yes* sorry about that

[* in d ic a lc s o v e rla p p in g speech; a fu ll s lo p . in d ic a tes a sh o rt pause, a n d a dash - a longer
pause.I N o tic e the use o f p ro n o u n s I a n d y o u , as the pa rticip a n ts address each other, a n d
ih e use o f c o llo q u ia l la n g u ag e such as g o n n a for g o in g to a n d c o ntra c tio n s like d o n l a n d
arent'. T w o topics r u n a lo n g sid e each other: re tu rn o f a ke y a n d te le p h o n in g . There are
fu r th e r characteristic features, w h ic h well m e n tio n later, s u c h as in c o m p le te utterances
(befo re I fo r g e t. . . ) a n d re p e titio n (give m e . . . back).
I n discourses a n d texts th a t d o n o t involve in te ra c tio n , a u th o rs reveal them selves to a
greater o r lesser extent, a n d th e in te n d e d o r expected au d ie n c e m a y b e addressed m o r e o r less
d ire c tly A u th o rs m a y reveal them selves in a text b y us in g a first pe rso n ( / or we) style, by
s h o w in g the degree o f th e ir c o m m itm e n t to w h a t th ey are sa y in g (for exam ple , b y us in g
m o d a l verbs such as m ig h t o r c o u ld ), o r by in s e rtin g e v a lu atio n s o r assessments o f w h a t they
are ta lk in g a b o u t (T h is is a n interesting idea.). S om e genres o r types o f text in vite au th o rs to
reveal them selves m o r e th a n others: in persuasive texts (such as a p o litic a l speech) o r evalu
ative texts (s u c h as a re v ie w o f a f ilm o r a b o o k ) th e a u th o r s pe rso n a is m o r e likely to be
revealed th a n in , say, a s c ie n tific re p o rt o r a legal text. T h e latter are typically im p e rs o n a l, to
p ro v id e a n aura o f o b je c tiv ity in the case o f s c ie n tific texts, a n d o f a u th o rity for legal texts.
T h e in te n d e d au d ie n c e (reader) o f a text m a y or m a y n o t b e ex p lic itly stated, th o u g h the
genre a n d type o f p u b lic a tio n m a y in d ic a te w h o the text is a im e d at. A M ills a n d B o o n novel
w ill ha v e a rather d iffe re n t readership fro m an article in a s c ie n tific jo u r n a l, for instance.
M a n y a u th o rs d o n o t address th e ir readers d ire c tly i n th e text, fo r e x a m p le b y u s in g the p r o
n o u n y o u ; b u t th ey m a y in c lu d e qu estion s, w h ic h suggest th e sense o f a n aud ie n c e , e ven i f the
q u e s tio n is th e n answ ered b y th e a u th o r themselves.
L o o k at th e fo llo w in g text (fro m : http://w w w .gim rdian.co.iik/science/blog/2009/aug/25/
galileo-telescope-anniversary [accessed 25/8 /0 9)). H o w is th e a u th o r revealed, a n d is there the
sense o f a n audience?
If it w e r e n 't f o r G o c g le . w h ic h h a s tr a n s fo r m e d its lo g o in t o a te le s c o p ic d o o d le to m arie th e

o c c a s io n , th e 4 0 0 t h a n n iv e rs a ry o f the first p u b lic d e m o n s tr a t io n o f G a lile o 's re v o lu tio n a r y te le sc o p e
m ig h t h a v e g o n e u n n o t ic e d . H o w s tr a n g e th a t th e p u b lic - a n d th e m e d ia - c a n b e c a p tiv a te d
b y re v o lu tio n a r y id e a s in s c ie n c e , s u c h a s e v o lu tio n a n d re la tiv ity , b u t fail to b e im p r e s s e d b y th e
in v e n tio n o f n e w s c ie n t ific in s tr u m e n ts , w h ic h h a v e a r g u a b ly b e e n f a r m o re im p o r ta n t f o r h u m a n
p ro g re s s . In c e n t u r ie s to c o m e w ill w e m a r k th e a n n iv e r s a r y o f th e in v e n tio n o f X - r a y c ry s ta llo g ra p h y ,
D N A s e q u e n c in g , m a g n e t ic r e s o n a n c e im a g in g , th e s ilic o n c h ip
T h is text com es fr o m the S cience B lo g o n th e G u a r d ia n n e w sp a pe rs w ebsite. T h e blogger,

w h o is n o t n a m e d , expresses s o m e v e ry d e fin ite o p in io n s a b o u t the b lo g to pic, a n d so w e, the
R e g is te r
readers, b e g in to fo r m a n im p re s s io n o f th e m . N ote the use of: i f it werent for a n d 'm ig h t

have g o n e in the first sentence, w h ic h express alte rn ative possibilities; a n d th e ex clam atio n
( H o w s tr a n g e . . . ) in th e s eco n d sentence. In th e t h ir d sentence, the a u th o r in clud e s th e read
ers, w ith th e use o f we a n d b y p h ra s in g th e p o in t as a q u e s tio n , w ith its im p lie d negative
answ er, w h ic h im p lie s a challenge to us, th e audience.
3.2.3 Mode
Features o f m o d e relate first o f all to th e d is tin c tio n betw een th e tran sm is s io n o f a discourse
o r text i n th e spo ken o r th e w ritte n m e d iu m . T here is great range o f m o d e s fr o m a h ig h ly
interactive c o n v e rsa tio n o n th e o n e h a n d to a densely w r itte n le gal c o n tra c t o n th e other. The
c o n v e rsa tio n is lik e ly to b e m a rk e d b y in te ra c tiv ity - p a rtic ip a n ts c o n s tru c tin g th e discourse
together - a n d b y s p o n ta n e ity - language pro d u c e d instantly, w ith n o p re - p lan n in g . T h e legal
d o c u m e n t is lik e ly to be m a rk e d b y co m p le te lack o f interactivity, as w ell as b y careful
p la n n in g , fo re th o u g h t, d ra ftin g a n d e d iting . In tera c tivity a n d sp o n ta n e ity are tw o categories
th at are us e fu l in lo o k in g at the m o d e o f a discourse or text.
H ig h levels ot in te ra c tiv ity can be expected to b e fo u n d in spo ken discourse in v o lv in g
m o re th a n o n e p a r tic ip a n t p r o d u c in g the discourse, a n d in w ritte n text th at m im ic s
c o nv e rsa tio n , such as text m e ssag ing o r e m a il chat. In te ra c tiv ity w ill te n d to be m a n ife s t in ,
fo r exam ple , th e use o f te rm s o f address, such as pe o p le s n a m e s o r first a n d seco n d person
p ro n o u n s (I/m e , y o u ). A n o th e r characteristic reflects the fact th a t pa rticip a n ts i n the
d isc o u rse take tu rn s to speak. A speaker m a y n o m in a te o n e o l the o th e r p a rtic ip a n ts as the
next pe rso n to speak, for e x am ple b y n a m in g th e m (T hats rig h t, isnt it, C h arlo tte ?) A listener
has to ju d g e w h e n th e y are a b le to 'take th e flo o r a n d b e c o m e th e n e xt speaker; th is m a y lead
to in te rru p tio n s , u n fin is h e d or in c o m p le te utterances, o v e rla p p in g speech.
L o o k at th e fo llo w in g extract fr o m a co nve rsatio n (ta k e n fr o m C h e e p e n a n d M o n a g h a n
1 9 9 0 : 1 9 9 );
(k n o c k o n d o c )
T u to r
c o m e in
S tu d e n t:
h a llo
T u to r
h a llo h a v e a s e a t - b e tte r th is tim e
Stu d e n t
y e h . t ir e d
I'm d e a d n o w I c a n 't w a k e u p
I'm t h in k in g o f g o in g b a c k to b e d -
(t u t o r w a lk s to d o o r)
T u to r.
first to a t first to a r r iv e
th a t's e h . I w o n d e r i l th e re 's a n y b o d y e lse e h . I a lw a y s g e t a
b it w o rrie d *
S tu d e n t:
s o m e b o d y a f t e r m e*
T u to r
y e h I k n o w t h a t th e re 's th e re 's s o m e b o d y th e r e s s o m e b o c fy all d a y b u t ...........
(A fu ll stop . indicates a sho rt pause; a dash - indicates a lo n g e r pause; in d ic a tes o v e rla p

p in g speech.) N otice th e in c o m p le te utterances, s u c h as better th is tim e , first to arrive,
s o m e b o d y afte r m e. T h e s tu d e n t in te rru p ts th e tu to r say in g 1 alw ays get a b it w o rrie d ,

resultin g in an in c o m p le te utte ra n c e (w o rrie d a b o u t w h at?) a n d ov e rla p p in g speech.
T h e sp o n ta n e ity th at is characteristic o f a n o rd in a r y conversation m a y b e m an ife s t in a
n u m b e r o f features o f the discourse. Because th in k in g is ta k in g place sim u lta n e o u s ly w ith
speaking, a speaker m a y c ho o se to in te rru p t a n d th e n rephrase w h a t th ey are saying, pro d u c
in g w h a t is k n o w n as a 'false start' ( T h e s upe rm ark et is b e h in d . . . I f y o u g o d o w n M arket
Street, y o u 'll fin d the supe rm ark et b e h in d th e pe tro l station). Sim ilarly, a speaker m a y correct
an utterance h a lf w ay th ro u g h (T h e y m u s t have a rriv e d a t ten, n o eleven th irty , yesterday'). A
speaker m a y repeat w h a t th ey have just said, as a w ay o f g a in in g th in k in g tim e for ho w th ey are
g o in g to phrase s o m e th in g (Yesterday, th e g irls .. the girls d e c id c d to bake a cake).
L o o k a t the fo llo w in g extract o f a co nve rsatio n (fro m S c h iffr in 1994: 119) for exam ples
o f ialsc starts, scli-corrcctions a n d repetitions.
Z e ld a :
W e ll (s h e re a lly- w a i l a m in u t e s h e d o e s n 't
H en ry:
|She's g o t lo v e ly c h ild re n .
Z e ld a :
h a v e a n y sisters.
Ire n e :
[I'm n o * ta lk in g a b o u t m y c h ild re n .
Z e ld a :
R ig h t
H en ry:
W e ll y o u s h o u ld m a k e it s o . it's g o o d
Z e ld a :
O h l C 'm o n i
Irene:
H e n , I'm n o t y o u H e n ry 1
W e 'v e - w e 'v e h a d f a m ily p r o b le m s w h e r e m y h u s b a n d a n d h is b r o th e r w e r e in b u s in e s s
[The square bracket in d ic a tes o v e rla p p in g speech.] N otice h o w she really i n th e firs t utter
ance is a false start a n d c han g es in to she doe sn t, a n d h o w H e n i n th e last b u t one utterance
is disc a rd ed a t th e b e g in n in g in fa v o u r o f H e n r y at the e n d , as a type o f self-correction. A n d
in the fin a l utterance we've is repeated, pre s u m a b ly to g a in th in k in g tim e.
Texts th a t a rc a t the n o n - s p o n la n c o u s e n d o f th e s p e c tru m , th o s e th at arc p la n n e d , crafted
a n d edited, sh o w q u ite diffe ren t characteristics. G enerally, the sentences w ill b e m o re stru c
tu re d a n d m o r e c o m p le x th a n in sp o n tan e o u s discourse, p o s sib ly w ith m a n y su b o rd in ate
clauses (see S ec tio n 2.3.5). T h e v o c a b u la ry used is lik e ly to b e m o re fo rm a l, in c lu d in g te c h n i
c a l w ords; a n d n o u n s w ill o fte n b e us e d w here verbs w o u ld b e n o r m a l in s p o k e n discourse
(consideration rathe r th a n consider, co n ta in m e n t rathe r th a n co ntain). In general th e p la n n in g
w ill m a n ife s t itself in a m o r e logical pro gressio n o f th o u g h t th r o u g h th e text, rathe r th a n the
m o r e c irc u la r n e g o tia tio n o f m e a n in g fo u n d in s p o n ta n e o u s discourse. T he re w ill be clear
a n d ex p lic it lin k s b etw een sentences, a n d betw een pa ra g ra p h s, w it h in th e text.
L o o k at the fo llow in g text, w h ic h is part o f a legal n otice o n a un iversitys website, illustrating
features o f p la n n e d text (fro m : http://w w w .bcu.ac.uk/m isc/leg al (accessed 4/9/09]).
T h e U n iv e rs ity re se rve s th e r ig h t a t its s o le d is c re tio n to re m o ve , o r d is a b le a c c e s s to , a n y m ate rial

w h ic h it d e e m s to b e p o te n tia lly o t y e c to n a b le to o> d e fa m a to ry o f a n y p e rso n , u n la w fu l, th re a te n in g o r
in v io la tio n o f a n y th ird p a rt y rig h ts o ' a n y o th e r p a rt o f th e s e W e b s ite T e rm s T h e U n iv e rs ity w i not
F u n c tio n
b e re sp o n sib le a s a u th o r, e d ito r o r p u b lis h e r o f a n y m ate rial p u b lis h e d , d is p la y e d o r s u b m it te d to th e
W e b s ite b y a n y th ird p a rt y a n d to th e fu lle s t e x te n t p e rm itte d la w , e x p re s s ly e x c lu d e s its lia b ility to r
a n y lo s s o r d a m a g e a ris in g fro m th e c o m m u n ic a tio n o f s u c h m a te ria l th ro u g h th e W e b site
T h is (ext c o n ta in s just tw o sentences, b o th o f w h ic h arc very lo n g , w ith 48 w o rd s in th e first

a n d 52 w o rd s in th e seco n d. T h e structure o f b o t h sentences is q u ite co m p le x , as th e a tte m p t
is m a d e to cover all legal eventualities: note th e fre q u e n t use o f o r i n o rd e r to achieve this, The
v o c a b u la ry te n d s to b e qu ite fo rm a l, w ith w o rd s like discretion, objectionable, d e fa m a to ry a n d
lia b ility , a n d w ith le g a l- so un d in g phrases s u c h as a t its sole d isc re tio n , 'th ir d p a rty rights a n d
expressly excludes Y o u c o u ld n o t im a g in e a n y o n e a ctua lly s p e a k in g th is text; it clearly
b e lo n g s to th e w ritte n m o d e .
3.3 Function
I n S ec tio n 3.1 w e d re w a d is tin c tio n betw een in te ra c tio n a l a n d 'transactional' discourses a n d
texts. T h a t is a d is tin c tio n o f fu n c tio n . In tera c tio n a l discourses (th e y are n o t o fte n texts) fu n c
tio n to b u ild relation ships betw een people: th e y concentrate o n th e interpe rso nal d im e n s io n .
T ransactional discourses a n d texts fu n c tio n to convoy s o m e in fo r m a tio n o r to get s o m e th in g
d on e : th ey concentrate o n th e co nten t o f w h at is said or w ritte n . In th is section, w e are going
to lo o k p r im a rily at tra n sac tio n a l discourses a n d texts, a n d w e shall fu rth e r refine the fu n c
tions th a t s u c h discourses a n d texts m a y fu lfil. W e w ill d iv id e ih e fu n c tio n s o f discourses a n d
texts in to five b ro a d categories: te llin g a sto ry (narrative), d e s c rib in g so m e o n e o r so m ething
(descriptive), e x p la in in g a co nce pt (ex pository), c o n v in c in g so m e o n e o f an o p in io n o r getting
th e m to d o s o m e th in g (persuasive), te llin g so m e o n e h o w to d o s o m e th in g (instructive).
3.3.1 N arrative
D iscourses a n d texts w ith a n a rra tiv e fu n c tio n are used to tell a story. Typically, th ey show
pro gressio n th ro u g h tim e ; th ey are i n th e past tense; a n d there is e x p lic it reference to the
p a s s in g o f tim e (n e x t week, th e fo llo w in g year, a lte r that). S uch tim e expressions are ofte n
u s e d to structure the u n fo ld in g story. In m a n y n arra tiv e texts, the sequence o f events leads to
o n e o r m o re clim axes, w h ic h m a y be fo llo w e d by a d e n o u e m e n t, w h e n th e s to ry reaches
its re s o lu tio n or e x p la n a tio n . N arra tive texts are fo u n d in all k in d s o f contexts: sho rt stories
a n d nov els, obviously, b u t also ne w s stories in n ew spapers a n d m a g a zin e s, anecdotes in
conversations, a n d so on .
l o o k a t th e fo llo w in g n arrative text ( fr o m C h a rle s D ick e n s A C h ristm as C arol) a n d
id e n tif y ty pical features o f th is text type.
Q u it e s a tis fie d , h o d o s e d h is d o o r, a n d lo c k e d h im s e lf in , d o u b le -lo c k e d h im s e lf in . w h ic h w a s n o t

h is c u s to m , t h u s s e c u r e d a g a in s t s u r p r is e , h e t o o k o f f h is c ra v a t; p u t o n h is d r e s s in g g o w n a n d
s lip p e r s , a n d h is m g h t -c a p , a n d th e n s a t d o w n b e fo re th e fire to t a k e h is g r u e 1.
N o tic e h o w all the m a i n verbs are in the sim p le pa st tense: closed, locked, double-locked, took
off, p u t o n , sa t dow n . T hese are th e verbs th at c arry th e sto ry alo n g a n d rec o un t th e events
th at h a p p e n o n e after the othe r. T h e succession o f events in tim e is reinforced b y th e use o f
a dverbs like thus, th en , a n d b y jo in in g clauses together w ith a n d . T h is section o f n a rra tiv e is
in th e th ir d pe rso n , as m a n y narratives are, w ith a sin g le acto r lo r all the a ctio n s . T h e sequence
o f events is m irro re d b y th e sequence o f clauses, a n d as readers w e u n d e rs ta n d th a t these
fo llo w o n e a n o th e r in tim e.
3.3.2 D escriptive
D iscourses a n d texts w ith a descriptive fu n c tio n are used to e x p la in w h a t s o m e th in g is like, to
give its d im e n s io n s, its layout, its characteristic features, its uses, a n d so o n . W e describe all
k in d s o f things: places, people, artefacts, m a c h in e s, processes. D escriptive texts are ofte n w r it
ten in th e present tense, unless th ey are part o f a past tense narrative, a n d th e m o s t c o m m o n ly
used verbs are be (She is 1.35 m etres tall) a n d h av e (She ha s b ro w n eyes a n d d a rk ha ir). A d jec
tives like tall, brow n a n d dark are used to d e n o te characteristics o f the th in g be in g described.
W h ile so m e texts have a p r e d o m in a n t descriptive fu n c tio n (estate agents' ho use particulars,
for exam ple ), descriptive texts are o fte n fo u n d as p a r t o f a larger text w ith a n o th e r d o m in a n t
fu n c tio n . F o r exam ple, narrative texts m a y c o n ta in descriptive sub-texts, w h e n a n e w place or
a n e w p a rtic ip a n t is in tro d u c e d ; in structive texts m a y ha v e descriptio n s o f th in g s th at are used
in th e process a b o u t w h ic h in s tr u c tio n is be in g g iv e n , s u c h as th e ingredients in a recipe.
L o o k a t th e fo llo w in g descriptive text ( ir o m the A p p le w ebsite - http://w w w .apple.com /
ipodclassic/ (accessed 4/9 /0 9 )) a n d id e n tify those features th a t m a k e it a d e sc rip tio n .
W it h 1 6 0 G B o f s to r a g e . iP o d c la s s ic c a n h o ld u p t o 4 0 . 0 0 0 s o n g s , 2 0 0 h o u r s o f v id e o , o r 2 5 ,0 0 0
p h o t o s T h a t's m o re t h a n e n o u g h r o o m to* a d a y 's - o> a life tim e 's - w o r t h o f e n te r t a in m e n t iTunes
is y o u r e n te r t a in m e n t su p e rs to re it s h o w y o u o r g a n iz e a n d p la y y o u r m u lt im e d ia c o lle c tio n A n d it's
h o w y o u lo a d iP o d c la s s ic w it h m u s ic , m o v ie s , I V s h o w s , p o d c a s ts , a n d a u d io b o o k s . A v a ila b le in
q u in te s se n tia l silve r o* s t r ik in g b la c k . iP o d c la s s ic c a tc h e s y o u r e y e w it h its s le e k , all m e ta l e n c lo s u re
c o m p o s e d o f a n o d i/ e d a lu m in u m a n d p o lis h e d s ta in le ss ste e l
Present tense verbs are used th ro u g h o u t th is text: can h o ld , 's (fo r is), catches. T he re are several
adjectives, o r n o u n s used as adjectives, such as en tertainm ent i n e n te rta in m e n t superstore',
m u ltim e d ia in m u ltim e d ia collection, quintessential, striking, sleek, a n o d ize d , polished, as
w ell as th e n u m b e rs i n th e first sentence. N o tic e h o w th e fo u r th a n d fifth sentences ('Its how
y o u . . ^ A n d its h o w y o u . . ) describe process rathe r th a n in s tr u c t y o u h o w to d o it.
3.3.3 E xp o sito ry
Discourses a n d texts w ith a n expository fu n c tio n e x p lain a co nce pt o r a n idea. T h e expository
fu n c tio n is s im ila r to th e descriptive o n e , except th a t its focus is o n th e e x p la n a tio n o f
concepts a n d ideas rather th a n o n th e descriptio n o f th in g s. E x po sito ry discourses a n d texts
F u n c tio n
m a y analyse concepts in to th e ir pa rts, relate one co nce pt to another, provide c o m p a ris o n s a n d

exam ples, a n d so o n . S uch texts can b e fo u n d in encyclopedias a n d in all k in d s o t textbooks, a n d
e x p osito ry discourse can b e heard in lectures, speeches, debates a n d discussions. E xpository
discourses a n d texts te n d to b e in the present tense, a n d the verbs be a n d ha v e are frequent,
a lo n g w ith others th at in d icate relations betw een concepts, such as contain o r be p a r t of.
L o o k a t th e fo llo w in g text o n th e te r m 'scientism', taken fro m W ik ip e d ia (http:/! e n .
w ikipedia.org/w iki/Scientisin (accessed 4/9/09]):
T h e te rm s c ie n tis m is u s e d to d e s c r ib e th e v ie w th a t n a tu r a l s c ie n c e h a s a u t h o n t y o v e r a ll o th e r
in te rp re ta tio n s o* life , s u c h a s p h ilo s o p h ic a l, re lig io u s , m y th ic a l, s p iritu a l, o r h u m a n is tic e x p la n a tio n s,
a n d o v e r o t h e r fie ld s o f in q u iry , s u c h a s th e s o c ia l s c ie n c e s T h e te rm is u s e d b y s o c ia l s c ie n tis ts lik e
H a y e k o r K a r l P o p p e r to d e s c rib e w h a t th e y s e e a s t h e u n d e r ly in g a t tit u d e s a n d b e lie fs c o m m o n to
m a n y sc ie n tists . T h e y te n d t o u s e t h e te rm in e ith e r o f t w o e q u a lly p e jo r a tiv e d ire c tio n s
t . T o in d ic a t e th e im p r o p e r u s a g e o f s c ie n c e o r s c ie n tific d a im s a s a c o u n te r -a r g u m e n t to a p p e a ls
to s c ie n tific a u th o r it y in c o n te x ts w h e r e s c ie n c e m ig h t n o t a p p ly , s u c h a s w h e n th e to p ic is
p e r c e iv e d t o b e b e y o n d th e s c o p e o f s c ie n tific inquiry.
? T o re fe r to th e b e lie f t h a t t h e m e th o d s o f n a tu r a l s c ie n c e , o r th e c a te g o r ie s a n d t h in g s re c o g n is e d
in n a tu r a l s c ie n c e , fo rm th e o n ly p ro p e r e le m e n t s in a n y p h ilo s o p h ic a l o r o th e r inquiry.
T h e first three sentences o l th e ex p la n a tio n o l th is term e m p lo y th e verb use: is used tw ice,

a n d th e n te n d to use. A n d th e n the use o f th e te r m is an aly sed in to tw o d is tin c t references,
w h ic h are n u m b e re d , u s in g th e verbs to in d ic a te a n d to refer to. N o te also th e c ita tio n
o f exam ples, w ith such as, in o rd e r to illustrate the e x p la n a tio n b e in g m a d e ; alternative
expressions c o u ld b e f o r exam ple o r f o r instance.
3.3.4 Persuasive
D iscourses a n d texts w ith a persuasive fu n c tio n a im to c o n v in c e a hearer o r reader th at
s o m e th in g is true, o r th at a n o p in io n is lh e co rrect o n e , o r th at a course o f a c tio n is th e right
o n e . Persuasive texts w ill p ro v id e a rg u m e n ts a n d e v id e nce for a p a rtic u la r p o in t o f view.
T h e text w ill g en e ra lly b e care fully stru c tu re d , w ith a series o f p o in ts th at le ad to a logical
c o n c lu s io n . T h e y w ill usually expect so m e k in d o f response fr o m th e hearer o r reader, either
o f ag reem ent (y o u are pe rsuad e d) o r o f rejectio n (yo u are n o t pe rsu ad e d ), p e rh a p s even
o f a c tio n . Persuasive discourses w o u ld in c lu d e religious s e rm o n s a n d p o litic a l speeches.
Persuasive texts e n c o m p a ss a n y th a t seek to a rg u e a p o in t o r ad vocate a p o in t o f view,
in c lu d in g ph ilo s o p h ic a l a n d religious texts, as w ell as m a n y a c a d e m ic texts.
L o o k a t the fo llo w in g , c o n c lu d in g para g ra p h fr o m a n article e n title d 'H e e d th e C a ll
o f C o m p a s s io n ' fr o m
The G u a r d ia n w ebsite (http://w w w .guardian.co.uk/cornm entisfree/
belief/2009/sep/25/charter-compassion-lutu-arm slrong [accessed 25/9/09]):

W e c a n n o t a ffo r d to h e p a ra ly s e d h y g lo b a l s u f fe r in g W e h a v e th e p o w e r to w o r k t o g e th e r e n e r g e t i
c a lly fo r th e w e llb e in g o f h u m a n ity , a n d c o u n te r th e d e s p a ir in g e x tr e m u m o f o u r t im e M a n y o f u s
h a v e e x p e r ie n c e d th e p o w e r o f c o m p a s s io n in o u r o w n lw es; w e k n o w h o w a s in g le a c t o t k in d n e ss
a n d e m p a th y c a n tu r n a life a ro u n d H is to r y a ls o s h o w s th a t th e a c t io n o f ju s t a f e w in d iv id u a ls c a n
m a k e all th e d iffe re n c e In a w o 'ld t h a t s e e m s s p in n in g o u t o f c o n tro l, w e n e e d s u c h a c tio n n o w .
T h e first tw o sentences a pp eal to th e reader: 'w e c a n n o t a ffo rd to . .
w e have the p o w e r
t o . . T he se appeals a rc th e n fo llo w e d b y exam ples, o r evid e nce , th at th e a p p e a l is v a lid , from

pe rso n al experience a n d m o r e w id e ly fr o m history. T h e para g ra p h - a n d text - is ro un d e d
o il w ith a fin a l appeal: w e n e e d such a c tio n now'. N otice th e use o f e m o tiv e adjectives
a n d adverbs such as energetically a n d despairing, a n d ph rase s like 'ju s t a few m a k e all the
difference, w h ic h serve to u n d e r lin e th e e m o tio n a l app eal m a d e b y th e authors.
3.3.5 Instruction al
D iscourses a n d texts w ith a n in s tr u c tio n a l fu n c tio n tell a hearer o r reader h o w to d o
so m e th in g . T h e y u s u a lly take th e hearer o r reader th r o u g h a series o f steps in ord e r to achieve
a goal. In s tru c tio n a l texts in c lu d e a ll k in d s o f m a n u a ls , sets o f procedures, recipes; a n d
th ey are fo u n d in h a n d b o o k s a n d in help' files th a t a c c o m p a n y c o m p u te r software. Som e
in s tru c tio n a l texts have a c o n v e n tio n a l fo rm at; recipes, fo r exam ple , ty p ic a lly b e g in w ith a list
o l in g re d ie n ts, w h ic h is th e n fo llo w e d b y th e 'm e th o d o f pre p a ra tio n . Y o u w o u ld expect
to f in d im p e ra tiv e verbs, expressing c o m m a n d s (see S ec tio n 2.3.6), e.g. 'M ix the sug ar a n d
b u tte r together; a d d the c re a m a n d v a n illa essence . . . S in c e in s tru c tio n s in vo lve d o in g
so m e th in g , the verbs w ill m o s tly express actions.
L o o k a t the fo llo w in g text, w h ic h is fr o m a w ebsite g iv in g in fo r m a tio n a n d a d vice o n us in g
credit
cards
(fr o m :
http://w w w .clioosingandusing.coin/using c ard /u sin g credit card.ht/nl
(accessed 11/11/091):
A lw a y s u s e y o u r c r e d it c a r d se n sib ly . I( y o u w a n t to b o r r o w , c h e c k t h a t y o u r c re d it c a rd is th e
m o s t e ffe c t iv e w a y f o r w h a t y o u h a v e in m in d . A c r e d it c a rd c a n g iv e y o u r f in a n c e s fle x ib ility b u t
lo n g e r -te rm d e b t c a n b e m o re e x p e n s iv e c o m p a r e d t o th e a lte rn a tiv e s , s u c h a s a p e r s o n a l lo a n . It is
c o m m o n s e n s e th a t if y o u c a n 't a ffo r d to r e p a y it th e n d o n ': s p e n d it C r e d it is n o t 'f r e e m o n e y '.
A s w it h a ll y o u r f in a n c e s y o u s h o u ld w o r k o u t a b u d g e t a n d s tic k to it W h e n m a k in g p u rc h a s e s
s h o p a r o u n d f o r th e b e s t d e a l A s k y o u r s e lf if y o u c a n a ffo r d th e re p a y m e n ts b e fo re y o u m a k e a
p u r c h a s e D o N O T u s e y o u r c re d it c a r d to b u y g o o d s y o u c a n 't a ffo r d o r to f u n d a life s ty le t h a t is
b e yo n d y o u r m eans
N o tic e th e use o f im p e ra tiv e verbs: use (first sentence ), check (seco n d sentence), d o n t spend
(fo u r th sentence ), shop aro u n d , ask yourself, d o n o t use (in the seco n d pa ra g ra p h ). T h e use o f
s h o u ld in s h o u ld w ork o u t in th e first sentence o l th e second para g ra p h also ha s the lorcc o f a
c o m m a n d . I n th is k i n d o f advice text, th e use o f //( c o n d itio n a l) clauses is also ty pical, as in
if y o u w a n t to b o r ro w a n d i f y o u cant a ffo rd to repay. W h e n e x p la n atio n s are given o f the
advice o r in s tr u c tio n , th e v e rb c a n . expressing w h a t is possible, is ty pical, as in a credit card
c a n give y o u r fin a n c e s fle x ib ility . .
C o n v e r s a tio n
W e have suggested in th is s e c tio n th at discourse s a n d texts m a y ha v e one o f fiv e possible

fu n c tio n s : narrativ e, descriptive, expository, persuasive a n d in s tru c tio n a l. In fact, it is u n u s u a l
for a n y s in g le discourse or text to m a n ife s t a sin g le f u n c tio n . M o st are m a d e u p o f sections o f
text w ith m o r e th a n one fu n c tio n , th o u g h o n e o f th e fu n c tio n s m a y b e th e d o m in a n t one. For
e xam ple , a persuasive text m a y c o n ta in ex p osito ry sections to ex p la in term s; an in s tru c tio n a l
text m a y c o n ta in descriptive sections to describe th e th in g s b e in g used in a pro ce d ure; o r a
n arrative text m a y c o n ta in descriptive sections in w h ic h scene se ttin g ha p p e n s or characters
a re portrayed.
3.4 Conversation
T h e larg ely in fo r m a l ta lk b e tw e e n tw o or m o r e p e o p le , w h ic h w e call c o n v e rsa tio n , is
the m o s t u s u a l ty p e o f s p o k e n d isc o u rse . In d e e d , it is, arguably, th e m o s t b asic fo r m o f
c o m m u n ic a tio n b y m e a n s o f la n g u a g e . I n c o n v e rs a tio n , each p a r tic ip a n t lakes tu rn s at
b e in g speaker a n d hearer. S o m e tim e s m o r e th a n o ne p e rs o n speaks a t th e sam e tim e , b u t
g e n e ra lly th e c ha n g es fr o m sp e a k e r to h e a re r a n d b a c k a g a in are m a n a g e d w ith a great
degree o f finesse. T h is in te rc h a n g e is k n o w n as tu rn - ta k in g , a n d w e seem to ope rate w ith
s o m e sh a re d c o n v e n tio n s th a t g o v e rn tu rn - ta k in g in c o n v e rsa tio n . S o m e tim e s , how ever, a
s p e a k e r m a y b e re lu c ta n t to e n d th e ir tu r n a n d g ive th e s p e a k in g ro le to a n o th e r p a r tic i
pan t: th e y m a y a tte m p t to h o ld th e flo o r , a n d th e re are a n u m b e r o f flo o r - h o ld in g devices
th at a speaker m a y use to r th is p u rp o s e . T u rn s in a co n v e rs a tio n fre q u e n tly se e m to o c cu r
in related pairs: a g re e tin g is fo llo w e d b y a rec ipro c a l g re etin g , a q u e s tio n is fo llo w e d b y an
answ er, a c o m m e n t is fo llo w e d b y a n e v a lu a tio n , a n d so o n . These related tu rn s are ca lled
a d ja c e n c y pairs. C o n v e rs a tio n s are n o t u s u a lly w ell p la n n e d , o r in d e e d p la n n e d at all;
s o m e tim e s th e ir m a in
p u rp o s e is in te ra c tio n a l, b u ild in g a n d
m a in ta in in g
p e rso n al
r e la tio n s h ip s . N evertheless, p e o p le d o n 't ta lk a b o u t n o t h in g ; th e re is s o m e to p ic o l

c o n v e rsa tio n , o r a series o f to p ics. H o w a co n v e rs a tio n m o v e s fr o m o n e to p ic to a n o th e r
is k n o w n as to pic- shift, a n d it m a y h a p p e n in a v a rie ty o f ways. W e 'll n o w lo o k in m o re
d e ta il at each o f these aspects o f c o n v e rsa tio n .
3.4.1 Tu rn-taking and flo o r-h olding

I n a c o n v e rs a tio n a n y p a r tic ip a n t takes o n th e role a lte rn a te ly o f speaker a n d o f hearer.
K n o w in g w h e n it is a p p ro p ria te to c h a n g e roles, in p a r tic u la r w h e n to assu m e th e speaker
role, is p a r t o f o u r c o m m u n ic a tiv e co m p e te n ce . A hearer be c o m e s aw are, fr o m th e ir a tte n
tio n to w h a t th e speaker is sayin g , th a t a n o p p o r tu n it y to take o n th e speaker's ro le is
a p p ro a c h in g . T h e sig n a ls m a y b e in th e sp e a k e r s in to n a tio n , in th e sy n tax o r in th e ir b o d y
la n g u a g e . T h e in t o n a tio n m a y b e c o m e lo w e r to s ig n a l a c o n c lu s io n ; th e sy n tax m a y
in d ic a te th e e n d o f a n u tte ra n c e ; th e speaker m a y m a k e eye c o n ta c t w it h th e hearer. The

hearer p ic k s u p s u c h clues a n d is th e n rea d y to take th e ir tu r n a n d m a k e a c o n t r ib u tio n to
th e o n g o in g discourse.
I f a speaker d o c s n o t w ish to re lin q u is h th e ir tu r n , b u t to 'h o ld th e flo o r, th e n th e y will
signal th is , p o s sib ly i n a n u m b e r o f w ays s im u lta n e o u s ly . T h e ir p itc h m a y b e c o m e hig h e r a n d
so s o u n d lo u d e r ; th ey m a y speed u p th e ir rate o f speech; th ey m a y insert a c o n ju n c tio n such
as a n d o r b u t to in d ic a te syn tactically th at th e ir utterance isnt yet co m p le te ; th ey m a y avoid
eye c o n ta c t w ith th e ir interlocutor. Ex perienced conversationalists m a y in d ic a te a n in te n tio n
to h o ld the flo o r b y s ig n a llin g th at th ey have a n u m b e r o f p o in ts to m ake , for exam ple by
u s in g firs tly to im p ly a t least a secondly.
W h e n a hearer is ke en to 'take th e flo o r th e y m a y a n ticipate th e e n d o f the c urrent
speakers utterance a n d b e g in before th e speaker ha s fin is h e d , p r o d u c in g o v e rla p p in g speech.
In s o m e cases, the hearer m a y fin is h th e speakers utterance for th e m , a n d th e n b e g in their
o w n . I f th e hearer th in k s th e speaker ha s h e ld th e flo o r for to o lo n g , o r i f th e y co nside r th ey
have a v ita l c o n tr ib u tio n to m ake , th e n th e hearer m a y take the flo o r b y in te r r u p tin g the
cu rre n t speaker. In te rru p tio n s are relatively rare in co nversation, a n d the tra n sitio n s betw een
speakers u s u a lly o c c u r sm o o th ly , w ith o c c a s io n a l o v e rla p p in g speech.
L o o k at th e fo llo w in g extract fr o m a co nve rsatio n (fron C h e e p e n a n d M o n a g h a n 1990:
152) a n d note the tra n sitio n s a n d th e o v e rla p p in g speech, m a rk e d b y asterisks.
t h o s e c h ild r e n d o i l w iih s o m u c h g u s t o it w a s
b r illia n t s u c c e s s a n d every lin o th e y p la y e d fo r
a la u g h . * g o t a la u g h *
K:
* g o t a la u g h
C.
'a n d th e y all h a d * th e n e rv e to w a i t . till th e la u g h t e r w e n t .
th a t's g o o d c a u s e s o o f te n th e y d o n ' t '
K.
c a u s e th a t's th e b i g t h in g th e tim in g
C:
th e y h a d it p e rfe c tly
K:
'y e h *
C:
't h e y 'd * b e e n re h e a r s e d s o w e ll
K;
mm
th e y w e r e n 't w o r r ie d I'm g o n n a f o r g e t s o m e th in g I m u s t ru s h o n *
K:
't h a t 's r ig h t*
yeh
C is basically te llin g th e sto ry a n d K is liste n in g , b u t K signals h e r in v o lv e m e n t in various

w ays, o fte n w ith o v e rla p p in g speech. N o tic e h o w C a n d K b o t h say got a laugh', pre su m a b ly
because K anticipates h o w C is g o in g to co m p le te h e r utterance. I n C s n e xt utterance
(a n d th ey a l l . . ,
C seem s to w a n t to get o n w ith te llin g th e story a n d so overlaps w ith K s
evaluative c o m m e n t ('cause so o fte n th ey d o n t'). K s yeh' overlaps w ith C s 'th e y d', but
K s utte ra n c e here is sim p ly a n a c k n o w le d g e m e n t o r a sig n a l o f agreem ent; a n d h e r ne xt one
('m m ) com es in a pause in th e story. K c o u ld have ta k e n the flo o r here, b u t lets G ad d som e
m o r e to h e r story. K overlaps a g a in at the e n d o l th is extract, w ith h e r th ats rig h t; p e rh a p s
she th o u g h t C s utterance w as fin is h in g w ith . . . forget s o m e th in g .
C o n v e r s a tio n
3.4.2
A djacency pairs
M a n y u tte ra n c e s in c o n v e rs a tio n o c c u r in m a t c h in g pairs: o n e ty pe o f u tte ra n c e expects a

p a r tic u la r ty p e o f fo llo w in g utte ra n c e. A t its s im p le s t, a g re e tin g is g e n e ra lly reciprocated
b y a m a t c h in g gre eting : G o o d m o r n in g ' b y 'G o o d m o r n in g '; H e llo Jim ' b y H e llo A u d re y ';
H i b y 'H i'. S im ila r ly , a q u e s tio n w o u ld n o r m a lly b e m a tc h e d b y a reply: W h e r e d id yo u
p u t th e c u p s? ' - 'I n th e to p c u p b o a r d . A n o ffe r w o u ld b e m a tc h e d b y a n a c c ep tan ce or
b y a decline : W o u ld yo u lik e to tr y th is n e w c h o c o la te b a r? - Yes, please o r N o , th a n k
y o u . T h e d e c lin e m a y be a c c o m p a n ie d b y a n e x p la n a tio n o r excuse: T m
a llergic to
chocolate'. A n e v a lu a tio n is u s u a lly fo llo w e d b y a n a g re e m e n t to c ith e r th e p o s itiv e or

negative assessm ent: ' They p e r fo r m e d th a t pie ce v e ry c o m p e te n tly - Yes, th e y d id p la y
rathe r w e ll.
T h e first part o f a n a d ja c e n c y p a ir raises a n exp ectatio n for the s e c o n d p a rt, b u t there
m a y b e o ccasions w h e n the s eco n d p a r t is delayed, b y a n in te rv e n in g adjace ncy pair, or
e ven sequence o l in te rv e n in g pairs. For exam ple , il y o u arc in a s h o p a n d y o u ask w hether
th e s h o p stocks a certain ite m (a q u e s tio n - a n sw e r p a ir), the salesperson m a y ask for
c la rific a tio n before th ey c a n pro v id e th e answ er p a r t to the o rig in a l pair:
C.
D o y o u s t o c k t w o in c h s c r e w s ? (Q u e s tio n 1)
S:
H a t-h e a d e d or ro u n d -h e a d e d ? (Q u e s tio n 2 )
F la t-h e a d e d . ( A n s w e r 2)
S:
Y e s , w e d o , in p a c k e t s o f te n . ( A n s w e r 1)
Ix io k at the fo llo w in g c o nv e rsa tio n al extract (fro m Jane A ustens P rid e a n d Prejudice,
V o lu m e 3, C h a p te r 10), a n d w o r k o u t w h a t ad ja ce n c y pa irs are u s e d to c o n s tru c t th is piece
o f dialogue:
A-
y o u s a w th e o ld h o u s e k e e p e r, i s u p p o s e B u t o f c o u r s e s h e d id n o t m e n tio n m y n a m e
to yo u
8:
Y e s. s h e did
A n d w h a t d id s h e sa y >
T h a t y o u w e r e g o n e in t o th e a rm y , a n d s h e w a s a f r a id th a t y o u h a d n o t tu r n e d o u t w e ll
A t s u c h a d is ta n c e a s th a t, y o u k n o w , th in g s are s tr a n g e ly m is re p re s e n te d
A.
C e rta in ly .
A s in itia l q u e s tio n d o e s n o t receive a d ire c t rep ly ( A doesn't w a it for on e ); instead B responds

to th e statem ent a b o u t A s n a m e n o t b e in g m e n tio n e d , w ith w h ic h he en d s his tu rn , a n d Bs
response is to co n tra d ic t th e s ta te m e n t. It is n o t th e rep ly th a t A w o u ld have expected, a n d it
is, thus, w h a t is ca lled a dispreferred response: th e preferred o r expected o n e w o u ld have
b een to c o n fir m the s ta te m e n t. A th e n asks a d ire c t q u e s tio n , a n d B re spo n ds w ith a n expected
a n sw er to th e qu e s tio n . T h e seco n d sentence o f B's tu r n beg in s a n e w ad ja c e n c y pa ir: it is a
fo rm o f e v a lu a tio n , to w h ic h A re spo n ds w ith a c e rtain ly o f agreem ent.
3.4.3 Topic sh ift

M a n y o rd in a ry , u n p la n n e d conversations, w h ic h arise w h e n tw o o r m o re pe o ple m e e t
casually, d o n o t have a p re d e te rm in e d to pic. T h e subject m atter m a y ran g e over a variety
o l topics, fr o m e n q u irie s a b o u t p e o p le s welfare a n d th at o f th e ir fam ilie s, to s h a rin g in fo r m a
tio n a b o u t m u tu a l ac q u a in tan c e s , to c o m m e n ts ab o u t p e o p le s jo b s, th e state o f th e e c o n o m y
o r th e weather. T h e tra n s itio n fr o m one to p ic to a n o th e r m a y be alm o s t im p e rc e p tib le , as the
c o n v e rsa tio n d rifts o n . A lte rn ative ly, th e tran sitio n s m a y b e q u ite a b ru p t, as o ne o f the
p a rtic ip a n ts th in k s o f s o m e th in g th e y w a n t to say o r e n q u ire a b o u t ('N o w , tell m e a b o u t . . . ),
a n d the d ire c tio n o t th e c o n v e rsa tio n takes a q u ite d iffe re n t p a th . T he re is little explicit
n e g o tiatio n o f topics in c asu al c o nve rsa tio n , as m a y o c c u r in m o re fo rm a l d ia lo gue s. I n a
w ork-related c o nv e rsa tio n , fo r exam ple , there m a y be a n explicit issue to be discussed, or
an ag end a to be fo llow e d . I n a n intervie w , th e intervie w e r decides o n th e to p ic s to b e raised,
a n d th e interview ee m a y be to ld i n a d vance w h a t th e range o f to p ic s to be covered is. I n a
co nversation, o n th e o th e r h a n d , n o o n e sets the ag end a a n d n o b o d y , in p r in c ip le , controls
the d ire c tio n o f th e in te ra c tio n . I n practice, o n e p a rtic ip a n t, o fte n w ith a m o re d o m in a n t
personality, m a y take charge a n d steer th e conversation.
I.o o k at the fo llo w in g extracts fro m th e tra n s c rip tio n o f a co nve rsatio n b etw een frie n d s
( fro m C h e e p e n a n d M o n a g h a n (1990: 158 9)>.
y o u re b lo n d e a g a m
C:
th e su n
(e x p la n a tio n o f h o w th e s u n t u r n s he> h a ir b lo n d e )
D:
lo o k s a w f u lly nice
C:
lo o k s b e tte r th a n th e la s t tim e y o u s a w it
D:
t r u e ye s
(C a f sq u e aks)
h e llo s o r r y d id n t m e a n to ig n o r e y o u s it tin g o n th e re
s h e b it D a v e y e s te r d a y n o s h e d id n 't s h e s c r a tc h e d h im h e s a d
s h e g o t rab ie s
D.
d id y o u s e e th a t a w f u l p r o g ra m m e
C:
ye s
[d isc u s sio n o f a s p e c t s o f th e te le v is io n p r c q r a m m e l
C:
f u n n ily e n o u g h th e r e s a c a t w it h s u s p e c t e d ra b ie s in C u m b e r la n d n o w is n 't th e re
D:
oh dear
C:
o h lo o k
D:
I h a v e b r u n g a b o t t le o f w in e
C:
b 177
D:
it's s o r t o f b u z z e d u p a b it it's n o t r e a lly f i z z y . ,
M u ltim o d a l Texts
T h e firs t to p ic c o n c e rn s the c o lo u r o f C s hair, b u t there is a shift w h e n th e c a t squeaks

(because it w as sat o n , pe rhaps). T h is in itiate s a b r ie f to p ic o n th e cat, w h ic h , p r o m p te d b y
a reference to rabies, th e n leads in to a discussion a b o u t a television series ab o u t a n im a ls , e n d
in g w ith the c o m m e n t a b o u t the cat in C u m b e r la n d , w h ic h brin g s the to p ic b a c k to present
reality. T h is c o m m e n t seem s to sig n a l th e en d o f th a t to pic, a n d th e ne xt o n e is in itia te d by
the sig h t o f a b o ttle o f w in e th at D has b ro u g h t. T h e tra n s itio n fr o m th e h a ir c o lo u r to p ic to
the ca t to p ic is q u ite a b ru p t, as is th e tra n s itio n fr o m th e television p r o g r a m m e to p ic to the
w in e topic; b u t the tra n s itio n fr o m the c at to p ic to th e television p r o g r a m m e to p ic is less
a b ru p t, i n th e sense th at th e te le visio n p r o g r a m m e to p ic share s o m e c o n te n t w ith th e cat
to p ic a n d follow s o n fr o m it.
3.5 Multimodal texts

M a n y texts th at w e c o n s u m e to day , especially in a d v e rtisin g a n d o n the internet, c o m b in e
w ritte n la n g u ag e w ith som e fo r m o f im age, e ith e r a still p icture , o r increasingly o n the
in tern et a video. S u c h texts arc called m u ltim o d a l', because th ey use m o r e th a n one m o d e o f
c o m m u n ic a tio n in o rd e r to tr a n s m it th e ir message. There is an in creasin g interest a m o n g
lin g u is ts i n m u lti m o d a lity , e.g. B a ld ry a n d T h ib a u lt (2006), Kress (2009). S om e o f th e interest
focuses o n a n a ly s in g h o w la n g u ag e a n d im a g e together c o n trib u te to c o m m u n ic a tio n , a n d
h o w th ey interact w ith each o th e r in d o in g so. T h e ty pe o f im a g e is also im p o rta n t, as w ell as
h o w th e w h o le text ha s been d esign e d. T h e w r itin g itself m a y have sig n ific a n t v isu a l features,
s u c h as th e ty pe a n d size o f the fonts u s e d a n d its pla c e m e n t in relation to a n y im ages.
M u lt im o d a l texts are n o t new, a lth o u g h the te rm is relatively recent. B o o k s a im e d at
c h ild r e n u s u a lly c o n ta in pictures as w ell as w ords, a n d in those a im e d a t very y o u n g ch ild re n
the pictures m a y d o m in a te . Reference w o rks, such as ency clo pe d ias, have a lo n g his to ry o f
s u p p le m e n tin g text w ith im ages. F ilm s can be considered as m u ltim o d a l texts co nsistin g ot
m o v in g im ages a n d sp o k e n discourse. S im ilarly, a d v e rtisin g ha s lo n g c o m b in e d w o rd s a n d
im ages, th o u g h th e d o m in a n c e o f th e im a g e o v e r the text in m u c h co n te m p o ra ry a d vertising
is a m o r e recent p h e n o m e n o n . P ackaging o f a ll k in d s g enerally in c lu d e s m u ltim o d a l text,
w ith a n im age o f the p ro d u c t s u p p le m e n te d b y text, o fte n i n a varie ty o f fo n t sizes. Fo od
pa c k a g in g , for exam ple, w h ic h is required to in c lu d e various k in d s o( n u tr itio n a l in fo rm a tio n ,
u s u a lly displays th is in fo r m a tio n i n a s m a ll fo n t size, p ro b a b ly i n p a r t because there is so
m u c h o f such in fo r m a tio n th a t needs to be fitte d in to a s m a ll space.
T h e c u r re n t interest in m u ltim o d a l texts, how ever, arises fro m th e fact th at th ey arc
n o r m a l o n th e in te rn e t; a n d so, it is arg ue d , a n e w k in d o f litera c y
m u ltim o d a l literacy
is re q u ire d to be ab le to process such texts. S u c h co nce rn in th e field o f e d u c a tio n , to enable

c h ild r e n b o t h to d e c o d e m u ltim o d a l texts a n d to c o m p o s e th e m , ha s s p a w n e d s c ho larly
interest i n m u ltim o d a l texts i n subjects like lin g u istic s a n d visual c o m m u n ic a tio n . F o r a start.
w e process w r itin g a n d im a g e d ifferently : w r itin g is lin e a r, it is seq ue ntial a n d follow s

progression in tim e ; im a g e s are presented in space a n d in vo lve sim u lta n e ity . B o th o f these
k in d s o f pro ce ssin g are needed to d e c o d e a m u ltim o d a l text.
3.5.1 R e ad in g m ultim odal texts

W e have s a id th a t m u ltim o d a l texts are n o t h in g new . L o o k at th e fo llo w in g , a page fr o m the
L in d is fa rn e G ospe ls, a m a n u s c r ip t d a tin g fr o m a r o u n d 700
T h e text is in L a tin , b u t w c experience th is page first o f a ll as an im a g e , as w e tr y to take in the

d e s ig n , th e patte rns a n d the co lo u rs th at ha v e b een us e d , befo re w e tr y a n d d e c ip h e r th e text.
T h e firs t three letters o f th e text have been elaborately deco rated (o r illu m in a te d ); th e y are 'i'
a n d n fo r m in g th e w o rd in , a n d th e n p, w h ic h is th e first letter o f th e s eco n d w o rd prin c ip iu .
It is th e b e g in n in g o f the G o s p e l o f J o h n ( in th e N e w T estam ent o f the B ible): 'in p r in c ip ia erat
M u ltim o d a l Texts
v e rb u m ( In the b e g in n in g w as th e W o r d ) . N o tic e h o w th e design takes precedence over the

text: p r in c ip ia is spread ov e r tw o lin e s. N otice, to o , h o w text ha s also b een in se rted above,
b etw een a n d after th e illu m in a te d letters: in c ip it e v an g e liu m s e c u n d u m Johan. (here begins
the g ospel ac c o rd in g to Jo h n ). In th e m e d ie v a l pe rio d , it w as n o t u n c o m m o n fo r m a n u s c rip ts
o f th e Bible text to c o n ta in , especially a t th e b e g in n in g s o f b o o k s , extensive d e c o ra tio n . The
pu rp ose appears to have b e e n one p u re ly o f e m b e llis h m e n t, to create s o m e th in g o f b eauty, to
e n h a n c e th e b ib lic a l text a n d to g ive pleasure to th e reader.
N o w lo o k at the fo llo w in g p h o to g ra p h o f a road sid e b illb o a rd advertisem ent.
Il is p a r t o f a n a d v e rtis in g c a m p a ig n r u n b y th e in s u r a n c e c o m p a n y A v iv a d u r in g 2009.
T h e b lu e w r it in g o n a y e llo w b a c k g r o u n d is p a r t o f A v iv as h o u s e style. M o s t road sid e
b illb o a r d s , be c a use th e y ha v e to b e re a d in a m a tte r o l se c o n d s as th e m o to r is t driv e s past,
a re u s u a lly c o m p o s e d o f a n im a g e w ith v e ry little text, o fte n o n ly th e b r a n d n a m e o f the
p r o d u c t b e in g ad v e rtise d . H e re the text is th e im a g e . T h e text is b r ie f e n o u g h to b e taken
in w ith little lin e a r processing: it is processed as i f it were a n im a g e . B u t yo u are also
s u p p o s e d to n o tic e th e back-to-front letters i n th e first fo u r w o rd s , th o u g h y o u w o u ld
n o t necessarily d o so a t first g lan c e ; a n d to n o tic e th a t th e last w o rd , un d e rs ta n d , ha s n o
b ack-to-front letters takes a little m o re a tte n tio n . B u t th a t is, p re su m a b ly , th e p o in t o f the
a d v e rtise m e n t: th e c o m p a n y is u n d e r ta k in g to p a y a tte n tio n to c u s to m e rs ' c o m m e n ts
(h e n c e th e q u o t a tio n m a rk s r o u n d th e text) a n d e x p la in th e ir p r o d u c ts in u n d e rs ta n d a b le
la n g u a g e . T h e d e s ig n a n d th e la n g u ag e o f th e text w o r k to g e th e r to achieve th e p u rp o s e o f
th e ad vert, a n d we have to use d e c o d in g processes fo r b o th im a g e a n d w ritte n la n g u a g e in
o rd e r to re a d it.
3.5.2 A n alysin g a m ultim od al te xt

C o n s id e r n o w th e fo llo w in g p h o to g ra p h o f a ro a d sign.
The sig n is c o m p o s e d o f b o t h w o rd s a n d im age s, or sym b o ls. To d e c o d e il, y o u ha v e lo be

aw are o f ce rta in c o n v e n tio n s o f in te rp re ta tio n . T h e th ic k b lac k lin e s represent roads; the
o v a l b la c k lin e represents a ro u n d a b o u t, a n d th e d o u b le b la c k lin e b e y o n d it a d u a l carriage
way. T h e h o r iz o n ta l b la c k lin e s w ith arrow s at th e e n d , c o m in g fr o m th e oval, in d ic a te left
a n d rig h t tu rn s o f f the r o u n d a b o u t. A t th e b o tto m o f th e sig n , th e h o r iz o n ta l b lack s tu b to
th e left o f th e vertical b lac k line, at th e e n d o f w h ic h is a red circle c o n t a in in g a h o r iz o n ta l
w h ite lin e (a no- e ntry sig n ) in d ic a tes a tu r n in g th a t tr a ffic is n o t allo w e d to enter. Y o u w ill
n o tic e th a t w e ha v e h a d to describ e the rep re sentatio n o f th e ro a d in te rm s o f lin e s, shapes
a n d o rie n ta tio n .
Let us tu r n n o w to th e text. T h e w o rd s a t th e to p , w ith in th e ir o w n fram e, in captial letters
(
pf.r r y
Ba
r r
i5
I.a
k d
are to be u n d e r s to o d as a k in d o f title , n a m in g th e a p p ro a c h in g
r o a d ju n c tio n . T h e w o rd s in b lac k to th e left a n d rig h t o f th e sig n , w ith in itia l ca p ita l letters,

represent p la c e n a m e s, th e places to w h ic h th e roads left a n d r ig h t fro m th e r o u n d a b o u t lead.
B e lo w each pla c e n a m e is a r o a d n u m b e r (e.g. A 4 0 4 0 ), w ith th e letter prefix ( A ) in d ic a tin g a
so-called A-road (as ag ainst a M-, B- o r in d e e d C - road), a m a jo r (ra th e r th a n a m in o r ) road.
T h e ro a d n u m b e r to the b o tto m left o f th e sig n , b e lo w W e s t B ro m w ic h , is yellow , w ith in
brackets, o n a green b a c k g ro u n d : text, c o lo u r a n d s y m b o liz a tio n w o r k together here to
in d ic a te th a t th e ro a d to th e left leads to (th e m e a n in g o f th e brackets) the A-41, w h ic h is a
'p r im a r y ro u te (th e m e a n in g o f th e green b a ck g ro u n d ).
Finally, lo o k at the b ro w n b a c k g ro u n d section at th e b o tto m rig h t o f the ro a d sign. The
b ro w n b a c k g ro u n d in d ic a te s th at the dire c tio n is to a n 'attraction'. T h e tw o attraction s o n th is
T e x tu a lity
s ig n are in d ic a te d b y b o th a g ra p h ic s y m b o l a n d w o rd s (th e n a m e s o f th e attractions): the

fo o tb a ll in d ic a tes a fo o tb a ll s ta d iu m , in th is case V illa Park, th e h o m e o f A s to n V illa football
c lu b ; the b u ild in g indicates a n his to ric b u ild in g , in th is case A ston H a ll. The im a g e indicates
the ty pe o f a ttraction ; the text gives th e n a m e o f the specific attraction.
A s a m u ltim o d a l text, th e ro a d s ig n uses g ra ph ic d e s ig n , co lo ur, s y m b o ls a n d w o rd s in
o rd e r to co n v e y its message. To d e c o d e it requires a m easure o f m u ltim o d a l literacy, as well
as a n u n d e r s ta n d in g o f the co n v e n tio n s o f th is ty pe o f m u ltim o d a l text.
BREAKO U T BOX
L o o k a r o u n d y o u r ig h t n o w a n d a n a ly s e t h in g s in te rm s o f th e ir m u lt im o d a lity C a n y o u f in r l im a g e a n d
te x t to g e t h e r ? D iffe r e n t c o lo u r s , sh a p e s , fo n ts ?
3.6 Textuality__________________________________
W h a t m a k e s a text a text, rathe r th a n a r a n d o m c o lle c tio n o f utterances o r sentences, is called
its textuality. T extuality arises fro m three m a in factors: th e texts coherence, the texts stru c
ture a n d the text's co h e sio n . W e w ill co n s id e r each o f these in tu rn .
3.6.1 Coherence
A text is co he re nt i f it m akes sense, th a t is. i f th e hearer o r reader can d e c o d e it in s u c h a w ay
th at it conveys a co m p re h e n s ib le message to th e m . W h e n h e a rin g o r re a d in g a text w c begin
w ith th e p r e s u m p tio n th a t th e a u th o r in te n d s it to m a k e sense to us; a n d w e are pre pare d to
d o s o m e w o r k in o rd e r to u n d e rs ta n d it. T h e a u th o r pro b a b ly assum es th a t w e share som e
c o ntex tu a l b a c k g ro u n d o r c o m m o n k n o w le d g e o f the w o rld o r the to p ic o f th e text; a n d
w e m a y have to in fe r som e o f th e m e a n in g b y reference to these unex pressed assu m ptio n s.
In feren c e is a n o r m a l part o f the processing o f a n y ty pe o f discourse o r text, b u t w c w o u ld
expect a speaker or w riter to req uire o f u s as little w o rk as po ssib le in o rd e r to u n d e rs ta n d
w h a t th e y w a n t to say.
O f course, there arc s o m e texts th a t are in te n d e d to n eed m o re w o rk o n the part o f the
hearer/reader in ord e r for th e m to m a k e sense. W e c o u ld in c lu d e s o m e jokes in th is category,
e specially those th at rely o n a n o n s c q u ilu r fo r th e ir h u m o ro u s effect, as well as po e try that
requires th e hearer/reader to u n d e rs ta n d the im p o r t o f sym b o ls o r to react to th e im pressio n
o f th e w h o le rathe r th a n to th e m e a n in g o f in d iv id u a l w ords, phrases a n d sentences. L o o k at
the fo llo w in g extract fr o m th e sc ript o f a 'G o o n Show', a rad io c o m e d y p r o g r a m m e p o p u la r

in the 1950s (fr o m : http://w w w .lhegooiishow .net/scripts.asp):
SEAG O O N .
I w a s o n m y w a y to L o n d o n t o w n , w h e n m y h o rs e t o o k ill w it h a p u n c tu r e . H a v e y o u
a te le p h o n e ?
B A N N IS T E R
N o . B u t w e h a v e a w in d o w w it h a p a n e o l g la s s m is s in g .
SEA G O O N :
W e ll, I'll try th a t H e llo ? H e llo ? h e llo , h e llo ? T h is w in d o w 's g o n e d e a d .
CRUN
Y e s . th e G P O t o o k it o u t a f t e r a fin a l d e m a n d , y o u k n o w .
SFA G O O N :
H o w p a in fu l W e ll, it s e e m s a s t h o u g h I'll h a v e to s ta y th e n ig h t h e re . H a v e y o u a b e d ?
CRUN :
N o t o n m e sir, w e k e e p th e m a ll u p s ta ir s y o u k n o w
SEAG O O N
S u p e r s titio u s , e h } W e ll, h a v e y o u a s p a r e ro o m ?
CRUN
Y e s sir. it's in th e s p a r e ro o m
SLA G O O N
O h , g o o d . I h e n I'll p u t m y s p a r e b o d y m it, I o n ly w e a r th is o n e fo r w o r k , y o u k n o w
s ig n ific a n t e le m e n t o f the h u m o u r i n the G o o n S h o w arose fr o m a la c k o f o b v io u s

coherence: replies to q u e s tio n s were n o t th e expected o n e s a n d d id n o t alw ays m ake
im m e d ia te sense (H a v e yo u a bed? - N o t o n m e , sir); the a m b ig u ity o f w o rd s a n d phrases
w a s exploited (th e G P O to o k it o u t.. - H o w p a in fu l); a n d so m e tim e s it w as just 'non-sense
(H av e y o u a telephone? - N o , b u t w e have a w in d o w w ith a p a n e o f glass m issin g).
C o herence is largely a matter o f m e a n in g . text is coherent because all its parts - sentences,
p aragraphs, chap te rs - m ak e sense in d iv id u a lly a n d in c o m b in a tio n , as w ell as c o n trib u tin g
to the ov erall m e a n in g o f th e text. T h a t is n o t to say th at all texts arc s tru c tu re d so th at each
sentence o r para g ra p h follow s o n lin e a rly fro m th e p re v io u s one. Texts m a y b e stru c tu re d in
a va rie ty o f ways, b u t still re m a in coherent.
3.6.2 Text structuring

T h e w ay i n w h ic h a text is s tru c tu re d m akes a c o n tr ib u tio n to its tc x tu a lity W h e n the
hearer o r reader c a n perceive h o w th e structure o f a text w o rks in o rd e r to c o m m u n ic a te its
message, a n d th e text c o n ta in s w it h in it s u ffic ie n t in d ic a tio n o f its in te rn a l s tru c tu rin g , then
c o m p re h e n s io n o f th e text is greatly facilitated.
The m o s t o b v io u s a n d straig htfo rw ard
m e th o d o f s tr u c tu r in g a text is linearly, b y c h a in in g o ne sentence to a n o th e r, a n d one

para g ra p h to a n o th e r in sequence. S im p le n a rra tiv e texts o fte n ha v e th is k in d o f structure , as
d o p ro ce d u ral texts s u c h as the fo llo w in g recipe for a m a d e ir a cake (fro m http://allrecipes.
co.uk/):
1. Preheat oven to ISO" C / Gas m ark 4.

2. Cream butter and sugar until pale and Huffy. Add in eggs and vanilla gradually until combined. Sift
in flour. Add m ilk until loose - but not runny!
3. Pour batter into a greased 20cm (8 in) baking tin and bake for about 20 to 30 minutes, un til it is
golden a n d firm in the Centre.
T e x tu a lity
Here, the id e n tic a l clause types - im pe ra tive , in d ic a tin g a c o m m a n d o r in s tr u c tio n - together

w ith th e s im p le lin e a r se q u e n c in g o f th e sentences are s u ffic ie n t to in d icate th e steps th at are
to b e fo llo w e d in th is procedure.
M a n y texts, especially o f th e e x p o s ito ry o r persuasive ty pe, d o n o t ha v e th is lin e a r k in d o f
s tr u c tu r in g , b u t rathe r a b ra n c h in g ty pe. B r a n c h in g can b e h ig h ly c o m p le x , lo r e x am ple in a
sc ho larly text o r a p h ilo s o p h ic a l a rg u m e n t, b u t a t its sim plest it involves a to p ic sentence fro m
w h ic h fo llo w in g sentences b ra n c h , as in the fo llo w in g n e w sp a pe r re p o rt {fro m : h ttp://w w w .
g u a r d ia n , co. uk/world/2010/jan/25/cyprus-artefacis-police-foil-plot [accessed 25/0909] ):
111 A u t h o r it ie s in C y p r u s h a v e s m a s h e d a s m u g g lin g r in g , r e c o v e r in g d o 7 e n s o f a n c ie n t a r t e fa c ts it
p la n n e d to s e ll fo r
11
m illio n < f 1 5 5 m ).
(2| In w h a t is b e lie v e d to b e th e la rg e s t a n tiq u itie s th e ft c a s e o f its k in d in C y p r u s s h isto ry, p o lic e

s e iz e d o b je c t s d a t in g b a c k th o u s a n d s o f y e a rs f r o m h o m e s , s to r a g e s h e d s a n d v e h ic le s vv tie re th e y
w e r e b e in g h id d e n .
[ 3 i T h e a r t e fa c ts in c lu d e c o p p e r a n d silv e r c o in s , te r r a c o tta u r n s a n d c la y a n d lim e s to n e fig u r in e s
b e lie v e d to d a te fro m th e c o p p e r a g e to a r o u n d 4 0 0
bc
M l T e n s u s p e c t s w e r e a r r e s te d in r a id s o v e r th e w e e k e n d , a n d a u th o r it ie s a r e s e a r c h in g fo r five
o th e rs .
T h is k in d o f structure is ty pical o f m u c h n e w sp a pe r re p o rtin g . T h e article beg in s w ith a

sentence [1] th a t s u m m a riz e s th e story. T h e fo llo w in g sentences each elaborate o n som e
aspect o f th e story c o n ta in e d in [1]. T h e s eco n d sentence elaborates o n the a c tio n o f the
'a uth o ritie s m e n tio n e d i n |1 |, i n p a r tic u la r th e lo catio n s fr o m w h ic h the sto le n artefacts
w ere recovered. T h e th ir d sentence elaborates o n th e n a tu re o f th e sto le n artefacts, a n d
o n th e ir an tiq u ity . T h e fo u r th sentence, rathe r like the seco n d, elaborates o n the a c tio n s o f
the auth o ritie s, b u t in th is case, b y re p o rtin g the arrests th a t h a d b een m a d e , th e aspect of
s m a s h in g th e s m u g g lin g ring'. Sentences [2] to [4] can, therefore, b e said to b r a n c h fro m
sentence [ 1 ].
M a n y texts c o m b in e lin e a r a n d b ra n c h in g structures in m o r e o r less c o m p le x ways.
N arrative texts m a y n o t fo llo w a c h ro n o lo g ic a l sto ry lin e for all o f th e text, b u t m a y in c lu d e
flashbacks o r o th e r d isju n c tiv e episodes, n o t to m e n tio n passages o f d e s crip tio n o r exposition.
S im ila rly , b a sic a lly b ra n c h in g texts m a y c o n ta in passages in w h ic h the sentences are ch a in e d
in a lin e a r fashion; in d e e d , th is m a y o fte n be th e case w ith in branches. T h e o th e r c o n trib u to r
lo th e textuality o f a text, besides coherence a n d structure , is cohesion.
3.6.3 Cohesion
B y c o m p a r is o n w ith c o he re n ce , w h ic h is a b o u t lh e sense th a l a text m akes, c o h e sio n
c o n c e rn s th e lin g u is tic , s p e c ific a lly g r a m m a tic a l a n d le x ica l, m e a n s th a t are u s e d to jo in
sentences a n d pa ra g ra p h s together. C o h e s io n m a y bc g r a m m a tic a l o r lexical, a n d m o re
o r less ex p licit.
O n e o f th e m o s t explicit w ay s o f m a k in g a cohesive lin k is b y m e a n s o f c o n ju n c tiv e adverbs,

such as however, m oreover, therefore, consequently. These adverbs, w h ic h m a r k logical
c o n n e c tio n , are o fte n used i n a persuasive o r ex p osito ry text th a t is p re se n tin g a closely
a rg ue d case. A n ad v erb s u c h as th e n c o nn e c ts sentences refe rring to successive events i n a
story. T h e ad v erb seq ue nce firs tly , secondly, a n d so o n presents steps in a n a rg u m e n t o r a set
o f in s tru c tio n s .
O th e r fo rm s o f c o h e sio n are less explicit in te rm s o f th e ir lin k a g e a n d m a y also be p a r t o f
the m e a n s o f m a k in g language m o r e e c o n o m ic a l. Such c o h e sio n is ac h ie v e d b y th ir d person
p ro n o u n s . C o n s id e r th e fo llo w in g exam ple: 'S he gave th e m to h im .' Y o u c a n n o t interpret
th is sentence unless yo u k n o w the n o u n s o r n o u n phrases to w h ic h th e p r o n o u n s she, them
a n d h im refer. To f in d o u t w h ic h n o u n s these are, y o u have to refer back in th e text to a
pre v io us sentence w h e re th ey arc iirs t m e n tio n e d . Because ot th is r c ic rrin g back, th ird
p e rs o n p r o n o u n s have a cohesive fu n c tio n : th e y tie sentences together. B u t p r o n o u n s are also
a device o f lin g u istic econ o m y, because th ey save repeating the n o u n o r n o u n phrase over a n d
over again.
A n o th e r device o f c o h e s io n a n d e c o n o m y is ellipsis, w h ic h is a p a rtic u la r feature o f spoken
discourse. E llip sis is th e o m is s io n fr o m a s u b se q u e n t sentence o i a n ite m o r item s co n ta in e d
in so m e sentence o f a discourse o r text. C o n s id e r the fo llo w in g p a ir o f utterances:
- Where d id you put the milk?

- Back In the fridge.
T h e p e rs o n g iv in g th e a n sw er does n o t n e e d to repeat I p u t the m ilk ; because it c a n be

recovered fro m th e qu e s tio n . B u t w h at th is m e a n s is th at yo u can in terpret Back in the frid g e
o n ly b y refe rring b a c k to the pre vio us sentence in the discourse i n o rd e r to s u p p ly th e ellipted
w ords. E llip sis thus also serves as a cohesive device.
T hese types o f c o h e sio n - c o n ju n c tio n (w ith co n ju n c tiv e adverbs), reference (b y m e a n s o f
th ir d pe rso n p r o n o u n s ), ellipsis (w he re w o rd s arc o m itte d ) a rc g ra m m a tic a l dcvices:
th ey in v o lv e th e use o f p a rtic u la r g ra m m a tic a l w o rd s (c o n ju n c tiv e adverbs, p r o n o u n s ) or
structures (ellipsis) to achieve cohesive ties. Le x ical devices in c lu d e th e re p e titio n o f words,
th e use o f s y n o n y m s o r near-synonym s, a n d th e use o f co llocations.
T h e s im p le re p e titio n o f a w o r d acts as a cohesive lin k b etw een one sentence a n d another,
(or in s ta n c e the re p e titio n o f tyre in th e follow ing:
As the tyre burst he almost lost control o f the car. W hen he finally stopped at the side o f the road,
the tyre was in shreds.
In th e fo llo w in g exam ple , c a ll is used as a s y n o n y m o f telephone to fo rm a cohesive lin k :
Unable to u n d o the wheel-nuts, he decided to telephone for assistance. W hen he called the A A ,
they said (hey w ould be with him w ithin the hour.
A c tiv itie s
I n the fo llo w in g exam ple , the c o h e sio n is fo rm e d b y th e use o f casing as a collocate o f tyre;
y o u u n d e rs ta n d w h a t casing is refe rring to in th e s eco n d sentence b y reference b a c k to the
first a n d n otice its re la tio n s h ip to tyre - tyres ha v e casings:
W h e n t h e p a tr o lm a n s a w th e s ta te o t th e tyre , h e s a id th e y w e r e v e r y f o r t u n a t e n o t to h a ve
c r a s h e d T h e c a s in g h a d c o m p le te ly d is in te g r a te d
A ll these cases o f c o h e sio n require th e reader to refer b a c k in th e text, e ith e r literally or

b ecause th ey re m e m b e r w h a t th e y have read o r w h a t ha s been said. It is th is a c tio n o f refer
r in g b a ck w a rd s th at creates the co he sivc tie a n d co ntribu te s to th e texts tcxtuality. W e have
illustrated these lin k s fr o m a d jo in in g sentences, b u t c o h e sio n m a y o pe rate over longer
strctches o f text, as w e ll as betw een paragraphs.
Activities
A c tiv ity 3.1
M a k e a list o f th e tra n sa c tio n a l a n d in te ra c tio n a l texts a n d discourses th a t y o u a) in itiate, as
w rite r o r speaker, a n d b ) receive, as reader o r hearer, in th e ne xt 24 hours.
A c tiv ity 3.2

H o w w o u ld yo u label th e fie ld o f th e fo llo w in g text (fr o m : http://new s.bbc.co.uk/1/ h i/
business/8208775.stm (accessed 19/8/09])? W h a t is y o u r ev id e nce Ir o m th e w o rd s u s e d in
th e te x t?
O a n t a s A ir w a y s h a s p o s te d a la r g e d r o p m its a n n u a l p ro fits. a s <t c o n tin u e s t o s t r u g g le w it h th e

e c o n o m ic d o w n tu r n T h e A u s t r a lia n a ir lin e s a :d n e t in c o m e f o r y e a r to 3 0 J u n e fe ll 8 8 % t o 1 1 7 m
A u s t r a lia n d o lla r s ! 1 9 6 .5 m . W f.5 m ). Q a m a s a ls o a n n o u n c e d A S l t>bn o f fu r th e r c o s t - c u t t in g m e a
s u r e s . h e lp in g s e n d th e c o m p a n y 's s h a r e s u p b y S % . T h e re h a s n e v e r b e e n a m o r e v o la tile a n d
c h a lle n g in g lim e f o r the w o r ld s a w a tio n in d u s tr y .' Q a n ta s c h ie f e * e c u tiv e A la n Jo y c e said .
A c tiv ity 3.3

W h a t is th e d o m in a n t fu n c tio n in ih e fo llo w in g text (fro m Q & A : L ife i n a harsh jo b s
m a rk e t http://ne w s.b b c.co .n k/l/hi/e du ciitio n /8 068 98 7.stm |accessed 1 1 / 1 1 / 0 9 ) ) ? W h a t other
fu n c tio n a l types o f text c a n yo u observe?
H o w c a n y o u n g p e o p le im p r o v e th e ir j o b p ro s p e c ts ?
G r a d u a te * a n d s c h o o l-le a v e r s w ill u n d o u b te d ly h a v e to w o r k h a rd e r to g e t th e m se fve s in to

e m p lo y m e n t th is year.
A d a m H a le , c h a ir m a n o f th e te c h n o lo g y le a d e r s h ip g r o u p a t th e P rin c e 's Trust, s a y s jo b - s e e k e r s m u s t
b e d is tin c tiv e a n d p r o a c tiv e a n d m u s t c o m m u n ic a te w e ll
'H a v in g d o n e th in g s l h a l a r e a little b it d iffe re n t, h a v in g m a d e m a x im u m u se o f y o u r t im e are ail
im p o r ta n t - d o lo ts o f t h in g s t h a t m a k e y o u d istin ctive ,* h e says.
T h in k a b o u t w h ic h a r e a s y o u w o u ld lik e to w o r k in - w r ite t o th e m , c a ll th e m , s e e k t h e m o u t ra th e r
th a n w a it f o r o p p o r t u n it ie s to c o m e to y o u .
'A n d c o m m u n ic a te w e ll - t h in k a b o u t w h a t y o u s a y b e fo re y o u s a y it. Lis te n - a s k p r o b in g q u e s tio n s
in re sp o n s e to w h a t s b e e n said."
H e a ls o s u g g e s t s v id e o in g a m o c k in te rv ie w w it h a frie n d o r f a m ily m e m b e r to b o o s t se lfaw a re n e ss
'It's a n e x p e r ie n c e th a t ta k e s e v e ry o n e o u t o f th e ir c o m f o r t z o n e .
T h e c h ie f e x e c u tiv e o f th e H ig h e r E d u c a t io n C a r e e r s S e rv ic e s , M ik e H ill. say *. T h e re a r e h u n d r e d s o f
d iffe re n t p r o fe s s io n s . P e o p le n e e d to c a s t th e ir n e ts w id e r , lo o k a t p r o fe s s io n s re la te d to th e ir field
a n d ta k e c a re e rs a d v ic e .
A ctiv ity 3.4.1

Listen to a n o rd in a r y c o n v e rsa tio n in y o u r fa m ily o r a m o n g y o u r frie n ds, a n d th e n listen to a
c h a t s h o w o r in te rv ie w o n th e r a d io o r television. W h a t are th e differences in th e tu rn - ta k in g
procedures, fo r e x am ple m o re dire c t n o m in a tio n in interview s?
A ctiv ity 3.4.3

I f y o u ca n , record a n o rd in a r y co nversation. A lternatively, re c o rd a chat sh o w o r discussion
p r o g r a m m e fr o m th e rad io . M a k e a list o f th e topics covered in th e co nversation. N ote how
the tra n s itio n is m a d e fr o m o n e to p ic to the next. A n d h o w is the c o n v e rsa tio n even tually
b ro u g h t to a close?
A c tiv ity 3.5

Suggest an analy sis a n d in te rp re ta tio n o l th e fo llo w in g m u ltim o d a l text:
A c tiv itie s
A c tiv ity 3.6.2

D e te r m in e a n d describ e th e s tru c tu re o f th e fo llo w in g text (fro m W ik ip e d ia e n try for lorry
(http://e n .w ik ipe dia.org/w iki/L o rry ):
T ru c k s c o n tr ib u te to a ir. n o is e , a m ) w a t e r p o llu t io n s im ila r ly to a u to m o b ile s . Tru cks m a y e m it lo w e r

a n p o llu t io n e m is s io n s t h a n c a r s p e r p o u n d o l v e h ic le m a s s , a lt h o u g h th e a b s o lu te le v e l p e r v e h ic le
m ile tra v e le d is h ig h e r, a n d d ie se l p a rt ic u la te m a tte r is e s p e c ia lly p r o b le m a tic (o r h e a lt h . W it h re sp e c t
t o n o is e p o llu tio n , t r u c k s e m it c o n s id e r a b ly h ig h e r s o u n d le v e ls a t all s p e e d s c o m p a r e d t o a ty p ic a l
c a r ; th is c o n tr a s t is p a rt ic u la r ly s tr o n g w it h h e a v y -d u ty tr u c k s . T h e re are se v e ra l a s p e c t s o ( tru c k
o p e r a t io n s th a t c o n tr ib u te to th e o v e ra ll s o u n d t h a t is e m itte d . C o n t in u o u s s o u n d s a r e th o se fro m
tire s r o llin g o n th e ro a d w a y , a n d th e c o n s t a n t h u m o f th e ir d ie s e l e n g in e s a t h ig h w a y s p e e d s , l e s s
fre o u e n t n o is e s , b u t p e r h a p s m o re n o tic e a b le , a r e t h in g s lik e t h e re p e a te d s h a r p -p itc h e d w h is t le o l
a t u r b o c h a r g e r o n a c c e le r a tio n , o r th e a b r u p t b la r e o f a n e x h a u s t b r a k e re tard e w h e n g o in g
d o w n h ill
A c tiv ity 3.6.3

Take a ne w s article a n d a n ed ito ria l fr o m a new spaper. I n b o th texts, e x a m in e every sentence
a lte r th e first o n e a n d d e te rm in e h o w it is lin k e d cohesively w ith the p re v io u s sentence. Is the
c o h e s io n g ra m m a tic a l or lexical?
D o e s th e n e w s article o r th e e d ito ria l have th e tigh te r c o he sion ? G r a m m a tic a l cohesion
is g en e ra lly lig h te r th a n lexical, a n d e x p lic it lin k s (w ith c o n ju n c tiv e ad verb s) are tighter
th a n c o h e sio n b y m e a n s o f p r o n o u n s o r ellipsis. G en e ra lly , th e m o r e ex p lic it a n d ov e rt the
c o h e sio n , the m o r e tig h tly stru c tu re d a text appears to bc.
S u g g e ste d to p ic s fo r in ve stigatin g discourses a n d texts:
1. Record a naturally occurring conversation or a chat show from the radio. Observe how the
conversation is managed: dues someone allocate the turns and d o they d o it in an obvious way or
by im plication? How d o transitions between speakers occur: what are the linguistic clues? How is
the conversation structured: what topics arc talked about and how d o the participants move o n from
one topic to another?
2. Take two different types o f text, such as a newspaper editorial and an extract from a novel.
Examine the cohesive devices used in the two texts and make a comparison. Does one use more
grammatical types o f cohesion? W h a t use is m ade o f pronouns?
3. lake a short story as an example o f a narrative text and the Highway Code as an example o f
an instructive text. Com pare them for linguistic features that reficct their text type and purpose,
such as tense o f verbs, types o f Adverbials, use o f subordinate clauses, modal verbs, adjectives, and
the like.
Further reading________________________________
A s a n i n t r o d u c t io n t h a t p r e s e n ts a v a i i e t y o f a p p r o a c h e s t o d is c o u r s e a n a ly s is , l o o k at I'a lt r id g e (201)6). G e e (2 0 0 5 )
p r o p o s e s a g e n e r a l d is c u s s io n t o g e th e r w i t h a m e t h o d o f a n a ly s is , as d o e s M a r t in a n d R o s e (2 0 0 7 ) i n a r a th e r
in n o v a t iv e w a y b y t a k i n g te x ts f r o m t h e t r u t h a n d r e c o n c ilia tio n p ro c e ss i n S o u t h A f r i c a
T li e s t a n d a r d w o r k o n c o h e s io n i n h n g l i s h is H a llid a y a n d H a s a n (1 9 7 6 ), b u t a g o o d i n t r o d u c t io n t o t h is a re a is S alk ie
(1 9 9 5 ).
F o r a t r e a tm e n t o f h o w t o a n a ly s e o r d i n a r y c o n v e r s a tio n , see E g g in s a n d S la d e (2 0 0 3 1 a n d T e n H a v e (2 0 0 7 )
M o re
w id e - r a n g in g i n it s c h o ic e o f d is c o u r s e s a n d te x ts t o a n a ly s e is W e b s te r (2 0 0 5 )
Fktr m u lt i m o d a l texts, a g o o d p la c e t o s t a r t is G o o d m a n e t a l. ( 2 0 0 7 ) , w h i c h ta k e s a h is t o r ic a l p e rs p e c tiv e
in t r o d u c t io n s a r e B a ld r y a n d T h i b a u l t ( 2 0 0 3 ) , O 'H a l l o r a n (2 0 0 6 ) a n d K ress (2 0 0 9 ).
U p t o date
Language Change
Chapter Outline
4 .1
P re -h is to ry o f E n g lish
103
4 .2 O ld E n g lis h / A n g lo -S a x o n
109
4 .3 M id d le E n g lis h
115
4 . 4 M o d e rn E n g lish
119
4 .5 T y p e s o f la n g u a g e c h a n g e
124
A c tiv itie s
130
135
135
A s lo n g as a language ha s liv in g speakers (as d o m o r e th a n 6000 languages i n the w orld

today), th e n it is s u b je c t to chang e a n d d e v e lo p m e n t over tim e . For lin g u is tic study, there are
tw o aspects to this. T h e lirst concerns th e fo rm a l, s tru c tu ra l changes in th e a c tu a l usage o t the
language, as far as these his to rica l patte rns can h e d e d u c e d fro m th e ran g e o f evidence av a il
able. T h e s eco n d aspect is co n c e rn e d w ith the attitu d e o f pe o ple th r o u g h o u t his to ry towards
the la n g u ag e lh a t th ey a n d th e ir ancestors spoke.
B o th o f these aspects are im p o r t a n t for a th o r o u g h a c c o u n t o f th e h is to ry o f English.
C h a n g e s in th e fo rm a l p a tte rn o f E n g lis h have o tte n pro v o k e d stro n g reactions a m o n g users
o f the la n gu ag e . A n d those reactions have o fte n also h a d an effect o n th e shape o f th e la n
guage as it ha s c o m e d o w n to us. It is therefore necessary to co nside r together b o th the actual
cha n g es a n d th e attitudes to change. T h is is the o rie n ta tio n o f th is chapter.
4.1 Pre-history of English

T h e la n g u ag e o f E n g lis h , as d is tin c t fr o m its related G e r m a n ic languages, has b e e n a r o u n d for
a b o u t 1500 years. T h e la n g u ag e o f th e A n g le s (Englisc) h a d its roots i n th e W est G e r m a n
C h a p te r 4
Lan gu age Change
c o m m u n itie s w h ic h in v a d e d th e B ritish Isles alter the R o m a n o c c u p y in g a r m y h a d left (by

a b o u t th e year 400).
A p a rt fro m th e last 10 0 years, since re c o rd in g e q u ip m e n t ha s e n ab le d lin g u is ts to hear
exactly h o w th e language is s p o k e n , o u r n o t io n o f E n g lis h speech o f the p a st 1500 years
has largely been d e riv e d lr o m d o c u m e n ta r y sources. L ite rary texts, w ith pa tte rn e d rhym e,
r h y th m o r a llite ra tio n , are very us e fu l sources o f evidence. T h e lin g u is t c a n also b e he lp e d by
c o n te m p o ra ry g r a m m a r b ooks, treatises o n rh e to ric o r reflections o n th e speech o f others
across the c o u n try or in c o m p a r is o n w ith foreigners. T h u s, poetry, travel ac c o u n ts, prayers,
se rm o n s, saints lives, ch u rc h c o u rt records a n d chron icle s c a n all pro v id e clues to the state o f
the sp o k e n la n g u ag e o l th e past. U s in g a few prin c ip le s o l la n g u ag e s o u n d cha n g es a n d these
sources o f data, th e process o f detective w o rk can extrapolate back w ard s to th e tim e s from
w h ic h there arc few s u r v iv in g w ritte n records.
It is also possible to c o m p ile an id e a o f th e languag es th a t were a r o u n d before even the
earliest d o c u m e n ta ry m a n u s c rip ts . F o r exam ple , i f th e w o rd for a c o m m o n o b je c t is sim ila r
in tw o d is ta n t la n g u ag e s across th e w o rld , th e n it is lik e ly th a l th e tw o languag es share a
c o m m o n ancestry a n d a c o m m o n ro o t w o rd i n a n o ld e r language. S u c h related w o rd s are
c a lled c o g n a te w ords, a n d cognates arc th e ke y to th e r e c o n s tru c tio n o f o ld , un rec o rd e d
languages. For exam ple , th e E n g lis h w o r d star ha s cognates in L a tin ( Stella) , G re e k (aster),
A r m e n ia n (a s tl) a n d S an skrit (sir-), a m o n g m a n y oth e r languages, sug gesting th at th is w ord
b e lo n g e d to the vo c ab u la ry o f th e su p p o s e d ancesto r la n gu ag e , Proto-Indo-E uropean.
C a n y o u t h in k o l a n y s e t s o f c o g n a t e w o r d s ? W a k e a list.
4.1.1 The e a rlie st language

It is n o t k n o w n w h ethe r la n g u ag e o r ig in a lly d eve lo pe d close to th e em ergence o f h u m a n ity
in East A fric a a n d th e M id d le East, sp re a d in g w ith th e m ig r a tio n o f pe o ple across th e world,
a n d d iv e rg in g in to regional o r trib a l v a ria tio n s to fo r m d iffe re n t languages. O r pe rh a p s the
a b ility to use la n g u ag e deve lo pe d a lm o s t s im u lta n e o u s ly a m o n g d iffe re n t g ro u p s o f h u m a n s ,
a n d diffe ren t languag es em erged ov e r th e centuries. It is u n lik e ly th at w e w ill ever k n o w the
answ er to this, a n d all o f th e earliest fo rm s o l sp o k e n la n g u ag e are lost to us.
How ever, o rig in s c a n b e traced b a c k in t o th e relatively recent past. M o d e r n languages
w h ic h sh o w s im ila ritie s arc g ro u p e d in to language ia m ilics such as ih c M alayo-P olyncsian
languages o f th e Pacific, o r th e D r a v id ia n languag es o f s o u th e rn In d ia , o r S e m itic , Japanese,
S ino- T ibetan a n d In d o - E u ro p e a n . M a n y o f th e m o d e r n languag es o f E u ro p e b e lo n g to the
In d o - E u ro p e a n g ro u p o f languages. T h e d ia g ra m (F ig ure 4.1) show s th e In do - E u ro pe an
Figure 4.1
The
ir x k ) - E u r o p * a n
fa m ily
Easlem le n a ti* ^
P re h is to ry o f E n g lis h
105
C h a p te r 4
Lan gu age Change
g ro u p as a family-tree, w h ic h is the m o s t c o m m o n fo r m o f p re se n ta tio n i n lin g uistic

text-books.
A s y o u can see (fro m F igu re 4.1), E n g lis h b e lo n g s to th e W est G e r m a n ic g r o u p o f
languages, a b ra n c h w h ic h also in c lu d e s H ig h a n d L o w G e r m a n , Y id d is h , D u tc h , Flem ish
a n d Frisian. These arc closely related to G o th ic , Ic e lan dic, N o rw e g ia n , D a n is h a n d Sw edish.
O n a n o th e r b ra n c h , C e ltic languag es in c lu d e S co ttish a n d Irish G a elic, a n d W e ls h . The
Ita lic b ra n c h in c lu d e s L a tin , a n d its varieties o l Portuguese, S p a n ish , F ren ch , Ita lia n a n d
R o m a n ia n . G re e k b e lo n g s to the H e llen ic line, f u rth e r d is ta n t relations o f E n g lis h include
P olish , R u s s ia n , Persian, S an skrit a n d its d e riv a tio n s H in d i, P an jab i a n d Bengali.
T h e fa m ily tree' m e ta p h o r, how ever, c a n b e very m is le a d in g . It im p lie s th at o n e languageabove a n o th e r o n the d ia g ra m pre-dates th e s eco n d la n g u ag e a n d gave w a y to it. w h ic h is not
necessarily th e case. T h e d ia g ra m d o c s n o t present c o n te m p o ra n e o u s pe rio ds a t th e same
level as does a fa m ily tree. M oreover, th e neat lines a n d bran c h e s im p ly a neat progression
fr o m o ne la n g u ag e in to th e next. I n reality, as w ill b e e v id e n t fr o m th is chapter, lin g uistic
c h a n g e is ofte n a m essy business, w ith diffe ren t levels o f the language, areas o f th e c o u n try
a n d g ro up s o f speakers c h a n g in g features at d iffe rin g rates. A lso, languages low er d o w n the
tree d o n o t alw ays replace those above: h ig h G e r m a n co-cxists w ith D u tc h in E u ro p e today,
for exam ple.
Finally, it w o u ld be w r o n g to assu m e the direct d e v e lo p m e n t fro m p a re n t languages that
the fa m ily tree suggests. I n the case o f E n g lis h , fo r exam ple , th e basis is G e r m a n ic , b u t the
la n g u ag e sta n ds as it does to d a y w ith stro n g influences fr o m , a m o n g m a n y others, D a n is h ,
French, L a tin , G re ek , G a elic, a n d recently H in d i a n d B en gali. Perhaps lin e s s h o u ld b c d ra w n
across the fa m ily tree to s h o w th at E n g lis h is G e r m a n ic o n ly in o rig in ? A n d th is is w ith o u t
a c c o u n tin g fo r in flu e n c e s fr o m n o n - In d o - E u ro p e an languag es o n A m e r ic a n E n g lis h , In d ia n
E n g lis h , A u s tra lia n E n g lis h a n d th e v a r io u s A fr ic a n Englishes. M a n y o f these in flu e n c e s w ill
be discussed later.
T h e u n ify in g ease lo r a n In d o - E u ro p e a n g ro u p o f languag es em erged at the b e g in n in g ol
the n in e te e n th c e n tu r y w h e n lin g u is ts no tic e d s im ila ritie s b etw een E u ro p e an languag es a n d
Sanskrit, th e a n c ie n t la n g u ag e o f In d ia . V e ry c o m m o n w o rd s s ho w e d th e m o s t s im ila rity :
fa th e r (E n g lish ), vater ( G e r m a n ) ,p a le r (G re ek) a n d p ita r (S a n s k rit). Ja k o b G r im m (th e fa iry
tale w rite r a n d lin g u is t) sho w e d h o w va rio u s s o u n d changes across these languages operated
o n a re g ula r a n d predictable pa tte rn . W o r d s o rig in a lly w ith /p /, /t/, I k / altered to /f/. / /, / h/
in th e G e r m a n ic languages. L a tin a n d G re e k retain ed the olde r voiceless sto ps in w o rd s like
piscis (fis h ), tres (thre e) a n d c e ntum (w ith a h a r d I k ! ) (h u n d r e d ). Further, the s o u n d s I b l , / d/,
/g / c h a n g e d reg ularly in th e G e r m a n ic languag es to I p l , III, /k /. T h is s u p p o rte d th e case
th at th e re w as a c o m m o n language, o r set o f closely related dialects, w h ic h is called IndoE uro pe an .
It is e stim ated th at th e p r im a r y b ra n c h e s (C e ltic , In d o - Ira n ia n , a n d so o n ) o f IndoE u ro p e a n were b e c o m in g establish ed in d e p e n d e n tly o f each o th e r b y a r o u n d 3 0 0 0 b c .
A rch aeo lo gical a n d reconstructed lin g u istic e v id e nce d ra w s a p ic tu re o f a settled, ag ric u ltura l
P re -h is to ry o f E n g lis h
people. T e chn olo g y was a l th e stage o f u s in g c o p p e r as a m a te ria l, a n d tools a n d im p le m e n ts

w ere u s e d i n subsistence fa rm in g . C o m m o n co gn ate w o rd s across va rio u s languag es for
snow , w inter, o a k , beech, p in e , Jeer, rabbit, bee a n d m a n y m o re p u l th e In do - E u ro pe an
h o m e la n d i n tem p erate central-eastern E u ro p e . T h is is reinforced b y th e la c k o f c o m m o n
w o rd s lo r objects th a t w o u ld have b een e n co u n te re d a n d lexicalized later b y m ig ra tin g
people: e lephant, rice, crocodile, m o n ke y a n d so on .
T h e existence o f cognates a n d th e predictive p o w e r o f sound- change patte rns allow e d
lin g uists lo reconstruct a d ic tio n a r y o f In d o - E u ro p e a n , a n d even a (m o r e h y p o th e tic a l)
g ra m m a r. How ever, it is s till un c le ar w h e th e r P ro to - In do - E uro pe a n w as ever a sin g le la n
g uage o f a co he re nt speech c o m m u n ity , a n d it ha s even b e e n suggested th at it was o rig in a lly
a p id g in th a t a llo w e d c o m m u n ic a tio n b etw een n o m a d ic peoples, a n d w h ic h s ub se qu en tly
d ev e lo pe d in t o va rio u s fu lly realized native languages.
4.1 .2 E arly C e ltic la n g u a g e s in th e British Isles

It is u n lik e ly th a t th is v e rs io n o f In d o - E u ro p e a n w as ever s p o k e n i n the B ritish Isles, th e w ild ,
fa r- flun g a n d b a ck w a rd islands o n th e edge o f th e c o n tin e n t, w h e re the Stone A g e lasted u n til
as late as 20 00 b o . The la n g u ag e o f these n e o lith ic c o m m u n itie s is lo s t, a part fro m som e
s p e c u la tio n th a t th e la n g u ag e o f th e Basques in n o r th e r n S p a in is a re m n a n t o f it.
C e ltic speakers spread in to th e British Isles fr o m 1500 b c , a n d e v e n tu a lly dis p la c e d all
trace o f the nativ e languages. T h e first wave ca m e fro m n o r th e r n E u ro p e a n d th e ir Brythonic
d ia le ct w as s p o k e n w h erev er these B ry th o n s settled o n th e m a in la n d . T h is d ia le c t is n o w
u s u a lly c a lled Britan n ic C e ltic , a n d the B rito n s are th e ancestral speakers o f later C o rn is h ,
W e ls h , B reton a n d P ictish. Later, G oidelic C e lts left s o u th e rn France a n d settled in Ireland,
a n d th e ir dialect o f C e ltic ca m e to be c alled G aelic, II is th e ancesto r o f Ir is h G a e lic , M a n x ,
a n d o f Scots G a e lic after a C eltic- spe ak ing c o m m u n ity c a lled th e S co tti left Ire la n d a n d
settled in th e n o r th e r n m a in la n d , thereafter called Sco tlan d .
Traces o f th e C e ltic p e r io d o f B ritis h h is to ry re m a in to d a y in th o s e p a rts o f th e islands
th at w ere the last to be in flu e n c e d b y th e later R o m a n , G e r m a n ic a n d F re n ch in v a sio n s: the
fa r n o r th a n d fa r west. G e o g ra p h ic a l te rm s fr o m C e ltic la n g u ag e s fill th e la n d sc ap e s o f
S c o tla n d . Ire la n d , N o r th e r n E n g la n d . W a le s a n d C o rn w a ll. T h e h i l l (fo r) a t T orquay, churches
(//m i) in L la n d u d n o a n d L la n g o lle n , h o m e s te a d s (frr) a t T redegar a n d Tralee, th e river
e stu a ry (a b e r) a t A b e rg a v e n n y a n d A b e rd e e n , th e h ig h fo rts ( d u n / d u m ) o f D u n d e e a n d
D u m frie s , hill- to ps (pe n) a t P e n d le a n d
Pen-y-ghent, d eep valley s (cw m /coo m b e ) in
C w m b r a n a n d B a b b a c o m b e , a ll these keep th e ir C e ltic o rig in s . T h e h a r d / k / o f K e n t is one

o f th e few traces th a t it w as o nc e a C e ltic k in g d o m . T h e m a jo r B ritis h rivers o fte n have
n a m e s c o rr u p te d fr o m th e C e ltic: th e Tamesa (T h a m e s ) still flo w s th r o u g h L o n d o n , the
T rin a n to n (T rent) crosses th e E ast M id la n d s th r o u g h N o tt in g h a m , a n d th e Tisa (Tees) still
characterizes th e la n d s c a p e o f Teesdale. T h e rivers Esk, Exe, Usk a n d A vo n are them selves
w o rd s m e a n in g river'.
C h a p te r 4
Lan gu age Change
4.1.3 The effe ct o f the Rom ans

T h e lin g u istic la n d s c a p e o f B r ita in beg an to chang e w ith 4 0 0 years o f R o m a n o c c u p a tio n .
Julius C a e sa rs in itia l raid s a r o u n d 55
b c
w ere a lm o s t co m p le te m ilit a r y disasters, but
C la u d iu s ' in v a s io n o f a d 4 3 established a R o m a n o c c u p y in g force, w hose a d m in istra to rs

spoke L a tin , a n d w hose a r m y c o m p ris e d L atin-speaking soldiers a n d a u x ilia ry troops
s p e a k in g a v a rie ty o f c o n te m p o ra ry E u ro p e an languages.
I n the fo llow in g fo u r centuries, C eltic B rita in b ecam e R o m a n iz e d , th o u g h th is o c c u p a tio n is
u n u s u a l in th at the effects were largely architectural a n d ad m in istrative rather th a n linguistic.
T he re is n o evidence th at th e m ass o f th e p o p u la tio n ever c a m e to s p e a k L a tin , even as a p o o r
s e c o n d la n gu ag e . It seem s th at th e R o m a n s were c o n c e rn e d to ke ep th e ir c u ltu ra l kno w led g e
to themselves. Latin w as th e language o f c o n tro l a n d g o v e rn m e n t. T h e te c h n o lo g y o f systematic
battle-plans, th e ge o m e tric a lly precise a n d well-built road n e tw o rk , fortresses a n d defences
especially in th e n o r th , w h ic h r e m a in e d a m ilita r iz e d zo n e , a ll represented co n tro l as well. It
is sig n ific a n t that, afte r th e R o m a n a r m y left in 410, the B rito n s were u n a b le o r u n w illin g to
m a in ta in the m a s o n r y o f th e villas, baths a n d te m p les. T h e roads fell in to disrepair, a n d b u ild
ings were lo o te d for th e ir stone. N e w villages deve lo pe d beside o ld R o m a n tow ns. It seems
th at R o m a n k n o w le d g e a n d cu ltu re were lost w ith th e dep artu re o f th e o c c u p y in g force; onelater p o e m describes th e r e m a in s o f the R o m a n s as 'the w o r k o f giants.
T h e m a in effect o f British R o m a n iz a tio n w as i n the establish m e n t o f w h a t e v e n tu a lly came
to be seen as a n in d ig e n o u s C h r is tia n re ligion . T h o u g h C eltic- spe ak ing Irish m o n k s a n d
m issio n a rie s spread th e C h r is tia n m essage i n th e n o rth , th ey were largely a b le to d o so
because o f th e sta b ility th e R o m a n a d m in is tra tio n p ro v id e d in th e s o u th . R o m a n d o m in a n c e
was en c o u ra g e d (a n d illu strate d ) b y the d e c isio n o f th e W h it b y S y n o d ( in
a d
664) to fo llow
R o m a n c u s to m s in m o n a s tic ru le a n d ecclesiology. T h e C h u r c h w as left w ith L a tin as its m a in

c e re m o n ia l a n d o rg a n iza tio n a l language. E ven Bede's later (e ig h th c e n tu ry ) Ecclesiastical
H istory o j the English People w as w ritte n in L a tin ( H isto ria Ecclesiastica G c n tis A n g lo rtim ).
H ow ever, L a tin dis a p p e a re d as a v e rn a c u la r a n d secu lar la n g u ag e in B ritain w h e n the R o m a n
a rm y w ithdrew .
4.1.4 The G erm anic influence

It is Bede w h o gives an a c c o u n t o l th e first G e r m a n ic in va sion s in to th e east o f B rita in in 449.
O v e r th e fo llo w in g tw o c e nturie s, g ro u p s fro m w h at is n o w H o lla n d , n o r th e r n G e r m a n y a n d
D e n m a r k settled a lo n g th e east c o ast a n d river estuaries o f B rita in , w here th e la n dscape o f the
c o u n try m a d e it especially easy to in v a d e a n d settle. These gro ups, th e Jutes, A n g le s, Saxons
a n d Frisians, spo ke va rio u s regional dialects o f W est G e r m a n ic , a n d th ey b ro u g h t their
la n g u ag e to th e respective areas in w h ic h th e y settled.
A t first, th e C e ltic B rito n s c a lle d a ll th e in v a d e rs Saxons', s in c e it w as th is g r o u p th at
b e g a n th e s e ttle m e n ts , e ven i n the last years o f th e R o m a n o c c u p a tio n . T h e Saxons
Old English/Anglo-Saxon
larg ely dro ve B rito n s o f f la n d a lo n g th e s o u th co ast, e s ta b lis h in g th e ir o w n o ccu p an c y .
V a rio u s resistance efforts, in c lu d in g a te m p o r a r ily successful o n e le d b y a R o m a n iz e d C elt
c a lle d A r th u r, w ere o verco m e b y th e G e r m a n ic in va d e rs s u p e r io r n u m b e r s a n d w ar
te c h n o lo g y , a n d b y greater a n d m o r e recent e x perience o f resistance to th e R o m a n s o n
th e c o n tin e n t.
T h e Jutes c la im e d m o s t o f th e south-east, a n d the A n g le s th o s e p a rts o f th e east coast
lu r th e r to th e n o r th (re ta in e d in the n a m e Hast A n g lia ). Later, th e G e r m a n ic settlers were
c h a ra cte rize d g en e ra lly as A n g le s, a n d
th e ir la n g u ag e collectively k n o w n as F.nglisc
(p r o n o u n c e d as th e m o d e r n w o rd ). S e ttle m e n t o f the south-eastern h a lf o f w h a t b y 1000

w a s b e in g c a lled E n g le la n d w as so c o m p le te th a t th e G e r m a n ic speakers c o u ld e ven refer
to th e native B rito n s as wealas (e v e n tu a lly Welsh), m e a n in g 'foreigners'!
T h e p ic tu re b y 700 is o f a d iv id e d B rita in . G en e ra lly , th e C e ltic B rito n s were d r iv e n o u t to
Ire la n d , B rittany a n d the n o r th a n d west o f m a in la n d B ritain. T h e m id la n d s , east a n d so u th
were c o lo n iz e d b y W e s t G e r m a n ic speakers. Specifically, these g ro u p s spo ke dialects o f
A n g lo - S a x o n , d e p e n d in g o n w here o n th e c o n tin e n t th ey h a d c o m e tro m . W est S ax o n was
s p o k e n across th e so u th ( in W essex a n d Sussex). K e n tish w as s p o k e n w here th e Jutes h a d
settled. N o r th o f th e T ham es, th e A n g lia n dialects o f M e rc ia n a n d N o r th u m b r ia n d o m in a te d .
It is fr o m th is tim e th a t d o c u m e n ta ry e v id e nce survives, a n d th e dialects are su fficie n tly
s im ila r to be co n sid e re d as c o m p r is in g a n E n g lis h language.
4.2 Old English/Anglo-Saxon

T ra d itio n a lly , lin g u is tic s ha s been c o n c e rn e d to present its e lf as a s c ie n tific d is c ip lin e , a n d
so it ha s d e p lo y e d a ll th e p a r a p h e r n a lia o f o b je c tiv ity a n d precise c a te g o riza tio n . The
E n g lis h la n g u ag e is th u s reg ard e d as a n o b je c t in its o w n r ig h t, g ra d u a lly b u t re g u la rly
c h a n g in g o v e r tim e , w ith a ll th e c ha n g es b e in g e x p la in a b le . S o O l d E n g lis h is s a id to
h a v e existed fr o m th e fifth c e n tu r y to 1100, M id d le E n g lis h u n til 1500, a n d th e n th e early
( u n til 1650) a n d late p e r io d s o f M o d e r n E n g lis h . M o re recently, th e in c rea se d e m p h a s is
o n s o c io lin g u is tic s (see C h a p te r 6 ) a n d aw areness o f th e id e o lo g ic a l b a sis o f e ven scie n tific
d isc o u rse ha v e c h a n g e d th e w a y la n g u a g e h is to r y is p e rce ived . S pe ech c o m m u n itie s are
m o r e im p o r t a n t th a n c o u rts; classes a rc m o r e s ig n ific a n t th a n k in g s ; w a r a n d disease
a n d m ig r a tio n affect la n g u ag e m o r e th a n p o litic s doe s. N o t o n ly do e s th is m a k e his to rica l
la n g u a g e s tu d y m o r e c o m p le x , b u t it also m e a n s th a t there is a v a rie ty o f possible
e x p la n a tio n s fo r s p e c ific chan g es. T h e rest o f th is ch a p te r, for th e sake o f clarity, w ill
firs t p re se n t a n o v e rv ie w o f cha n g es i n E n g lis h , fo llo w e d b y d is c u s s io n o f s o m e o f the
issues in v o lv e d .
T h e G e r m a n ic dialects s p o k e n b y the settlers varied m a in ly in th e ir w o rd- endings
(in fle c tio n s ) a n d in th e vow els u s e d in th e m id d le o f w ords. O v e r tim e , these differences
109
1 1 0
C h a p te r 4
Lan gu age Change
d isa pp ea red , th o u g h th e v a ria tio n s b etw een M id d le E n g lis h dialects can b e traced b a c k to
th e o r ig in a l differences in A nglo-Saxon.
4.2.1 C a se system
In c o n tra s t to M o d e r n E n g lis h , A n g lo - S a x o n w as a case la n gu ag e . W h e r e M o d e r n E n g lis h
uses w o rd - orde r a n d p r e p o s itio n s to in d ic a te th e f u n c tio n o f w o rd s (e.g. s ub jec t, o bject,
a n d s o o n ) in a sentence , A n g lo - S a x o n used in f le c t io n s (see also S e c tio n 2.2.2 fo r a
r e m in d e r o n th is ). In fle c tio n s are s u ffix e s th a t id e n tify th e case o f th e n o u n , w h e th e r
sub jec t, o b je c t, possessive o r in d ir e c t o b je c t/in s tru m e n t. T h e cases asso ciated w ith these
fu n c tio n s are k n o w n respectively as th e n o m in a tiv e , accusative, g e n itiv e a n d d ative cases.
A ll n o u n s h a d to ha v e th e r ig h t o ne o f th e fo u r po ssib le case e n d in g s . A d d itio n a lly ,
A n g lo - S a x o n n o u n s h a d th re e g ra m m a tic a l genders: m a s c u lin e , fe m in in e a n d neuter. A n d
(as in M o d e r n E n g lis h ) it d iffe re n tia te d s in g u la r a n d p lu r a l. N o u n s c o u ld th u s have
24 (4x 3x 2 ) p o s sib le p e r m u ta tio n s , th o u g h in p ra c tic e several o f th e p e r m u ta tio n s h a p p e n
to have th e sam e in fle c tio n a l e n d in g , m a k in g the d e c le n s io n ta b le less c o m p le x th a n
it m ig h t at first appear.
A d jective s h a d to agree in fo rm w ith the n o u n s th ey q u a lifie d for case, g e n d e r a n d n u m
ber. as d id d e fin ite articles. T h u s, in th e sentence, Se e a ld a cy n in g d ip p e a g o d a n cwene (the
o ld k in g kisses th e g o o d qu e e n ), the A ng lo - S ax on d e fin ite article se (fo r the), the adjective
e n d in g o f e a ld a a n d the zero -inflectio n (n o suffix ) o n c y n in g in d ic a te th at it is th e k in g d o in g
th e kissing , ra th e r th a n th e qu e e n . T h e in fle ctio n s for a (the), g o d a n a n d cwene, all in the
accusative, in d ic a te th a t it is the qu e e n th a t is the obje ct o f the kissing.
T h e tables b elo w sh o w th e dec le n sio n s (th a t is, the possible p e rm u ta tio n s ) for th e words
in $e e a ld a cyning clippe a g o d a n cwene. E ve ry n oun- ph rase m u s t agree g ra m m a tic a lly (i.e.
be in th e s a m e case, n u m b e r a n d gender).
Nouns
Masculine
king
Fem inine
queen
Neuter
S in g u la r
N om inative
cyning
oven
Accusative
cyning
cwene
bcarn
beam
Genitive
cyninges
cwene
bearnes
Dative
cyninge
cwene
bcarnc
P lural
Norn.
cyningas
ewena
Acc.
cyningas
cwena
beam
bcarn
Gen.
cyninga
cwena
bearna
Dat.
cyningum
cwenum
bearnum
child
O ld E n g lis h / A n g lo -S a x o n
A d j e c t i v e s ( w h e n w i t h a n a r t ic l e t h e j : o l d a n d g o o d
M a sc u lin e
F e m in in e
N euter
Nom .
ealda! goda
ealde/god e
ealde/gode
Acc.
ealdan/godan
ealdaii/o</d/i
ealde/gode
Gen.
ealdan/godan
ealdan/godan
ealdan/godan
Dat.
ealdan/godan
caldan/godan
caldan/godan
Norn.
caldan/godan
caldan/godan
caldan/godan
Acc.
ealdan/godan
ealdan/godan
caldan/godan
Gen.
ealdra/godra
ealdra/godra
ealdra/godra
Dat.
caldum /godum
caldum/godum
caldum /godum
S in g u la r
P lural
A r t ic le s : ' t h e '
M a s c u lin e
F e m in in e
N euter
S in g u la r
Num .
se
SC O
act
Acc.
one
11
aet
Gen.
acs
aerc
acs
Dal.
acm
acre
aem
Norn.
Acc.
Gen.
ara
ara
ara
Dat.
aem
acm
acm
P lural
V e r b s (T h is is a s i m p l i f i c a t i o n o f t h e s e v e r a l v e r b c la sse s)
chppan :lo kiss
Present
clippc
ciippcdc
You (sg.)
clippest
Pasl
You (sg.)
clippedest
S/he
dippe
S/he
clippede
Wc
clippa
Wc
chppcdon
You (pi.)
clippa
You (pi.)
dippedon
They
clippa
They
dippedon
A s yo u c a n see, there is m u c h re p e titio n o f po ssib le e n d in g s here (th o u g h th is is a v e ry s im p li

fie d v e rsion o f O l d E n g lis h g ra m m a r).
T h e great advantage over M o d e r n E n g lis h is th at th is case system docs n o t rely o n wordo rd e r for m e a n in g . T h u s, ti g o d a it c wette d ip p e se e a ld a cy n in g still m e a n s T he o ld k in g kisses
the g o o d queen. T h e o rd e r in w h ic h th e w rite r m ig h t w a n t to place th e w o rd s w as m u c h m ore
flexible as a result, a feature w h ic h A nglo- Saxon p o e try to o k fu ll advantage o f in a rra n g in g
w o rd s stylistically to p r o d u c e its characteristic po w e rfu l alliterative rh y th m .
C h a p te r 4
Lan gu age Change
4.2.2 Su rv ivin g rem nants o f th e case system

M a n y o f th e vario usly d e d in e d articles a n d p r o n o u n s su rv iv e d in t o later fo rm s o f English.
Here are so m e o f the survivors:
a (fem inine accusative, plural nom inative and accusative definite article) bccamc the.
aem (dative plural article) bccamc them,
is {demonstrative pronoun) became this.
lc
( n o m in a t iv e lir s t p e r s o n p r o n o u n ) b e c a m e /.
We (plural second person pronoun) survived intact.

M e and its (accusatives), and tnin and tire (genitives) all remain in Modern English forms.
u (singular nom inative) became thou (singular).
e (singular accusative) bccamc thee,
m (singular genitive) became thine.
(These three remained until the sixteenth century and continue in some modern dialects).
(T e ( p l u r a l n o m i n a t i v e ) b e c a m e y o u ( p l u r a l ) .
Em' (plural accusative) became yo u (plural).

Bower (plural genitive) became your.
(Some regional accents o f M odern Knglish even preserve the earlier pronunciations).
M a n y in fle c tio n a l e n d in g s left re m n a n ts in a fin a l -eor -ii w ell in to th e M id d le E n g lis h period,
lo n g alter th e case system b c ca m c archaic, a n d p r in tin g fossilized these spe llin gs lo n g after
the fin a l vow els sto p p e d b e in g p ro n o u n c e d . O n e o f th e few re m ain s o f the g en itive case
s u r v iv in g in to M o d e r n E n g lis h is th e s in g u la r m a s c u lin e a n d ne ute r n o u n in fle c tio n a l e n d in g
-es, w h ic h ha s b e e n abbreviated w ith a n ap o s tro p h e {s) to show the o m is s io n o f the e.
A ng lo - S ax on verbs can b e d iv id e d in t o tw o sets, w h ic h persist in to M o d e r n E n g lis h . W e a k
(also ealied regular) verbs sho w e d past tense b y th e a d d itio n o l th e suffix, -ede, -od o r -</, to
the stem . T h is beco m e s the M o d e r n E n g lis h -ed as i n talk/talked, look/looked a n d so o n .
S tro n g (o r irregular) verbs express the past tense b y alte rin g the ro o t vo w e l to s h o w perfect
past a n d past p a rticip le . T h is re m a in s in M o d e r n E n g lis h verbs such as drive/drove/driven,
sing/sang/sung, steal/stole/stolcn, fall/fe ll/fa lle n , a n d so o n . T h e stro n g fo r m w as the system
p ro b a b ly used b y Pro to - Indo - E uro pe an. T h e m o r e m o d e r n w e a k system is th e u s u a l m e th o d
o f m a k in g pa st fo rm s for n e w m o d e r n w o rd s (rocketed, rubbished, rap pe d , a n d so on).
4.2.3 Word fo rm atio n in O ld English

T h e fo r m a tio n o f n e w w o rd s (o r le x ic a liz a tio n ) is o n e o f th e m o s t no tic e able features o f
A ng lo - S ax on, a n d o ne w h ic h illustrates its G e r m a n ic o rig in s . E x istin g w o rd s w ere jo in e d
together, as c o m p o u n d s (see S ec tio n 2.2 .4). Such lexicalizations in O l d E n g lis h are k n o w n as
k e n n in g s . a n d these n o u n - c o m p o u n d s can be fo u n d especially in th e poetry. T h u s , mere-stape
(sea-walker) signifies a ship, m o d h o rd (heart-treasure) is un d erstan din g. P re fix a n d suffix
a d d itio n also ex te n d e d th e lexical ran g e o f the languag e: mis-, of-, under-, ofer- a n d -ig, -full.
O ld E n g lis h / A n g lo -S a x o n
-leas (-less), -lice (-like). These re m a in m a jo r m e th o d s o f w o rd - fo rm a tio n in M o d e r n English

(as d iscussed in S ec tio n 2.2.3).
O l d E n g li s h Texts
1. The Lord's Prayer
Fder re.
|ui [>e earl o n heofonum,
sy tin nam a gchlgod.
Tobecume |)in rice.
GewurJ>e din willa o n eoran sw swa o n heofonum.
Syle us t d;vg firnc gedacghwamiican hlf.
A n d forgyf s rc gyltas, sw sw wc lorgyfaO uru in gyltcndum.
A n d ne ld s on costnunge,
ac lys us o f yfele.
Sojilicc.
R e ad a lo u d , th is s o u n d s m o r e lik e th e m o d e r n v e rsion th a n it lo oks. Try a n d id e n tify s o m e o f
the casc-cndings fro m the tables above. H o r iz o n ta l lines above vowels le n g th e n the p r o n u n
c ia tio n . d a n d /> (a n d the capital D ) are voiced a n d u n v o ic e d th. T h e is ca lled a sh a n d is a
s h o rt lo w /a/. T h e c is usua lly ha rd I k J , unless in itia lly in a w o rd , like c ild (as m o d e r n child).
T h e sc, as in Englisc, is /J7, as o u r m o d e r n p r o n u n c ia tio n . I'ry to id e n tify m o d e r n derivatio ns
o f th e words.
2 . C a e d m o n 's H y m n
T h is w as o rig in a lly c o m p o s e d in th e N o r th u m b r ia n d ia le ct in th e sev en th c c n tu r y ( b y a
s h e p h e rd in W h itb y , a c c o rd in g to Bede), b u t th e first v e rsion here is fr o m th e late e ighth
ce ntury. T h e s eco n d is a c o p y w r itte n in th e W est Sax o n diale ct o f th e te n th century.
N o tic e th e d iale ctal differences a n d the later s im p lific a tio n o f w ord- endings. M a k e
a list o f these a n d see if yo u can fin d th e ir o rig in s a n d m e a n in g s in a n O l d E nglish
d ic tio n a ry .
I f y o u read it a lo u d y o u w ill also n o tic e th e po w e rfu l allite ratio n across th e tw o halves o f
each lin e , w h ic h is allow e d b y th e h ig h ly m a n o e u v ra b le syntax, a n d w h ic h gives O l d E nglish
p o e tr y its w o n d e rfu l force.
Y o u c o u ld try to w rite a p o e m in M o d e r n E n g lis h in w h ic h b o th halves o f th e lin e alliterate
w ith c a c h other, to see h o w d iffic u lt th is is in M o d e r n E n g lis h w ith its relatively fixed rules
a b o u t w o r d order.
N orthu m b rian Caedm ons Hym n
N il scylun hergan
hefaenricaes
uard
N ow should to praise o f the heavenly kingdom guardian

mctudacs maccti end his mdgidanc
of G od
power and his counsel
C h a p te r 4
Lan gu age Change
ucrc uulderfadur
sue he uundra
w o rk
o f th e g lo r io u s fa th e r a s
eci
Dryctin or
eternal Lord
He
a e r is l s c p
gihuaes
h e o f w o n d ers
o f e very
astelid.
beginning established
a e ld a
b arnum
He first shaped o f m en for children

heben
til hrfe hleg scepen.
heaven
as
a r o o f h o ly
shaper
Th m iddungeard moncynnars uard

Then middle-earth o f m a n k in d guardian
ci
Dryctin fter
eternal Lord
ftrum
tiad
afterwards established
foldu fra allmectig.
for men earth Lord almighty.

West Saxon Caedmon's Hym n
N u scylen herian heofon-rices weard
metodes meaht and his mdge|>anc,
weorc wuldorfder; sw h w undra gehws
ecc Dryhtcn, r astcllcde,
H rest scp ielda bearnum
heofon til hrfe, hlig scepen.
F) middangeard, moncynnes weard,
ece Dryhtcn. arfter teode
fir urn folde, frea ealmihtig.
N ow wc m ust praise the guardian o f the heavenly kingdom ,

f o i th e p o w e r a n d c o u n s e l o f G o d .
for the works o f the father o f glory; as he,

eternal Lord o f wonders, created everything in the beginning.
I lc f ir s t m a d e , f o r t h e c h ild r e n o f m e n ,
h e a v e n a s a ro o f, th e h o ly C re a to r.
Then in this middle-place, the eternal Lord,

the guardian o f m ankind, afterwards established
the earth lor m en. Lord almighty.
4.2.4 The lo ss o f in flectio n s and Danish influence

T o w ard s th e e n d o f th e A nglo- Saxon p e r io d ( n in t h to e leve n th ce nturie s), th e general trend
w as to w ards s im p lific a tio n o f in fle c tio n a l v a ria tio n . D ifferen t suffixes te n d e d to w ards a
s im ila r central vow el /3 /. D a n is h in flu e n c e c a m e fr o m a series o f V ik in g in vasion s a n d se u le
m e n t a lo n g th e east coast, a n d the large n u m b e rs o f D a n is h speakers th e n in E n g la n d affected
th e language. M a n y D a n is h w o rd s h a d th e s a m e ro o t as th e A ng lo - S ax on, b u t different
M id d le E n g lis h
in fle c tio n s , a n d so th e in fle c tio n a l e n d in g s c a m e to be assim ilate d to a id c o m m u n ic a tio n . At

the s a m e tim e , th e area ot th e D a n e la w (th e n o r th a n d east) beg an to b e a r e lem ents o f D a n is h
in place na m e s. T h e w o rd by, m e a n in g to w n , is suffix ed to m a n y E n g lis h places, a n d survives
in by-lows. Iso la te d la n d (thw aites), s m a ll territories (tofts) a n d villages (thorps) scatter East
A n g lia , th e East M id la n d s a n d the N o rth .
T h e D a n is h settle m e nt ( a n d th e succession o f D a n is h k in g s o f E n g la n d fr o m C n u t i n 1014)
h a d a great effect o n E n g lis h . T h e p r o n u n c ia tio n o f /sk/ ra th e r th a n /J7 in w o rd s like sky,
skin, skirt rathe r th a n scip,fiesc, shirt sho w s th e fo rm e r g ro u p s D a n is h o rig in s . I n D anishin flu e n c e d areas, such as N o r th u m b r ia , th e fin a l -s in fle c tio n for 3rd pe rso n sin g u la r present
tense (h e run s) en tered E n g lis h a n d b e g a n to replace the A ng lo - S ax on -</> fo r m (h e r u n n e th ).
T h e present pa rtic ip le e n d in g -ing s im ila rly replaced -and. B o th o f these in n o v a tio n s spread
s o u th o v e r the n e xt six centuries. M a n y w o rd s (e s tim a te d at a r o u n d o n e th o u s a n d ) were
b o rro w e d . T h e ag ric u ltu ra l, tra d in g , co m m e rc ia l a n d day-to-day d o m a in o f m a n y o f these
w o rd s in d icate a relatively pe aceful in te g ra tio n o f D a n e s a n d E nglish.
In spite o f th e p o p u la r im ago o f V ik in g in vasion s, the lin g u istic evidence is te s tim o n y to
D a n is h in te g ra tio n in to E n g la n d at all b u t the p o litic a l level. A nglo- Saxon k in g Alfred's su c
cess o r (ev entual actual) failure i n p e rm a n e n tly rep ellin g the D a n e s w o u ld pro b a b ly have m a d e
n o difference to the o rd in a r y ru ra l a c c o m m o d a tio n s b e in g m a d e b y th e pe o ple , w h o shared
m u c h o f the law, custo m s, C h ris tia n relig io n a n d aspects o f G e r m a n ic language anyway.
O f m u c h greater lin g u is tic im p o rta n c e w as th e p e r io d w h ic h beg an w ith th e N o r m a n
French in v a s io n o f E n g la n d afte r 1066.
4.3 Middle English_____________________________

It is d iffic u lt to c o n v e y th e ab so lute disaster th a t th e N o r m a n co nq ue st w as for E nglish
c ultu re . F o llo w in g it, th e c o u n tr y w as lin g u istic a lly split for tw o centuries; o ffic ia l o r valued
literature w ritte n in E n g lis h disapp eared ; the E n g lis h c o u rt p ro d u c e d a w ealth o f literary,
religious a n d a d m in is tra tiv e d o c u m e n ts in L a tin a n d French; E n g lis h w as reg ard e d as a sign
o t th e speakers social inieriority.
Before th e N o r m a n c o n q u e st there h a d b een so m e b o r ro w in g o f F re n c h w o rd s in to th e law
a n d a d m in is tra tio n , because o f th e close c o n ta c t b etw een th e E n g lis h a n d French ru lin g
classes. H ow ever, in the years afte r th e in v a s io n , it w as th e E n g lis h earls w h o le d rebellions
a g a in st W illia m , a n d w h o were sub se q u e n tly k ille d o r exiled. W it h in a ve ry s h o rt p e rio d ,
the n o b ility o f th e c o u n tr y w as replaced b y native N o rm a n - F re n c h speakers. T h is ap p lie d to
a ll th e h ig h p o s itio n s in th e C h u r c h as well. E n g lis h r e m a in e d th e peasants' language, a n d
E n g la n d b y th e tw elfth c e n tu ry b e c a m e a n a tio n o f tw o languag es (d ig lo s s ic ), stratifie d b y
social class. C e ltic la n g u ag e s were still sp o k e n in S c o tla n d , W ales a n d C u m b r ia , a n d a heavily
D a n is h in flu e n c e d E n g lis h in the n o r th o f E n g lan d .
1 1 5
C h a p te r 4
Lan gu age Change
C a n y o u t h in k o t o lh c r d ig lo s s ii (o r e v e n trig lo ss tc ) n a tio n s ? H o w h a v e th e y r e a c h e d th a t s ta tu s ?
T h e social s tratific atio n o l E nglish a n d N o rm a n - F re n c h can be seen in th e d o m a in s ol

w o rd s b o rro w e d fr o m French in to E n g lis h in th is p e r io d . M o s t o f o u r m o d e r n w o rd s o f g ov
e rn m e n t, p a r lia m e n t, a d m in is tra tio n , law, ecclesiastical o rg a n iz a tio n , m ilit a r y structure a n d
strategy, architecture a n d m e d ic in e w ere b o rro w e d fro m French.
4.3.1 The re-establish m ent o f English

T h o u g h E n g lis h to o k o n a n e n o rm o u s F rc n c h in flu e n c e , the fact th a t it w a s E n g lis h rathe r
th a n French th a t d o m in a te d a n d established itself as th e n a tio n a l language th ro u g h the
th irte e n th c e n tu r y ha s a n u m b e r o f e xp lanatio n s. First, th e N o rm a n - F re n c h rulers, th o u g h
socially p o w e rfu l, w ere in a n u m e r ic a l m in o rity , a n d the in flu e n c e o f French-speakers
g ra d u a lly d im in is h e d as th e ris in g m id d le class g a in e d in e c o n o m ic pow er. A lso, in 1204.
K in g J o h n lost h is la n d s in N o r m a n d y to France, a n d th e E n g lis h aristo cracy h a d to decide to
w h ic h k in g th e y w o u ld declare allegiance. W o rs e n in g relations w ith France, c u lm in a tin g
in th e H u n d r e d Years' W a r (1337- 14 53), fu r th e r co n s o lid a te d th e p o s itio n o f E n g lis h in the
r u lin g class.
A t th e s a m e tim e , th e Eng lish- sp eaking c o m m u n ity b ecam e e c o n o m ic a lly m o re po w e rful.
N o t o n ly d id the m e rc h a n t classes govern E n g la n d s g ro w in g to w n s , b u t th e peasants
b e c a m e m o re so cially im p o rta n t, iro nic a lly , as a result o f the B lack D e a th (fro m 1348), w h ic h
m a d e la b o u r a scarce resource. Estim ates p u t the de a th rate at its he ig h t at 30 p e r cent o f the
p o p u la tio n , w h ic h , as w ith all co n ta g io u s diseases, fell m o r e he a v ily o n the po o r. T h e lower
clergy, p re a c h in g in E n g lis h , c a m e to speak L a tin a n d E n g lis h , rathe r th a n the increasingly
un n e cessary Frcnch. B y th e th irte e n th ce ntury, m a n u a ls lo r le a r n in g French beg an to appear,
in d ic a tin g th at w id e s p re a d Fre n c h usage w as b e c o m in g u n u s u a l. B y th e e n d o f th e forteenth
century, w ith even p a rlia m e n t, th e law co urts a n d the k in g us in g E n g lis h , it can b e said that
F re n c h h a d dis a p p e a re d as a native la n g u ag e in gene ral use in E n g la n d .
4.3 .2 M iddle En glish Gram m ar

B y th e tim e E n g lis h re-emerged as th e n a tio n a l la n g u ag e us e d fo r a ll lin g u is tic contexts, it
lo ok e d v e ry diffe ren t fr o m the O ld E n g lis h o f th e eleventh century. T h e m a jo r difference
was th at there were n o lo n g e r so m a n y d iffe re n t in fle c tio n a l e n d in g s, to th e extent that
th e case system h a d effectively been a b a n d o n e d . T h e te n d e n c y o l G e r m a n ic languag es like
E n g lis h to stress in itia l syllables in w o rd s m e a n t th at fin a l syllables were o fte n lost or reduced
M id d le E n g lis h
in distinctive n ess (sw allow ed) . N o rm a n - F re n c h m is u n d e r s ta n d in g o f E n g lis h infle ctions

(especially a m o n g th e ir m a n u s c r ip t w riters) c o n fu s e d th e in fle c tio n a l system i n th e so u th .
A n d Danish-speakers d iffe re n t in fle c tio n s also le d to a loss in th e n o rth . A ll o f these factors
e n c o u ra g e d in fle c tio n a l e n d in g s to w ards a n in d is tin c t /a /, u s u a lly w ritte n as '-e o n the ends
o f w ords. By the fo u rte e n th ce ntury, even th is w as d is a p p e a rin g i n the n o rth . T h e po e t, G e o f
frey C h au c e r, a u th o r o f The C a n te rb u ry Tales, in the so u th , o n ly uses fin a l -e, irregularly, to
m a k e th e m e tre scan . T h e g ra m m a tic a l in fo r m a tio n h e ld b y in fle c tio n s ca m e to b e conveyed
b y w ord-order, contrastive in to n a tio n a n d a greater use o f prepositions.
T h e va rie ty o f O l d E n g lis h p lu ra l e n d in g s (-as, -an, -e, -ena, -inn, etc.) b ecam e m u c h
r e d u c e d . B o th in N o r th u m b r ia n dia le ct a n d fr o m F ren ch , -s ca m e to b e th e c o m m o n e s t p l u
ral e n d in g fo rm . T h e o ld -en e n d in g (m e n , w o m en, children, oxen), the so-called m u tate d
p lu ra l (feet, teeth) a n d th e zero -inflectio n (deer, s a lm o n , sheep) b e c a m e fro ze n in these e x a m
ples a n d te n d e d n o t to b e a p p lie d to n e w words.
M id d le E n g lish Texts
1. The Lord's Prayer
O u r e fa d ir th a t a r t in h e u e n y s .
h a le w id b e t h y n a m e
T h y k y n g d o r n c o m e to.
b e t h y w ille d o n a s in h e u e n e a n in erthe
G iv e to u s t h is d a y o u r e b r e e d o u e r o t h e r su b s ta u n s e ,
A n d f o r g iu e to u s o u r e d e tte s
a s a n d w e fo r g iu e n to o u r e d e tto u ris.
a n d le e d e u s n o t in t o te m p t a o o u n ,
b u t d e ly u e re u s fro m yu e l.
Am en
T h is is fourte en th - ce n tury E n g lis h , b u t th e la n g u ag e o f the K in g Jam es {A utho rise d Version)

Bible w a s a lre ady arch aic w h e n it w as p u b lis h e d in 1611, a n d th is v e rsion is fa irly close to the
fa m ilia r one still in use today. C o m p a r e th is w ith th e O l d E n g lis h ve rsion in 4.2.3. W h a t are
the differences b etw een th e m , a n d also betw een th is version a n d th e m o d e r n version?
2. Fro m Sir Gawain a n d the Green Knight

8 i a m o u n t e o n th e m o r n e m e ry ly h e rydes
in t o a fo r e s t fu l d e p . th a t fe rfy w a s \vyld e ,
H ig h e h ille s o n u c h e a h a lv e , a n d h o lt w o d e s u n d e r
O f h o re e k e s f u l h o g e a h u n d r e th to g e d e r.
T h e h a s e l a n d t h e h a w t h o r n e w e r e h a rle d a l s a m e n .
W it h r o g h e r a g e d m o s s e ra y le d a / w h e r e .
W it h m o n y b r y d d e s u n b ly t h e u p o n b a re tw y g e s .
T h a t p ito s ly t h e r p ip e d f o r p y n e o t t h e e o ld e
117
C h a p te r 4
Lan gu age Change
T h e g o m e u p o n G r y n g o le t g ty d e s h e m u n d e r
T h u rq h m o n y m is y a n d m yre . m o n a l h y m o n e ,
C a r a n d e fo r h is c o s ie s , le s t h e n e k e v e r s c h u ld e
t o s e th e se rv y se o f th a t syre , t h a t o n t h a t s e lf n y g h t
O f a b u r d e w a s b o r n e , o u r e b a r e t to q u e lle .
A n d t h e r fo r e s y k y n g h e sa y d e : b e s e c h e th e . L o rd e ,
A n d M a ry , t h a t is m y ld e s t m o d e r s o dere.
O f s u m h e r b e f the h c g h ly I m y g h t h e re m a sse
A f id e th y m a t y n e s to - m o m e . m e k e ty I a s k .
A n d th e rto p r e s tly I p r a y m y p a te r a n d a v e a n d c re d e .'
H e r o d e in h is p ray e re .
A n d c r y e d f o r h is m y v Je d e ;
H e s a y n e d h y m in s y th e s sere
A n d s a y d : 'C r o s K r y s t m e s p e d e l'
Gloss: mounts -hill, hurled - tangled, bryddes -birds,

unblythe - unhappy, gome - man, misy bog. carande
uneasy,
cosies - religious duty, burde -maiden, baret -sorrow,

herber - haven, heghly -devoutly, prestly - promptly,
sayned - m ade sign o f the cross, spede - help.
T h is is a r ip p in g yarn o f A r t h u r s c o u rt w ritte n in the fo u rte e n th c e n tu ry b y a n u n k n o w n poet

som ew he re in the north-w est. I n th is passage, S ir G a w a in is searching for the green k n ig h t
a n d pro b a b le d e a th ; it is C h ris tm a s Eve. T h e A ng lo - S ax on alliterative style is follow ed,
pe rh a p s as a n in d e x o f th e arch aic settin g . Y o u can tell b y th e regular r h y th m h o w m a n y o f
the w o rd s were p ro n o u n c e d . E n g lis h s p e llin g a t th is stage w as closer to th e p r o n u n c ia tio n
th a n it is today. N o tic e w o rd s w h ic h have since been a b a n d o n e d , are rarely us e d now a da y s
or ha v e ch a n g e d th e ir s p e llin g . M a k e a list o f these a n d use th e O x fo rd English D ic tio n a ry
(e.g. th e o n lin e version, ww w .oed.com ) o r a g o o d e ty m o lo g ic a l d ic tio n a r y to fin d o u t w hat
h a p p e n e d to these words.
3. C a x to n 's Prose
C ax to n s preface to his tra n sla tio n o f Virgil's A e n e id in to E n g lis h as Eneydos c o n tain s his
th o u g h ts o n th e c h a n g in g language a n d d iale ctal v a ria tio n in 1490. W illia m C a x to n {1422-92)
is cre d ited w ith se ttin g u p the first p r in tin g press in E n g la n d , in 1476 in L o n d o n .
A f t e r d y v e rs e w e r k e s m a d e , tra n sla te d a n d a c h ie v e d , h a v y n g n o o w e r k e >n h a n d e . I, s it t y n g in m y

s t u d y e w h e r e a s la y e m a n y d y v e r s e p a u n fle t tis a n d b o o k y s , h a p p e n e d t h a t to m y h a n d e c a m e a lytyl
b o o k s in fre n s h e . w h ic h la te w a s tra n sla te d o u t e o f la ty n b y s o m e n o b le d e r k e o f fra u n c e . w h ic h e
b o o k e is n a m e d E n e y d o s . . . A n d w h a n I h a d a d v y ie d m e in th is s a y d b o k e , I d e ly b e r e d a n d
c o n c lu d e d to t r a n s la le it in t o e n g ly s s h e , a n d f o r t h w y lh to k e a p e n n e & y n k e , a n d w r o te a le e f
o r tw e y n e , w h y c h e I o v e r s a w e a g a y n to c o r e c t e it. A n d w h a n I s a w e t h e fa y r & s t r a u n g e te rm e s
th e rin I d o u b t e d t h a t it s h o ld e n o t p le a s e s o m e g e n ty lm e n w h ic h e late b la m e d m e , s a y e in g t h a t in
m y tr a n s la c y o n s I h a d .-er c u r y o u s te rm e s w h ic h e c o u d e n o t b e u n d e r s ta n d e o f c o m y n p e p le , a n d
M o d e m E n g lis h
d e s ir e d m e l o u se o ld e a n d h o m e ly te rm e s in m y tr a n sla c y o n s . A n d fa y n w o ld e I s a t y s fy e e v e ry m a n ,
a n d s o to d o o , t o k e a n o ld e b o k e a n d r e d d e t h e n n ; a n d c e r ta y n ly th e e n g ly s s h e w a s s o ru d e a n d
b r o o d th a t I c o u d e n o t w e le u n d e r s t a n d ? it A n d a ls o m y lo r d a b b o t o t w e s t m y n s te r d e d d o s h e w e
t o m e la te , c e r ta y n e v y d e n c e s w r y t o n in o ld e e n g ly s s h e , fo r to r e d u c e it in - t o o u r e n g ly s s h e n o w
u s id . A n d c e rta y n ly it w a s w r e t o n in s u c h e w y s e t h a t it w a s m o r e tyVe t o d u t c h e th a n e n g ly s s h e ; I
c o u d e n o t r e d u c e n e b < y n g e it to b e u n d e r s to n d e n . A n d c e rta y n ly o u r la n g a g e n o w u s e d v a ry e th
ferre f r o m t h a t w h ic h e w a s u s e d a n d s p o k e n w h a n i w a s b o r n e . To r w e e n g ly s s h e m e n b e n b o r n e
u n d e r t h e d o m y n a c y o o o f th e m o n o , w h x h e is n e v e r s to d fa ste , b u t e v e r w a v e r y n g e , w e x y n g e o n e
s e a s o n , a n d w a n e t h & d y ^ c re a se th a n o th e r s e a s o n . A n d t h a t c o m y n e n g ly s s h e th a t * s p o k e n in o n e
s h y r e v a r y e th tro m a n o th er.
C o n s id e r w h a t C a x to n is sa y in g here a n d h o w the la n g u ag e h e is us in g to express h im s e lf d if

fers fro m M o d e r n E nglish.
4.3 .3 M iddle En glish dialects

D ia le c ta l dive rsity c o n t in u e d a lo n g
th e re g io n al lin e s o f th e A ng lo - S ax on dialects.
N o r th u m b r ia n deve lo pe d in to Scots a n d N o r th e r n E n g lis h n o r th o f a lin e fr o m the H u m b e r

to th e Lake D is tric t. T h e M e rc ia n d ia le ct o f O l d E n g lis h b e c a m e the W est M id la n d a n d
Hast M id la n d dialects, th e latte r w ith m o re D a n is h loan-w ords. B elow the T h a m e s a n d the
Severn, th e S o u th e rn dia le ct w a s s p o k e n , w h ile K e n tish re m ain e d in the fa r south-east.
T h e c o m m e rc ia liz a tio n o f th e c o u n try in th is p e rio d e n ta ile d a greater m o v e m e n t o f
p e o ple , a n d d iale ctal d ifference c a m e to th e consciousness o f w riters m o re p r o m in e n tly
th a n betre. C a x to n , to r exam ple, in th e p ro lo g u e to h is tra n sla tio n o f th e A e n e id (Fneydos)
in to E n g lis h , c o m m e n te d o n the differences in p r o n u n c ia tio n betw een n o r th a n d s o u th (see
text 3 above). H e p r in te d in th e East M id la n d s d iale ct. T h is w a s th e are a c o n ta in in g the
universities o f O x fo rd a n d C a m b r id g e , a n d th e L o n d o n In n s o f C o u r t, a n d it was also the
h o m e area o f m o s t o f those m ig r a tin g tow ards L o n d o n . Later, th is dialect becam e the m o d e r n
S ta n d a rd E n g lis h d iale ct, a n d th is is w h y w c are m o r e lik e ly to read C haucer, w r itin g in
L o n d o n , th a n H e n ry s o n o r D u n b a r (Scots) or th e u n k n o w n po e t o f S ir G a w a in a n d the Green
K night, w r itin g i n C h eshire . T h e rise o f th e pre stig io us im a g e o f S ta n d a rd E n g lis h can be
d a te d fro m th e p o lic y o f th e T u d o rs in delibe rately e n c o u r a g in g a u n ifie d n a tio n a l identity.
4.4 Modern English

1500 is usua lly ta k e n to m a r k the b o u n d a r y o f M o d e r n E n g lis h . A t th a t tim e . E a rly M o d e rn
E n g lis h lo o k e d v e ry like o u r late ve rsion . T h e e stab lish m e n t o f p r in t in g w a s le a d in g to a
s ta n d a rd iz a tio n o f s p e llin g fo rm s, th o u g h letters were still a d d e d o r o m itte d to h e lp 'justify'
the text (th a t is, fill th e lin e w ith n o gaps at each e n d , so th a t the text m akes a straig ht line).
'H ie ra p id g ro w th o f L o n d o n a n d in creasin g ce n tra liz a tio n o f p o w e r a n d co m m e rce a ro u n d
the c o u rt en co urage d the b e g in n in g s o f th e a ttitu d e th at the best' E n g lis h was th is va rie ty o l
C h a p te r 4
Lan gu age Change
E n g lis h . B y th e e n d o f the eig h le e n th ce ntury, th is id e a h a d ha rd e n e d in to n o tio n s o f'corre ct'

a n d low ' sp o k e n English.
T h e tw o m o s t no tic e a ble features o f c h a n g e in th e Renaissance p e r io d (a ro u n d the
s ix te e n th c e n tu ry ) were th e in tro d u c tio n o f m a n y fo re ig n lo a n w o rd s (m a in ly fr o m L a tin a n d
G re ek ) a n d a largc-scalc a lte ra tio n i n th e w ay m a n y w o rd s were p r o n o u n c e d (s in c e called
T h e G r e a t V o w e l S h ift, see below ). T h e em p h a sis place d o n classical le a r n in g spread across
E u ro p e fr o m th e Ita lia n states, a n d w as illu strate d in E n g la n d b y th e esta b lish m e n t o f m a n y
g ra m m a r schools. T h e g ra m m a r ta u g h t w as L a tin a n d G re ek , n o t E n g lis h , a n d so L a tin a n d
G re e k te rm s ca m e to be h e a v ily b o rro w e d in to E n g lis h . T h e so-called aureate w riters w h o
c n c o u ra g c d th is b o rro w in g reg ard e d them selves exp licitly as a u g m e n tin g th e language.
How ever, there were m a n y p u rists w h o resisted the use o f w o rd s like m a tu rity , consideration,
invigilate, relinquish, lun a tic , illecebrous, expede, ingent, obtestate, d e n un ciate , a n d rid ic u lc d
th e users o f these in k h o r n te rm s or C haucerism s. How ever, as y o u w ill realize, so m e o f these
w o rd s have survive d a n d so m e have been discarded.
A t the sam e tim e , th e b o r ro w in g ha b it spread to in c lu d e lo a n s fr o m Italian (cam eo, violin,
design), S p a n is h {galleon, pistol) a n d a g ain fr o m French ( bigot. pro b ab ility , volunteer). A n
e stim ated 10,000 n e w w o rd s thus in tro d u c e d Ir o m ov e r 50 o th e r languag es were used u n d e r
the in flu e n c e o f 'aureate w riters like S ir T h o m a s M o re , S ir T h o m a s E lyot a n d W illia m
Shakespeare. I n th e seventeenth century, th e process w as so fa r a d v a n c e d th a t th e earliest
d ic tio n a rie s beg an to appear, c o n ta in in g m e a n in g s for d iffic u lt w ords. T h e first o f these
so-called 'h a rd w o rd d ic tio n a rie s w as R o b e rt Caw drey's A Table A lph abe ticalI in 1604.
A s ix te e n th -C e n tu ry Text
T h e Renaissance p e r io d w as a ve ry creative tim e for in n o v a tio n s in th e language. T h e use o f
n o u n s as verbs, app earance o f d o as a present tense auxiliary, the dis a p p e a ran c e o f the thou/
yo u d is tin c tio n , th e in tro d u c tio n o f lis a n d its, th e g ra d u a l, un e v e n m o d e r n iz a tio n o f verb
e n d in g s fr o m
th to
s a n d the u n iversal use o f 's fo r genitives, all app eared at th is tim e.
Shakespeare w as in th e fo rc iro n t o l a d o p tin g s u c h in n o v a tio n s , a n d was criticize d lo r it by

the la n g u ag e pu rists. In th is passage fr o m th e e n d o f h is his to ry play R ic h a rd I I (w ritte n in
1596), yo u m a y id e n tify w ords, id io m s a n d w ord- order th at are diffe ren t fr o m M o d e rn
E n g lis h . Y o u s h o u ld be ab le to see s o m e th in g th a t characterizes th is as Renaissance E nglish
a b o u t every sentence. N otice, th o u g h , h o w m u c h m o r e s im ila r to o u r E n g lis h it is c o m p a re d
w ith C a x to n s E n g lis h o f o n ly a ce n tu ry previously.
I h a v e b e e n s t u d y in g h o w l m a y c o m p a r e
T h is p r is o n w h e r e I liv e u n to th e w o rld :
A n d , fo r b e c a u s e th e w o r ld is p o p u lo u s .
A n d h e re is n o t a c re a tu re b u t m y se lf,
I c a n n o t d o it; - y e t I ll h a m m e r t o u t
M y b r a in I'll p r o v e t h e fe m a le to m y so u l.
M y soul the father: and these tw o beget
g e n e r a tio n o f s t ill-b r e e d n g th o u g h ts .
A n d th e s e s a m e t h o u g h t s p e o p le th is little w o rld ,
in h u m o u r s lik e th e p e o p le o f th is w o rld .
Fo n o th o u g h t is c o n te n te d . T h e b e tte r s o r t, A s t h o u g h t s o f th in g s d rv in e , - a r e in te rm ix 'd
W it h s c 'u p le s . a n d d o se t th e w o r d itself
A g a m s t th e w o rd :
A s th u s , - C o m e , little o n e s , a n d th e n a g a in , 'It is a s h a r d to c o m e a s fo r a c a m e l
T o th r e a d the p o s te r n o f a n e e d le s e y e / . . .
. . . T h is m u s ic m a d s m e , le t it s o u n d n o m ore.
F o r t h o u g h it h a v e h o lp m a d m e n to th e ir w it s ,
In m e it s e e m s it w ill m a k e w is e m e n m a d .
V e t b le s s in g o n h is h e a r* th a t g iv e s it m e I
F o f tis a s ig n o f lo v e : a n d lo v e t o R ic h a rd
i s a s tr a n g e b r o o c h in t h is a ll-h a t in g w o rld .
4.4.1 Pronunciation ch an ge in the Renaissance

B etw een 1400 a n d 1700, the p r o n u n c ia tio n o f vow els s h ilte d to p r o d u c e s o u n d s th a t we
w o u ld m o r e o r less reco gn ize to day . G en e ra lly , vow el q u a lity w as raised o n th e to n g u e , so
th at C h a u c e r s p r o n u n c ia tio n o f, for exam ple , n a m e (/n a :m e / to r h y m e w ith o u r m o d e r n
father), b e c a m e Shakespeares /n e :m /. T h is is like m o d e r n N o r th e r n E n g lish; R F has /n c im /.
S im ila rly , sweete w as raised fr o m /sw e it / (as m o d e r n breaker) to / swi:t/> as m o d e r n p r o n u n
c ia tio n . A lm o s t every w o rd w as affected b y th e G re a t V o w el S h ilt, w h ic h w as first n o tic e d a n d
c o m m e n te d o n in th e e arly fifte enth century, b u t h a d g ra d u a lly spread across th e c o u n try b y
th e eighteeth.
M a n y e x p la n a tio n s ha v e b een suggested fo r th is large p h o n o lo g ic a l chang e. O n e o f the
m o s t persuasive is th e s o c iolo gical re a s o n in g th a t focuses o n speakers sense o f th e ir o w n
la n g u ag e prestige. A t a tim e o f th e u r b a n iz a tio n o l L o n d o n a n d th e rise o f th e m o d e r n class
system , sen sitivity to accents w h ic h b e tra y e d yo ur o rig in s m u s t have b e e n g ro w in g . People
fro m ru ra l East A n g lia a n d th e M id la n d s m o v in g tow ards L o n d o n w o u ld n o t w a n t to s o u n d
like h ic k s fr o m the c o u n try s id e , a n d so w o u ld alter th e ir accent. A s alw ays, w h e n people
c o n s c io u s ly a im to a d ju s t th e ir p r o n u n c ia tio n to e m u la te th e ir best guess at others speech,
th e y w o u ld o v e rd o (h y p e rc o rre c t) th e p r o n u n c ia tio n , a n d get it w ron g . How ever, this
h y pe rco rrected accent g ra d u a lly b e c a m e the in d ic a to r o f th e ris in g w e althy m e rch a n ts, a n d
w o u ld itself b e c o p ie d b y others. T h u s th e ac cid en tal in n o v a tio n w o u ld b e c o m e prestigious
in tu r n , a n d spread.
M a n y o f th e o d d itie s o f E n g lis h s p e llin g are ascribable to c ha n g es i n p r o n u n c ia tio n at this
tim e , since p r in t in g h a d b e g u n to fossilize spe llin gs belore the p r o n u n c ia tio n ot w ords
c h a n g e d . M a n y o f o u r m o d e r n sp e llin g s retain M id d le E n g lis h p r o n u n c ia tio n , a n d m a n y
m o d e r n w o rd s n o w co n sid e re d as sla n g o r n o n - s tan d ard are o ld e r varian ts th a t precede the
C h a p te r 4
Lan gu age Change
G re at V ow el S h ift a n d associated m o d ific a tio n s i n p r o n u n c ia tio n . T h u s, s o m e o ld e r Irish

speakers still p r o n o u n c e tea a n d q u a y to rh y m e w ith bay. S o m e Sco ttish speakers refer to a
ho use to rh y m e w ith m oose, a n d d o w n to rh y m e w ith m o o n . N o rth e rn a n d M id la n d E nglish
speakers never a d o p te d th e le n g th e n in g o f vow els in staff, b a th a n d glass th at characterize
S o u th e rn accents. A n d s o m e S co ttish a n d Irish speakers retain C h a u c e r s / o / (as in saw ) in
p o t. T h is w as le n g th e n e d in E n g la n d to h-.t in lost, often, o ff, a n d soft, b u t m o r e rece ntly these
w o rd s ha v e ta k e n o n a s p e llin g p r o n u n c ia tio n a n d /iD ist/ is n o w rarely h e a rd o u ts id e o ld
1940s British film s.
4.4.2 The stan d ard izatio n o f w ritte n English

T h e eighte e n th ce n tu ry is usua lly characterize d b y a greater e m p h a sis o n sta n d a rd iz a tio n a n d
pre scrip tivism . E le m e n ts o f accent, w ord-choice a n d g ra m m a r th at were p re vio usly m erely
prestigious, acquire d c o n n o ta tio n s o f co rrectn e ss. In flu e n tia l w riters set them selves u p as
arbiters o f co rrect usage, a n d prescribed o n m atters o f g ra m m a r, sp e llin g a n d acceptable new
w o rd s . S h o rte n e d fo rm s o f m o b ile , re p u ta tio n , f a n a tic a n d e xtraordinary as m ob, rep,f a n a n d
extra were c o n d e m n e d b y pe o ple like Jo n a th a n Sw ift. Jo h n D r y d e n advocated th e cre a tio n of
an E n g lis h A c a d e m y (like th e A c a d m ie Franaise in France) to decide o n correct usage a n d
fix th e la n g u ag e onc e a n d for all.
S am ue l Jo h n s o n s d ic tio n a r y o f 1755 w as a s y m p to m o f th is desire to settle lin g uistic
m atters precisely a n d b y th e 'best' usage, a n d there were n u m e r o u s o th e r diction arie s
a p p e a rin g d u r in g the eighte e n th ce ntury. B ish o p R o be rt L o w th s g r a m m a r o l E nglish
(17 62) b ecam e a best-seller, in w h ic h h e d e te r m in e d th a t w o u ld rathe r w as better th a n h a d
rather, in fin itiv e s {to b o ld ly g o ) o u g h t n o t to be s p lit, th in g s s h o u ld b e different f r o m not
different th a n /to , yo u s h o u ld say between y o u a n d m e n o t I , d o u b le negatives c o u ld n o t be
used for e m ph asis, y o u was w as n o t p e rm issib le , a n d so o n . I n spite o f the fact th a t these
usages h a d b een regarded as g o o d E n g lis h to r centuries, the in flu e n c e o t th e eighteenthc e n tu r y g ra m m a ria n s is still felt in m o d e r n prescriptive attitudes to the so-called S tandard
E n g lis h dialect.
T h e basis o f s u c h d ecisio ns w as o fte n o n a n a pp eal to logic: m a th e m a tic al criteria
c o n d e m n e d th e us e fu l m u ltip le negative. E ty m o lo g y w as ofte n in v o k e d to argue for certain
fo rm s, regardless o f the fact th at th is w as such a spe culative science. A n a lo g y w ith o th e r
s im ila r w o rd s w a s argued: b y th is re a s o n in g coude falsely a c q u ire d a n /. because wolde
h a d o n e p r io r to b e c o m in g w o uld . Finally, L a tin a n d G re e k p rin c ip le s were a p p lie d to English
(to ev e n tu a lly a n d b iza rre ly pre ven t split in fin itiv e s ) since th e y w ere seen as p u re (th o u g h
dead ) languag es th a t E n g lis h s h o u ld aspire to. E n d in g sentences w ith p re p o sitio n s (as in
lh e p re v io u s sentence) was also ou tla w e d o n th is basis.
It is p e rh a p s a c o rr e s p o n d in g p a r i o f th e e x p la n a tio n for th is desire to c o d ify and
s ta n d a rd ize th a t th e p e r io d o l th e n in e te e n th a n d tw e n tie th centuries have seen w ide- ranging
in flu e n c e s fr o m a v a rie ty o f sources. T h e British E m p ire spread th e la n g u ag e a r o u n d the
w o rld , a n d m o re efficien t c o m m u n ic a tio n s b ro u g h t m a n y loan- w ords b a ck in to British
E n g lis h . A us tra lia n E n g lis h , S o u th A fr ic a n E n g lis h a n d A m e r ic a n E n g lis h are all n a tio n a l
varieties o f E n g lis h w ith th e ir o w n tr a d itio n s o f g o o d usage. In d ia n E n g lis h ha s m ore
n ative speakers i n the sub-co ntinent th a n the p o p u la tio n o f th e B ritis h Isles. N e w technology,
fo o d s , fu rn is h in g s , arch ite c tu re a n d ideas ha v e in tro d u c e d n e w w o rd s in to th e language, a n d
the in flu e n c e s o f diffe ren t cultures, m a in ly th r o u g h f ilm a n d television, m ig ra tio n a n d easy
in te rn a tio n a l travel, ha v e m e a n t th a t E n g lis h has b o rro w e d fr o m a n d le n t w o rd s to m ost
o f th e m a jo r languag es o f th e w o rld .
T h e E n g lis h la n g u ag e c a n n o lo n g e r b e said to b e lo n g to a n y o n e g ro u p o r n a tio n ; it is
a shared resource, a n d it ha s as m a n y g o o d varieties as there are speech c o m m u n itie s
w h o share it.
A n e ig h t e e n th -C e n tu r y Text
Extracts fr o m Jo n a th a n Sw ifts P roposal f o r Correcting, Im p ro v in g a n d A scertainin g the English
Tongue (17 12) are rep ro du ced below . T h e conservative 'G o ld e n A g eism ' expressed here is
o fte n seen as characteristic o f the c ig h tc e th ce ntury, b u t every p e r io d ( in c lu d in g o u r o w n )
h a s seen w riters p in in g no stalg ic a lly for th e ha lc y o n lin g u istic past. T h e a rg u m e n t is usua lly
a llie d to a m o r a l a n d aesthetic fra m e w o rk . How ever, th e e v id e nce o f la n g u ag e c h a n g e that
S w ift cites, as w e ll as the o b v io u s differences b etw een th is passage a n d M o d e r n E n g lis h , show
th at th is a ttitu de is a d e lu s io n . Y o u m ig h t like to read th e passage a n d id e n tify exam ples o f
these points.
T h e P erio d w h e re in th e English T ongue received m o s t Im p ro v e m e n t, 1 take to c o m m e n c e
w ith the b e g in n in g of Q u e e n Elizabeth's R e ig n , a n d to co n c lu d e w ith th e G re at R e b e llio n in
Forty Two. 'T is true, there w as a ve ry ill Taste b o t h o f Style a n d W i t , w h ic h prevailed u n d e r
K in g /aines th e First, b u t th at seem s to have been corrected in th e first Years o f his Successor,
w h o a m o n g m a n y o th e r Q u a lific a tio n s o f an excellent Prince, w as a great Patron o f L e a rn in g .
F ro m the C iv il W a r to th is present T im e , 1 a m apt to d o u b t w h e th e r th e C o rr u p tio n s in o u r
L anguage have n o t at least eq ualle d th e R e fin e m e n ts o f it; a n d these C o rr u p tio n s very few of
the best A u th o rs in o u r Age have w h o lly escaped. D u r in g th e U s u rp a tio n , such a n In fu s io n
o f E n th u s ia s tic k la rg o n pre v a ile d in every W r itin g , as w as n o t s h o o k o f f in m a n y Years after.
T o th is succeeded th a t Licentiousness w h ic h en tered w ith the Restoration, a n d fr o m in fe c tin g
o u r R e lig io n a n d M o rals, fell to c o rr u p t o u r Language; w h ic h last w as n o t like to be m u c h
im p ro v e d b y those w h o at th at T im e m a d e u p th e C o u r t o f K in g Charles the Sec o n d ; either
s u c h w h o h a d fo llo w e d H i m in H is B a n is h m e n t, o r w h o h a d b een altogether conversant
in th e D ia le c t o f th o s E a n a tic k Times, o r y o u n g M e n , w h o h a d b een educated in the
s a m e C o m p a n y ; so th at th e C o u r t, w h ic h used to b e th e S ta n d a rd o f P ro prie ty a n d
C o rrectne ss o f Speech, w as th en , a n d , I th in k , h a th ever since c o n tin u e d th e w orst S ch oo l
in E n g la n d . . .
. . . T here is a n o th e r Sett o f M e n w h o have c o n trib u te d ve ry m u c h to th e s p o ilin g o f the
E nglish T ongue; I m e a n th e Poets, fr o m th e T im e o f th e R e sto ra tio n . These G e n tle m e n ,
C h a p te r 4
Lan gu age Change
a lth o u g h th e y c o u ld n o t b e insensible h o w m u c h o u r L anguage w a s alre ady overstocked

w ith M o nosyllables; yet, to save T im e a n d P ains, in tro d u c e d th a t b a rb a ro u s C u s to m ol
ab b re v ia tin g W o rd s , to fit th e m to th e M e asure o f th e ir Verses; a n d th is th e y have freq ue n tly
d o n e , so v e ry in ju d ic io u s ly , as to fo r m such harsh u n h a r m o n io u s S o u n d s , th a t n o n e but
a N o rth e rn E ar c o u ld e n d u re . . . In o rd e r to re fo rm o u r Language, I c o n c c iv c . . . th at a
free ju d ic io u s C h o ic e s h o u ld b e m a d e o f s u c h Persons, as are g enerally allow e d to b e best
q u a lifie d fo r such a W o r k , w ith o u t a n y regard to Q u a lity , Party, o r P rofession. These, to a
certain N u m b e r at least, s h o u ld assem ble a t s o m e a p p o in te d l im e a n d Place, a n d fix o n Rules
b y w h ic h th e y d e s ig n to proceed . . .
. . . T h e Persons w h o a rc to u n d e rtak e th is W o r k , w ill ha v e the E x am ple o f th e French
before th e m , to im ita te w here these have pro ce e de d rig h t, a n d to a v o id th e ir M istakes. Beside
th e G ra m m a r- p a rt, w h e r e in w e arc a llo w e d to be v e ry defective, th e y w ill observe m a n y gross
Im p ro p rie tie s , w h ic h how ever a u th o riz e d b y Practice, a n d g ro w n fa m ilia r, o u g h t to be
d is c a r d e d . . .
. . . B u t w h a t I ha v e m o s t at I leart is, th at so m e M e th o d s h o u ld be th o u g h t o n for ascertain
in g a n d fix in g o u r L a n g u a g e for ever, after such A lte ra tio n s are m a d e in it as shall b e th o u g h t
requisite.
The letters pages o f new spapers, as w ell as articles, reg ularly ap p e a r th a t express s im ila r
m o d e r n attitudes to the d e c a y ' o f language. These are w ritte n b o th b y o r d in a r y pe o ple a n d
b y in flu e n tia l p o litic ia n s , w riters a n d celebrities. Y o u m a y like to lo o k o u t for th e m an d , fro m
y o u r k n o w le d g e o f th e his to ry o f the E n g lis h la n gu ag e , tr y to d is c rim in a te the v a lid p o in ts
fr o m th e m is u n d e rs ta n d in g s o l lin g u istic s c o n ta in e d in these o p in io n s .
4.5 Types of language change

T h r o u g h o u t th is necessarily b r ie f re v ie w o f h o w E n g lis h ha s c h a n g e d in the 1500 years o f its
history, p a rtic u la r k in d s o f chang e o c c u r o v e r a n d over ag ain . In s o m e respects, th e language
ha s b e c o m e s im p lifie d . T h e c o m p le x case-system o f in fle c tio n a l e n d in g s o f O l d E n g lis h has
left barely a re m n a n t in M o d e r n E n g lis h . W it h in B rita in , accents a n d dialects are fa r m ore
convergent a n d m u tu a lly in te llig ib le th a n th ey were, say, a c o u p le o f centuries ago, largely
because o l n a tio n a l new spapers, bro a d ca s tin g , railw ays a n d the m o to rw a y ne tw o rk. I n oth e r
respects, E n g lis h ha s b e c o m e m o re co m p le x . There is a host o f n a tio n a l varieties o f E nglish,
w ith th e ir o w n in te rn a l diale ctal differences, a rtific ia l E nglishes such as Air-Traffic C o n tro l
E n g lis h o r Seaspeak, a n d trans- natio nal varieties o f E nglish such as, to an extent. Black
E n g lis h V ernacular, n o n e o f w h ic h existed fiv e centuries a g o (see C h a p te r 6 for m o r e o n
these). Even w ith in the E nglish o f B ritain, there is a larger n u m b e r o f w o rd s in the vocabulary
o f th e la n g u ag e th a n there ha s ever been.
P eople th r o u g h o u t history, b u t e specially in the last three centuries, have s o u g h t to
attach m o ral values to th e changes in la n gu ag e . How ever, E nglish is n e ith e r im p r o v in g n o r
Types o f La n gu a g e Change
deg e ne ratin g ; it ha s alw ays s im p ly ch a n g e d as re q u ire d b y th e d iffe re n t social c o n d itio n s o f
those w h o speak it. T h e fac t th at E n g lis h is n o t stable across h isto ry is because it is still a
liv in g la n gu ag e , a n d chang e is a necessary aspect o f this. l h e ne xt sections c o n s id e r in m ore
d e ta il the d iffe re n t g ra m m a tic a l a n d lexical ways in w h ic h E n g lis h ha s changed.
4.5.1 G ram m atical change

M a n y o f th e c ha n g es in th e section above s h o w h o w g ra m m a tic a l chang e ha s been a feature
o f th e d e v e lo p m e n t o f E n g lis h . I n A nglo-Saxon, th e u s u a l m e th o d o f fo r m in g th e past
p a r tic ip le w a s to p u t the ge- prefix (p r o n o u n c e d /je /) o n t o th e w o rd (g elufo d = lo ved ). By
M id d le E n g lis h , th is w as w r itte n y- (y ro n n e = r u n ), b u t th is system h a d disapp eared entirely
b y M o d e r n English.
Like G e r m a n . F re n c h a n d L a tin . A ng lo - S ax on h a d a s in g ular a n d p lu ra l fo r m o f the
seco n d pe rso n p r o n o u n , / a n d g, respectively. I n M id d le E n g lis h , these c a m e to b e spelt
th o u a n d y o u , w ith s lig h tly altered p r o n u n c ia tio n . By th is tim e , th o u c a m e to d e n o te n o t
s im p ly sin g u la rity b u t also in tim a c y . It w o u ld be used b y frie n d s a n d fam ily, a n d y o u was
u s e d po litely to strangers. T h is developed in to a m ark e r o t respect a n d social ra n k , thou
a d d itio n a lly b e in g us e d to servants a n d in fe rio rs, a n d yo u to lords a n d m asters (c o m p a re tu
a n d vous in F ren ch ). Shakespeare signals m a n y so c ia l relation ships b y th e use o f th is fo rm
(see especially the te rm s o f address in R ic h a rd II) . H ow ever, b y th e seventeeth ce ntury, the
d is tin c tio n w as a lre ady disapp earin g . Today, w e o n ly use th o u in fossilized texts ( o ld plays,
prayers, a n d so o n ) , a n d use y o u in d iscrim in a te ly . S o m e m o d e r n dialects d o preserve a plu ra l
p r o n o u n , th o u g h , in youse o r you-all.
In the tw en tieth century, th e use o f the s u b ju n c tiv e fo r m has been d is a p p e a rin g fr o m m ost
p e o p le s speech. W h e r e d o u b t, desire or hy p o th e sis w as in te n d e d , th e s u b ju n c tiv e v e rb fo rm
w as used: I f I were rich. . . . o r He wished h e were there. Today, it is likely th a t I f I was r i c h , . . .
o r I k w ished h e w as there w ill be used b y all except m id d le - a g e d educated speakers. The
fin e g ra d a tio n o f m e a n in g offe re d b y th e s u b ju n c tiv e is n o lo n g e r required. O f course, the
d is a p p e a ran c e o t a g ra m m a tic a l fo rm rarely m e a n s th a t a n o t io n beco m e s inexpressible.
W o rd - orde r a n d p re p o s itio n s to o k o v e r the jo b o f id e n tify in g n o u n - fu n c tio n w h e n the casesystem w as lost. T h e g ra d a tio n s o f po litene ss w h ic h were carried b y the Ih o u /y o u d is tin c tio n
c a n n o w b e co nve ye d b y a w h o le set o l o th e r po litene ss strategics, in c lu d in g th e n a m e w e use
to address people, th e fo r m a lin ' o f th e w o rd s w e cho o se , the h e d g in g a n d po litene ss m arkers
w e dep loy , a n d so o n (see S ec tio n 7.1.3). O fte n , gaps le it b y th e loss o t a g ra m m a tic a l fo rm
c a n b e fille d b y lexical m e ans: in S ta n d a rd E n g lis h , w e can specify th e p lu ra l seco n d person
le x ically as y o u tw o or y o u lot, for exam ple.
4.5 .2 Lexical change

C h a n g e s in th e b a n k o l w o rd s available to E n g lis h speakers are th e m o s t no tic e a ble fo r m ot
la n g u ag e difference o v e r tim e . S om e w o rd s have sim p ly d ie d , a b a n d o n e d eith e r because th ey
C h a p te r 4
Lan gu age Change
were n o lo n g e r needed o r because th e y were replaced. T h e m o d e r n E n g lis h speaker d o e s not

need d o ze n s o f w o rd s for a sw ord, n o r for several d iffe re n t types o f s h ip , o r w arrior. Som e
such o ld w o rd s h a n g a r o u n d in fro ze n fo rm s, b u t few pe o ple recognize th e ir earlier m e a n
ings. I n A ng lo - S ax on, w ergild (= m a n - g o ld) was th e p ric e to b e p a id i n c o m p e n s a tio n i f a
m a n w as kille d . Perhaps th e o n ly re m n a n t ot the first ele m e n t here is werewolf.
E n g lis h ha s e x h ib ite d a va rie ty o f m e a n s o f cre a tin g n e w w o rd s over its history. Various
foreign influences have resulted in w o rd s o tte n b e in g b o r r o w e d fr o m o th e r languages, o n
p e rm a n e n t lo a n , o f course. S uch w o rd s e v e n tu a lly lose th e ir foreign c o n n o ta tio n s . O n ly a
L atin-educated p e d a n t, for exam ple , w o u ld in sist o n u s in g d ila p id a te d to refer exclusively to
stone (la p is ) b u ild in g s , or insist o n ly o n b re a k in g b re a d (pants) w ith co m p a n io n s, o r consult
the pla n e ts (sideris) w h e n considering s o m e th in g . A n d it is n o w n o t o n ly th e possessors o f
tcsticlcs w h o arc able to g ive testimony.
L a tin a n d G re e k ha v e also p r o v id e d a b a n k o f prefix es a n d su ffix e s (see S ectio n 2.2 .3) that
a llo w a s im p le n o u n to m u ltip ly in to m a n y n e w w ords: inter-, trans-, super-, sub-, ultra-, p h il-,
poly-, hydro-, a n d so on . W o rd s fro m d iffe re n t la n g u ag e s arc ofte n m ix e d to give n e w English
w o rd s . G re e k tele (fa r) a n d L atin c o m m u n ic a re give u s telecom m unication, a n d d o ze n s o f
o th e r tele- prefixed w ords: telegram, telephone, telex, telethon, telescope, as w ell as science
fic tio n a l item s like telepathy, telekinesis a n d tlpo rtatio n, w h ic h are as yet speculative.
S ince A ng lo - S ax on tim es, E n g lis h has a c q u ire d m a n y suffixes, such as -less, -ness, -full,
-ish, -ism, a n d so o n , to attach to w o rd s like hope, k in d , m e a n in g , book a n d co m m u ne
respectively. T hese m o r p h e m e s can e ven be c o m b in e d , as in hopelessness, a n d can b e used
in n o v a tiv c ly to crcatc n e w references such as the ap p ro x im a te t i m c .fo u ris h , o r th e attitu de ol
ageism . A ffix es such as -wise, mega- a n d hyper- ha v e b e c o m e in c re a s in g ly used w ith the
h y p e rb o le o f a d v e rtisin g copy.
P re fix ing a n d s u ffix in g are s o m e o f th e oldest m e th o d s o f cre atin g n e w w ords, very
c o m m o n i n e x p a n d in g the vocabulary. O ld E n g lis h also in h e rite d th e G e r m a n ic p a tte rn o f
c o m p o u n d in g w o rd s together (in to kennings) to crcatc n e olo gism s. M o d e r n E n g lis h uses
th is system as well: h e a d waiter, ozo n e frie n d ly , crash test d u m m y (see also S ectio n 2.2.4).
E n g lis h also uses the o p p o s ite process o l b a c k - fo r m a tio n to
create
n e w words.
M o rp h e m e s th at lo o k like affixes are rem o v e d (o fte n m ista ke nly ) to create a w ord: thus
editor a n d b urg la r have p ro d u c e d the verbs edit a n d burgle, a lo n g th e sam e lin e s as the
joke-w ords e p t a n d c o u th as th e app a re n t oppo sites o l in e p t a n d uncouth.
Further, the sort o f a b b r e v ia tio n th at w as c o n d e m n e d in th e eig hte e th ce n tu ry ha s since
b e c o m e a ve ry c o m m o n m e a n s o f w o rd - fo rm a tio n in p r a m , bus, zo o , ph o n e , f a x , a n d so on .
A c r o n y m s are th e extrem e fo rm o f th is , a n especially p ro d u c tiv e process in the d o m a in s
o f m o d e r n g o v e rn m e n t bureaucracy, co m pute r- sp eak a n d th e m ilita ry : ra d a r, laser, A ID S ,
B A S IC , C D - R O M , qu a ng o , IN S E T , a n d so o n .
T h e prin c ip le s b e h in d m a n y o f these processes o f n e o lo g izin g (to c o in a w o rd ) are often
irre g ula r a n d u n p re d ic ta b le . F o r exam ple , a veggieburger is a ro u n d slab o f n o n - m e a t p ro d u c t
in a b u n . T h e va rio u s ob se rv a b le spe llin gs o f th is in d ic a te the relative new ness o f th e w ord.
It is fo rm e d b y th e b le n d in g o f vegetarian a n d ha m b u rg e r, first ab brev ia te d to veggie

a n d burger. H a m b u rg e rs were o r ig in a lly s im p ly ite m s /p e o p le fr o m th e G e r m a n to w n o f
H a m b u r g . H a m , in th is context, has n o t h in g to d o w ith fo o d (it is related to the later English
w o rd h o m e ), b u t i n a n A m e r ic a n E n g lis h contex t th e e ty m o lo g y was w ro n g ly guessed to
b e associated w ith p ig m e a t (th o u g h , in fact, ha m b u rg e rs were u s u a lly m a d e w ith b e d ) . T hus,
burger was c o in e d b y a b b re v ia tio n as the w o rd for the m eat-in-a-bun, a n d th is is n o w
e ven e x p a n d e d in to
the c o m p o u n d beefburger. N u m e ro u s alternative affixes pro duce
cheeseburgers, chilliburgers, chickenburgers, J'ishburgers, a n d so o n . It is a n e x am ple o f h o w

w o rd s are in tro d u c e d based o n e ty m o lo g ic a l m is u n d e r s ta n d in g , b u t o n ly a p e d a n t w o u ld
a rg u e ag ainst th e correctness o f beejburger.
BREAKO U T BOX
Lis t s o m e 'n e w ' w o r d s . A r e th e y g e n u in e ly n e w ? M ow w e r e th e y f o r m e d W h a t p r o c e s s e s w e r e u s e d ?
C o m p a r e y o u r re su lts w it h o th e rs
4.5 .3 Sem antic change

W h e r e th e shape o f th e w o r d itself has r e m a in e d fairly c o n s ta n t, it is c o m m o n th at the
m e a n in g o f th e w o rd ha s su b sta n tia lly ch a n g e d over tim e . T h e m a n y influences o n E n g lis h
fro m va rio u s fo re ig n languag es have m e a n t th at at tim e s i n o u r h is to ry tw o o r m o r e w o rd s for
th e sam e th in g have existed sid e b y side. W h e re these s y n o n y m s have b o th survive d , they
h a v e u s u a lly b e c o m e s p e cialize d in m e a n in g , o r ta k e n o n s lig h tly diffe ren t c o n n o ta tio n s .
T h u s the French w o rd for sheep (m o u to n ) b ecam e m u tto n a n d w as s p e cialize d to refer to
the m e a t o f th e a n im a l th at k e p t its o r ig in a l E n g lis h n am e . W o rd s b o rro w e d fr o m foreign
languag es have o fte n altered th e ir m e a n in g s in th e process: a ju g g e r n a u t is n o t a H in d u
c e re m o n ia l cart b u t a n artic ula te d lorry; there is a w o rld o f d ifference betw een a Persian
b a z a a r a n d a jum ble-sale i n a B ritish c h u rc h h a ll; o u r barbecues are n o t like th o s e o f the
A ra w a k In d ia n s ; a n d w e have A n g lic iz e d th e A ra b ic for The k in g is d e a d in the gam e o f chess
in to the E n g lis h - so u n d in g checkmate.
W o rd s have c h a n g e d th e ir m e a n in g s w it h in E n g lis h i n a va rie ty o f ways. N a rro w in g , or
s p e c ia liza tio n , ha s h a p p e n e d to deer a n d m e a t, w h ic h o n c e m e a n t all livestock a n d a ll lo o d
respectively. I n co ntrast, b ro a d e n in g , o r g e n e ralizatio n , ha s h a p p e n e d to b ird a n d dog, w h ic h
onc e m e a n t a ne stlin g a n d a specific bre e d respectively. M e ta p h o r ha s p ro v id e d in n o v a tio n s
w h ic h have passed in to c o m m o n literal usage. H ille r is a d ea d m e ta p h o r w ith n o c urrent
gene ral e cho o f b itin g; s o m e th in g c a n be h a r ro w in g w ith n o c o n n o ta tio n s o f p lo u g h in g .
C h a p te r 4
Language Change
M e to n y m y pro vid es s e m a n tic s h ift b y virtu e o f closeness o f m e a n in g : ja w o rig in a lly m e a n t

th e cheek. S yn ecd och e exchanges th e w h o le for p a r t o f the m e a n in g : a stove w as a heated
r o o m ; a to w n w as a fence a r o u n d a h a b ita tio n . H y p e rb o le exaggerates a s to u n d (to strike w ith
th u n d e r a n d lig h t n in g ) w h ile litotes un derstates kill, o rig in a lly m e a n in g to to rm e n t. W ords
la k e o n d e g e n e ra tin g o verto nes (knave, m e a n in g a boy, b ecam e a n in s u lt) or elevating
c o n n o ta tio n s (k n ig h t, also m e a n in g a boy, b e c a m e an h o n o u r).
S uch m e a n in g chang e can present a p r o b le m w h e n the past im p in g e s o n th e present, as in
re a d in g o ld literature or h e a rin g proverbs a n d fossilized sayings. G a y m e n in th e 1920s were
s im p ly jo y fu l. M a n u fa c tu re d ite m s n o lo n g e r have to be h an d - m a de . T h e w o rd nice has
c h a n g e d m e a n in g n u m e ro u s tim e s , fro m silly, to fa s tid io u s , to precise, to b la n d ly pleasant.
M a n y m is u n d e rs ta n d in g s can arise o n th is ac cou nt. P ro o f h a d the o rig in a l sense o f success
f u l l y test, as i n w aterproof, so th a t It's the exception th a t proves the rule is n o n s e n sic al in
M o d e r n K n g lish b u t co h e re n t in its fo rm e r m e a n in g .
4.5.4 Pronunciation change

T h e effects ot T h e G re a t V o w el S h ilt o n th e p r o n u n c ia tio n o l m a n y E n g lis h w o rd s have
alre ady b e e n o u tlin e d , b u t p r o n u n c ia tio n chang e has been a feature o f th e lan g u ag e th r o u g h
o u t its history. T h e m o v e m e n t o f E n g lis h speakers a r o u n d the w o rld has m e a n t th a t such
c h a n g e ha s spread unevenly , a n d th is accounts for p r o n u n c ia tio n v a ria n ts in A m e ric a n ,
B ritish a n d A us tra lia n E n g lis h . T h e A u s tra lia n accent recalls the L o n d o n a n d East A n g lia n
p r o n u n c ia tio n o f th e o rig in a l w h ite settlers, th o u g h there has, o f course, b een tw o centuries
o f d o m e s tic de v e lo p m e n t to pro d u c e th e m o d e r n version.
A t th e tim e o f th e B ritish settle m e nt o f n o r th A m e r ic a , th e rh o tic accent (/r/- p ro n o u n c in g
in w o rd s lik e f a r m a n d car) w as prestigious. It is still pre stig io us across the U S, b u t in
e ig hteenth- century E n g la n d it becam e fa sh io n a b le to have a n o n - rh o tic accent. Today, Irish,
Scottish a n d rural w est-country. East A n g lia n a n d L a n c a s h ire E n g lis h accents arc the o n ly
rh o tic accents in B rita in . I n th e U S, the N e w E n g la n d area fo llo w e d B rita in i n d ro p p in g
rho ticity, a n d to d a y B o sto n speakers c a n be id e n tifie d b y th is accent characteristic.
P r o n u n c ia tio n chang e is to d a y sensitive lo the s ta n d a rd iz a tio n offe re d by the broadcast
m e d ia a n d recordings. How ever, there is also a lo ca l force i n re g io n a l la n g u ag e loyalty
w o rk in g in the op p o s ite d ire c tio n . A n Ir is h o r Scottish speaker m ig h t accentuate th e ir char
acteristic p r o n u n c ia tio n in e th n ic areas o f L o n d o n , o r m ig h t m o d ify o r ad a p t to a sou the rn
accent in ord e r to 'fit in.
O n e o f th e m o s t debated accent changes recently i n process is the spread o f so-called
E stuary E n g lis h across th e south-east o f E n g la n d . W h e r e Received P r o n u n c ia tio n (R P ) used
lo be th e educated, m iddle-class pre stig io u s accent, a fo r m o f p r o n u n c ia tio n th a t is closer to
East L o n d o n /E sse x speech is e m e rg in g a n d b e in g p o p u la r iz e d b y n u m e ro u s ( m a in ly
y o u n g ) broadcasters a n d po litic ian s . T h is is s p re a d in g as fa r n o r th as the W a s h a n d west to
H a m p s h ire . E stuary E n g lis h is w id e ly w r itte n a b o u t as a n e w accent, b u t it seem s it w as part
o f a w id e r p h o n o lo g ic a l m o v e m e n t a l th e e n d o f the tw e n tie th ce ntury, aw ay fr o m RP.

T h is accent is b e c o m in g m o r e casual a n d relaxed, p e rh a p s as the n a tio n a l in s titu tio n s a n d
work-places are also b e c o m in g m o r e casualized. How ever, R P is casu alize d in each region
tow ards the nearest u r b a n centre. I n the south-east. E s tu a ry E n g lis h is the ca su alizcd fo r m o f
R P in th e dire c tio n o f Eastern L o n d o n . B u t equally, the pre stig io us accents he a rd o n regional
te le visio n are fo rm s o f R P casu alize d to w ards G e o rd ie , o r Scouse, o r M a n c u n ia n , or B r u m
m a g e m , a n d so on . These p r o n u n c ia tio n changes have been less well d o c u m e n te d .
Finally, a m a jo r c h a n g e in p r o n u n c ia tio n ha s c o m e fr o m th e u n if y in g a n d sta n d a rd izin g
effects o f m ass literacy. T h e n o t io n o f a correct p r o n u n c ia tio n is c a rrie d over b y (false) a n a l
o g y fro m th e s ta n d a rd ize d w r itin g system , so th a t S poken S ta n d a rd E nglish is even s o m e
tim e s referred to . O v e r history, there ha v e also been cha n g es i n p r o n u n c ia tio n th at fo llo w the
s p e llin g o f a w ord. Recently, th e s p e llin g o ffo rehead seem s to ha v e alm o s t everyw here changed
the p r o n u n c ia tio n fr o m /fo r id / to /fo :h e d /, for exam ple.
4.5 .5 Reasons fo r la n gu a ge change

L anguage d o c s n o t c h a n g e o f its o w n accord, b u t it is th e d y n a m ic in s tr u m e n t o f those
m illio n s o f p e o p le w h o have sp o k e n F.nglish for 50 g enerations. L in g u is tic m o d e ls a n d rules'
o f s o u n d changes, o f the s o rt o u tlin e d for ease o f e x p la n a tio n in th is chapter, are the
p a tte rn e d effects o f th is e n o r m o u s p o te n tial for divergence. S o m e tim e s lin g u is tic textbooks
h a v e presented these rules as if th ey h a p p e n b y them selves. T h is is n o t true.
D eliberate a ttem pts to chang e th e course o f th e la n g u ag e have a lm o s t alw ays failed.
E n g lis h ha s c o n tin u e d to chang e in spite o f efforts to fix a n d sta n d a rd ize it, a n d the language
c o n tin u e s to evolve to best suit th e c o n te m p o ra r y needs o f its speakers. T h is is n o t to say that
speakers' a ttitu d e s to th e ir la n g u ag e are u n im p o r ta n t; ofte n , changes w ill spread m o r e rap id ly
d e p e n d in g o n th e prestige o r s tig m a attac h e d to p a rtic u la r fo rm s. W h e re th e language has
c h a n g e d m o s t fu n d a m e n ta lly is w here there have b een d eep social cha n g es th a t lead the
in n o v a tio n . N e w fo r m s m ig h t b e in tro d u c e d b y in v a d in g a n d settlin g people, b y a desire
for social d istance, b y b o r ro w in g fr o m a n o th e r la n g u ag e o r d iale ct, o r o c casio n a lly b y the
fo rtu ito u s creativity o f a n in flu e n tia l in d iv id u a l. B u t few such in n o v a tio n s surv iv e unless
there is a w ide spread social n eed for th e m . C h a n g e i n E n g lis h is n o t s im p ly th e n a matter
o f cre ation , b u t also o f th e forces ne ed e d to m a in ta in a n d rein force th e n e w fo rm a n d allow
it to spread.
C e n tra l to an u n d e r s ta n d in g o f th e h is to ry o f E n g lis h is the id e a th a t m o s t chang e is
u n p re d ic ta b le a n d ch a o tic because it has b e e n e ifh er a ccid en tal o r c o in c id e n ta l to o th e r social
m o ve m e n ts. O u r v ie w o f th e lin g u is tic pa st can never b e objective, because e a c h age applies
its o w n stan dard s o f sc ie n tific e n q u ir y to th e facts' o f the past, a n d w c are o f course still
in side th e h is to ry o f the la n gu ag e , th o u g h as it com es near us we call it sociolinguistics.
W ith o u t the G re a t P lag ue o r K in g Jo h n s fo re ig n p o lic y failures, w e m ig h t a ll n o w be
speaking a version o f French. I f W illia m o f N o r m a n d y h a d n o t felt so vu ln e rab le a n d insisted
C h a p te r 4
Lan gu age Change
o n fo rtify in g L o n d o n , o u r capital m ig h t n o w s till h e W inche ster, o r m ay be B ir m in g h a m , a n d

o u r S ta n d a rd E n g lis h a m o d e r n d e s c e n d a n t o f th e M e rc ia n d iale ct. C h a u c e r m ig h t b e regarded
as an o b sc ure a n d verbose diale ct po e t. I f th e G o ld e n Age o f N o r th u m b r ia h a d been u n a f
fected b y D a n is h in vasion s, a n d th e N o r th u m b r ia n d iale ct even tually d o m in a te d E nglish
th ro u g h to th e Renaissance, th e n p e rh a p s the Sco ttish k in g s w o u ld hav e earlier been accept
able in the so u th . Perhaps w e w o u ld n o w still have a C a th o lic S tu a rt m o n a rc h y a n d w o u ld
speak a m o d e r n ve rsion o f Scots, w ith a case-system still in ta c t. W e m ig h t have m a n y Latin
a n d G re e k a n d S p a n is h te rm s b u t little F ren ch . There w o u ld be n o A fr ic a n o r In d ia n words
because there w o u ld have b e e n n o B ritish E m p ire a n d n o C o m m o n w e a lth . A u s tra lia w o u ld
be D u tc h o r P ortuguese s p e a k in g , a n d th e U S w o u ld ha v e a special re la tio n s h ip w ith Spain.
Y o u can p la y th is g a m e endlessly, b u t th e m o r a l is the sam e. L anguage chang e reflects a n d
follow s social chang e, a n d th e c o m p le x ity o f th is defies th e easy p h ilo lo g ic a l rules th a t see
p re d ic ta b ility as an o p tio n in lin g uistics. A ccid e ntal chang e m e a n s th a t th e w h o le basis o f
h o w we perceive the h is to ry o f o u r language, a n d th e m e th o d s we use to re c o n stru c t o u r
lin g u is tic past, are pe rh a p s ready to be fu n d a m e n ta lly revised.
Activities
A ctiv ity 4.2.1
Use th e tables o f O l d E n g lis h in fle c tio n s to translate the fo llo w in g sentences:
1. T he queen kisses the king.
2. T he good child loves (infinitive luftan) the old queen.
3. T he kings c hild was (verb waet) good.
4. T he queen brought (pasl brohle) lhe king lo lhe children.
Flave a g o at m a k in g y o u r o w n sentences in O l d E n g lis h , u s in g th e w o rd s here. R e m e m b e r
th at every w o r d in the n o u n - p h ra s e ( n o u n , adjectives a n d articles) m u s t agree for gender,
n u m b e r a n d case.
Y o u c o u ld ha v e a lo o k at so m e O l d E n g lis h p o e try a n d prose. The Voyage o f Ohthere a n d
W ulfstan is easy prose re ad in g . The D re a m o f the R ood, The M in d e re r a n d The Seafarer are
p o w e rfu l s h o rt A ng lo - S ax on p o e m s , a n d B e o w id fis th e m o s t fa m o u s lo n g p o e m . O l d English
R id d le s (o fte n p a n d e r in g to th e b a w d y sensibilities o f th e tim e s ) arc still e n te rta in in g . Parallel
(i.e. w ord-for-w ord) tra n slatio n s are available. Try a n d w rite a critical analy sis o f th e literary
text, fo c u s in g o n th e style ot the piece.
A ctiv ity 4.2.1 Answ ers:

1. Seo cwen clippe
one cynmg.
2 . act gode be a m lut'a
a ealdan cwene.
3. aet cyninges bearn waes gode.
A c tiv itie s
4. Sco cwcn brohtc one cyning ara bcarna

(o r)
o n e c y n in g
a r a b c a r n a s c o c w c n b r o h tc . f o r e x a m p le .
A c tiv ity 4.2.4

U sin g a m a p o f B rita in w ith d e ta il o f village p la ce n a m e s, p lo t the areas o flin g u is tic influence:
the extent o f th e D anelaw , th e C e ltic stro n g h o ld s a n d the types o f h a b ita tio n across the c o u n
try. R e m e m b e r th a t th e sp e llin g s o f to w n s a n d villages m a y ha v e va rie d d u r in g the in te r v e n
in g m ille n n iu m .
C e ltic
A n g lo -S a x o n
cw m /com bc/cum - valley
t o n / t u n - e n c lo s u re
dun /d u m - h ill fort
w ic /w ic k - d a ir y fa r m
bal - hamlet
h a m - v illa g e
trc - homestead
in g - fo llo w e r
lan - church
r o d 'r o d e - cross
pen
sum m it
afon - river
(From Ro m an Latin:)
aber - rivcr-mouth
p o r t - s e a - la n d in g
bre/bar/tor - hill
b u r g / b r o u g h / b u r y / b e r r y - fort
crag - cliff
caster/cester/chester/castle - walled town
p ill - tidal inlet

brocc - badger
Sca n d in a v ia n /D a n ish
toft- house
vik - inlet (hence, 'viking' - follower o f inlets)
thorpc - farm
stoke - holy place
by
village
W h a t d o the na m e s o f to w ns a n d cities tell yo u ab o u t th e m , in term s o f their history, location,

g eographical features, po p u la tio n , m a in industries, a n d so o n ? W h a t differences w o u ld there be
in the n a m in g o f B ritain i f o u r h isto ry were different? Try o u t these, o r y o u r o w n , scenarios:
a) Nazi Germany successfully invaded Britain in 1941 and began to rename every British city, town
and village to restore the ancestral 'Anglo-Saxon racial language !o the landscape.
b) The Victorian Industrial Revolution created m any more new towns alongside its rail and canal
industrial centres, and steam-powered computers were perfected and built near where you live.
c ) T h e N o r m a n s n e v e r in v a d e d lin g la n d a n d th e r e w a s s u b s e q u e n tly n o F r e n c h in llu e n c e o n
th e
la n g u a g e .
d ) s y s t e m o f h u m a n - b o d y d c l c n c c w a s d e v e lo p e d b y t h e R o m a n s s o t h a t c a s t le s a n d f o r t s w e r e
n e v e r in v e n te d .
C h a p te r 4
Language Change
c) The Celtic-speaking Britons successfully repelled ho th the Rom ans and the Germ anic tribes, so
that everywhere retains Celtic names. Or, conversely, the Celtic people were wiped out completely
even from Ireland, Scotland, Wales and Cornwall. Try and rename the towns in these places on
sound principles.
U p d a te a n d m o d e rn iz e th e place na m e s o f th e B ritish Isles: so th a t y o u w o u ld visit Oldcastle-upon-Tyne, exchange Blackpool for D u b lin , se n d for y o u r d r iv in g lice nce to P ig to w n, a n d
so on . W h a t m o d e r n features o f th e places near w h e re yo u live c o u ld be used lo ren am e them :
cheniicalw orktow n, motorw aycrossing, hillside, southriverbank, a n d so on?
A ctiv ity 4.3

I.o o k at th e fo llo w in g M id d le K nglish text, fr o m th e m id - fo urte en th - ce n tury tra n sla tio n o f
the Bible b y Jo h n W y c liffe a n d his follow ers. C o m p a r e it w ith th e m o d e r n tra n s la tio n that
follow s a n d describ e the differences ( in sp e llin g , g r a m m a r a n d vo cab ula ry ) betw een M id d le
E n g lis h a n d M o d e r n English.
J o h n W y c liffe (d ie d 1384): L u k e 10.38-42

A n d it w as d o n , w h ile th e i w e n te n , h e e n trid e in to a castel; a n d a w o m m a n , M a r th a b i nam e ,
resseyuede h y m in to h ir ho us. A n d to th is w as a sistir, M a r ie b i n a m e , w h ic h also sat bis id is
the feet o f th e L o rd , a n d he rde his w o rd . B u t M a r th a bisiede a b o u te th e ofte seruyce. A n d
sche sto od , a n d scide. L o rd , takist th o u n o kepe, th at m y sistir h a th left m e alo o n e to scruc?
th e rfo r seie th o u to hir, th a t sche h e lp e m e . A n d the L o rd answ erde, a n d seide to h ir, M artha,
M a r th a , t h o u a rt bysi, a n d a rt tr o u b lid a b o u te fu l m a n y th in g is ; b u t o th in g is necessarie.
M a rie h a th c h o s u n th e best p a rt, w h ic h schal n o t b e ta k u n aw ei fr o hir.
N e w In te rn a tio n a l V e rsio n (C o p y r ig h t 1973, 1978, 1984 b y B ib lic a J

A s Jesus a n d h is disciples were o n th e ir way, he c a m e to a village w here a w o m a n n a m e d
M a r th a o p e n e d h e r h o m e to h im . She h a d a sister c a lled M ary, w h o sat a t th e Lord's feet
lis te n in g to w h at h e said. B u t M a r th a was d istracted b y a ll th e p re paratio ns th a t h a d to be
m ad e . She ca m e to h im a n d asked, Lord, d o n t y o u care th at m y sister has left m e to d o the
w o r k b y m yself? Tell h e r to h e lp m e ! M a r th a , M artha, th e L o rd answ ered, 'y o u are w o rrie d
a n d upset a b o u t m a n y th in g s , b u t o n ly o n e th in g is needed. M a r y has c h o s e n w h a t is better,
a n d it w ill n o t b e taken aw ay fr o m her.
A c tiv ity 4.4

F o llow in g are three texts o f the Parable o f the G o o d S a m a rita n (fro m th e Bible, L u k e 10.25-37).
The first is a n early m o d e r n E nglish translation b y W illia m
lY n dale , the s eco n d is the
A u th o rise d V ersion, a n d the th ird is a recent m o d e r n translation. C o m p a re th e m to see

h o w English ha s changed fr o m the early sixteenth ce ntury th ro u g h to to d a y
A c tiv itie s
W illia m T yn d a le (1525)
A n d b e h o ld e a ce rtay ne Law ere sto d e v p a n d te m p le d h i m sayinge: M a s te r w h a t s h a ll I d o
to in h e r e t c te rn a ll life? H e sa y d v n to h im : W h a t is w r itte n i n th e law e? H o w redest th o u ?
A n d h e an sw e re d a n d sayde: I.o u e th y I.o rd e G o d w ith all th y h e rt a n d w ith a ll th y soule
a n d w ith all th y stregthe a n d w it h all th y m y n d e : a n d th y n e g h b o u r as th y sylfe. A n d
h e sayde v n to h im : T h o u h a st answ ered r ig h t. T h is d o a n d th o u s h a ll live. H e w illin g e
to iu s tifie h i m silfe sayde v n to lesus: W h o is th e n m y n e g h b o u r ? Iesus a n sw e re d a n d
sayde: A ce rtay ne m a n d e sc e nd e d fr o H ie r u s a lc m in to H ie r ic o a n d fell in to th e h o n d e s
o f th ev e s w h ic h r o b b e d h im
o f h is ray m e t a n d w o u n d e d h i m a n d d e p a rte d levynge
h im h lfe deed. A n d b y c h a u n c e th e r c a m e a ce rtay ne preste th a t s a m e w aye a n d w h e n

he saw e h i m h e passed by. A n d ly k e w y se a L e vite w h e n h e w as c o m e n ye to th e place
w e t a n d lo k e d o n h im a n d passed by. T h e n a ce rtay ne S a m a rita n e as h e io rn y e d cam e
n ye v n to h im a n d w h e n h e saw e h im h a d c o m p a s s io n o n h im a n d w e n t to a n d b o u n d e
v p h is w o u n d e s a n d p o u r e d in oyle a n d w y n e a n d p u t h i m o n h is aw n e beaste a n d b ro u g h t
h im to a c o m e n y n n e a n d m a d e p r o v is io n for h i m . A n d o n the m o r o w e w h e n h e dep a rte d
h e to ke o u t tw o pe c e a n d gave th e m to th e h o s t a n d sayde v n to h i m . T ake c u re o f h im
a n d w h atsoe ve r t h o u spedest m o a re w h e n 1 c o m e agay ne 1 w ill re c o m p e n c e th e . W h ic h
n o w o f these th re th y n k e st th o u w a s n e ig h b o u r v n to h im yt fell in t o ye theves ho n d e s?
A n d h e sayde: h e th a t sh e w e d m e rcy o n h im . T h e n sayde Ie s u s v n to h im . G o o a n d d o th o u
lyke wyse.
K in g Ja m e s (A u th o ris e d ) V e rsio n (1611)

A n d , b e h o ld , a ce rta in lawyer s to o d up , a n d te m p te d h im , sayin g , M aster, w h a t shall I d o to
in h e rit ete rn a l life? I le said u n to h i m , W h a t is w ritten in th e law ? h o w readest th o u ? A n d he
a n s w e rin g said. T h o u shalt love the L o rd th y G o d w ith a ll th y heart, a n d w ith a ll th y so u l, a n d
w ith a ll th y s tren g th, a n d w ith a ll th y m in d ; a n d th y n e ig h b o u r as thyself. A n d h e said u n to
h i m , T h o u hast answ ered right: th is d o . a n d th o u shalt live. B u t he, w illin g to ju s tify him se lf,
said u n to Jesus, A n d w h o is m y n e ig h b o u r? A n d Jesus a n sw erin g said, A certain m a n w ent
d o w n fro m Jerusalem to Jericho, a n d fell a m o n g thieves, w h ic h strip p e d h im o f h is raim e n t,
a n d w o u n d e d h i m , a n d departed, le av in g h im h a lf dead . A n d b y ch a n c e there ca m e d o w n a
c e rta in priest th at way: a n d w h e n he saw h im , h e passed b y o n th e o th e r side. A n d like w ise a
Levite, w h e n h e w as a t the place, c a m e a n d lo oke d o n h i m , a n d passed b y o n th e oth e r side.
B u t a certain S am a ritan , as he jo u rn e y e d , ca m e w h e re he was: a n d w h e n h e saw h i m , h e had
c o m p a s s io n o n h i m . A n d w e n t to h im , a n d b o u n d u p his w o u n d s , p o u r in g in o il a n d w in e ,
a n d set h im o n his o w n beast, a n d b ro u g h t h im to a n in n , a n d to o k care o f h im . A n d o n
the m o rro w w h e n he d e p a rte d , he lo o k o u i tw o pence, a n d gave th e m to the host, a n d said
u n to h i m . Take care o f h im ; a n d w hatsoever th o u sp e n de st m o re , w h e n I c o m e ag ain . I w ill
repay thee. W h ic h n o w o f these three, th in k e s t th o u , w as n e ig h b o u r u n to h im th a t fell a m o n g
th e thieves? A n d h e s a id . He th at sh e w e d m e rcy o n h im . T h e n said Jesus u n to h i m , G o , a n d
d o th o u likewise.
C h a p te r 4
Lan gu age Change
Today's N e w In te rn a tio n a l V ersio n ( C o p y r ig h t 2001, 2 0 0 5 b y B ib lic a )

O n o n e o c c a s io n a n e x p e rt in the la w s to o d u p to test Jesus. 'Teacher,' h e ask e d , w h a t m u s t
I d o to in h e r it ete rn a l life ? ' W h a t is w r itte n in th e Law ?' h e re p lie d . 'H o w d o y o u read it?
H e answ ered, "L o v e th e L o r d y o u r G o d w it h a ll y o u r h e a rt a n d w ith a ll y o u r s o u l a n d
w ith all y o u r stre n g th a n d w ith a ll y o u r m i n d ; a n d , "L o v e y o u r n e ig h b o u r as y o u rse lf " '
Y o u ha v e answ ered correctly, Jesus re p lie d . D o th is a n d yo u w ill live. H ut h e w a n te d to
ju s tify h im s e lf, s o h e asked Jesus, 'A n d w h o is m y n e ig h b o u r? ' I n rep ly Jesus said: m a n
w as g o in g d o w n fr o m Je ru s a le m to Jeric h o , w h e n h e fell in to th e h a n d s o f ro b be rs. T h e y
s tr ip p e d h im o f h is c lothe s, h e a t h i m a n d w e n t away, le a v in g h im h a lf d e a d . A priest
h a p p e n e d to be g o in g d o w n the sam e ro a d , a n d w h e n he s a w th e m a n , h e passed b y o n
th e o th e r side. S o lo o , a Levite, w h e n h e ca m e l o ih e p la c e a n d saw h i m , passed b y o n the
o th e r sid e . B u t a S a m a rita n , as h e tra v e lle d , c a m e w h e re th e m a n was; a n d w h e n h e saw
h i m , h e lo o k p ity o n h im . H e w e n t to h im a n d b a n d a g e d his w o u n d s , p o u r in g o n o il a n d
w in e . T h e n h e p u t th e m a n o n h is o w n d o n k e y , b r o u g h t h i m to a n in n a n d to o k care o f
h im . T h e n e xt d a y he to o k o u t tw o d e n a r ii a n d gave th e m to th e in n k e e p e r. 'L o o k afte r
him ,' h e s a id , a n d w h e n 1 re tu rn , 1 w ill re im b u rse yo u fo r an y e x tra expense yo u m a y have.
'W h ic h o f these three d o yo u t h in k w as a n e ig h b o u r to th e m a n w h o fe ll in t o th e h a n d s o f
rob be rs? T h e expert i n th e law re p lie d , T h e o n e w h o h a d m e r c y o n h im .' Jesus lo ld h im ,
'G o a n d d o likew ise.
A c tiv ity 4.5.2

S om e w o rd s have been bo rro w e d m a n y lim es, th ro u g h vario u s roules, in lo E n g lis h . L o o k up
the e ty m o lo g y (o r ig in ) o f the fo llo w in g w o rd s in a g o o d d ic tio n a r y (concise o r larger) a n d
d e te r m in e w h ic h L a tin w o rd lies a t th e o r ig in o f th e m all:
tenacious, tenant, tenement, tenet, tenon, tenor, tenure
A ctiv ity 4.5.3

I f y o u have access to it. use th e O x fo rd English D ic tio n a ry to lo o k u p ih e fo llo w w o rd s a n d
n otice h o w ih e ir m e a n in g s have d eve lo pe d i n E n g lis h , s o m e tim e s d iv e rg in g c o nside ra b ly
fr o m th e m e a n in g o f th e w o rd in th e ir o rig in a l language.
b a m b o o , c o a c h , e q u a to r , g r a f fiti, g u n g - h o . n ic e , s h e r b e t, z e n ith
Access lo ih e o n lin e O E D (ww w .oed.com ) is po ssib le th ro u g h universities a n d colleges, and

th ro u g h local p u b lic libraries in m a n y areas o f th e U K . I f y o u d o n 't have access to th e O E D ,
use a large (desk-size) d ic tio n a r y o r a n ety m o lo g ica l dic tio n a ry .
F u r th e r R e a d in g
Further reading________________________________
O i l lh e g e n e r a ! d e v e lo p m e n t o f E n g lis h , a n d w i t h a g o o d s e c t io n o n A m e r ic a n E n g lis h , t h e classic t e x t b o o k w i t h a w e a lt h
o f d e t a il is B a u g h a n d C a b le (2 0 0 2 ). A n e n g a g in g a c c o u n t o l lh e h is t o r y o f t h e la n g u a g e c a n b c f o u n d i n G r a d d o l
c t a l. (2 0 0 6 ). M c C r u m e t a l. ( 2 0 0 2 ) is e x c e lle n t o n la t e r E n g lis h . P y le s a n d A lg c o (2 0 0 4 ) a n d G o i l a c h ( 1 9 9 7 ) tr a c e th e
s p e c ific a lly lin g u is t ic ( p h o n o lo g ic a l, g r a m m a t ic a l, le x ic a l) d e v e lo p m e n t s , w h ile L e it h (1 9 9 7 ) is a g o o d i n t r o d u c t io n to
a s o c ia l v ie w o l E n g li s h la n g u a g e h is to ry , a n d d e a ls w i t h t h e i m p o s i t i o n o f E n g lis h o n C e ltic - s p e a k e rs i n t h e B r itis h
Is le s S p e c ific t r e a t m e n t s o f E a r iy M o d e m E n g li s h a n d L a te M o d e r n E n g lis h c a n b e f o u n d i n N e v a la in e n (2 0 0 6 ) a n d
V a n O s t a d e (2 0 0 9 ) re spectively. G o i n g b e y o n d t h e t r a d i t io n a l w e ll- w o r n p a t h s o f t h e s u b je c t are C r y s ta l (2 0 0 5 ) a n d
W a tts a n d T r u d g ill (2 0 0 2 )
T h e d e v e lo p m e n t o f t h e w r i t i n g sy ste m is c o v e r e d b y t h e r e a d a b le fa c k s o n ( 1 9 8 7 ). a n d S c r a g g (1 9 7 1 ) is g o o d s p e c ific a lly
o n t h e h is t o r y o f s p e lli n g S y n ta c tic c h a n g e is c o v e r e d c o m p r e h e n s iv e ly b y T r a u g o tt (1 9 7 2 ). A d v a n c e d d is c u s s io n s o f
t h e w h o le e n te r p r is e o l h is to r ic a l lin g u is t ic s a r e c o n t a in e d i n R is s a n c n e l a l (1 9 9 2 ) a n d [o n e s (1 9 9 3 )
F o r O l d E n g lis h . H o g g ( 2 0 0 2 ) a n d S m i t h ( 2 0 0 9 ) a r e g o o d i n t r o d u c t io n s . Q u i r k a n d W r e n n (1 9 5 8 ) is a c le a r g r a m m a r o f
t h e la n g u a g e , a n d C la r k - H a ll (2 0 0 9 ) is a c o n v e n ie n t d ic t io n a r y . H a m e r (2 0 0 6 ) c o n ta in s p a r a lle l ve n te tr a n s la tio n s o f
t h e b est O l d E n g lis h p o e t r y W h i l d o c k ( 1 9 9 1 ) is a f a s c in a t in g re ad o f A n g lo S a x o n s o c ia l h i s t o r y O l d E n g lis h te x ts arc
a v a ila b le o n l i n e f r o m : T h e O n l i n e C o r p u s o f O l d E n g li s h P o e t r y h iip .Z /w w .o e p o e tr y . cn/.
On
M i d d le E n g lis h . H o r o b i n a n d S m i t h (2IK I2 ) is a n i n t r o d u c t io n . M a y h e w (2 0 0 6 ) is a d ic t io n a r y . C h a u c e r a n d
M a lo r y a r e g o o d p la c e s t o sta r t w i t h M i d d le E n g lis h p o e t r y a n d p r o s e 'G a w a in a n d t h e G r e e n K n i g h t ' is e d it e d i n a
c o lle c t io n b y C a w le y (1 9 7 6 ) A n o n l in e c o r p u s o f M i d d le E n g lis h p r o s e a n d ve rse is a v a ila b le a t h u p M iiio iI.lib .iw itc h .
e d u /c /c m e /.
T h e c o m p le t e O x fo rd F itg titk D t c lw u iiy is in d is p e n s ib lc i n h is to r ic a l lin g u is t ic s , b u t t h e C o n c is e O x fo r d D ittim ta r y o f

b ig lis b E ty m o lo g y ( H o a d 1 9 9 3 ) a n d t h e D i c t i o n a r y o f B r it is h P la c e - N a m e s ( M i l l s 2 0 0 3 ) a r e a ls o v e r y u s e f u l T h e r e are
n u m e r o u s lo c a l h is to rie s t h a t d e a l w i t h y o u r o w n p a r t o f t h e c o u n tr y .
T h e q u e s tio n o f a ttitu d e s t o lin g u is t ic d e c a y a n d p r e s c r ip liv is m is a d d re sse d v e r y r e a d a b ly b y A itc h is o n (2 0 0 0 ). M ilr o y a n d
M i l r o y ( 1998) is a n e le g a n t a n d sc h o la rly v i e w o f t h e n o t i o n o f a u t h o r it y i n la n g u a g e a n d lin g u is tic s . C r o w le y ( 1991 ) is a
c o lle c tio n o f o r ig in a l essays a n d e x tracts o n E n g lis h f r o m t h e se vente e nth c e n tu r y t o th e p re se n t, w h ic h m a k e s fascin atin g
r e a d in g
Suggested projects
T h e la n g u a g e o f t h e w o r ld a r o u n d b e a r s t h e i m p r i n t o f u s h is t o r ic a l d e v e lo p m e n t . A g o o d e t y m o lo g ic a l d i c t io n a r y
( t h a t is . o n e w h i c h g ive s t h e fir s t r e c o r d e d a p p e a r a n c e o f a w o r d a n d it s c h a n g i n g f o r m a n d m e a n in g o v e r t i m e ) is a n
e ss e n tia l t o o l f o r t h e s t u d e n t o f h is t o r ic a l lin g u is tic s .
T h e h is t o r y o f t h e la n g u a g e is m o s t acc essib le i n o l d d o c u m e n t s t ill i n p r i n t T h e se w i ll le n d t o b e v a lu e d te x ts s u c h
a s lite r a tu r e , a n d y o u c a n f i n d e x a m p le s o f la n g u a g e f r o m B e o w u lf t o D ic k e n s O l d d ic t io n a r ie s a n d g r a m m a r s , c-ssavs.
s e r m o n s a n d p o lit ic a l w r i t i n g a ls o s u r v iv e . T h e m o s t d if f ic u lt t h i n g i n s t u d y in g t h e h is t o r y o f t h e la n g u a g e is b e i n g a b le to
n a r r o w d o w n t o e x a m in e a n a re a M iia ll e n o u g h l o b e m a n a g e a b le D o n t , fo r e x a m p le , t r y t o w r it e a b o u t t h e e n t ir e h is to ry
o f A m e r ic a n E n g lis h , o r t h e w h o le g r a m m a r o f O l d E n g lis h
T h e r e a r e , i n g e n e r a l, t w o w a y s o f a p p r o a c h in g t h e h is to r ic a l s t u d y o f la n g u a g e . T h e lir s t is t o f o c u s o n a p o i n t in
t u n e a n d e x a m in e a fe a tu r e o f la n g u a g e i n it s c o n t e m p o r a r y s e ttin g . E s s e n tia lly t h i s is h is t o r ic a l s o c io lin g u is tic s , a n d is
C h a p te r 4
Lan gu age Change
lik e e x a m in in g a S n a p s h o t o f a m o m e n t m t i m e a n d t h e la n g u a g e u se d . T h e s e c o n d a p p r o a c h is t o f o llo w a la n g u a g e featu re

t h r o u g h it * d e v e lo p m e n t a cro ss tim e , t r a c in g c h a n g e s a n d d iffe r e n c e s i n usag e b y d iffe r e n t g e n e r a tio n *
A n e x a m p le o f t h e fir s t a p p r o a c h w o u ld be t o d is c u s s d ia le c t v a r ia t io n m O l d E n g lis h . I n S e c t io n 4 .2 .1 th e r e is a p a ir o f
te x t* i n d iff e r e n t d ia le c ts Y o u c o u ld ta k e s im ila r p a ir s a n d id e n t if y d ia le c t featu res Y o u c o u ld tr a c e i h e s u b s e q u e n t
h is to r y o f s o n ic o f t h e w o r d s t o see h o w m a n y f r o m e a c h te x t s u r v iv e d i n t o M i d d le a n d M o d e r n E n g lis h , a n d th u s
d e t e r m in e w h ic h d ia le c t b e c a m e m o r e p re stigiou s.
2.
A n o t h e r e x a m p le o f i h e fir s t a p p r o a c h w o u ld b e t o p l o t t h e o r i g i n s o f p la c e n a m e s o r f a m i ly n a m e s F o r e x a m p le , y o u
c o u ld ta k e a r a n d o m s a m p le o f , say. a h u n d r e d n a m e s f r o m y o u r lo c a l t e le p h o n e d ire c to ry . O r g a n i z e t h e m i n t o c a te g o
ries s u c h a s
occupation,fatuity trail. place oforigin, ethnic background, a n d
s o o n . B a s e d o n t h e p a t te r n o f d is t r ib u tio n ,
y o u c o u ld t h e n s p e c u la te o n t h e m ig r a t i o n p a tte r n s o f y o u r lo c a l a re a. Y o u c o u ld lo o k u p i h e o r i g i n s o f t h e c o m p o n e n t
w o r d s o f s u r n a m e s l o see h o w t h e y h a v e c h a n g e d a n d w h e n t h e y a p p e a re d .
3.
A n e x a m p le o f t h e s e c o n d a p p r o a c h w o u l d b e t o in v e s tig a te t h e la n g u a g e c h a n g e c o n t a in e d i n a n y s h o r t m o d e r n text.
U se a n e t y m o lo g ic a l d i c l i o n a r y ( s u c h as i h e
Oxford I'jtgM t Iheiw/utry) t o
tr a c e i h e h is t o r y o f e a c h w o r d b a c k l o its f n s l
r e c o r d e d a p p e a r a n c e . Y o u w o u l d f i n d o u t w h a t t h e o r i g i n a l se n se o f t h e w o r d w as, a n d w h e t h e r i t h a d g o n e t h r o u g h a
s e r ie s o f c h a n g e s i n m e a n in g o v e r t h e y ears. I n t e ie s t m g te x ts t o c h o o s e w o u ld b e t h o s e w r it t e n b y I n d i a n t n g l i s h or
C a r i b b e a n E n g lis h sp e a k e rs , o r te x ts u s i n g s o m e s o r t o f n o n s t a n d a r d d i a l e d '
4
O n e w a y o f in v e s tig a tin g la n g u a g e c h a n g e is l o t a l k t o t h e o ld e s t s p e a k e rs i n y o u r a re a. O l d p e o p le w i ll h a v e le a r n t t o
speak 7 0 , 0 o r even
90
y ea rs a g o , a n d th e ir v o c a b u la r y a n d g r a m m a r m ig h t b e q u i t e d iffe r e n t f r o m t h a t o f y o u n g
p e o p le T h e y m ig h t a ls o k n o w lo c a l la n d m a r k s b y d iff e r e n t n a m e s R e c o r d a c o n v e r s a tio n w i t h a n o l d p e r s o n , t r y in g
l o ge t t h e m in v o lv e d i n t h e s t o r y w h ile y o u a r e t a k i n g n o t e o f t h e i r la n g u a g e .
3
Y o u m ig h t a i g u e a p a r t ic u la r case w i t h s u p p o r t i n g lin g u is t ic e v id e n c e . F o r e x a m p le , y o u m ig h t ta k e t h e p o i n t th a t
S c o ts o u g h t t o b e c o n s id e r e d a se p a ra te la n g u a g e f r o m E n g lis h , o n t h e b a s is l h a l i l d e v e lo p e d f r o m i h e N o r t h u m b r ia n
d ia le c t o i O l d E n g lis h r a th e r t h a n t h e W e s t S a x o n a s d i d M o d e r n S t a n d a r d E n g lis h . A s e v id e n c e , y o u m ig h t u s e e x a m
p le s o f lite r a tu r e w r it t e n i n S c o ts f r o m t h e M i d d le A ge s t o m o d e r n w r ite r s t r y in g t o r e c la im th e ir v e r n a c u la r
la n g u a g e
Language Acquisition and

Development
Chapter Outline
5.1 G ro w th o f la n g u a g e stru c tu re s
138
5.2 D e v e lo p m e n t o f la n g u a g e fu n c tio n s
142
5.3 L a n g u a g e in t h in k in g a n d c o n c e p tu a liz in g
143
5.4 L a n g u a g e a n d the d e v e lo p m e n t o f c o m m u n ic a tio n
144
5.5 S c h o o l y e a rs : re a d in g a n d w ritin g
145
5.6 F in d in g o u t a b o u t la n g u a g e a c q u is itio n
147
5.7 A c q u irin g a s e c o n d la n g u a g e : b ilin g u a lis m
148
A c tiv itie s
150
152
153
W e saw in C h a p te r 2 ju s t h o w w o n d e rfu lly c o m p le x th e system o l a la n g u ag e (e.g. E n g lis h ) is.

O n e o f th e rem ark ab le th in g s a b o u t u s as h u m a n bein gs is h o w in a relatively sh o rt space
o f tim e - 4 to 5 years - we ac q u ire o u r la n gu ag e . O r , i f w e are b ro u g h t u p to speak two
languages, as b ilin g u a ls , w c a c q u ire tw o la n g u a g e systems s im u lta n e o u s ly . T h is ch a p te r looks
a t so m e o f the m a i n features o f th e language a c q u is itio n process.
B y the tim e c h ild r e n start s c h o o l b etw een th e ages o f fo u r a n d live: th ey a rc able to
articulate m o s t o f the s o u n d s o f E n g lis h speech; th ey are a b le to p ro d u c e a pp ro priate ly
s tru c tu re d sentences, h a v in g a c q u ire d th e essentials o f the g ra m m a tic a l system; th ey are able
to ope rate as turn-takers in a sp o k e n discou rse ; a n d th e y c a n use th e ir la n g u ag e kno w led g e
for a diverse ran g e o f pu rp o se s - to express th e ir feelings, to get th in g s d o n e , to f in d o u t ab o u t
the w o rld , to m a k e p e rs o n a l co n ta ct, a n d so o n . A n d th e y u n d e rs ta n d far m o re la n g u ag e th a n
th ey c a n them selves use.
In th is chapter, w e s h a ll b e c o n c e n tra tin g o n th e early, pre-school, years; th o u g h w e w ill
also say a little (S e ction 5.5) a b o u t le a r n in g to read a n d write.
C h a p te rs
5.1 Growth of language structures

In th is se c tio n we w ill lo o k in u rn at th e d e v e lo p m e n t o f th e a c q u is itio n o f sounds,
in fle c tio n s, g ra m m a tic a l structures a n d vocabulary.
5.1.1 Sounds
T h e firs t ev id e nce fo r parents th a t th e ir c h ild is b e g in n in g to a c q u irc la n g u ag e is w h e n the
c h ild b e g in s to m a k e s o u n d s th at can b e id e n tifie d w ith th e p h o n e m e s o f th e parents
language a n d w h ic h th e y can associate w ith s o m e m e a n in g . Before th a t h a p p e n s, fro m
a r o u n d th e age o f th re e m o n th s , th e c h ild goes th r o u g h a process o f p la y in g w ith so u nd s, in
w h ic h th ey appear to b e tr y in g o u t th e ir a rtic u la to r y organs. D u r in g th is tim e , k n o w n as the
b a b b lin g p e r io d , th e s o u n d s th at th e c h ild pro duce s ap p e a r to ha v e n o in te n d e d m e a n in g ;
th ey are m a d e p u re ly for th e pleasure o f it.
B y th e age o f o ne year, c h ild r e n seem to b e able to reco gn ize s o m e o f w h a t a d u lts are saying
(o th e m . B u t th e ir o w n p r o d u c tio n lags s o m e way b e h in d . It is n o t entirely clear i n w h at order
c h ild r e n ac q u ire s o u n d s . T h e first p h o n e m ic co ntrast appears to be th a t betw een o ra l (e.g.
lb /) a n d nasal (e.g. / m /). Just before the app earance o f th e first reco gnizable w o rd s at aro u n d
th is age, c e rta in p h o n e m e s b e g in to establish them selves as p r e d o m in a n t in the child's speech:
plosives /b d g / a n d nasals / m n / . A t th e sam e tim e c h ild r e n seem to b e g in to in te n tio n a lly
vary the p itc h a n d r h y th m o f th e ir voices, so m e tim e s c o p y in g the p itc h patte rns o f a d u lt
speech.
C h ild r e n seem to ac q u irc th e vo w e l system (b y age three) before th ey hav e c o m p le te d the
a c q u is itio n o f all th e co nso n an ts, w h ic h m a y n o t h a p p e n u n til the age o f fiv e or six. O n e
o f th e frictionless c o n tin u a n t p h o n e m e s is a c q u ire d a t a n early stage, usually /l/; b u t the
p h o n e m ic d is tin c tio n s a m o n g plosives a n d nasals are likely to b e established before the
first fricative c o n s o n a n t appears. T h e last c o n s o n a n ts to b e a c q u ire d are th e d e n ta l fricatives
/ /, th o u g h i n s o m e accents (e.g. East L o n d o n /E sse x ) these arc n e ver acquire d , such
speakers u s in g the la b io d en tal fricatives / f v / instead.
W e c o u ld have said: c o n tin u in g to use th e la b io d e n ta l fricatives'; since it is / f v / that
c h ild r e n u s u a lly use instead o f / d / u n til th ey have acquire d th e latter. T h is b rin g s us to
the general p o in t th a t, u n til c h ild r e n have a c q u ire d the fu ll system o f c o n s o n a n ts, certain
s u b stitu tio n s a n d o th e r a d ju stm e n ts take p la c e w h ic h d is tin g u is h th e ir p r o n u n c ia tio n o f a
w o r d fr o m th e a d u lt m o d e l. C ry sta l (1997: 240) notes the fo llo w in g tendencies:
- replacement o f fricatives by stops (i.e. plosives), e.g. saiv is pronounced f ix i
replacement o f velar consonants by alveolars, e.g. gone is pronounced /don/
- sim plification o f consonant clusters, e.g. snow becomes /nou/, please becomes /pi:z/
- consonants at the end o f words arc omitted, e.g. m at becomes / m i /
- unstressed syllables may be omitted, e.g. banana becomes /nu:no/
G r o w th o f L a n g u a g e S tr u c tu r e s
- as words bccomc longer, consonants and vowels may 'harmonize', e.g. i f dog is pronounced /gng/ or
/dod/, window is pronounced /wouwou/
/w/ and 1)1 are preferred over IV a n d ft/, e.g. leg becomes /jeg/.
W c m a y also n o tic e th e te n d e n c y to sw a p th e p o s itio n s o f s o u n d s (calle d m etathesis ),
e.g. /w o p s / fo r wasp, /p u :k u :k / for car park.
5.1.2 Inflections
A s w e saw in S ec tio n 2.2.2, E n g lis h w o rd s ha v e relatively few in fle ction s: possessive a n d
p lu ra l o n n o u n s; th ir d pe rso n sin g u la r present tense, pa st tense, present a n d pa st participles
o n verbs; c o m p a ra tiv e a n d supe rlative o n adjectives. T h e a cq u is itio n lo ad is n o t great by
c o m p a r is o n w ith o th e r languages.
T h e first in fle c tio n s to b e a c q u ire d are the present p a rtic ip le (-ing) fo rm o f verbs, w h ic h
ha s n o v a r ia n t fo rm s; th e n the p lu ra l o f n o u n s , w h ic h has a s m a ll n u m b e r o f irregular
variants, besides th e three p h o n o lo g ic a lly d e te rm in e d re g ula r fo rm s /s, z , iz / {bits, bobs,
pieces); th e n th e possessive o l n o u n s , w ith th e sam e regular lo rm s as th e p lu ra l a n d n o
irregular variants. These in fle c tio n s are o fte n present d u r in g early syntactic d e v e lo p m e n t,
Iro m a r o u n d th e age o f 18 m o n th s . T h e past tense in fle c tio n a n d th e th ir d p e rs o n sin g ula r
present tense fo llo w o n later.
T hre e stages ha v e been id e n tifie d in the a c q u is itio n o f in fle c tio n s (C ru tte n d e n 1979: 59).
I n th e first stage, a w o rd th at w o u ld b e in fle c te d in a d u lt la n g u ag e m a y o c c u r v a ria b ly either
w ith o r w ith o u t the in fle c tio n . In the seco n d stage, th e a p p ro p ria te in fle c tio n is always used,
b u t n o t necessarily th e co rrect v a r ia n t, il th a t is relevant to th e case. I n th e th ir d stage the
a d u lt target ha s been achieved. T h e tra n s itio n fr o m th e s eco n d to th e th ir d stage m a y take
several m o n th s . W h e r e a w o rd ha s a n irre g ula r in fle c tio n , a c h ild in th e s eco n d stage o f
a c q u is itio n w ill u s u a lly substitute th e re g ula r v a ria n ts , so m ouses fo r m ice, fo o ls (o r fe e t, seed
for srtw. breaked for broke. G r a d u a lly the exceptional, irre g ula r fo rm s are ac q u ire d , b u t there
is usua lly a lo n g p e r io d in w h ic h b o th reg ularize d a n d irre g ula r fo rm s m a y o c c u r variably
for the sa m e w o rd . I n s o m e dialects, s o m e o f th e reg ularize d fo r m s are the n o r m in a n y case,
e.g. b u y e d (bo ug ht), seed (saw ), s p ille d (spal).
5.1.3 G ram m atical structures

W e can b e g in to sp e a k o f structures, a n d so th e b e g in n in g o f syntax, o nce c h ild r e n start to
fo rm utterances o f tw o w ords. T h is usua lly h a p p e n s fr o m a r o u n d th e age o f 18 m o n th s .
In cid en ta lly , a n y s u c h in d ic a tio n s o f age s h o u ld b e treated w ith c a u tio n , because ch ild re n
d e v e lo p lin g u is tic a lly in diffe ren t w ays a n d at d iffe re n t rates, a n d there is a fa ir v a r ia tio n in
w h a t is regarded as n o r m a l lan g u ag e deve lo pm e n t.
A tte m p ts have b e e n m a d e to pro v id e co h e re n t analyses o f c h ild re n s tw o-w ord utterances,
b u t th ey are n o t alw ays am e n a b le to s u c h analyses. F r o m a se m an tic perspective, a lim ite d
C h a p te rs
n u m b e r o f structures c a n be id e n tifie d (C ru tte n d e n 1979: 37): possession (D a d d y sock),

a ttrib u tio n (re d bus), n o m in a tio n (th a t m a n ) , recurrence (m o re d rin k ), lo c a tio n (N a n n y
hom e), n e g a tio n (allgone d r in k ), e x c la m a tio n /g re e tin g {byebye Susan), a c tio n , su b d iv id e d
in to : agent-action (M u m m y p u s h ), agent-goal (S u s a n (eat) tea), action- go al (fill cup). From
a syntactic perspective, th e w o rd s o c c u rr in g in such utterances ha v e b een d iv id e d in to a
s m a ll class o f 'pivot' w o rd s (e.g. m ore, allgone, th a t) a n d a larger class o f o p e n w ords, w ith
structures ty p ic a lly co nsistin g o f o n e p iv o t a n d o n e o p e n w ord.
A lternatively, th e syntax o f such utterances can be d e s c rib e d in te rm s o f Subject, Verb,
O b je c t, a n d so o n . A t the tw o-w ord stage, c o m b in a tio n s such as th e fo llo w in g o ccu r:
Subject + Verb (M um m y go)
Verb + Object (love Susan)
Subjccl ( C om plem ent (teddy happy)
Subject + Object (M um m y Intake) cake)
Adverbial + Other (M um m y kitchen, go home, where car?)
It is a t th e t h r e e -w o r d s t a g e th a t f u ll s y n t a c t ic s t r u c t u r e s b e g in t o a p p e a r:
SV C (M um m y looks sud)
S V O (Susan played tig)
SVA (Jimmy goed shops),
but also structures such as:
V O O (gave h im ball)
V O A (sent her shops).
F ro m a r o u n d th e age o f tw o , c h ild r e n b e g in to p ro d u c e three a n d fo u r w o rd utterances,
w ith m o re v a ria tio n o f g ra m m a tic a l structure a n d th e ap p ro p ria te in c lu s io n o f in fle c tio n s as
w e ll. Q u e s tio n s a n d c o m m a n d s b e g in to b e used, in a d d itio n to statem ents, e.g. W here
M u m m y gone? G o there n o w ! W h a t is s trik in g a b o u t early g ra m m a tic a l structures, by
c o m p a r is o n w ith a d u lt language, is th e o m is s io n o f m a n y fu n c tio n w o rd s (determ iners,
pre po sitio n s, a u x ilia ry verbs), w h ic h has le d s o m e to characterize especially th e tw o-word
stage as 'telegraphese. Tow ards the age o f three, these ite m s (s u c h as the, is) are b e g in n in g
to b e reg ularly used.
F ro m a b o u t the age o f three, sentences w ith m o re th a n o n e clause b e g in to b e pro duc e d ,
e.g. in fin itiv e clauses as syntactic objects o f verbs such as like or w ant, e.g. w a n t to g o to bed.
T he re is also the o ccasio n al o ccu rren ce o f ad verb ial clauses w ith because (cos) o r if, a n d
th e c o o r d in a tio n o f clauses w ith a n d o r b u t. Later o n , c h ild r e n w ill p r o d u c e e m b e d d e d
-clauses, wh-clauses a n d relative clauses (see S e c tio n 2.3.5). D u r in g th is tim e , c h ild re n
have also a c q u ire d h o w to fo r m va rio u s k in d s o l q u e s tio n , w ith a p p ro p riate syntax a n d
in to n a tio n , a n d h o w to m a k e sentences negative, pro ce e d in g fr o m structures like N o smack
m e to I d o n t w a n t no /a n y tea.
A s k in g a q u e s tio n in E n g lis h involves n o t o n ly th e use o f th e a p p ro p ria te in to n a tio n ,
b u t also syntactic m a n ip u la tio n o f th e sentence a n d the use o f a u x ilia ry verbs, spe cifically the
G r o w th o f L a n g u a g e S tr u c tu r e s
in v e rsio n o f Subject a n d first au x ilia ry v e rb (c o m p a re T hey ha v e com e h o m e - H ave they come

ho m e ?). C ry sta l (1997: 243) n o te s th re e stages in c h ild r e n s a c q u is itio n o f qu estion s. I n the
first stage, d u r in g th e tw o- w ord utterance p e rio d , c h ild re n ju s t use in to n a tio n : a h ig h rising
to n e in d ic a tes th at a q u e s tio n is b e in g asked ( M u m m y come?). I n the s eco n d stage, d u r in g
th e ir s eco n d year, c h ild r e n b e g in u s in g q u e s tio n w ords, first o l all w h a t a n d where, th e n w hy
h o w a n d w ho a p p e a rin g later. T h e qu estion s retain th e sta te m e n t fo rm : W here teddy gone?.
W h y y o u la u g h in g ? I n the th ir d stage, th e a c q u is itio n o f a u x ilia ry verbs (be, have, d o ) m eans
th at the c h ild c a n b e g in th e a p p ro p ria te syntactic m a n ip u la tio n : Is S usan crying?, H as the
po stm a n com e? How ever, w ith qu estion s c o n t a in in g a q u e s tio n w o r d (where, what, why, etc.),
w here the qu e s tio n w o rd is alre ady a m a r k e r o l th e interrogative, there is a lo n g e r tra n sitio n
to the a d u lt syntactic fo rm . So, W h y M u m m y is lau g h in g ? g ra d u a lly develops in to W h y is
M u m m y laughing?
5.1.4 Vocabulary
T h e g ro w th i n a child's v o c a b u la ry is p e rh a p s the m o s t d iffic u lt aspect o f language
a c q u is itio n to asce rtain a n d yet o n e o f the m o s t re m ark ab le a n d o n e o f the m o s t o bvious.
It ha s b een e stim a te d th at a c h ild s v o c ab u la ry gro w s fr o m a r o u n d 100 to 200 w o rd s at age
18 m o n th s to a r o u n d 500 w o rd s at age tw o, a n d th e n b y th e age o f fiv e a c h ild is p ro b a b ly
us in g a r o u n d 2 0 00 words, a fig u re th a t d o u b le s b y th e age o f seven. N o tic e th a t we are talking
here a b o u t a c h ild s active vocabulary, th e w o rd s th at th ey c a n b e o bserved using . It is certain
th at a c h ild s 'passive v o c a b u la ry - the w o rd s th at th ey u n d e rs ta n d - is fa r greater. W h e n
we ta lk a b o u t th e w o rd s th a t a c h ild k n o w s or uses, w e m u s t bear in m in d th e d iscussion
(in S ec tio n 2.2.1) o f w h a t w e m e a n b y a w o rd . In cid en ta lly , it ha s b een e stim ated th at an
e ducated a d u lt k n o w s at least 50,000 w o rd s a n d m a y k n o w as m a n y as 250,000: there is still
a lo t o f v o c a b u la ry le a r n in g to b e d o n e after th e age o f seven. In d e e d , th is is o n e aspect o f
language a c q u is itio n th a t carrics o n th r o u g h o u t life.
C h ild r e n s w o rd s d o n o t necessarily m e a n th e s a m e as th e e q u iv a le n t item s in a d u lt
la n g u a g e . A c h ild 's lim ite d v o c a b u la r y m e a n s th a t th e y s o m e tim e s overg en e ralize o r over
e x te n d th e m e a n in g o f a w o rd , a p p ly in g it to a range o f th in g s th at they perceive as h a v in g
s o m e feature in c o m m o n . For exam ple , the w o r d ca r m a y be a p p lie d to a ll vehicles, th e w ord
c a t to all a n im a ls , a n d so on . As a c h ild s vo c ab u la ry grow s, n e w w o rd s arc a c q u ire d lo fill the
lexical gaps, so th a t th e m e a n in g o f the first-acquired w o rd in the field o f m e a n in g narrow s
to c o n fo r m to th e a d u lt n o rm .
T h e o p p o s ite te n d e n c y also o ccu rs in early c h ild vo cab ulary: c h ild re n un d erg en e ralize
o r u n d e re x te n d th e m e a n in g o f a w o rd , so th at it ha s a n a rro w e r m e a n in g th a n in a d u lt
language. T h e w o rd c a t o r pussy m a y b e ap p lie d o n ly to the fa m ily s cat, as a k in d o l pro pe r
n a m e , a n d n o t generalized to a ll cats.
A t a later stage (age five to seven) c h ild re n , h a v in g le a rn e d to m a k e th e app ro priate
d iffe re n tia tio n s b etw een w o rd s in a n area o f m e a n in g , are th e n ab le to g ro u p th in g s together
C h a p te rs
o n th e ba sis o f c o m m o n features a n d so u n d e r s ta n d a n d use abstract w ords. For exam ple,

u s in g a n abstract n o u n like fu r n itu r e requires b o th k n o w le d g e o f th e w o rd s in c lu d e d in its
m e a n in g (chair, table, stool, sofa, bed, etc.) a n d p e rc e p tio n o f s o m e c o m m o n feature {items
th at e q u ip a house).
A itc h iso n (2002) identifies three tasks fa cin g a c h ild ac q u irin g the vo cabulary o f a language,
w h ic h she calls la b e llin g , p a c k a g in g , a n d n e tw o rk b u ild in g . L a b e llin g involves u s in g sequences
o l s o u n d as na m e s fo r th in g s , associating a p r o n u n c ia tio n w ith a n obje ct in th e e n v iro n m e n t.
T h is is a task th at c h ild r e n b e g in s o m e tim e after the age o f o n e , a n d it is q u ite a sop histicate d
s k ill. In itia lly , the c h ild is lik e ly to u n d e re x te n d a n d use a w o rd for a n o b je c t o n ly in a p a r
tic u la r s itu a tio n , g ra d u a lly g e n e ra lizin g lo th e o ccu rren ce o f th e obje ct in o th e r contexts.
P ac k a g in g involves d is c o v e rin g w h a t the range o f reference o f a w o rd is: w h a t objects can
bc packag ed u n d e r th a t labe l. B o th u n d c re x tc n s io n a n d overextension m a y occur, u n til the
ad u lt n o r m o f pa c k a g in g ha s been achieved. Even th e n , as a d u lts , w e m a y a rg u e over w h ethe r
a p a rtic u la r p la n t s h o u ld be c a lled a shrub o r a bush. N e tw o rk b u ild in g is a b o u t m a k in g
c o n n e c tio n s b e tw e e n w o rd s: w o rk in g o u t w h ic h w o rd s are in c lu d e d in others, e.g. th a t robin
is a k in d o f b ird , w h ic h w o rd s are sy n o n y m s a n d a n to n y m s o f each o th e r (see S e c tio n 2.2.6);
d isc o v e rin g th e , o fte n s ub tle , differences b etw een s e m a n tic a lly related w o rd s (e.g. say a n d
tell); a n d f i n d in g o u t w h ic h w o rd s collocate (see S ectio n 2.2.7). This is a slow a n d la b o rio u s
task th a t c o n tin u e s in to a d u lt life.
5.2 Development of language functions

C h ild r e n d o n o t ac q u ire la n g u ag e to n o p u rp o s e . T h e y ac q u ire la n g u ag e because it serves
va rio u s social a n d pe rso n al fu n c tio n s . It is, fo r exam ple , a m o r e sop histicate d w ay o f m a k in g
needs a n d w a n ts k n o w n th a n cry ing , m o a n in g , g r u n t in g o r p o in tin g . Y o u can be m ore
specific a b o u t w h a t yo u w a n t, a n d pe rh a p s m o r e insistent too.
A stu d y u n d e r ta k e n b y th e lin g u is t M ic h a e l H a llid a y in the 1970s (H a llid a y 1975)
id e n tifie d seven types o f fu n c tio n th a t language serves for c h ild r e n in th e e a rly years, as they
a tte m p t to fin d o u t a b o u t th e ir e n v ir o n m e n t, co n tro l it, interact w ith o th e r h u m a n beings,
a n d c o m m e n t o n th e ir e n v ir o n m e n t a n d th e ir experience.
T h e first s u c h fu n c tio n id e n tifie d b y H a llid a y is the in s tr u m e n ta l. T h is is the I w a n t
fu n c tio n , w h e re a c h ild m akes k n o w n th e ir desires a n d needs (G im m e sweetie). T h e s e c o n d is
the re g u la to ry or 'D o as I tell y o u fu n c tio n , w here a c h ild is exercising c o ntro l o f pe o ple in
th e ir e n v ir o n m e n t, te llin g th e m w h a t to d o ( W ash h a n d s ). T h e th ir d is th e in te ra c tio n a l or
'M e a n d y o u ' fu n c tio n , w h e re a c h ild uses la n g u ag e to establish pe rs o n a l co n ta c t a n d enter
in to social re la tio n s h ip s (Love M u m m y ). T h e fo u r th is th e p e rso n al o r 11re I com e' fu n c tio n ,
w here th e c h ild uses lan g u ag e to assert th e ir in d iv id u a lity a n d to express th e ir id e n tity a n d
feelings (Jim m y g o o d boy).
L a n g u a g e in T h in k in g a n d C o n c e p tu a liz in g
In these firs t fo u r fu n c tio n s , la n g u ag e is used to enable a c h ild to satisfy th e ir physical,

e m o tio n a l a n d social needs. T h e ne xt tw o fu n c tio n s c o n c e rn th e use o f la n g u ag e b y th e c h ild
in relation to th e ir e n v ir o n m e n t. T h e fifth fu n c tio n is th e he u ris tic o r Tell m e w h y fu n c tio n ,
w here th e c h ild uses la n g u ag e to explore th e ir e n v ir o n m e n t, to f in d o u t a b o u t th e reality th at
th ey in h a b it ( W h y the bus stop here?). T h e sixth is th e im a g in a tiv e o r let's p re te n d ' fu n c tio n ,
where a c h ild uses la n g u ag e to create th e ir o w n im a g in a ry e n v ir o n m e n t or w here th e y sim ply
use la n g u ag e p la y fu lly (e.g. in rhy m es o r riddles).
The last fu n c tio n id e n tifie d b y H a llid a y . a n d pro b a b ly th e last a c q u ire d b y c h ild re n , is the
o n e m o s t read ily associated w ith a d u lt languag e: th e representatio nal o r T v e g o t s o m e th in g
to tell y o u ' fu n c tio n , w here la n g u ag e is used as a m e a n s o f c o m m u n ic a tin g in fo r m a tio n or
expressing p ro p o sitio n s . It is a later d e v e lo p m e n t fo r a c h ild to realize th at o th e rs (adults,
in c lu d in g parents) d o n o t k n o w s o m e th in g a n d need to be to ld it, o r lo r a c h ild to dis c e rn a n d
so c o m m u n ic a te w h a t is n e w sw orthy . These are ju d g e m e n ts th at a d u lts ro u tin e ly m a k e in
th e ir lin g u istic in teractio n s.
5.3 Language in thinking and conceptualizing

D o e s th e a c q u is itio n o f language precede th a t o f th o u g h t? Is th o u g h t d e p e n d e n t o n language?
T hese are qu estion s th at hav e tro u b le d ph ilo so p h e rs , psychologists a n d lin g u is ts for c e n tu
ries. T h e y have a b e a rin g o n o u r v ie w o f h o w c h ild r e n ac q u ire la n gu ag e . D o c h ild r e n have to
d e v e lo p c o g n itiv e ly to s o m e extent i n o rd e r to acq u ire language? O r d o c h ild r e n ha v e to
a c q u ire la n g u ag e in ord e r to d e v e lo p c o gn itive ly? O r are th e tw o types o f d e v e lo p m e n t qu ite
unrelated?
Psychologists a n d lin g uists w h o subscribe to b e h a v io urist theories believe th at th o u g h t is
in te rn a liz e d speech, s im p ly speech th a t is n o t s p o k e n o u t lo u d . T hey also believe th a t all
le arn in g takes p la c e th ro u g h in te ra c tio n w ith th e e n v ir o n m e n t. A c c o rd in g to th is theory,
n o th o u g h t o ccu rs w ith o u t language. T h in k in g is e n tire ly d e p e n d e n t o n la n gu ag e , a n d so
c o g n itiv e d e v e lo p m e n t is sub se rvie n t to lin g u is tic d e v e lo p m e n t. T h is v ie w is p a rtic u la rly
associated w ith the psychologist B. K S k in n e r a n d th e lin g u is t L e o n a rd B lo o m fie ld .
T he re are several reasons w h y s u c h a vie w is u n lik e ly to b e the case. First o f all, as w e have
seen, c h ild r e n u n d e rs ta n d fa r m o r e th a n th ey can a rtic ula te , w h ic h c o u ld n o t be th e case il
th o u g h t d e p e n d e d entirely o n language. S econdly, there is e v id e nce th at pe o ple w h o are
u n a b le to speak, for w hatever reason, can still u n d e rs ta n d language spo ken to th e m a n d
c an o fte n c o m m u n ic a te in o th e r w ays (e.g. b y s ig n in g ). A n d th ird ly , w e ha v e all h a d the
experience o f ta lk in g a b o u t o n e th in g a n d th in k in g a b o u t s o m e th in g qu ite different!
A n o th e r v ie w a m o n g psychologists a n d lin g uists is th at the d e v e lo p m e n t o l la n g u ag e is
separate fr o m a n d parallel to o th e r k in d s o f d e v e lo p m e n t. H u m a n b e in g s are u n iq u e ly
a n d in n a te ly p r o g r a m m e d to ac q u ire la n gu ag e . Part o f a c h ild s m e n ta l e q u ip m e n t th a t th ey
C h a p te rs
are b o r n w ith is a la n g u ag e a c q u is itio n device ( L A D ) , w h ic h pro vid es the param e te rs a n d

c o n tro ls fo r th e a c q u is itio n o fla n g u a g e . O n th is view . la n g u ag e can be seen as th e expression
o f th o u g h t, b u t th e de v e lo p m e n t o f o n e is n o t d e p e n d e n t o n the d e v e lo p m e n t o f the other.
T h is v ie w is p a rtic u la rly associated w ith th e lin g u is t N o a m C h o m s k y , w h o presented a
trc n c h a n t c ritiq u e o f th e b e h a v io u ris t po s itio n .
P art o f the p ro b le m in d e c id in g th is q u e s tio n is th at m u c h o f o u r e v id e nce for the
d e v e lo p m e n t o l c o g n itio n is de riv e d fr o m language, w h a t c h ild r e n say a n d are o bserved to
u n d e rs ta n d . In d e p e n d e n t ev id e nce derives fro m w o r k u n d e rta k e n b y the Swiss psychologist
Jean Piaget in to c h ild r e n s c o g n itiv e d e v e lo p m e n t. To test th e ir c o g n itiv e d e v e lo p m e n t, Piaget
set c h ild r e n c e rta in types o f ta sk to d o . O n e o f th e m o s t fa m o u s is the c o n se rv a tio n task,
w h ic h requires a c h ild to ju d g e w h e th e r w ater tip p e d fro m a s h o rt, w id e c o n ta in e r in to a
tall, n a rro w c o n ta in e r has the s a m e v o lu m e . P aigct sees th e first 18 m o n th s o t life as the
d e v e lo p m e n t o f a c h ild s sen so ri- m o to r intelligence. T o w ard s the e n d o f th is p e r io d , a child
beg in s to be a b le to ta lk a b o u t th e ir ac tio n s before th e y p e r fo r m th e m . L a n g ua g e , th e n , is
a m e a n s b y w h ic h a c h ild c a n th in k a b o u t reality, b u t it d e p e n d s o n th e c h ild s p r io r c o n c e p
tu a liz a tio n o f th a t reality. T h is im p lie s th at th e de v e lo p m e n t o fla n g u a g e is, a t least to som e
extent, d e p e n d e n t o n general co gn itive deve lo pm e n t.
T h is q u e s tio n is b y n o m e a n s c o m p le te ly resolved yet. O n present evidence, how ever, it
w o u ld a p p e a r reason ab le to accept th a t the d e v e lo p m e n t o f th o u g h t, o r general cognitive
d e v e lo p m e n t, is in d e p e n d e n t o f the a c q u is itio n o f language. T h e a c q u is itio n o f lan gu ag e ,
th o u g h , d o e s pre suppo se other, general, p h ysical a n d m e n ta l d e ve lo pm e n ts. T here m a y
also b e s o m e specific in n a te characteristics th a t co n s tra in th e fo rm th at a n y la n g u ag e m a y
take, in te rm s , for ex a m p le , o f its p h o n o lo g y a n d g ra m m a r. L a n g u ag e de ve lo ps to serve as
a to o l for expressing th o u g h ts , fo r representing c o n s tru c tio n s o f reality a n d for e n g a g in g
in s o c ia l in te ra c tio n . S o m e lin g u is ts w o u ld a rg u e th at a social pe rsp ective o n la n g u ag e (as
in S e c tio n 5.2) is a m o r e p ro d u c tiv e w a y o f in ve stigatin g language th a n a ps y c h o lo g ic a l or
c o gn itive one.
5.4 Language and the development of

communication_________________________________
I f wc take th e social perspective a n d see la n g u a g e p r im a r ily as a m e a n s o f e sta b lish in g a n d
m a in ta in in g social re la tio n s h ip s a n d o f in te ra c tin g w it h o u r fe llow h u m a n beings, th e n it
is a n in te re s tin g s tu d y to trace th e d e v e lo p m e n t o f c o m m u n ic a tio n skills o n th e p a r t ol
c h ild re n . T h is is n o w referred to as p r a g m a tic de v e lo p m e n t (see sections 1.3.8 a n d 7.1).
F ro m the da y th a t a b a b y is b o rn , parents, a n d especially m o th ers, treat th e c h ild as a p e r
s o n w ith w h o m th ey m u s t interact. F o r exam ple , in a tte n d in g to the c h ild s needs, parents talk
to the c h ild a n d ac t as if th e y are h a v in g a co nve rsa tio n , even to the extent o f le av in g pauses
(or th e baby to reply. G ra d u a lly , as th e baby becom es m o r e respo nsive, parents im p u te turns
S c h o o l Y e a rs: R e a d in g a n d W ritin g
lo th e baby a n d c o n s tru c t a co nve rsatio n w ith th e ir ch ild , o fte n w ith e x te n d e d c o n trib u tio n s
o f th e ir o w n . I n d u e course babies b e g in to a tte n d to a d u lt conversations g o in g o n a ro u n d
th e m , d ire c tin g th e ir a tte n tio n to th e pe rso n c u rre n tly speaking. B y th e tim e th e ir first words
appear, babies have learn ed a great d eal, b o t h fr o m o b s e rv a tio n a n d fr o m practice, ab o u t
w h a t a co nve rsatio n is a n d h o w to pa rticipa te w ith in it. (C ry stal 1997: 239)
It is w ell k n o w n th a t parents ad a p t th e ir speech w h e n ta lk in g to very y o u n g c h ild re n . The
term 'm o th ere se ha s b een c o in e d to refer to th is p h e n o m e n o n , th o u g h 'parentese m ig h t b e a
m o re a p p ro p ria te te rm these days. They use a s m a lle r vocabulary, s im p lify g ra m m a tic a l
structures, ta lk m o r e slowly, a n d repeat the c h ild s utterances w ith e xp an sion . A ll this
c o n trib u te s to a c h ild s gene ral a c q u is itio n o fla n g u a g e . Parents also ask th e ir c h ild a lot o f
qu estion s, in o rd e r to engage th e ir c h ild in c o n v e rsa tio n a n d e n co u ra g e th e m to speak. It
b eco m e s clear to th e c h ild th a t u s in g la n g u ag e involves in te ra c tio n a n d th at there arc rules
o f co nversation. H o w to engage in co n v e rsa tio n needs to be le a rn e d a n d refined, ju s t as p r o
n u n c ia tio n , g r a m m a r a n d v o c ab u la ry d o .
Between the ages o f tw o a n d four, a child's c o nv e rsa tio n al skills d e v e lo p considerably.
Before that, it ha s b een the parents w h o have e n su re d th a t a co n v e rsa tio n keeps g o in g a n d
w h o ha v e p ro v id e d th e m a jo r in p u t to v e rb a l in te ra c tio n w ith the c h ild . N o w , c h ild r e n becom e
fu ll pa rticip a n ts : th e y le a rn to in itia te in te ra c tio n a n d in tro d u c e topics o f co nve rsatio n ; th ey
b e c o m e sk ilfu l in tu rn - ta kin g ; a n d th ey respo n d ap p ro p ria te ly to q u e s tio n s a n d requests th at
a re p u t to th em .
As c h ild r e n a p p ro a c h sc ho ol age, th ey b e c o m e aw are o f va rio u s social factors affecting
c o m m u n ic a tio n , such as th e age a n d status o l the pe rso n yo u a rc ta lk in g to, w h ic h m a y require
yo u to use la n g u ag e th a t reflects y o u r deference o r m a y need y o u to atte m p t to h e po lite , by
c o ntrast w ith in te ra c tio n w ith y o u r peers. T he re is still m o r e to learn: h o w to interact in the
c ontex t o f scho ol, in the larger gro up s o f peers in the p la y g ro u n d ; a n d th e n later o n in m o re
fo rm a l discussio ns, m eeting s a n d debates.
5.5 School years: reading and writing

G e n e ra l la n g u ag e a c q u is itio n d o e s n o t stop w h e n a c h ild beg in s scho ol. T h e p h o n o lo g ic a l
system m a y b e m o r e o r less i n place, a lth o u g h m a n y c h ild r e n still have so m e re fin e m e n ts to
ac quire , as w e ll as le a r n in g to ex p loit r h y th m a n d pitc h i n th e course o f s p o k e n in te ra c tio n .
T h e g ra m m a tic a l system is largely a c q u ire d as far as the essential elem ents are co nc e rn e d , but
there is still m o r e to learn, b o t h i n re fin in g w h a t ha s alre ady b een a c q u ire d (e.g. irregular
in lle c tio n s ) a n d in a c q u irin g m o re c o m p le x g ra m m a tic a l structures (e.g. e m b e d d e d clauses).
V o c a b u la ry c o n tin u e s to develo p, as it w ill d o th r o u g h o u t the sc ho ol experience, as a c h ild is
in tro d u c e d to n e w areas o f k n o w le d g e a n d beco m e s a reader o f b ooks. C h ild r e n s c o m m u n
ic a tio n skills w ill also c o n tin u e to d evelo p, as th e y interact in a n in c re a sin g ly diverse range o f
contexts a n d w ith a greater va rie ty o f p e o p le , b e y o n d fa m ily a n d th e im m e d ia te peer gro up.
C h a p te rs
T h e process o f a c q u is itio n c o n tin u e s , th e n , e specially th r o u g h in fa n t a n d in t o ju n io r

scho ol. H ow ever, s c h o o l b rin g s a fu r th e r aspect o l la n g u ag e le a rn in g : r e a d in g a n d w ritin g .
A s educated p e o p le , w e take re a d in g a n d w r it in g for g ra n te d ; b u t th e y are n o t n a tu ra lly
ac q u ire d . Left to ourselves, w c w o u ld n o t a c q u irc th e skills o f r e a d in g a n d w ritin g . W e have
lo b e ta u g h t th e m . I n th a t sense, le a r n in g to read a n d w rite is d itte rc n t ir o m a c q u irin g
th e skills o f lis te n in g a n d sp e a k in g . C h ild r e n d o n o t have to b e ta u g h t h o w to spe ak: given
th e s tim u lu s o f s p o k e n la n g u a g e a r o u n d th e m , th e y c a n n o t b u t he lp a c q u ire language
th ro u g h speech. T h e y are greatly h e lp e d b y the in p u t o f parents, w h o d o correct a n d im p ro v e
o n th e c h ild s la n gu ag e . B u t th e ir te a c h in g is n o t o f th e sam e k i n d as is n e ed e d fo r re a d in g
a n d w ritin g .
W r itin g is a n alte rn ative m e d iu m o f la n g u ag e to speech. It ha s d eve lo pe d its o w n
c o n v e n tio n s , a n d to s o m e extent its o w n g ra m m a r a n d vocabulary, i n th e sense th at there
are s o m e o f the m o re c o m p le x g ra m m a tic a l structures th a t w e w o u ld rarely use in speech
a n d so m e (e.g. te c h n ic a l) w o rd s th a t we alm o s t o n ly ever e n c o u n te r i n th e w r itte n fo r m o f the
language. T h e w ritte n la n g u ag e is, how ever, at the centre o l e d u c atio n , a n d le a r n in g to read
is a necessity fo r p a rticip a tin g in e d u c a tio n . E qually, e d u c a tio n u tilize s the a b ility to listen
a n d to speak: in fo r m a tio n is tra n s m itte d b o th b y the spo ken a n d th e w ritte n m e d iu m , a n d
c ritic is m , deb ate a n d reflection o c c u r in b o th m o d e s . S ch oo ls, therefore, hav e th e task b oth
o f d e v e lo p in g ch ild re n s skills i n lis te n in g a n d s p e a k in g a n d o f te a c h in g c h ild r e n h o w to read
a n d write. A ll fo u r skills are atte n d e d to i n th e n a tio n a l c u r r ic u lu m for E n g lis h .
W h a t is in v o lv e d in le a r n in g to read a n d w rite? R e a d in g involves m a k in g sense o f quite
s m a ll m a rk s o n (u s u a lly ) p ap e r a n d re la tin g these to la n g u ag e th a t is usua lly alre ady k n o w n
th ro u g h speech. It involves, as fa r as E n g lis h is c o n c e rn e d , th e re c o g n itio n th a t w r itin g
proceeds fr o m left to rig h t o n a lin e , a n d fr o m to p to b o tto m o n a pag e . It involves relatin g
visual shapes ( o f w o rds) w ith patte rns o f so u n d , a n d m a y also in vo lve relatin g in d iv id u a l
letters o r pa irs o f letters w ith in d iv id u a l so u nd s. For E n g lis h , as w e have seen (S e c tio n 2.1.5),
there is n o one-to-one m a tc h betw een letter a n d s o u n d . R e a d in g m e a n s b e in g able lo m ak e
an in te rp re ta tio n o f the la n g u ag e o n th e page, to assign a n in to n a tio n to w h a t is read, so
th a t it m a k e s sense. R e a d in g uses a c o m p le x o f skills, i f w h a t is read is to b e m e a n in g fu l to
the reader.
I n le a r n in g to w rite, a c h ild ha s to ac q u ire th e s k ill o f u s in g a n in s tr u m e n t
p e n c il or
p e n - lo m a k e letter shapes, a n d th e n to c o m b in e these letler shapes a c c o rd in g lo ih c

s p e llin g c o n v e n tio n s o f E n g lis h , to p ro d u c e the w ritte n e q u iv a le n t o f w o rd s th at are
fa m ilia r Iro m speech. T h e c h ild also has to learn oth e r c o n v e n tio n s o f w ritin g : spaces betw een
w o rd s , th e n o tio n o f a sentence, ca p ita l letters, full-stops a n d o th e r p u n c tu a tio n m arks, a n d
ev en tually pa ra g ra p h in g . In itially , it is a m a tte r o f tra n s la tin g speech in to th e n e w m e d iu m ;
later, th e specific characteristics o f w r itin g a n d th e c o n s tru c tio n o f texts (see C h a p te r 3)
need to b e learned, in c lu d in g be in g ab le to m a k e a text cohesive a n d c o h e re n t, b y p ro v id in g
a p p ro p ria te c o n n e c tio n s b etw een sentences a n d paragraphs. L e a rn in g the c o n v e n tio n s of
w r it in g is a lm o s t like le a r n in g a n o th e r language.
F in d in g O u t A b o u t L a n g u a g e A c q u is it io n
L e a rn in g to read a n d w rite requires a c e rta in aw areness o f la n g u ag e o n th e p a r t o f

c h ild r e n : th e d is tin c tio n a n d r e la tio n s h ip b e tw e e n s o u n d s a n d letters a n d b e tw e e n the
s p o k e n a n d w r itte n s h a p e o f w o rd s; th e n o t io n o f a w o r d a n d o f a sentence; th e difference
b e tw e e n s ta te m e n ts a n d q u e s tio n s ; th e f u n c tio n o f p u n c t u a tio n to s tr u c tu r e languag e;
a n d s o on . L e a r n in g to read a n d w rite m a k e s so m e k n o w le d g e a b o u t la n g u ag e e x p lic it in a
w a y th a t the a c q u is itio n o f th e s p o k e n lan g u ag e d o e s n o t. R e a d in g a n d w r it in g m ak e
a greater d e m a n d o n c o g n itiv e a n d m o t o r s k ills th a n d o lis te n in g a n d s p e a k in g . W r itin g
in e v ita b ly requires y o u to t h in k a b o u t w h a t y o u w a n t to c o m m u n ic a te , as y o u c o n s tru c t
sentences a n d texts, m a k e c o rre c tio n s a n d a m e n d m e n ts , befo re y o u se n d y o u r c o m m u n
ic a tio n to th e receiver.
W e have n o t said a n y th in g a b o u t app ro ache s to th e te a c h in g o f re a d in g a n d w r itin g here.
T h a t is really b e y o n d th e s c o p e o f th is b o o k . W c have locussed in th is se c tio n o n th e nature
o f re a d in g a n d w r itin g , a n d especially o n th e le a r n in g task th at a c h ild faces w h e n e ntering
scho ol, le a r n in g th a t goes b e y o n d th e a c q u is itio n o f the sp o k e n language. I n S ectio n 7.2 we
g o o n to co nside r th e social im p o rta n c e o t literacy.
5.6 Finding out about language acquisition_______

I n the first tw o activities o f th is chapter, yo u were asked to m a k e a r e c o rd in g o f c hild
la n gu ag e , in o rd e r to o b ta in a s m a ll a m o u n t o f d a ta to analyse. A s y o u w ill have fo u n d , th is is
n o t a n easy task: y o u have to f in d y o u r subject, set u p y o u r re c o rd in g e q u ip m e n t, h o p e th at
the c h ild p ro d u c e s e n o u g h d a ta ; th e n y o u have to lis te n to the tape, p r o b a b ly several tim es,
a n d a tte m p t to m a k e a tran scrip t, w h ic h m a y in c lu d e v a r y in g degrees o f detail. A H th is is
v e ry tim e - c o n s u m in g a n d lab o rio u s . W h a t yo u ha v e d o n e is to collect w h at is c a lled a
'n a tu ra lis tic sam ple.
I f y o u w a n te d to trace a c h ild s la n g u a g e d e v e lo p m e n t o v e r tim e , y o u w o u ld n eed to
m a k e a series o f s u c h re c o rd in g s a t re g ula r in te rv a ls , in ord e r to m a p th e progress m a d e . As
the c h ild g o t o lder, y o u w o u ld w a n t to record th e m in contex ts th a t in v o lv e d in te ra c tio n ,
n o t ju s t w ith th e ir p a re n ts o r s ib lin g s, b u t w ith th e ir peers, p e rh a p s w ith o u t a n y a d u lt
present. G o r d o n W e lls, at th e B risto l L a n g u a g e P ro je ct (W e lls 1985), d id th is b y stra p p in g
r a d io m ic ro p h o n e s to c h ild r e n w h ile th ey were a t s c h o o l, p la y in g o u t w ith Ir ic n d s a n d
so on .
T h e size o t the sa m p le s th a t yo u take ( h a lf a n h o u r o f recording, say) w ill d e p e n d o n the
p u rp o s e o f th e sa m p lin g . I f it is to investigate a c h ild s p h o n o lo g ic a l a c q u is itio n , th e sam ple
c a n b e fairly s m a ll, because a s m a ll sa m p le is lik e ly to c o n ta in m o s t, if n o t all, th e ph e n o m e n a
th at yo u w o u ld w a n t to fin d . For a g ra m m a tic a l in v e s tig a tio n , th e s a m p le w o u ld n e e d to bc
s o m e w h a t bigger, a n d for a lexical in ve stigatio n bigger still.
A n alte rnative , o r a c o m p le m e n t, to n a tu ralis tic s a m p lin g is e lic ita tio n b y e x p e rim e n t. The
investigator sets u p a n e x p e rim e nt, e ith e r b y in itia tin g a c o n tro lle d d ia lo g u e , o r b y getting
C h a p te rs
a c h ild to u n d e rta k e a series o f tasks or to re s p o n d lo pictures, or, i f th ey are o ld e n o u g h , to

read a list o f w o rd s o r a text. S u c h exp erim e nts w ill b e geared to e lic it c e rta in types o f response
fro m th e c h ild , so th at p a rtic u la r features o f th e c h ild s la n g u ag e can b e investigated, e.g.
specific p h o n e m e contrasts, g ra m m a tic a l structures, discourse strategies.
E lic ita tio n e x p e rim e n ts arc v a lu a b le i f the are a o l in v e s tig a tio n is sp e cific a n d c ir c u m
s c rib e d . T h e y a ls o en a b le d a ta to be c o lle c te d f r o m a range o f subjects, w h ic h can th e n be
tested sta tistic a lly fo r v a lid ity . A n u m b e r o f s ta n d a r d iz e d tests ha v e b e e n d e v e lo p e d to elicit
in fo r m a tio n o n a v a rie ty o f la n g u ag e areas, w h ic h are re a d ily av a ila b le a n d r o u tin e ly used
b y p s y c h o lo g is ts a n d speech a n d la n g u ag e th erapists. S u c h a test is th e B ritis h P ic tu re
V o c a b u la ry Scale, w h ic h re q uire s c h ild r e n to p o in t to p ic tu re s in response to a verbal
s tim u lu s a n d is us e d to p o s itio n c h ild r e n o n a s ta n d a r d scale o f passive v o c a b u la r y a c q u is i
tio n . H ow ever, e x p e rim e n ts re q u ire a n in tru s iv e e x p e rim e n te r, th e y ta k e place u s u a lly in
an u n n a tu r a l e n v ir o n m e n t a n d w ith e x p e rim e n ta l p ro p s, all o f w h ic h m a y ha v e effects o n
th e responses o f th e subjects. It is o fte n po s sib le , how ever, to take a c c o u n t o f these effects
in assessing th e results.
T h e n e xt step is to m a k e sense o f th e d a ta th a t y o u hav e collected. Y o u n eed to have
so m e q u e s tio n is m i n d th a t y o u a rc tr y in g to answ er, e.g. W h a t stage ha s th is c h ild reached
in a c q u ir in g th e v e rb in fle c tio n s o f E n g lis h ?, D o e s th is c h ild have a v o c a b u la r y w ith in
th e ran g e fo r th e ir age?', 'H o w fa r ha s th is c h ild progressed i n th e a c q u is itio n o f E n g lis h
c o n s o n a n ts ? T h e q u e s tio n th a t yo u ha v e fo rm u la te d m a y le ad y o u to c h o o s e o n e o f the
s ta n d a r d iz e d tests, a n d th e in te r p r e ta tio n o f th e score is m a d e a g a in st the s ta n d a r d scale
p r o v id e d b y th e test. I I y o u have m a d e u p y o u r o w n c lic ita tio n test, for e x a m p le , to fin d
o u t a b o u t a child's a c q u is itio n o f c o n s o n a n ts , y o u c a n c h a r t th e c o n s o n a n ts th a t y o u have
fo u n d a n d n ote the s u b s titu tio n s th a t have b e e n m a d e . I f y o u have co lle c te d n a tu ra lis tic
data, for e x a m p le to in vestigate a c q u is itio n o f g r a m m a tic a l s tru c tu re s, a fo r m o f p r o filin g
m a y b e a p p ro p ria te , s u c h as th e L a n g u a g e A ssessm ent, R e m e d ia tio n a n d S cre e n in g
P ro c e d u re (L A R S P ), u s e d b y spccch a n d la n g u a g e th e ra p ists (see C ry s ta l 1997: 233,
Fletcher 1985: 52-6).
5.7 Acquiring a second language: bilingualism

A m in o r ity o f c h ild r e n in th e U K ac q u ire tw o (o r pe rh a p s even three) languag es in the course
o f th e ir c h ild h o o d . Y o u m a y be o n e o f these fo rtu n a te few. For m o s t o f us, access to a second
la n g u a g e o n ly c o nie s a t s c h o o l, a n d u s u a lly n o t u n til se c o n d a ry scho ol, w h e n it th e n involves
a c o nsc io us le a r n in g effort a n d a rathe r less th a n perfect grasp o f th e language.
A c h ild m a y ac q u ire tw o languages in one o t tw o w ays. In a s m a ll n u m b e r o l fa m ilie s , the
p arents m a y s p e a k d iffe re n t languages, a n d th ey m a y choose to speak to th e ir c h ild re n , fro m
b ir th , in th e ir preferred language. For exam ple , o n e p a re n t m a y be a n E n g lis h speaker.
A c q u ir in g a S e c o n d L a n g u a g e : B ilin g u a lis m
a n d ih e o th e r a P o lish o r U k ra in ia n o r G re e k speaker. T h u s th e c h ild r e n are exposed lo tw o

languag es fr o m th e start, a n d th e y deve lo p s im u lta n e o u s ' o r in fa n t' b ilin g u a lis m .
Alternatively, a n d m o r e c o m m o n ly , th e la n g u ag e o f the h o m e , spo ken b y b o t h parents,
m a y b c d iffe re n t fr o m th e lan g u ag e o f th e c o m m u n ity a t large. I n th is case, the ch ild re n
ac q u irc th e h o m e language lo r ih e first lo u r years o r so o l life, a n d th e n , w h e n th ey e n te r the
e d u c a tio n system , at n u rs e ry o r in fa n t scho ol, th e y are e x p ose d to the d o m in a n t language
a n d b e g in to a c q u ire th is a lo n g sid e th e ir h o m e la n gu ag e . For exam ple , th e lan g u ag e o f
the h o m e m a y b e P u n ja b i o r Bengali o r C an to n ese , to p ic k o n ly three o f th e m o re th a n
100 m in o r it y languag es sp o k e n i n th e U K , w h ile th e language o f th e c o m m u n ity at large is
E n g lis h . S u c h c h ild r e n are exposed to tw o languag es d u r in g c h ild h o o d , b u t w ith one
la n g u ag e su b sta n tia lly a c q u ire d before th e y are exposed to th e second; th e y d e v e lo p c o n
scutive' o r c h ild b ilin g u a lis m .
T he re ha s b een m u c h debate a b o u t th e effects o n c h ild r e n o f a c q u ir in g tw o languages,
w h ic h is. in c id e n ta lly , th e c o m m o n experience o f th e m a jo rity o f th e w o rld s ch ild re n .
U p u n til th e 1960s, th e c o m m o n o p in io n w as th at c h ild r e n w h o were exposed to m ore
th a n o n e la n g u ag e were at a disadvantag e in te rm s o f th e ir lin g u istic a n d gene ral intellectual
d e v e lo p m e n t. M o re recent studies s u p p o rt th e vie w th a t there are ce rta in d is tin c t advantages
to b e in g b ro u g h t u p b ilin g u a lly . S u c h advantages in c lu d e : de v e lo p in g a greater aw areness o f
la n gu ag e , b e in g able to th in k m o re creatively a n d divergently, b e in g a b le to conce ptualize
m o r e easily, h a v in g a greater social sensitivity. Sec S au n d e rs (1982), C h a p te r 1, fo r m ore
d e ta ile d d isc u ssio n o f th is p o in t.
In itia lly th e im p re s s io n m a y bc given th a t a c h ild b ro u g h t u p b ilin g u a lly is lin g u istic a lly
co n fu s e d . C ry sta l (1997: 363) notes th e fo llo w in g stages th ro u g h w h ic h such a c h ild m a y
pass (C ry stal appears to be re le rrin g to s im u lta n e o u s b ilin g u a ls , b u t it app lie s to a n extent to
co nsecutive b ilin g u a ls as w e ll): in th e first stage, a child's vo c ab u la ry consists o f w o rd s fro m
b o t h languages, a n d th e w o rd s are n o t u s u a lly tra n s la tio n equivalents; in th e s eco n d stage, as
the c h ild m o ve s in t o tw o-w ord utterances, w o rd s fr o m b o th languag es m a y b c used w ith in
the sam e utterance, b u t the rate o f m ix in g d ecline s ra p id ly d u r in g th e th ir d year; in th e th ird
stage, tra n s la tio n equivalents b e g in to develop, as th e vo cab ularie s o f th e tw o languag es grow,
b u t th e d e v e lo p m e n t o f separate g ra m m a tic a l system s takes a little longer. B y th is stage, in the
fo u r th year o f life, c h ild r e n b e c o m e aware th a t th ey are sp e a k in g tw o diffe ren t languages.
O n e o f the advantages o l a c q u ir in g a lan g u ag e d u r in g c h ild h o o d is lh a t y o u w ill have a
native p r o n u n c ia tio n , s o m e th in g th a t is ve ry h a rd to achieve i f a language is le a rn e d later
(fro m teenage years o n ). K n o w in g tw o languag es gives access to tw o cultures. A s a c hild
g ro w s up , it is lik e ly th at o n e o f th e languag es w ill b e c o m e d o m in a n t for th e m , a n d th ey m a y
d eve lo p a greater fa c ility i n th is o ne. F ro m the b e g in n in g , the languag es m a y be us e d for d if
ferent pu rp o se s o r in diffe ren t contexts: h o m e as ag ainst s c h o o l, for exam ple . C on se qu en tly ,
th e v o c a b u la r y a c q u ire d in th e tw o languages w ill be d iffe re n t, reflecting th e pu rp o se s a n d
contexts in w h ic h each la n g u ag e fu n c tio n s .
C h a p te rs
Activities
A ctiv ity 5.1.1
Re cord th e speech o f a c h ild ag ed betw een tw o a n d four.
N o te d o w n the ways in w h ic h th e c h ild s p r o n u n c ia tio n o f w o rd s d iffers f r o m y o u r o w n ,
a d ult, p r o n u n c ia tio n .
C a n y o u detect an y reg ularly o c c u rr in g ad ju stm e n ts?
A ctiv ity 5.1.3

W e have b een ab le to in d ic a te o n ly so m e o f th e m a in d e ve lo pm e n ts in g ra m m a r. Specialist
textbooks a n d y o u r o w n ob se rv a tio n c a n teach yo u m ore.
T ry a n d record the speech o f a 2 year o ld c h ild a n d o f a 4-/5 year o ld c h ild . M a k e a transcript
o l p a r i o l cach re c o rd in g a n d c o m p a re th e g ra m m a tic a l structures a n d in fle c tio n s used.
C o m p a r e notes w ith fe llow students.
A ctiv ity 5.1.4

F r o m th e reco rd in g s th a t yo u m a d e for the p re v io u s tw o activities, m a k e a list o f one
child's vo c ab ula ry , a rr a n g in g th e list in areas o f m e a n in g (calle d s e m a n tic fields), e.g. food,
c lo th in g , a n im a ls , b o d y p a r ls (see C ry sta l 1997: 244).
W h a t does y o u r lis tin g tell y o u a b o u t th e size o f th e c h ild s v o c a b u la r y a n d th e range o f
m e a n in g th a t it covers? It is, o f course, d iffic u lt to m a k e estim ates o i overall size o f v o c ab u lary
o n th e basis o f a s m a ll sam ple.
A ctiv ity 5.2

Listen a g ain to y o u r reco rd in g s o f c h ild language, o r lo o k a g ain al y o u r transcripts o f the
reco rd ing s, a n d a tte m p t to id e n tify th e fu n c tio n th a t e a c h c h ild utte ran c e has. a c c o rd in g to
I lalliday's s c he m e o u tlin e d above.
D o one o r tw o fu n c tio n s pre d o m in a te in the child's lan gu ag e ? Is th is related to th e contex t in
w h ic h y o u m a d e y o u r r e c o rd in g a n d th e a c tiv ity th at th e c h ild w as e n gag ed in at th e tim e ? O r
is il related in p a r i lo th e age o f ih e c h ild a n d therefore the lim ite d fu n c tio n s th a l la n g u ag e is
called u p o n to perform ?
A ctiv ity 5.4

C o m p a r e th e c o m m u n ic a tio n skills o f a c h ild illustrated in th e tw o extracts below , ta k e n fro m
Fletchcr (1985). I n th e first, ih c c h ild is aged 2 years 4 m o n th s . I n th e seco n d, she is 3 years
I I m o n th s . She is in te ra c tin g w ith h e r m o th e r. 'M - m o th e r, C - child.
A c tiv itie s
M:
w h a t 's w h a t lo v e y
C:
m e w a n t th a t
w h a t is it
(s i:n l
M:
P la sticin e
mm
w h a t 's it for
w h a t a r c y o u g o in g to m a k e
s e e J a c k . A m y s e e m e s e e m e . n o t Ja c k
M:
mm
C:
n o t la c k , o n ly m e
M:
o n ly y o u
y o u t a k e a btssy
M:
cos
C:
m e w a n t a b is sy
t h e 'e y o u are y o u b a v e a btssy too
M-
n o y o u d id n t d is tu rb m e d id y o u h a v e a n ic e t im e t h o u g h
1w a s
h u n g ry
mm
g o o d , w h a t d id y o u do
h o r r ib le th in g s
M.
1 d o n 't b e lie v e y o u
C.
1 . . . d id
M:
d id y o u
C:
1had to
M:
why
C:
ju s t d id
w h a t , w h e n y o u w e r e p la y in g o u tsid e
y o u a lw a y s s a y that
lo o k a f t e r Q u n it y t o g e t h im in sid e
1 to o k
1had
mm.
M:
d id y o u m a n a g e
to g e t h im inside
h e 'll g o a d iffe re n t w a y t h a n m e
o h d e a r, d id y o u m a n a g e in th e e n d
ye s
is h e a n a u g h t y b o y
n o h e w a s n 't , h e g o t in th e e n d w it h m e
M:
oh. go od
w h e n th a t .
. m u m m y h e re's a n o t h e r d o g c o m in g a lo n g , a s m a lle r d o g . o n e . tw o , let's see
t h a n ose .
A c tiv ity 5.5

W ith a s m a ll g ro u p o f fe llow students, c o n tin u e th e d isc u ssio n o f w h a t is in v o lv e d i n learning
to read a n d w rite, d ra w in g o n y o u r o w n experience a n d o n th a t o f y o u n g c h ild r e n th a t yo u
kn o w , w h o arc in th e early stages o f literacy. M a k e a list of the skills th at arc ne ed e d, a n d ot
the k in d s o f k n o w le d g e th a t n eed to be taug h t, so th a t s o m e o n e can b e c o m e a successful
reader a n d writer.
C h a p te rs
O n e w ay o f m a k in g th e skills m o r e o b v io u s is to tr y a n d read s o m e th in g presented in an

u n fa m ilia r way, e.g. b y h o ld in g a text u p to th e m irro r. O r tr y re a d in g the fo llo w in g sentences
a n d reflect o n w h a t yo u have to d o to m a k e sense o f it:
s t l s e m iie m o s t h g u o h t \ah\ e h t h y l g n f le vo n t n e w o tn i a e n ilc e fl re tta e h t d n o c e s d !r o w raw

g n id r o c c A o t e m o s s n a i'O ts ih , ti s a w rveht ia h t h s iig n F s r e t iw d e c n u o o e r n o it ib m a , s s e n g ib d n a
n io ta tn e m ir e p x e n i r u o v a f f o a la ic n iv o r p , q n ik o o i- d r a w k c a b a ig ia ts o n
A ctiv ity 5.6

C o n s tr u c t an e x p e r im e n t to test a 4-/5-year-olds a c q u is itio n o f fricative c o n s o n a n ts in
E n g lis h . Y o u c a n a s su m e th a t th e c h ild w ill b e a b le to read s im p le w o rd s fr o m a list.
M a k e sure y o u r list o f w o rd s in c lu d e s e a c h fric a tiv e in a t le ast in it ia l a n d f in a l p o s itio n
in th e w o rd . For e x a m p le , 's h ip ' a n d 'ru s h ' w o u ld a tte m p t to e lic it th e voiceless palatal
fricative.
Y o ur list s h o u ld also in c lu d e so-called d is tra c to rs , w o rd s w ith o u t a n y o f the targeted
c o n s o n a n ts in , so th at th e c h ild doe sn t realize w h at s o u n d s yo u are co n c e n tra tin g on .
Y o u need to b a la n c e the d e sira b ility o f a tte m p tin g to elic it each s o u n d at least tw ice w ith the
dang e r o f tirin g th e c h ild w ith to o lo n g a list a n d co nse q ue n t fla g g in g c o nc e n tratio n .
A ctiv ity 5.7

F in d som eo n e , i f y o u can, w h o a c q u ire d tw o languages d u r in g c h ild h o o d . A s k th e m a b o u t
th e ir m e m o rie s o f d o in g so, a n d fin d o u t w h a t th e ir present experience is o l us in g the
tw o languages. I n w h at contexts d o th ey use each language, for w h a t pu rp o se s a n d for
c o m m u n ic a tin g w ith w h o m ?
W r ite u p y o u r fin d in g s i n a report. C o m p a r e y o u r fin d in g s w ith those o f y o u r colleagues w h o
have talke d to diffe ren t in fa n t/c h ild b ilin g uals.
Further reading________________________________
T h u c h a p te r h a s d e p e n d e d e s p e c ia lly o n i h c f o llo w i n g W o rk s: C r u t t e n d e n (1 9 7 9 ) a n d C r y s t a l (201)3), w i t h s u p p o r t f r o m
F lc tc h c r (1 9 8 5 ), I la l l i d a y (1 9 7 5 ), S te in b e r g a n d S c ia r in i (2 0 0 6 ) a n d A it c h is o n <2002)
T h e lit e r a t u r e o n la n g u a g e a c q u is it io n is n o w q u i t e e x te n s iv e . I n t r o d u c t o r y p s y c h o lin g u is t ic s te x t b o o k s w i ll c o n t a i n a
c h a p t e r o r m o r e o n t h e to p ic . See a lso : A itc h t s o n ( 2 0 0 7 ) , G o o d l u c k ( 1 9 9 1 ) , I n g r a m ( 1 9 8 9 ) , P e cce i ( 2 0 0 5 ) . W e lls
(9 8 > .
O n th e d e v e lo p m e n t o f b i li n g u a li s m , y o u s h o u l d r e a d B a k e r (2 0 0 7 ), D e H o u w e r (2 0 0 9 ) o r C h i n a n d W ig g le s w o r t h (2 0 0 7 ).
A n a c c o u n t o f c h ild r e n 's e x p e r ie n c e o f b e i n g m u lt i li n g u a l is f o u n d i n S im p s o n a n d W ig g le s w o r t h <2008)
S u g g e s t e d P r o je c t s
Suggested projects_____________________________
n u m b e r o f c h o ic e s p ie s e n t th e m s e lv e s . a n d w h ic h o p t i o n * y o u la k e w i l l d e t e r m i n e h o w y o u u n d e r t a k e a p r o je c t m th e
a re a o f c h ild la n g u a g e a c q u is it io n C le a r ly y o u n e e d t o h a v e access t o o n e o r m o r e c h ild r e n o l th e a p p r o p r ia t e a g e . H e r e are
th e d c is io n s t h a t y o u n e e d t o m a k e
W i l l y o u in v e s tig a te t h e la n g u a g e o l a s in g le c h ild o r m a k e a c o m p a r is o n b e tw e e n c h ild r e n o f . say. d iff e r e n t a g e s '
2.
W i l l y o u in v e s tig a te s o m e q u i t e s p e c if ic a re a, s u c h as t h e a c q u is it io n o f c o n s o n a n t s , o r w i ll y o u l o o k m o r e g e n e r a lly at
t h e s ta g e r e a c h e d i n t h e a c q u is it io n o f la n g u a g e ?
3.
W i l l y o u c o n s t r u c t a n e x p e r im e n t t o e lic it i h e featu res o f la n g u a g e t h a t y o u in t e n d l o in v e s tig a te , o r w i ll y o u c o lle c t a

n a t u r a lis t ic s a m p le b y m a k i n g ta p e - r e c o id in g s
Y o u r a n s w e r (o e a c h o f t h e s e h a s i m p li c a t i o n s f o r t h e o t h e r s - or e x a m p le , if. i n a n s w e r t o I , y o u d e c id e t o s t u d y a
s in g le c h i ld , y o u w o u ld p r o b a b ly w a n t t o in v e s tig a te , i n a n s w e r t o
g r a m m a t ic a l s y s te m
01 t h e
2 ,on
a m o r e g e n e r a l le v e l, s a y t h e s o u n d s y s te m o r th e
v o c a b u la r y : a n d i t w o u l d p r o b a b ly in v o lv e y o u i n n a t u r a lis t ic s a m p li n g , i n a n s w e r t o 3 . O n
th e o t h e r h a n d , i f y o u d e c id e t o in v e s tig a te a s p e c if ic la n g u a g e f e a tu r e , y o u m a y p r e f e r l o c o n s t r u c t a n a p p r o p r ia t e e x p eri
m e n t a n d h a v e a n u m b e r o f c h i ld r e n p a r t ic ip a t e i n it , p e r h a p s a t d if f e r e n t ag e s, s o t h a t y o u c o u ld t r a c e a d e v e lo p m e n t
o v e r tim e .
W i t h i n th e s e p a r a m e te rs , th e r e is a la r g e n u m b e r o f p r o je c ts t h a t y o u c o u ld d e v ise . H e r e a r c th r e e su g g e stio n s
1. C o m p a r e t h e a c q u is it io n o f c o n s o n a n t s by a s m a ll g r o u p o f 2-year o ld s w i t h th a t o f a m a t c h e d g i o u p o f *1- o r 5-year u ldv .

Y o u w o u ld n e e d t o c o n s t r u c t a n a p p r o p r ia te e x p e r im e n t , r e m e m b e r in g th a t y o u c a n n o t a s s u m e r e a d in g s k ills t h e e lic i
t a t i o n w i ll n e e d t o b e o ral.
2 . A s c e r t a in t h e g r a m m a t ic a l c o m p e t e n c e o f a 3 -vear- old c h i l d b y r e c o r d in g n a t u r a lis t ic s a m p le t a n d p i o f i l m g t h e strutu r e s u s e d , n o t i n g t h e f r e q u e n c y o f t h c i i o c c u r r e n c e I f y o u u s e t h e L A R S P p r o file , y o u c a n see h o w t h e c h i l d c o m p a r e s
w i t h a s t a n d a r d iz e d m e a s u re .
3 . A s c e r t a in t h e v o c a b u la r y o f a 5-year-old c h i ld . Y o u m a y d o t h is e ith e r b y u s in g o n e o f t h e s t a n d a r d iz e d v o c a b u la r y tests.
i f o n e is a v a ila b le t o y o u , o r b y t a k i n g n a t u r a lis t ic s a m p le s M a k e a li s t o f t h e s e m a n t ic f ie ld s re p r e s e n te d b y t h e v o c a b u
lary , a n d n o t e t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f w o r d s a m o n g t h e fie ld s
153
Language Variation
Chapter Outline
6.1
S o c io lin g u is tic s
155
6 .2 A c c e n t a n d d ia le c t
156
6 .3 E n g lis h a s a w o r ld la n g u a g e
163
6 .4 M u ltilin g u a lis m
167
6 .5 L a n g u a g e a n d d is a d v a n ta g e
169
6 .6 A ttit u d e s a n d co rre ctn e ss
172
A c tiv itie s
173
176
177
In C h a p te r 4 , w e lo o k e d at h o w th e la n g u a g e ha s c h a n g e d as soc iety ha s c h a n g e d over tim e ,

a n d i n th e p re v io u s chapter, w e fo llo w e d th ro u g h h o w in d iv id u a ls ac q u ire la n g u ag e fro m
(h e ir e n v ir o n m e n t in lh e firs! place. T h e rest o l th is b o o k w ill lo o k at language in its social
setting. I n the fin a l chapter, w e discuss th e m a n y varieties o f lan g u ag e a n d h o w the form s
o f E n g lis h relate to m e a n in g s a n d usage. In th is chapter, w e e x a m in e h o w language operates
in society. T h e c h a p te r o u tlin e s th e m a in factors w h ic h affe ct th e fo r m a n d fu n c tio n o f
language, a n d it discusses reasons for the variations.
6.1 Sociolinguistics
T h e b ra n c h o f lin g uistic s to w h ic h th is c h a p te r be lo n g s is s o c io lin g u is tic s . It is concerned
to relate v a ria tio n s in la n g u ag e usage w ith social factors th at e x p la in th e v a ria tio n (see
S ec tio n 1.3.7). E xam ples o f such factors are the social class o f th e speakers, th e ir age. gender,
w here th ey live, w h o th ey generally c o m m u n ic a te w it h , a n d w h a t th e co nten t is o l th e ir talk.
A ll o f these factors are discussed in th is chapter.
C h a p te r 6
How ever, pe o ple also o fte n have stro n g ideas a b o u t th e status o f th e ir o w n a n d others
la n g u ag e usage, a n d th e so c io lin g u is t m u s t take these attitu d e s in to a c c o u n t as p a r t o f the
d e s c rip tio n o f th e la n gu ag e . T h e reason for th is is that, as w as discussed i n C h ap te r 4, the
a ttitu de o f pe o ple to aspects o f language c a n have a n effect i n c h a n g in g th e fo rm s a n d usage
o l th e language. S o m e pe o ple can express th e ir sense o f g ro up- solidarity b y language loyalty,
or th e y can d isparage th e la n g u ag e o f others to w h o m th ey m a y be o p p o s e d c u ltu ra lly or
politically. These attitudes, o f course, o u g h t n o t to be h e ld b y the so c io lin g u is t, b u t th e fact is
th at th ey exist, th e y are a m a jo r ex p la n a tio n for th e w a y la n g u ag e is, a n d th e y o u g h t therefore
to b e e x a m in e d as p a r t o f sociolinguistics.
6.2 Accent and dialect

W it h in th e E n g lis h la n gu ag e , th e m o s t o b v io u s va ria tio n s across speakers i n society arc the
diffe ren ce s in h o w pe o ple p r o n o u n c e words, h o w th e ir in to n a tio n a n d p itc h varies, a n d
h o w d iffe re n t w ords, phrases a n d co n s tru c tio n s m ig h t b e used in th e ir everyday speech. It is
u s u a l i n lin g u istic s to d is tin g u is h b etw een accent a n d d iale ct. A c c e n t refers to th e sounds
th at speakers p ro duce : th e vowels a n d c o n s o n a n ts in th e w o rd s th ey use w ill b e place d in
p a rtic u la r pa tte rn e d ways; th e speed o l th e ir talk, th e ir in to n a tio n to express statem ents,
qu estion s, scandal, surprise, a n n o y a n c e a n d so o n , a n d w here th e y characteristically pitch
th e ir voices w ill a ll co n trib u te to a re co g n iza b le pattern.
D ia le c t refers to th e s tru c tu ra l co nten t o f speakers languag e: th e p a rtic u la r w o rd s used,
characteristic syntactic c o n s tru c tio n s , ce rta in w ays o f expressing negatives, plurals, tense,
a n d so o n . D iale cts m u s t n o t bc so diffe ren t tro m o n e a n o th e r th at th ey a rc co n sid e re d lo bc
m u tu a lly u n in te llig ib le ; in th a t case, th e y are separate languages.
It is im p o r ta n t to re m e m b e r th a t it is th e p a tte rn o f features th a t c o n s titu te the dialect,
rathe r th a n an y sin g le feature m a r k in g th e v a r ia tio n . For exam ple , th e T yneside d ia le ct shares
s o m e features w ith S c o ttis h E n g lis h , s u c h as divven as th e a ssim ilate d negative fo r m for do
not. But it do e s n o t hav e the syntactic fo rm for th e c o n tin u o u s present: Scottish E n g lis h has
this needs w ashed for th e Tyneside E n g lis h this needs washing.
O f course, all dialects share m o s t features o f E n g lis h i n c o m m o n ; th is is w h y th ey are
classed as dialects rathe r th a n separate languages. C e rta in differences fro m S tan d ard English
(SE, w h ic h is discussed fu r th e r belo w ) recur i n a va rie ty o f n o n - s ta n d a rd dialects. A m o n g the
m o s t c o m m o n are the follow ing:
- M ultiple negation (or, negative concord) for emphasis: I don't want none for the SE / dont want any.
- Variation in negative marker: D id you d o it? No, I never lo r SE D id you do it? No, 1 didn't.
- Non-standard adverbial usage: He ran in slow lor SF He ran in slowly.
- Non-standard plural o f demonstrative determiner: Next to them people lor SE Next to those people.
- Non-standard past forms: We was only playing. It weren't my fault. It was him as done it for SF. We
were only playing. It wasnt m y fault. It was him who d id it.
A c c e n t a n d D ia le c t
T h o u g h th e d is tin c tio n b etw een accent a n d d iale ct lo oks clear e n o u g h , i n practice it is

n o t so easy. For ex a m p le , so m e speakers o f w h a t ha s been ca lled B lack E n g lis h V e rn ac ula r
in th e U S reg ularly a n d system atically d o n o t p r o n o u n c e / d / , /$/ a n d l? J o n th e e n d s o f
w o rd s like old, cold, glasses, dog's legs, a n d he runs. Is th is s im p ly a difference in th e ir accent,
o r d o th e y have a d illc r c n t diale ctal m e a n s o l expressing c e rta in w ords, possession, plu ra lity
a n d th e th ir d pe rso n v e rb e n d in g ? F u rth e rm o re , s o m e c o m m u n itie s w ill d e n y b e in g able
to u n d e r s ta n d a n o th e r g ro u p , p u re ly o n th e basis o f a desire to d is ta n c e them selves fro m
th a t g ro u p . T h u s G e r m a n s a n d D u tc h a lo n g th e b o r d e r b etw een th e tw o c o u n trie s w ill
d e n y th a t th e ir respective d iale cts are o bse rva b ly ve ry s im ila r to each o the r. E a rly B ritish
c in e m a au d ie n c e s c la im e d n o t to be ab le to u n d e r s ta n d A m e r ic a n voices in th e first talkies,
because th e y h a d ne ver b een exposed to th e m b efore. L a n g u a g e lo y alty a n d c u s to m is clearly
a fa c to r here.
6.2.1 R e gio n al geo grap h y

Because B rita in w as in v a d e d a n d settled so m a n y tim e s , a n d because o f a lo n g s ta n d in g
v illa g e structure , a n d because o f a relatively no n - c e n tra lize d state, th e re is a great d e a l o f
lin g u is tic v a r ia tio n across th e islands. R e g io n a l dialects i n B rita in are u s u a lly associated
w ith p a r tic u la r re g io n al accents. For exam ple , it w o u ld seem o d d , th o u g h n o t im po ssible ,
to hear th e T yneside d ia le ct s p o k e n in a C o r n is h accent. I n th e last tw o c e nturie s o r so,
h ow ever, o n e d ia le ct - n o w ca lled S ta n d a rd E n g lis h - h a s c o m e to be reg ard e d as n e utra l
w ith respect to re g io n a l o r ig in . T h is is th e d ia l e d th a t e m e rg e d a m o n g th e educated
s peakers o f th e s o u th e rn east m id la n d s , a n d w as c o d ifie d in g r a m m a r b o o k s a n d d ic tio n a r
ies. It is p r o m o te d b y th e g o v e r n m e n t a n d th e e d u c a tio n system as th e n a tio n a l va rie ty o f
E n g lis h .
S E is reg ularly s p o k e n w ith a re g io n a l accent. It is th e d is tin c tio n b etw een accent a n d
d ia le ct th at allow s SE to bc a useful m e a n s ot c o m m u n ic a tio n across regions o l the co untry .
It s h o u ld be e m p h a s iz e d th a t everyone speaks w ith a n accent; it is as im p o ssib le to speak
w ith o u t an accent as to speak w ith o u t m a k in g s o u n d s . W h e n pe o ple d e n y th ey have a n accent,
th is is a sta te m e n t o f social pre ju d ic e a n d n o t lin g uistics.
T he re is a prestige f o r m o f p r o n u n c ia tio n in B r ita in k n o w n as R e ceive d P r o n u n c ia tio n
(R P ). T h is is th e a c c e n t w h ic h is a s p ire d to i n e lo c u tio n lessons, o n th e W o r ld Service
and
in
London-based B B C
N ew s
( th o u g h
re g io n a l accen ts are in c r e a s in g ly b e in g
h e a rd he re). M a n y p e o p le regard th is prestige a c c e n t as p r o p e r ly s p o k e n E n g lis h , or

Q u e e n s E n g lis h , th o u g h in fa c t o n ly a b o u t 3 p e r c e n t ( a n d fa llin g ) o f th e B ritish p o p u la
tio n speaks w ith a n R P ac c e n t, a n d th e Q u e e n speaks in a p a r tic u la rly 'ad va nce d ' f o r m o f
upper-class RP.
A s w ith pe rceptio ns o f SE users, speakers o f R P te n d to b e regarded as h ig h ly educated,
ho n e st a n d trustw orthy . I n tests o f accent preferences, RP, S co ttish a n d W e lsh accents are
h ig h ly regarded, w hereas B r u m m a g e m (B ir m in g h a m ) , Scouse (L iv e rp o o l) a n d p a rtic u la rly
C h a p te r 6
C o c k n e y accents are d islik e d . T h e latter tw o accents are o fte n take n , q u ite irrationally , to
s ig n ify speakers w h o are v io le n t o r disho n est.
A ccents can b e d iffe ren tiate d fr o m
o n e a n o th e r m o s t o b v io u s ly in
the different
realizatio ns o f th e s o u n d s o f w ords. For exam ple , s o m e accents (s u c h as casual C o c k n e y )

o m it fin a l /t/ in w o rd s like p o t, or p r o n o u n c c / !/ m e d ia lly in b u tte r as a g lo tta l stop. Vowel
v a ria tio n s te n d to m a r k o u t diffe ren t accents e ven m o re obviously. T h e first vow el in b u tte r is
p r o n o u n c e d i n three diffe ren t w ays if utte re d b y a n R P speaker
(/a /),
a C o c k n e y speaker
(/a /), a n d a G e o rd ie speaker ( / u /).

In to n a tio n is a ls o a s tr o n g r e g io n a l m a r k e r across accents. A G e o r d ie accent is easily
re c o g n iz e d b y th e c h a ra cte ris tic r is in g in t o n a tio n in m o s t utte ra n c e s, w h e th e r qu e s tio n s
o r n o t. A B ir m in g h a m a c c e n t is re c o g n iza b le in th e m o r e n a rr o w ran g e o f th e in to n a tio n
p a tte rn across utte ra n c e s. I t h a s o n ly b e e n i n th e p a st few d ecad es, th a n k s to easily
p o r ta b le r e c o rd in g e q u ip m e n t, th a t lin g u is ts ha v e b e e n a b le to s tu d y a c c e n t in its n a tu ra l
s o c ia l settin g .
6.2.2 The lin g u istic variab le

In o rd e r to investigate differences b etw een accents, lin g uists have u s e d th e n o t io n o f the
lin g u istic v a ria b le as a m a rk e r o f accents. O n e s o u n d is selected, a n d used as th e dependent
variab le w h ile o th e r factors {such as social class, age, g ender, region, e th n ic gro up, a n d so o n )
are v a rie d , w ith a vie w to disc o ve rin g correlations betw een the occu rren ce o f th e s o u n d a n d
these social a n d pe rso n al lactors
For ex a m p le , o n e ve ry no tice a ble lin g u is tic variab le in accents o f th e E n g lis h language is
rho ticity. T h is refers to the p r o n u n c ia tio n (o r n o t) o f /r/ w h e n it does n o t o c c u r before
a vo w e l (as i n cur, carl, b u rn ). I n th e B ritish Isles, rh o tic ity differentiates S cottish, Irish,
C o r n is h , ru ra l East A n g lia n a n d N o r th u m b r ia n accents fr o m m o s t M id la n d a n d sou the rn
accents. In B rita in , r h o tic ity is regarded as a low-prestigc feature, associated w ith rural,
b a ck w a rd areas. I h e fact th a t th is is a lo ca l pre ju d ic e is illustrated b y the fact th at the
o p p o s ite h o ld s in
m o s t o f th e U S , w here rh o tic ity is pre stig io us a n d its absence is
stigm atized.
T h e lin g u is tic v ariab le ha s b e e n the basis o f m u c h o f m o d e r n s o c io lin g uistics. A n y feature
o l la n g u ag e can be set ag ainst a social factor: a p a rtic u la r in to n a tio n , syntactic p a tte rn , use
o f a p a rtic u la r w o rd , a n d so o n . How ever, there are p ro b le m s i n c o lle c tin g data s u c h as
th is for study. It is d iffic u lt to set u p a n a tu ra l s itu a tio n i n w h ic h m a n y pe o ple w ill say a
p a rtic u la r w o rd several tim e s , o r use a p a rtic u la r syntactic c o n s tru c tio n , w ith o u t th e m
re a liz in g th a t th ey are be in g observed. T h e fact th a t pe o ple chang e th e w a y th e y s p e a k w h e n
th ey are aw are o f be in g w atched is k n o w n as th e observer's paradox', a n d data collected in
s u c h circum stan ce s m u s t b e regarded as suspect.
For th is reason, m a n y so c io lin g u is tic studies ha v e u s e d v a ria tio n s i n sin g le s o u n d s as
th e lin g u is tic variab le . People are less aw are o f in d iv id u a l s o u n d s , there is a h ig h chance o f
h e a rin g lh e feature several lim e s in a variety o f w ords, a n d th e s o u n d can o c c u r w h e n the

c o n te n t o l the ta lk is fo rm a l o r casu al, frie n d ly , h o s tile , careful o r everyday, a n d so o n . G ro u p s
o f speakers w ill o fte n share th e feature, m a k in g its s tu d y g e n u in e ly social, rathe r th a n sim p ly
p a r t o f the in d iv id u a ls speech style, w h ic h is k n o w n as th e ir id io le c t. T w o studies w h ic h use
th is ap p ro ach arc described below .
6.2.3 A ge and la n g u a g e loyalty

O n e o f th e m o s t fa m o u s so c io lin g u is tic studies w as c o n d u c te d b y W illia m L a b o v o n the
M assachusetts is la n d o f M a r th a s V in e y a rd in th e U S. T here are a r o u n d 6,0 00 native
in h a b ita n ts , b u t every year tens o f th o u s a n d s o f to urists desce nd u p o n th e island; th e locals
refer to these as th e s u m m e r pe o ple . T h e y have b o u g h t p r o p e rty a n d la n d in th e east o f the
is la n d , a n d a seasonal to urist tra d e ha s b e c o m c d e p e n d e n t o n th e m . T h is area, incide ntally,
w as used as the s e ttin g fo r lh e f ilm law s. T h e west o f th e isla n d , a r o u n d C h ilm a r k , is still
r u r a l, a n d th e re m ain s o f th e d e c lin in g fis h in g in d u s tr y operates here.
As a lin g u istic variab le . L a b o v selected th e w ay p e o p le p r o n o u n c e d th e d ip h th o n g s [au]
a n d |ai| i n such w o rd s as house a n d n ig h t respectively. It h a d b een o bserved th at islanders
tended to p r o n o u n c e these s o u n d s m o re ce ntrally o n the to n g u e (as (3 u ) a n d [ a il), th o u g h a
pre v io us stu d y h a d fo u n d th a t. 30 years b e fo re h a n d , th is ce n tra liza tio n h a d b een d y in g ou t.
L ab o v in te rv ie w e d a b o u t 6 0 pe o ple f r o m a ll over the isla n d . S urprisingly , h e fo u n d th a t the
use o f a c e n tra liz e d d ip h th o n g w as a c tu a lly o n the increase, a n d w as especially no tic e a ble in
the speech o f fis h e rm e n aged 31-45 liv in g i n C h ilm a r k .
L a b o v s e x p la n a tio n fo r th is is th a t those islanders w h o were c o m m itte d l o is la n d life
w a n te d to m a r k them selves as be in g real islanders, separate fr o m th e s u m m e r people'. Their
ce ntra lize d d ip h th o n g was th e m e a n s of co n v e y in g this, a n d h a d been exaggerated b y som e
o f th e islanders. L a b o v pro d u c e s results th at in d ic a te a c o rre la tio n betw een ce ntra liza tio n
a n d w h e th e r in fo r m a n ts h a d a po sitive o r negative a ttitu de to is la n d life. T ho se people
w h o ce ntra lize d th e m o s t te n d e d to b e those w h o lik e d M a r th a s V in e y a rd , w h ile those w h o
c e n tra liz e d least were those w h o h a d a negative vie w o f th e island.
F u rth e rm o re , th is la n g u ag e lo y ally w as ap p a re n t in ce rta in age gro up s m o re th a n others.
W h e n the use o f th e ce ntralize d p r o n u n c ia tio n w as set a g a in st age b a n d s , a definite
g e n e ra tio n a l p a tte rn e m e rg e d. M idd le - ag ed m e n presented the feature m o s t ofte n , closely
fo llo w e d by those y o u n g pe o ple w h o h a d b een aw ay to s tu d y o n th e m a in la n d b u t h a d
m a d e a c o nsc io us d e c isio n to re tu rn to the isla n d . T h is g e n e ra tio n a l 'sn ap sho t' allow e d
L ab o v to discuss h o w th e use o f the feature w as c h a n g in g o v e r tim e.
H ie M a rth a s V in e y a rd stu d y in d ic a tes several im p o r ta n t areas in w h ic h so c io lin g uistic
m e th o d s c a n p ro v id e in sigh t. L a b o v w as a b le to observe la n g u ag e c h a n g e b y analy sing
its effects. H e w as able to lin k la n g u a g e use w ith subjective attitudes, a n d illustrate that
th is co rre la tio n w as n o t r a n d o m b u t p r in c ip le d . A n d la n g u ag e use w as seen to b e patte rn e d
a c c o rd in g to age, a ttitu de a n d social s itu a tio n in ways th a t can b e q u a n tifie d .
C h a p te r 6
6.2.4 S o cia l class

A n o th e r s o c ia l facto r available fo r stu d y is class s tra tific a tio n , th e p e rc e p tio n o f a social
h ie ra rc h y based o n w e a lth , fa m ily status, attitu d e a n d o c c u p a tio n . Peter T ru d g ill, in a stu d y
in N o r w ic h i n th e 1960s, set a va rie ty o f lin g u is tic v a ria b le s i n p r o n u n c ia tio n against
b o th th e so c ia l class a n d th e g e n d e r o f th e speaker. U s in g lo ca l c o u n c il w ard s as the u n it
fr o m w h ic h in fo r m a n ts w ere d e riv e d , h e cate go rize d pe o ple s social class o n th e basis o f
in c o m e , h o u s e a n d th e o c c u p a tio n o f th e father o f th e fam ily. H e h a d th e in fo r m a n ts
speak in a casu al, relaxed s itu a tio n , fo llo w e d b y a m o r e fo rm a l, interview -style settin g . He
th e n g o t th e m to read a passage th at c o n ta in e d m a n y o f th e s o u n d s h e w as interested in.
Finally, h e h a d th e m read lists o f w ords, m a n y o f th e m in pa irs th at c o n tra s te d w ith each
o the r. B y th is m e th o d , he w as able to g a in exam ples o f th e lin g u is tic v a ria b le fro m a
c o n t in u u m o f casualness to fo rm ality . H e also e n s u re d th at in fo r m a n ts firs t spo ke w ith o u t
b e in g aw are o f w h ic h pa rts o f th e ir speech were b e in g analy sed , a n d th e n g ra d u a lly becam e
acute ly self-conscious.
F igu re 6.1 sho w s a table w h ic h c o n ta in s a large range o f in fo r m a tio n . T h e social class
b a n d s are sh o w n , fr o m M id d le M id d le C lass, th r o u g h Low er M id d le C lass, U p p e r W o rk in g
Class, M id d le W o rk in g Class, to L o w e r W o r k in g Class. T hese b a n d s are fu r th e r d ivide d
a c c o rd in g to gender. T h e in fo r m a n ts were th e n reco rd e d for th e ir use o f the variab le / /. For
exam ple, i n a w o rd like singing, the fin a l s o u n d m a y be p r o n o u n c e d e ith e r / / o r /n / . Such
w o rd s were place d in to various styles: W o r d List Style, R e a d in g Passage Style, F o rm al Style,
a n d C a sua l Style, i n o rd e r to v a ry th e awareness o f th e speaker regarding his/h e r o w n
la n g u a g e use. F igu re 6.1 show s the percentage o f people i n each g ro u p w h o u s e d th e / n/
p r o n u n c ia tio n .
Social Class
Sex
WLS
RPS
FS
CS
MMC
000
000
000
000
004
000
031
F
LM C
M
F
000
000
020
000
027
003
017
067
uw c
M
F
000
011
018
013
081
068
095
077
MWC
M
F
024
020
043
046
091
081
097
088
LW C
M
F
066
017
100
100
054
097
100
100
|N o te : M M C
M id d le
M id d le
C la s s .
LM C
L o w e r M id d le
000
C la s s .
U W C = U p p e r W o r k in g C l a s s . M W C = M id d le W o r k in g C l a s s . L W C =
L o w e r W o r k in g C l a s s . ]
Figure 6.1 The M Variable in Norwich (following Trudgill (1983: 94.
T h is table clearly sho w s th at th e low-status p r o n u n c ia tio n o f / n / g en e rally increases in

fre q u e n cy th e lo w e r d o w n the social scale is the speaker. So, th e M M C a lm o s t always use
/ n / . w hereas th e I.YVC a lm o s t alw ays use I n i as th e fin a l s o u n d o f w o rd s like singing. It
also show s th at pe o ple are aware o f th e prestige v alue attached to these fo rm s, s in c e g enerally
they te n d to m o v e to w ards th e h ig h e r status lo r m w h e n th ey are m o r e aw are o l th e ir o w n
la n g u ag e use.
6.2.5 Gender
M o re in te re s tin g th a n these g ene ral trends, th o u g h , are th e d iffe re n t results fo r m e n a n d
w o m e n o f th e s a m e social class. W o m e n te n d m o re to w ards th e h ig h e r prestige fo r m th a n d o
m e n . Conversely, m e n seem to in c lin e to w ards the lower-prestige p r o n u n c ia tio n . A im in g for
high-prestige ( a n d so m e tim e s o ver-judging th e m a tte r) is k n o w n as h y p e r c o r r e c tio n (alre ady
referred to in S ec tio n 4.4.1 as a facto r in la n g u ag e c h a n g e ). A im in g for low-prestige is called
c o v e rt p re s tig e b y TrudgU L N o tic e in th e table h o w L M C m e n use the low er status feature
m o re w h e n th ey b e c o m e aw are o f it ( in F o rm a l Style) th a n in th e ir everyday, ve rn ac ula r
speech (C a s u a l Style). A lo n g w ith o th e r s o cio lin g uists, T ru d g ill suggests th a t w o m e n te n d
to be s o cially a s p ira tio n a l since th ey are o fte n p re ju d ic ia lly assessed o n th e basis o f their
accents, a n d th at therefore th e y are lin g u is tic a lly insecure. M e n , o n th e o th e r h a n d , desire to
b e th o u g h t o f as 'to u g h ' a n d down-to-earth', a n d so a im fo r th e lower-class speech patterns,
e ven i f th ey are them selves m id d le class. I n s u p p o rt o f this, T ru d g ill also observes that, w h e n
a sked subjectively a b o u t th e ir accents, w o m e n te n d to c la im th ey ha v e a higher-prcstige
a ccent th a n in fact th e y use. Hqually, m e n c la im to use m o r e lower-prestige fo rm s th a n th ey
a re a c tu a lly o bserved using .
T he re ha s b een a great d e a l o f interest i n the issue o f w h ethe r m e n a n d w o m e n use
la n g u ag e differently. I n th e 1970s a n d 1980s, prescribed changes to th e la n g u ag e were
a dvocated b y m a n y fe m in is ts in o rd e r to m a k e th e la n g u ag e system itsell less sexist.
E xam ples in c lu d e u s in g M s in preference to M is s o r Airs; d r o p p in g the gender q u a lific a tio n
in la d y doctor, fe m a le executive, career w o m a n a n d also m a le nurse; a n d u s in g n e utra l
te rm s s u c h as personpow er (for m a n p o w e r), chair/person (for c h a irm a n ), herstory (history),
h im m ic a n e (h u rric a n e ), w im m in /w o m y n (w o m e n ) a n d mistress copy (for m aste r copy). The
a rg u m e n t w a s th at language is sexist because it is m flH -m ade, a n d m e n d e te rm in e m e a n in g s
because th ey are largely in co n tro l in society.
S u c h prescriptive re c o m m e n d a tio n s have h a d lim ite d success, in large part precisely
because th e y are prescribed. T he re are, in a n y case, tw o serio us flaw s in th is p o s itio n . The
firs t derives f r o m th e a s s u m p tio n th at la n g u ag e is c o n tro lle d a n d fixed b y a d o m in a n t
g r o u p (m e n ), a n d o n ly th e y can exercise th is po w e r. T herefore, a n y fe m in is t prescriptive
in te rv e n tio n is futile since w o m e n , it is c la im e d , d o n o t have th e s a m e socio- political power.
T h is p a rtic u la r fe m in is t p o s itio n is based o n th e id e a th at lin g u is tic expression stron g ly
d eterm ines patterns o f th o u g h t. But i f this w as th e case, th e n d eterm inistic fem inists w o uld
C h a p te r 6
n o t e ven he able to discuss th e issue in E n g lis h , s in c e th e y w o u ld , o n th e ir o w n arg u m e n t, be

u n a b le to t h in k a b o u t it.
second counter-argum ent is th at the p o s itio n is based o n ignorance o f lin g uistics, p a rtic u
larly o f ety m o lo g y a n d language change. For exam ple, the in itia l m o rp h e m e s in history and
h u rric a n e have n o th in g , historically, to d o w ith g e n d e r pro n o u n s . W o m a n is n o t (as has been
claim ed) th e woe o f m a n , b u t a de riv a tio n o f w ifm a n , where m a n w as sim p ly O l d E n g lis h for
person. M ales were s im ila rly d isting uishe d b y prefixes: w erm an o r w ae pm an . In fact, in AngloSaxon society, w o m e n were allow e d pro pe rty rights, w h ic h were n o t regained u n til 1922!
It w as th ro u g h th e m e d ie v a l p e r io d th a t w if n a rro w e d its m e a n in g to its c u rre n t sense, a n d
later pre scrip tive a uth o ritie s d e c id e d th at m a n sh o u ld b c b o th m alc-spccific a n d also generic
(a p o s itio n ac tu a lly e m b o d ie d b y an A c t o f P a rlia m e n t). T h is pro duce s o d d itie s like:
F a rly m a n d e v e lo p e d a la r g e s k u ll w h ic h c a u s e d h im p r o b le m s in g iv in g b ir t h a n d t h u s s h o r te n e d h is
g e s ta tio n p e rio d
C learly, w hatever th e s h o rtc o m in g s o f the prescriptive ap p ro a c h , there is s o m e th in g bizarre

to b e ac c o u n te d for here.
A m o r e recent, less d e te r m in is tic p o s itio n c la im s th at differences are the p ro d u c ts o f
the diffe ren t uses m e n a n d w o m e n m a k e o f language, rathe r th a n language b e in g itself
in h e re n tly sexist. L a n g u a g e s im p ly reflects social discrepancies, a n d m e n a n d w o m e n have
th e ir o w n 'genderlects. Language, fr o m th is v ie w p o in t is o n ly o ne p a r t o f an in d iv id u a l's
social experience, a n d m e n c a n n o t fix m e a n in g s because m e a n in g s c a n n o t be fixed. Language,
therefore, c a n express th e needs a n d experience o f w o m e n just as well, a n d lin g uists m u st
c o n s id e r th e s o c ia l a n d p o litic a l uses o fla n g u a g e .
For illu s tra tio n , it ha s been s h o w n th a t m a n y w o rd s w h ic h arc su p p o s e d to have c o m m o n
g ender (i.e. are gender-neutral) are in fact used in ways w h ic h e x clud e w om en:
readers c h o o s e re so rts b y a s k in g th e ir w iv e s w h e r e th e y w o u ld lik e to go .
C o n side r also the c o nn o tatio n s o l th e fo llow in g pairs o l w o rd s a n d associated phrases. A

w aiter w orks in a h ig h class restaurant, a waitress i n a low er class cafe. C o m p are : he a d waiter and
?hetid waitress (th e ? indicates d o u b t over the va lid ity o f the phrase). A m aster is in control, b u t a
mistress is kept for sex. C o m p are : o ld m aster a n d ?old mistress. A bachelor is an app ro vin g term,
b u t a spinster is a sad th in g to be. C om pare: bachelor p a d a n d hpm ster p a d . A patron is a business
client, b u t a m a tro n is an o ld nurse. II a m a n has a client, he is a busine ssm an; il a w o m a n has a
client, she is a prostitute. I f a m a n is a pro, h e is com petent; i f a w o m an is a pro, she is a prostitute.
I f a m a n is a tram p, h e is a hom eless scruff; il a w o m a n is a tra m p , she is a prostitute.
It ha s ofte n b een n oted that, in m ix e d g ro ups, m e n a n d w o m e n a p p e a r to use different
sets o l politeness strategies, in to n a tio n m arke rs a n d tu rn - ta k in g su p p o rts a n d challenges in
c o nv e rsa tio n . S tu d ie s o n s c h o o lc h ild re n illustrate th at boys' m o n o p o liz a tio n o f classroom
resources a n d p la y g ro u n d space also extends to th e ir d o m in a tio n o f lin g u is tic space. T h is
E n g lis h a s a W o rld L a n g u a g e
early so c ia liz a tio n is ca rrie d o n in to later life. G e n e ra lly sp e a k in g , there is evidence to show
th at m e n in m ix e d gro up s speak m o r e th a n w o m e n . W h e n m e n speak to m e n , topics te n d to
b e c o m p e titio n , teasing, spo rts, aggression a n d d o in g th in g s, w hereas w o m e n te n d to talk
a b o u t self, feelings, re la tio n s h ip s a n d ideas.
In m ix e d g ro ups, m e n ha v e b een fo u n d to in itiate exchanges m o re , a n d w o m e n to su p p o rt
a n d reply. How ever, there is so m e a c c o m m o d a tio n a n d convergence for th e o th e r gender in
each case: m e n speak less o f 'th e ir topics a n d w o m e n less o f 'theirs! T h is a ls o seem s to be
culture-specific: in th e U S, w o m e n s h ift th e ir to p ic s m o r e tow ards the m e n ; in B rita in , it is
the m e n w h o te n d to converge m o r e tow ards th e w o m e n s topics.
G en e ra lly , th o u g h , w o m e n te n d to a p o lo g ize m o re , m e n e x p la in th in g s to w o m e n , m e n
in te rru p t a n d w o m e n give way. I n s im u lta n e o u s ta lk , m e n persist longer a n d so m ore
o fte n w in th e floor. W o m e n a sk m o r e q u e s tio n s a n d m a k e m o re s u p p o r tin g s o u n d s a n d
c o m m e n ts . M e n te n d to use assertive fo rm s w h ile w o m e n use th e m o r e sug gestive c o n
s tr u c tio n s o f interrogatives a n d su p p o s itio n .
It ha s b een suggested th at these differences arc because m e n a n d w o m e n are so c ialize d in to
diffe ren t un d e rs ta n d in g s o f the rules a n d fu n c tio n s o f language. For exam ple, w h e n w o m e n
talk o f d o m e s tic m atte rs a n d m e n o f business m atters, th ey all m a y b e a p p ly in g th e sam e rule,
ta lk in g a b o u t work. How ever, traditionally, m e n s w o r k ha s b e e n external to the h o m e w h ile
w om en's w o r k has b een in tern al, a n d so the topics o f ta lk seem to vary. Alternatively, w ith
interrogatives, w o m e n m a y perceive th e fu n c tio n o f qu estion s to bc the m a in te n a n c e o f c o n
versation, d ra w in g th e oth e r pe rso n in to th e d isc ussio n, w h ile m e n perceive the fu n c tio n as
the e lic ita tio n o l in fo r m a tio n , a n d act accordingly. W o m e n m a y regard forccfulncss as hostile
p e rso n al aggression, w h ile m e n regard it as p a r t o f n o rm a l conve rsatio nal org anization.
O f course, the fact th at c u ltu ra l differences exist, a n d th at usage ha s changed over tim e,
suggests th at there is n o th in g in h e re n tly m a le o r fem ale in a n y o f the above patterns o f use.
A n o v e rrid in g co nsideration is th e balance o f p o w e r betw een participants i n discourse. 'H ie
so-called fem ale gendcrlccts have been fo u n d in the stylistic choices o l powerless m e n , a n d
m a n y w o m e n in po sitio ns o f p o w e r te n d to use th e language o f pow er as well. T hat po w e r has
in the past been associated v e ry m u c h w ith m e n goes a lo n g w ay to e x p la in w h y these particular
patterns o f language use have been seen as m ale. How ever, the pace o f social chang e over the
p a st decades ha s already rendered m a n y o f th e classic lin g u istic studies d ate d a n d obsolete, a n d
genderlects n eed to bc re-cvaluated as lin g uistic choices to express a n d m an ag e power.
6.3 English as a world language

Because o f B ritish c o lo n ia lis m a n d , m o re recently, th e p r o m in e n c e o f A m e r ic a n culture
g lobally , the E n g lis h la n g u ag e is n o w th e m o s t w id e ly spo ken across th e w o rld . Perhaps m ore
im p o rta n tly , it is th e w o rld s m o s t freq ue n t s eco n d la n gu ag e . E n g lis h is th e lan g u ag e m ost
likely to be u s e d as a lin g u a fr a n c a (a c o m m o n m e a n s o f c o m m u n ic a tio n ) w h e n two
d iffe re n t language speakers firs t meet.
C h a p te r 6
How ever, E n g lis h is n o t th e s a m e across th e w o rld . T he re are as m a n y varieties o f E nglish

as there are needs lo r d iffe re n t fo rm s o f th e la n gu ag e . E n g lis h n o longer 'belongs' to the
B ritish, o r even to th e A m e ric a n s , b u t is a resource for speakers w h o have deve lo pe d their
o w n pro pe r varieties fo r th e ir o w n circum stan ce s. E ve ry E n g lis h speakers la n g u ag e is
perfectly ad eq uate for th e ir req uire m e nts; as n e w n e ed s arise, so th e la n g u ag e changes lo
a c c o m m o d a te a n d express th e m . T h e jo b o f th e lin g u is t is n o t to prescribe a m o d e l fo rm
o i E n g lis h { th o u g h there is a debate a r o u n d w h ic h v a rie ty o f E n g lis h o u g h t to be taught
to foreign learners); it is to describe w o rld w id e usage as it exists in its local fo rm s, a n d to
th e o rize a b o u t o r ig in s a n d effects.
T h e a p p e a ra n c e o f v a rie tie s o f E n g lis h a r o u n d ih e w o rld is a lm o s t e n tir e ly a re s u lt o f
tra d e , b a c k e d u p b y B r itis h m ilit a r y a n d n a v a l po w e r. I n th e cases o f N o r t h A m e r ic a a n d
A u s tra lia , n a tiv e E n g lis h speakers fo r m e d th e m a jo r ity o l th e e s ta b lis h e d settlers. I n the
cases o f A fr ic a a n d I n d ia , E n g lis h b e c a m e a s so c ia te d w ith p o s itio n s o f g o v e r n m e n t a n d
po w e r. M a n y n a tio n s , fu r th e r m o r e , u p o n t h e ir in d e p e n d e n c e fr o m B r ita in , k e p t E n g lis h
as a m a in la n g u a g e to a v o id p r iv ile g in g th e la n g u a g e o f a n y o n e tr ib e o r re g io n a l g ro u p .
E n g lis h th u s stayed o n as a us e fu l n e u tr a l c o m p r o m is e , as w e ll as a n in te r n a tio n a l la n
guage u s e d in trade.
6.3.1 A m erican English

A m e r ic a n E n g lis h n o w d o m in a te s th e w o rld . It is o fte n S ta n d a rd A m e r ic a n E n g lis h w h ic h
is ta u g h t lo fo re ig n learners w h erev er th e in flu e n c e o l ih e U S is stro n g , a n d so it is
n o t u n u s u a l to f i n d pe o ple fr o m ih e P ac ific, th e Far East a n d a ls o G e r m a n y s p e a k in g
E n g lis h w it h a n A m e r ic a n a c c e n t a n d u s in g A m e r ic a n id io m s . S in c e th e S e c o n d W o rld
W a r, A m e r ic a n E n g lis h h a s c o n s o lid a te d its p o s itio n ih r o u g h its d o m in a n c e o f ih e e n te r
ta in m e n t in d ustry.
A p a r l fro m differences in p r o n u n c ia tio n , ih e m a in feature o l A m e r ic a n E n g lis h in
co ntrast w ith S ta n d a rd (B ritish ) E n g lis h is in lexical v a ria tio n . M a n y w o rd s have been
b o rro w e d Ir o m th e languag es o f n o n - E n g lish s p e a k in g im m ig r a n ts , as w e ll as fr o m Ihe
in d ig e n o u s peoples: so m occasin, ja z z , zu c ch in i, burger, bagel a n d kosher c a n a ll n o w b e heard
in B rita in . S o m e rec o g n iza bly B ritish w o rd s ha v e d eve lo pe d v a ria n t m e a n in g s such as
m tu l (- a n g ry ), a re y o u through? (- are y o u fin is h e d ?) a n d b ad /w ic k e d (- g o o d ). A m e ric a n
te c h n o lo g ic a l in n o v a tio n ha s also g iv e n us p ro g ra m (spelt th is w a y in co m p u te rs ), telephone,
typew riter, as w e ll as lynch, b lizza rd , joy-ride a n d p r a ir ie to express a c u ltu re a n d e n v iro n m e n t
d iffe re n t fr o m th e British.
So, i f y o u take a tra in jo u r n e y i n B rita in , y o u r railw ay tr a in has a driver, a g u a rd a n d
p e rh a p s a g uard 's v a n . Y o u have luggage a n d y o u r tra in m a y pass g o o d s Ira in s , level crossings
a n d po in ts. I f y o u were in A m e ric a , y o u r railro a d tra in w o u ld have a n engineer, a co n d u c to r
a n d a baggage car. Y o u w o u ld pass freigh t train s, g rad e crossings a n d switches. I n y o ur
a u to m o b ile y o u fill u p w ith gas, w ip e y o u r w in d s h ie ld , ch e c k y o u r h o o d a n d tr u n k are shut.
E n g lis h a s a W o rld L a n g u a g e
a n d drive d o w n the freeway, expressway o r d iv id e d highw ay, o v e rta k in g trucks. A t h o m e , yo u

take th e elevator to y o u r a p a rtm e n t, read y o u r m a il, c h a n g e th e b abys diape r, a n d p u t in a
t r u n k call to y o u r foreign frie n ds, m a k in g th e call collect i f y o u arc m e a n . Finally, yo u d rin k
a ro o t be e r th a t yo uve seen in a c o m m e rc ia l w h ile w a tc h in g TV.
O l course, there is v a ria tio n w ith in the U S A as well. M o s t d o m e s tic diale ctal v a ria tio n is
b ased n o t so m u c h o n region as o n d iv isio n s betw een u r b a n a n d ru ra l areas, a n d betw een
e th n ic g ro ups. S o m e re g io n a l v a ria tio n s in c lu d e th e B oston to n ic (soft d r in k ), a n d in
P h ila d e lp h ia a square is w h a t a block is in N e w Y o rk. People p a r k cars in Los Angeles, in
T ren to n th e y rank th e m a n d in D elaw are cars are file d .
How ever, th e re are also g ra m m a tic a l d illc rc n c c s in w o rd fo r m a tio n a n d syntax th a t seem
to b e spreading . T h e su ffix -ize is v e ry us e fu l i n m a k in g verbs o u t o f n o u n s , th o u g h there
a rc p le n ty o f B ritish n e w sp a pe r letterw riters w h o c o m p la in a b o u t E n g lis h fr a te rn iz in g a n d
b e in g terro rized b y w o rd s like hospitalized, p r io r itiz e d a n d especially burglarized. H ow ever
(apart fr o m the last exam ple ), B ritish E n g lis h c a n o n ly express these c o nc e pts in a m ore
r o u n d a b o u t way.
S yntactic v a ria tio n te n d s to reveal th e lin g u is tic ig n o ra n ce o f such p u ris t letterwriters.
since m a n y A m e r ic a n varian ts arc a c tu a lly o ld e r B ritish fo rm s w h ic h have n o t c h a n g e d in
A m e ric a . Verbal aux iliaries like g otten a n d done are acceptable in w ays th a t w o u ld be regarded
as u n g ra m m a tic a l in B rita in . A n d m a n y varian ts (such as dove (d iv e d ) a n d h u n g (h a n g e d ))
a rc A m e r ic a n re g u la riza tio n s o f B ritish E n g lis h oddities.
6.3.2 A rtificia l varie tie s o f English

T he re are s o m e varieties o f E n g lis h th a t are d e s ign e d spe cifically lo r p a rtic u la r uses, a n d
E n g lis h fo r S p e c ia l P u rp o s e s (ESP ) is th e area th a t studies a n d p ro m o te s these as co d ifie d
a n d c o n v e n tio n a l lin g u a francas. F o r exam ple , M a r it im e E n g lis h (or S ea spe ak) has been
d ev e lo pe d spe cifically to e n a b le ships navigators to c o m m u n ic a te w ith each o th e r regardless
o f th e ir respective n a tio n a litie s. S im ilarly, a red uce d fo rm o f E n g lis h is used b y air-traffic
c o ntro llers across th e w o rld to ensure precise a n d clear c o m m u n ic a tio n , k n o w n as A irspeak.
T h e p ilo t o f a n Italian je t la n d in g at M ila n a ir p o rt w o u ld nevertheless speak to the Italian
c o n tro lle r in E n g lis h . B usiness E n g lis h is a n o th e r ex am ple o f a n a rtific ia l va rie ty to b e used
in in te rn a tio n a l trade.
S u c h a rtific ia l varieties, o fte n sp o n so re d a n d c o m m is s io n e d b y re g ula ting bodies,
serve such a n a rr o w fu n c tio n th a t th e y c a n exist in h ig h ly s im p lifie d form s. T h is n o t o n ly
m akes th e m easier to le arn , b u t it also reduces th e p o te n tia l for a m b ig u ity . Technical
w ords are p r o m in e n t, w ith specific jarg o n fo r p a rtic u la r in d u s trie s fo r m in g dialects w ith in
Business English.
O f course, for the pu rp o se s o f a c c u ra c y a n d safety, a n d because artific ia l varieties have n o
native speakers, th e y exist in a frozen fo rm . In n o v a tio n tends to bc in tro d u c e d o n ly b y som e
s o rt o f statute, ra th e r th a n b y in d iv id u a l creativity.
C h a p te r 6
6.3.3 P id gin s and Creoles

W h e r e several la n g u ag e s c o m e together, o fte n i n tr a d in g p o rts , refugee c a m p s a n d slave
m arkets, a n d c o m m u n ic a tio n is essential, a h y b r id la n g u ag e m a y d e v e lo p to b e used in a
few specific contexts. S in c e its fu n c tio n s arc lim ite d , s u c h a p i d g i n is u s u a lly a restricted
language system . I f d e riv e d fr o m H nglish, the p id g in E n g lis h w ill o fte n have sim p le clauses,
few p re p o sitio n s a n d a s m a ll ran g e o f v o c a b u la ry ( w h ic h is o fte n m a in ly d ra w n fr o m the
o the r, n o n - E n g lish la n gu ag e ). How ever, p id g in s are n o t s im p ly te le g ra m m a tic broken
English; th ey have to b e le a rn t ju s t as a n y o th e r lan gu ag e , a n d are in c o m p re h e n sib le to the
m o n o lin g u a l E n g lis h speaker. A p id g in , b y d e fin itio n , ha s n o native speakers.
If, however, a p id g in persists in a particular region, it m a y extend its social fun c tio ns and
becom e th e first language o f th e n e w generation. A t th is p o in t, the language becom es a creole: a
fully fledged language in its o w n right. D evelopm ent at th is p o in t is o fte n rap id , w ith a n increase
in co m ple x clauses, in ph o n e tic range, w ith extra lexical item s, syn o ny m o us term s, a tense and
aspect system a n d o th e r co m ple x g ra m m a tic a l lorm s. S tandardization o l p ro n u n cia tio n and
s p e llin g often follows, a n d c o d ific a tio n in dictionaries, g ra m m a r boo ks a n d th ro u g h education.
N o t a ll lin g u a fra n c a s deve lo p in to p id g in s , a n d n o t a ll p id g in s deve lo p in to creoles. A n d
n o t a ll p id g in s a n d creoles d e riv e fr o m E n g lis h , either. A ll th e languag es o f th e o ld E uropean
im p e ria l pow ers are represented in p id g in /c re o le languages, w ith o n ly a q u a rte r b e in g
E n g lis h based. M a n y p id g in s a n d creoles exist side b y side, such as in Sierra L eone where
W est A fr ic a n p id g in a n d K r io are spo ken reg ularly in everyday life.
O n e o l the m o s t w e ll- d o c u m e n te d exam ples o f a p id g in is Tok P isin (= p id g in talk) in P ap u a
N e w G u in e a . T h is la n g u ag e (also c a lled N ew G u in e a P idgin, M e lan esian P id g in , a n d NeoM e lan esiati) ha s existed since the e n d o f th e last ce ntury. T h e n . G e r m a n planters shipped
w orkers in to S a m o a to p ic k co co n u t a n d cocoa. T h o u g h a qu a rte r o f th e m d ie d , 60 00 were
e ven tually re p atriate d to N e w G u in e a o n E n g lis h ships w h e re a lin g u a fra nca developed.
B a c k i n N e w G u in e a , w ith its 700 languages, th e lin g u a tran ca c o n tin u e d to be u s e d a n d
b e c a m e T o k P is in p id g in .
S om e o f the E n g lis h o r ig in s o f T o k P is in c a n s till be seen in s o m e w ords: p ik (p ig ), d ok
(d o g ), h e t (h e a d ), lu k im (see /lo ok ), s p a id a (s p id e r), ko l (c o ld ) a n d sikis (six ). M a n y o f these
result fr o m the s im p lifie d s o u n d system , w ith o n ly five b asic vow els available. N e w w o rd s are
o fte n lo r m e d b y m e ta p h o r o r c o m p o u n d in g . T h u s, g ra s b ilo n g h e t is hair. It aits bilo n g spaida
is a w eb, a n d h a u s b ilo n g p ik is a pigsty. A p la n tih a n is a ce ntip ed e (p le n ty h a n d s ), h a u s sik
is a h o s p ita l, h a u s pe p a (p a p e r h o u s e ) is an o ffice . In te n s ific a tio n c a n be expressed by
rep etition : thus, look m e a n s look b u t looklook m eans stare.
T o k P isin has for a lo n g tim e b een in th e process o f c re o liza tio n ; th at is, it has native speakers
for w h o m it is a first language. T his process is very ra p id once b e g u n , since ch ild re n quickly
innovate n e w w ords a n d structures to express every facet o f their lives. H ie language c o m e s to be
used in all contexts, w ith a co rrespo n din g increase i n available fo rm s a n d potential functions.
P a rtic u la rly im p o r ta n t i n th e process is the c o d ific a tio n o f the language, h e lp e d by
lin g uists w h o were o rig in a lly co n c e rn e d sim p ly to pro v id e a descriptive ac c o u n t o f T o k Pisin.
M u lt ilin g u a lis m
T h e lin g u is tic a c c o u n t o f the lan gu ag e , since it is w ritte n d o w n , beco m e s the stable fo rm

w h ic h c a n th e n b e ta u g h t in schools as a n a tio n a l sta n d a rd . T h is in tu r n confers a u th o rity o n
th e language as h a v in g prestige, a n d so m a n y m o re pe o ple are w illin g to learn it. T h is b o th
en co urage s a n d is s u p p o rte d b y literary a c tiv ity i n the la n gu ag e , w ith o r ig in a l fic tio n w ritten
in Tok P is in , a n d the Bible b e in g translated in to the la n g u ag e (th e N e w T estam ent in 1969
a n d the co m p le te B ib le in 1989). T o k P is in is n o w regarded as a fu lly fle dg e d la n g u ag e in its
o w n rig h t.
S o m e creoles (s u c h as in Jam aica w ith th e creole k n o w n as Patois) are in a post-creole s itu
a tio n , w ith th e pressure o f E n g lis h th ro u g h th e e d u c atio n system b e in g felt v e ry strongly. W ith
m u c h w o rd - bo rrow in g o c c u rr in g especially in h ig h ly in flu e n tia l areas like law, gove rnm en t
a n d advertising, several varieties o f th e la n g u ag e are em e rg in g , spread o u t th ro u g h society.
T h e fu ll creole v e rsion (th e b a s ile c t varie ty) tends to be s p o k e n b y th o s e w h o ha v e received
v e ry little fo rm a l e d u c atio n . W i t h in the e d u c a tio n system , a va rie ty o f Patois is s p o k e n th a t is
b e g in n in g to b e in flu e n c e d ve ry stron g ly b y E n g lis h (this is k n o w n as th e a c ro le c t). Between
these varieties are a variety o f m c s o le c ts w h ic h share features o f th e creole a n d o f English.
For exam ple , the acrolectal I to ld hi nt is id e n tic a l to S ta n d a rd E n g lis h , b u t the basilectal m i tel
a m o be ys d iffe re n t rules. A w h o le range o l m c so lec ta l versions ( a tel im , m i tel i a n d so o n ) lie
in betw een.
S im ila rly , it is rare to h e a r acrolectal speakers o f Tok P is in us in g the fu ll phrase T aini bilong
sat I i g o d o u n (th e tim e o f th e s u n g o in g d o w n ). Instead , it is lik e ly th at y o u w o u ld hear s im p ly
sikis klo k (6 o c lo c k ). Sim ilarly, w o rd s like sandw ich, lun c h a n d tea ha v e been im p o rte d fro m
A u s tra lia . If th e use o i the acrolect beco m e s m o r e w ide spread i n the fu tu re , T o k P is in or
Patois m a y b e c o m e co m p le te ly d e c r e o liz e d a n d E n g lis h m a y b e c o m e d o m in a n t altogether.
A g a in s t this, la n g u ag e lo y a lty c o u ld w o r k to save th e creole.
6.4 Multilingualism
T h e te rm m u l t il i n g u a l i s m is gen e ra lly us e d in tw o senses. First, an in d iv id u a l can be said
to b e b ilin g u a l o r m u ltilin g u a l i f th e y are a b le to speak tw o o r m o r e languages reasonably
fluently. Secondly, th e te rm 'm u ltilin g u a l is us e d o f w h o le speech c o m m u n itie s (o r regions,
areas o r n a tio n s ) in w h ic h tw o o r m o re separate languages arc used regularly b y m o s t o l the
p o p u la tio n in everyday life.
A t first g lan ce these tw o uses o f th e te rm m ig h t seem to b e inclusive o l each other, a n d
therefore th e sam e. How ever, in m u ltilin g u a l speech c o m m u n itie s , a ll in d iv id u a ls w h o are
m e m b e rs o f t h a t c o m m u n ity w ill be m u ltilin g u a l; w hereas a n in d iv id u a l m a y be m u ltilin g u a l
w ith in a m o n o lin g u a l c o m m u n ity . It is also ofte n th e case th at th e m o n o lin g u a l c o m m u n ity
w ill gen e ra lly v ie w the m u ltilin g u a l in d iv id u a l i n p a rtic u la r ways th at m a y b e pre ju d icia l to
th at in d iv id u a l. It is therefore us e fu l to ke ep th e tw o senses o l th e te rm separate.
T he re is a p o p u la r c o n c e p tio n in W e ste rn societies th a t th e m o n o lin g u a l s itu a tio n is
rep ro du c ed th r o u g h o u t th e w o rld . It is a b e lie f w h ic h the in creasin g n u m b e rs o f Spanish
C h a p te r 6
speakers in the U S A , a n d A s ia n lan g u ag e speakers in th e U K are b e g in n in g to render false. In

th e m o n o lin g u a l o u tlo o k , th e m u ltilin g u a l in d iv id u a l is o fte n regarded w ith e ith e r suspic io n
o r a d m ir a tio n , b u t in b o th cases as so m e o n e u n u s u a l. I n fact, m u ltilin g u a lis m is th e n o r m
rathe r th a n th e exce ptio n th r o u g h o u t th e w o rld , a n d it is m o n o lin g u a l c o m m u n itie s w h ic h
o c c u r less frequently.
O n e o f th e m o s t o b v io u s exam ples o f m u ltilin g u a lis m w ith in Europe is in Sw itzerland. Swiss
varieties o f G e r m a n , French a n d Italian are regularly enco un te red , w ith a lm o s t all speakers h a v
in g native co m pe te n ce in tw o or m o re o f these languages. All three varian ts are recognized by
gove rnm en t a n d represented in o fficia l d o c u m e n ts, roadsigns a n d o n television. I n practice,
there are areas w here o n e of the languages tends to d o m in a te in usage, b u t these areas often b lu r
in to each oth e r across th e c o untry . To co m plicate the picture, languages a n d dialects o th e r than
these three official' languages arc also used by m in o r it y g ro up s th ro u g h o u t Sw itzerland.
T ho ug h lin g u is ts m a k e a d is tin c tio n b etw een lin g u is tic te rm s such as speech c o m m u n ity
a n d g e o g ra p h ic a l/p o litic a l term s like n a tio n , ethnicity, a n d so o n . in practice pe o ple ofte n use
la n g u a g e as a s y m b o l for p o litic a l id e n tity a n d co h e sio n . H is to r ic a lly lin g u istic oppression
(such as o f Irish G a e lic a n d W e ls h b y th e E n g lis h ) has b e e n seen as an im p o r t a n t p a r t o f
te rrito ria l invasion. R e su rg e nt n a tio n a lis t m o v e m e n ts have sub se q u e n tly allie d themselves
w ith the n ative languag es as a s ig n o f resistance a n d identity. T h u s Irish G a elic, a lth o u g h
s p o k e n b y o n ly a t in y m in o r ity o f th e p o p u la tio n , ha s b een the Irish R e p u b lic s official
la n g u a g e since the 1920s a n d is ta u g h t i n sc ho o ls. A n d in W ale s, th o u g h th e re are v irtu a lly
n o m o n o lin g u a l W e lsh speakers, W e lsh is n o w officia lly sa n c tio n e d in schools, o n roadsigns,
television, a n d in th e co urts, largely as a result o f c a m p a ig n s b y th e W e lsh L anguage Society
a n d P la id C y m r u , th e n a tio n a lis t party, a n d n o w a id e d b y the W elsh L anguage H o a rd (B w rdd
Yr Ia ith C y m ra e g ), w h ic h w as created b y th e W e lsh L anguage A c t o f 1993.
E ven E n g la n d itself, o f course, ha s o n ly b e e n g en e ra lly m o n o lin g u a l fo r th e p a st 700 years,
fo llo w in g lo n g p e rio d s o f E n g lis h /F re n c h a n d A n g lo - S a x o n /L a tin b ilin g u a lis m .
6.4.1 C o de-sw itch ing

W h e re tw o or m o re languag es are w id e ly used in everyday life, the cho ice o f w h ic h language
is s p o k e n in an y specific circ u m sta n c e is u s u a lly a h ig h ly p r in c ip le d m atter o f s o c ia l rules. For
exam ple, o ne language m a y b e regarded as be in g m o re casu al th a n an othe r, o r m o r e a p p ro
priate to th e w ritte n fo rm , o r m o re po lite , o r to be used o n religious occasions, a n d so o n . It
can th e n h a p p e n th at a speaker m a y m o v e fr o m o n e la n g u ag e to a n o th e r fairly suddenly,
s o m e tim e s e ven w ith in an utterance. A n y such r a p id m o v e m e n t b etw een o n e va rie ty o f
speech a n d a n o th e r is called co de - sw itc hin g.
T h is b e h a v io u r involves tw o factors: th e la n g u ag e us e d a n d th e contex t o f utterance (th e
s itu a tio n ). T w o types o f code-sw itching c a n th u s b e d escribed: in 'situatio nal' code-sw itching,
the context determ ines a chang e i n language (fo r exam ple, entering a C a th o lic ch u rc h 50 years
ago w o u ld prescribe a sw itc h fro m E n g lis h to L a tin ); in m e ta p h o ric a l code-sw itching.
L a n g u a g e a n d D is a d v a n t a g e
a chang e in th e to p ic o f c o nve rsa tio n , in th e language itself, serves to re d e fin e the social set
tin g {for exam ple , an o ffic ia l s w itc h in g fro m a polite la n g u ag e to a c asu al one w ill thus signal
a n e n d to o ffic ia l business).
T h e social rules w h ic h govern code-sw itching can b e v e ry subtle a n d co m ple x , to th e extent
that speakers arc o fte n unaw are o l w h at they are d o in g . For th e linguist, it is fairly easy lo observe
switches between different languages b y m u ltilin g u a l speakers. It is m u c h m o re d ifficult in
observing m o n o lin g u a l speakers w h o code-switch by m eans o f dialect, register a n d accent varia
tion. I n these cases, th o u g h , the fu n d a m e n ta l p h e n o m e n o n o f code-switching is the sam e as for
the m u ltilin g u a l. People w h o a d o p i a 'telephone voice th at com prises the use o f a m o re presti
g io us accent, m o r e lo rm a l words a n d m o re p o lite g ra m m a r c a n b e said to b e code-switching.
T h e te rm s m u ltilin g u a l a n d b ilin g u a l are o fte n used to m e a n p e o p le w h o are e q u a lly
c o m p e te n t in tw o o r m o r e la n g u ag e s. S u c h g e n u in e m u ltilin g u a lis m is rare in B rita in ;
s peakers te n d to see th e m s e lv e s as h a v in g a p a r tic u la r la n g u a g e firs t <1.1 ) a n d o th e r
la n g u ag e s s e c o n d (L 2 ). I n m a n y cases, p a r tic u la rly for th o s e c h ild r e n rece ntly a rriv e d in
th e c o u n try for w h o m E n g lis h is v e ry m u c h a n L 2 , ih e a s s u m p tio n o f b ilin g u a l e qual
c o m p e te n c e c a n b e h a r m f u l a n d p r e ju d ic ia l. It is th e re fo re u s e fu l to d iffe r e n tia te m u l t i
lin g u a l speakers fr o m speakers o l E n g lis h as a s e c o n d la n g u a g e (E S L ) a n d speakers of
E n g lis h as a fo re ig n la n g u a g e (E F L ), w h ic h p ro v id e s a g ra d a tio n o f c o m p e te n c e in E n g lis h
relative to th e o th e r la n g u a g e sp o k e n .
II
ha s also rece ntly b een re c o g n ize d th at ih e p ro b le m s e n c o u n te re d b y E S L a n d E F L s p e a k
ers are n o t alw ays strictly lin g u is tic ones. In d iv id u a ls fr o m Asia. A fric a , S o u th A m e ric a a n d
the C a rib b e a n , as w e ll as E astern E u ro p e , o fte n f in d th a t c u ltu ra l differences th at arc e n co d c d
in language are so diffe ren t th a t in fe rre d o r obscure m e a n in g s can easily e lu d e th e m . Irony,
id io m s a n d jo kes are p a rtic u la rly d iffic u lt. Clearly, o th e r sorts o f kno w led g e i n a d d itio n to
g r a m m a r a n d v o c a b u la ry need to b e m astered. L e a rn in g ih e cu ltu re seem s to be a necessary
c o m p le m e n t to le a r n in g the language.
6.5 Language and disadvantage_________________

It is w ith in th e field o f e d u c a tio n th at so c io lin g u is tic approaches to lan g u ag e stu d y have been
m o s t s tro n g ly debated. A r g u m e n t has ofte n centred o n th e issue o l h o w language skills aflect
stud e n ts' p e rfo rm a n c e across th e c u r r ic u lu m . C o m p la in ts th r o u g h o u t th is c e n tu ry a b o u t
school-leavers p o o r s p e llin g , g ra m m a r a n d general c o m m u n ic a tiv e skills have le d po litic ia n s
a n d jo u rn a lis ts to call fo r changes in th e w a y la n g u a g e is ta u g h t in schools. The strongest
fo r m o f th is p o s itio n is th a t p o o r lin g u is tic expression is a s ig n (a n d e ven a cause) o f low
in tellig e n c e, racial in fe rio rity a n d c r im in a l tendencies.
T he re are tw o facts w h ic h are d o c u m e n te d a n d w id e ly accepted: first, the la n g u ag e o f
m iddle-class a n d w orking-class c h ild r e n is different; a n d secondly, w orking-class c h ild r e n d o
less w ell al sc ho ol th a n m iddle-class c h ild re n . A th e o ry o f la n g u ag e a n d e d u c atio n w o u ld
C h a p te r 6
lin k these facts, h u t there are a varie ty o f possible co n n e c tio n s . It c o u ld b e th at the language
o f working-class c h ild r e n is n o t g o o d e n o u g h to enable th e m to d o w ell a t scho ol. T h is is
a d e p riv a tio n
theory, c la im in g th a t lan g u ag e differences e n tail c o g n itiv e differences.
A lternatively, a 'difference' th e o ry w o u ld a rg u e th a t there is a n in to le ra n t attitu de to workingclass la n g u ag e so th at it is im p lic itly d is c rim in a te d ag ainst in schools. O r, working-class
language c o u ld sim p ly b e o n e part o f a c u ltu re th at regards th e m iddle-class e d u c a tio n system
as a lie n a n d th is also c o u ld cause th o s e c h ild r e n n o t to engage in scho olw o rk.
A fa m o u s d e p riv a tio n th e o ry w as p u t fo rw a rd b y th e sociolo gist Basil B ernstein. He
c la im e d th a t there are tw o patte rns o fla n g u a g e used b y c h ild re n : 'restricted' a n d e laborated
codes. I le said th at m iddle-class c h ild r e n use b o t h c o d e s i n diffe ren t contexts, b u t low er
w orking-class c h ild r e n o n ly have access to the restricted co de . T h is lim its th e latte rs abilities
o i expression a n d a b ility to fo r m concepts, a n d th e y a rc dis adv an tag e d bccausc sc h o o ls arc
pre dicated u p o n e laborated c o de .
E la b o ra te d co de ty p ic a lly features th e follow ing:
accuiate gramm atical order and syntax
- complex sentences: coordination and subordination
- fr e q u e n t u s e o f p r e p o s itio n s , s h o w in g lo g ic a l s tr u c tu r e
- im p e r s o n a l p r o n o u n s
- passive constructions
- u n u s u a l a d je c tiv e s a n d adverbs.
It is thus universalise a n d context-free (th a t is, it m a k e s sense w ith o u t im m e d ia te reference

lo the contex t o f utterance).
Restricted co de is c o m p ris e d of:
- u n f i n i s h e d a n d s h o r t sen ten ces

- s im p le clauses
- com m ands and questions

- c a te g o ric sta te m e n ts
- repetition o f conjunctions
hesitancy
- rigid and lim ited use o f adjectives and adverbs
- c o n f u s io n o f re a so n s a n d c o n c lu s io n s
- sympathetic circularity (you know').
In re ly in g o n im p lic it m e a n in g it is th u s p articu laristic , a n d d e p e n d e n t o n the context.

B ernstein e m p h a size d th a t these codes are n o t the sa m e as dialect; b o th can b e expressed
in SE. T h e y d o . th o u g h , ap p e a r to present a lin g u is tic e x p la n a tio n o f e d u c a tio n a l failure.
V a rio u s s tu d ie s were pro d u c e d to s u p p o rt the theory. M o th e rs rep orte d h o w th ey talk to
th e ir c h ild re n , a n d w orking-class m o th e rs were observed to use o n ly restricted co de , w hereas
m iddle-class m o th e rs u s e d b o t h codes. T h e fo rm e r gave c o m m a n d s w here the latte r gave
L a n g u a g e a n d D is a d v a n t a g e
reasons for decisio ns. T h e w o rk in g class were said to m a n ip u la te th e e n v ir o n m e n t physically

w h e re the m id d le class use la n g u ag e to alter th e ir e n v iro n m e n t.
In a fa m o u s study, 300 c h ild r e n were s h o w n a pic ture sequence, a n d asked to tell th e story
verbally. F r o m the results, tw o 'slig htly exaggerated versions were p r o d u c e d as ty pical o f
m iddle-class a n d working-class c h ild r e n respectively, as follows.
a) Three boys are playing football and one boy kicks the ball and il goes through the w indow the ball
breaks the w indow and the boys are looking at it and a m an comes out and shouts at them because
theyve broken the w in do w so they run away and then that lady looks out o f her w indow and she tells
the boys off.
b) Theyre playing football a n d he kicks it and it goes through there it breaks the w indow and they're
looking at it and he comes out and shouts at them because theyve broken it so they run away and
then she looks out a n d she tells them off.
T h e first ve rsion , w ith 13 n o u n s a n d o n ly 6 p r o n o u n s , is conlext-free a n d e x p licit, whereas
the seco n d, w ith o n ly 2 n o u n s b u t 14 p ro n o u n s , is c o n te x t- b o u n d a n d needs th e pictures
to 'decode' th e m e a n in g . It is arg ue d th at these 'co nside rab le differences 'm a y w e ll have
im p o r ta n t cognitive consequences'. T h is is based o n th e fact th a t th e s eco n d version has
lim ite d scope for descriptive adjectives (p r o n o u n s cant u s u a lly b e m o d ifie d b y adjectives).
S u c h u n d e r s ta n d in g o f diffe ren ce s w o u ld n a tu r a lly le ad to a d v o c a tin g so m e fo r m o f c o m
p e n s a to ry e d u c a tio n sche m e . In d e e d , Bernsteins w o rk ha s b een used to argue b o th for
a n d ag ainst co m p re h e nsiv e e d u c a tio n , g ra m m a r versus creative w r itin g le ac h in g , a n d the
N a tio n a l C u r r ic u lu m th ro u g h the c lo s in g decades o l th e tw e n tie th century!
T he re ha s b een m u c h debate a n d c ritic is m o f such research. First, there has b een little
p ra c tic a l p r o o f o f the assertions. E x p e rim e n ta l results are in d ire c t (based o n m o th e rs reports
rathe r th a n th e ir actual o bserved b e h a v io u r ) o r in v e n te d (w h ic h seem s sus p ic io u s given
th at 300 real stories were collected!).
M e th od o lo g ic a l procedure is also h ig h ly unsystem atic. I n th e picture experim ent reported
above, th e restricted c o de users are c o n d e m n e d because th ey ac t as if th e listener c a n see
the pictures. B ut, o f course, th is is precisely the case, a n d it can th u s easily b e arg ue d th a t in
l a d it is th e restricted c o de users w h o a c t w ith language a p p ro p ria te to th e s itu a tio n . The
e lab o ra te d co de v e rsion is largely r e d u n d a n t in te rm s o f in fo r m a tio n conveyed. M oreover,
the in te rv ie w setting is in a p p ro p ria te to test th e n a tu ra l language o f 5-year-olds.
Finally, m a n y o f the lin g u istic a s su m p tio n s m a d e are h ig h ly co nten tio us. T h e direct lin k
betw een lin g u istic expression a n d c o gn itive c a p ac ity is far fr o m p ro v e n , a n d ignores, for
exam ple , th e p o s sib ility th at restricted c o de users m a y k n o w elaborated c o de (part o f their
competence) b u t s im p ly cho o se n o t to use it in m o s t circum stances (as part o f th e ir actual per
fo rm a n c e ). T he re is also o fte n a naivety in associating lin g uistic fo rm s w ith th e ir fu n c tio n s . For
exam ple , it ha s been c la im e d th at the m id d le class use m o re c o m p le x sentences o f th e i f . . . ,
t h e n . . . type, as a m e a n s o f ratio n a l a rg u m e n t: I f y o u eat th a t now, y o u w o n t w an t y o u r dinner.
However, a non-reasoned threat has the sam e structure: I f y o u d o th at again. I ll h it you.
C h a p te r 6
I n response to c ritic is m s , Bernsteins th e o ry ha s b e c o m e m o re abstract. H e m o v e d to

r e g a rd in g co d e s as high-level s y m b o lic orders, w h ic h c h ild re n use to o rg a nize experience,
a n d h e w ith d r e w fr o m e q u a tin g lin g u is tic fo r m w ith c o g n itiv e capacity. So, later versions o f
the th e o ry present codes as abstract fra m e w o rk s a t a psych olo gical level o f v e rb a l p la n n in g .
B ernstein also b e c a m e interested, n o t s im p ly i n th e ro u g h w orking- /m iddle- class d is tin c tio n ,
b u t in th e types o f fa m ily fr o m w h ic h ch ild re n ca m e . A t th is p o in t it beco m e s m o re o f a social
th e o ry a n d en tire ly non - lin g uistic.
H ow ever, there are clearly p o litic a l a n d e d u c a tio n a l co nsequences to ib is debate. W e
believe th a t it is im p o r ta n t th a t teachers (especially E n g lis h teachers) have a k n o w le d g e o f
lin g uistics. I Iow cvcr, such a view risks b e in g discre d ite d if B e rn s te in s analysis is teachers'
p r im e e x am ple o f lin g uistics. T here is also a n a n x ie ty th at th e e m p h a s is place d o n S E as
correct' E n g lis h , back ed b y th e a u th o rity co nfe rre d b y g o v e rn m e n t a n d th e N a tio n a l C u r
r ic u lu m requirem ents, is h e a v ily in flu e n c e d b y th e as su m e d direct lin k b etw een lin g u is tic
p e rfo rm a n c e a n d co gn itive ca p a c ity a n d achieve m e n t.
6.6 Attitudes and correctness

A n y la n g u ag e o r dia le ct is perfectly ad eq uate for th e needs o f its speakers. T he re is n o such
th in g as a la n g u ag e o r d ia le c t th at is in h e r e n tly b e tte r th a n a n y other. I low ever, as w e have
seen already, s o c ia l attitu d e s v a r y to w ards diffe ren t dialects. I n m o d e rn - d a y B ritain, m a n y
pe o ple s till have a p e rc e p tio n o f a S E speaker as so m e o n e w h o is e ducated, trustw orthy,
ho n e st a n d c iv iliz e d . SK c a n b e s a id to b e a 'prestige' d iale ct, a n d is even seen b y so m e as the
o n ly g o o d ' a n d pro pe r varie ty o f E n g lis h . T h e w o r d 'sta n dard ' here is u n d e rs to o d to m e a n
a level to aspire to, a n id e al m o d e l. B y contrast, lin g u is ts use th e w o rd to m e a n s im p ly the
va rie ty o f E n g lis h in w h ic h m o s t b o o k s a n d new spapers are w ritten.
C e rta in o th e r dialects in B rita in have ve ry lo w prestige. T h e dia le ct o t the L o n d o n in n e r
city. B lack E n g lis h . M erseyside E n g lis h , W est M id la n d s E n g lis h , for exam ple , are often
perceived as b e in g p o o r' o r 'b a d ' varieties, be tra y in g lo w social class a n d lo w e d u c a tio n . T his
is e specially true w h e n these dialects are s p o k e n in th e accents w h ic h characteristically
a c c o m p a n y th e m (C o ck ne y , Ja m a ic a n British, Scouse, B ru m m y ).
F r o m a d e s c rip tiv e lin g u is tic p o in t o ! view , s u c h ju d g e m e n ts are p a r t o l th e system ol
p re ju d ic e a n d ste re o typ in g in society. L in g u is ts prefer to ta lk , n o t o f g o o d a n d b a d E n g lis h ,
b u t o f a p p ro p ria te E n g lis h ; th a t is, a va rie ty o f E n g lis h w h ic h fits th e c irc u m s ta n c e s o f its
use. So, for exam ple , i n a fo rm a l jo b interview , it is p ro b a b le th at SE w o u ld b e th e m o s t a p p ro
priate fo r m o f E n g lis h to use. T h is w o u ld also b e th e case in v a r io u s o th e r fo rm a l contexts:
tex tb oo k s, afte r- d in n er speeches, b usiness letters, n e w sp a p e r stories a n d m o s t w r itte n c o n
texts. H ow ever. S E w o u ld p r o b a b ly be in a p p ro p ria te o n th e fo o tb a ll terraces, in a p u b , w h e n
te llin g a jo k e , in c asu al co nve rsa tio n , in priv ate letters, a n d so on . I n these contexts, th e n o n
s ta n d a r d d ia le ct o f th e s p e aker/w rite r is m u c h m o r e lik e ly to b e used, a n d is entirely
app ro priate .
A c tiv itie s
T h e pressure tow ards a sta n d a rd te n d s to take tw o form s. First there is pressure fro m
usage. H istorically, increased s o c ia l a n d g e o g ra p h ic a l m o b ility , m a s s tra n sp o rt a n d m e d ia
h a v e en co urage d th e s ta n d a rd iz a tio n o f dialects as a m a tte r o f c o m m u n ic a tiv e co nvenience.
S econdly, th e re is o fte n pressure tow ards sta n d a rd iz a tio n b y directive, eith e r fr o m a u th o rity
figures such as teachers, jo u rn a lis ts a n d writers, o r fr o m governm ent.
M o st people ha v e a n in stin c tiv e feeling for w h a t is g o o d E n g lis h . T h is feeling te n d s to be
conservative, in th at p e o p le like to lo o k b a c k at a ve rsion o f E n g lis h th ey learnt b y relatively
clear a n d fix e d rules. However, d e s c rip tio n s o f th is varie ty o f E n g lis h te n d to b e expressed
in te rm s o f w h at is n o t allow e d : d o u b le negatives, e n d in g sentences w ith p re po sitio n s, split
in fin itiv e s a n d incorrect subject-vcrb ag reem ent are a ll a m o n g th e m o s t fre q u e n tly m e n
tio n e d sin s. S p e llin g w o rd s to a sta n d a r d d ic tio n a r y fo r m is also h ig h ly im p o r t a n t so cially
to d ay (s u c h u n ifo r m ity is a relatively m o d e r n obse ssion ). A lth o u g h , as w c hav e seen fro m
C h a p te r 4 , these features all hav e h is to ric a l e x p la n a tio n s, the fact th at attitudes against
th e m are so w ide spread m e a n s th a t a speaker/w riter w ill be s tig m a tize d for u s in g th e m ,
h o w ever well-educated a n d intellige n t th ey are. It is a fact th at lin g uists m u s t recognize,
e specially w h e n co n c e rn e d w ith te a c h in g E n g lis h as a foreign language, th at these c u ltu ra l
a ttitu d e s arc as m u c h a p a r t o l m a s te rin g th e la n g u ag e system as le a r n in g to say th e rig h t
w o rd s in th e correct ord e r in a g o o d ' accent.
Activities
A c tiv ity 6.2.1
T ry to g ive a lin g u is tic a c c o u n t o f y o u r o w n accent a n d d iale ct. Y o u s h o u ld b e as o b je ctiv e a n d
n e u tra lly descriptiv e as possible: th at is, y o u s h o u ld avo id a n y evaluative w o rd s o r im p re s
sions s u c h as fla t, roug h, sing-song, good. For accent d e s c rip tio n , it is o fte n very illu m in a tin g
to record y o u rse lf a n d e x a m in e the vow els, c o n s o n a n ts, in to n a tio n , p itc h a n d stress sepa
rately. D o y o u alter c e rta in s o u n d s in ra p id speech, o r chang e in fo rm a l o r casu al situations?
S im ila rly , describe y o u r dia le ct u n d e r th e h e ad in g s o f le x ic a l v a r ia t io n (e.g. nonstandard
w ords s u c h as Y o rkshire neb fo r nose) a n d s y n ta c tic v a r ia tio n (e.g. E. L ancashire I 'l l be here
w h ile ten o'clock for S E I 'l l be here u n t i l ten o'clock).
It m ig h t be h e lp fu l to co ntrast yo ur variety w ith R P a n d SE, unless y o u n a tu ra lly s p e a k these
yourself. A re there a n y features in y o u r o w n accent a n d d ia le c t th a t m ig h t b e c o n fu s in g to
speakers w ith a diffe ren t accent o r dialect?
A c tiv ity 6.2.5

E x a m in e the fo llo w in g flyer for a restaurant. C o n s id e r th e id e o lo g y (th a t is, th e set o f
ideas a n d general a s su m p tio n s) th at is e n c o d e d b y the dilfe re n t sections o f th e advertisem ent.
D iscuss w h o is the n arrato r o f th e text, a n d to w h o m th e d iffe re n t p a rts are addressed.
W h a t sort o f reader does th e text c o n s tru c t o r im p ly ? Is it possible to reverse o r equalize the
C h a p te r 6
gen d er- p ositio n s suggested b y the text, w h ile re ta in in g the basic message o f th e advert? O r is
there s o m e th in g in h e r e n tly sexist in th e a c tu a l message th a t is id e olo g ically lo ad e d belo w the
level o f la n g u ag e a n d regardless o f th e fo r m o f expression?
TOE
THE ONLY RESTAURANT ON THE FYLDE COAST

TO SATISFY YOUR EVERY NEED!
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6.95
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H ad a h a rd D a y '
C o m and e n jo y o u r E a rly E v e n in g S n a c k 5 3 0 |xm - 7 3 0 p m
Tu e sd ay S a tu rd a y Iro m C I S 5
F a m ily Brthdey t A n n iv e rs a ry ? W a d d in g f O n s le m n g ?
S e e o u r S p e c ia l P a rty M enu B ro ch u re
G EN TLEM EN
B u s i n lu n ch In the p riv a c y o f o n e o f o u r u p sta irs lo o m s

f J m t fh e th in g to ck n c h th e t Jm S)
Rom antic dinner fo r 2 in llie cu d d ly nook

(W h o AnoM f ith e r r it m ig h t le+dl
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O u r e .c c K e n t & co u rse Teble D Morte M enu C8.85
fro m 5 3 0 p m to 7 3 0 p m Tu esd ey Sunday.
A c tiv it ie s
A c tiv ity 6.3.1

L is t as m a n y A m e r ic a n w o rd s , ph rase s a n d c o n s tr u c tio n s as y o u c a n th a t d iffe r fro m
S ta n d a r d (B ritis h ) E n g lis h . A r e there a n y areas o f c o n fu s io n o r m is u n d e r s ta n d in g ? Is
A m e r ic a n E n g lis h a d ia lc c t, a la n g u ag e o r s o m e o th e r k i n d o f v a rie ty o f E n g lis h ( is it,
for e x a m p le , le g itim a te to ta lk o f n a tio n a l v a rie tie s o f E n g lis h , e a c h w ith th e ir o w n s ta n
d a r d )? H o w m a n y A m e ric a n is m s ha v e n o w passed in t o B ritish E n g lis h a n d are acceptable
i n th e U K ?
A c tiv ity 6.3.2

I.o o k at th e fo llo w in g e x a m p le o f seaspeak (fro m M c A r th u r 1992:913). W h a t are th e repeated
w o rd s a n d phrases th a t co nstitute th e v o c ab u la ry o f th is restricted language?
Ship.
L a n d 's
End
C o a s tg u a r d ,
L a n d 's
End
C o a stg u a rd
T h is
is
Sun
D ra g o n ,
Sun
l> ra g o n O ver.
Coastguard
S u n D r a g o n , th is is L a n d 's E n d C o a s t g u a r d . S w it c h t o V H h c h a n n e l o n e - o n e Over.
Ship.
L a n d 's E n d C o a s t g u a r d . T h is is S u n D r a g o n . A g r e e V H P c h a n n e l o n e -o n e . O ver.
Coastguard.
S u n D r a g o n . T h is is L a n d 's E n d C o a s t g u a r d o n c h a n n e l o n e - o n e . O ver.
Ship.
L a n d 's E n d C o a s t g u a r d . T h is is S u n D r a g o n . In fo r m a t io n : I a m re tu r n in g to M o u n t's
Coastguard.
S u n D r a g o n T h is is L a n d s E n d C o a s t g u a r d In fo r m a t io n re ce iv e d : y o u a r e re tu r n in g
B a y R e a s o n : n o r th -w e s t g a le a n d v e r y h e a v y se a s . O ver.
t o M o u n ts Bay. R e a s o n n o r t h - w e s t g a le a n d v e r y h e a v y s e a s Q u e s t io n d o y o u
re q u ire a s s is ta n c e ^ O v e r
Ship.
L a n d 's E n d C o a s t g u a r d
T h is is S u n D r a g o n . A n s w e r : n o a s s is ta n c e re q u ire d , th a n k
y o u . N o t h in g m o re O ver.
Coastguard
S u n D r a g o n . T h is is L a n d 's E n d C o a s t g u a r d N o t h in g m o re O u t.
A c tiv ity 6.3.3

L o o k at th e fo llo w in g version o f the L o r d s Prayer in T o k P is in a n d w o r k o u t h o w it corre
s p o n d s to a m o d e r n S E ve rsion (th e reference is M a tth e w 6.9 13).
P a p a b tlo n g m ip e la . y u s ta p lo n g h e ve n ,
n e m b ilo n g y u i m a s i s ta p h o li.
K in g d o m b ilo n g y u i m a s i k a m .
M ip e la i m a s b ih a in im la ik b ilo n g y u lo n g g r a u n o ls e m o l i s a v e b ih a in im lo n g h e ve n .
N a u y u k e n g iv im m ip e la k a ik a i m a p lo n g d is p e la d e
N a y u k e n lu s im o l r o n g b ik m g m ip e la ,
o ls e m m ip e la i sa v e lu s im o l r o n g o l a r a p e la i m e k im lo n g m ip e la
N a y u n o k e n la rim o l tra^m i k a m a p lo n g m ip e la,
ta s o l y u k e n t e k e w e m ip e la lo n g o l s a m t in g n o g u t
175
C h a p te r 6
A ctiv ity 6.6

T h e s o c io lin g u is t R oger Bell (19 76) ha s p ro v id e d seven crite ria w h ic h c a n b e u s e d to describe
the prestige o f a la n g u ag e variety, w h e th e r a n accent, a dia le ct o r a n en tire language. These
arc as follow s:
Vitality (whether here is a living com m unity o f speakers, e.g. British English).
Historicity (whether the speech com m unity has been historically defined by their language use. e.g.
the French, but not Gaelic-speaking Irish, w ho live today alongside monolingual English-speaking
Irish people).
Autonomy (the sense speakers have o f their ow n linguistic independence, e.g. Afrikaans speakers'
p e r c e p t i o n o f D u t c h , t o w h i c h i t is c lo s e ly r e la te d ) .
Reduction (the sense speakers have that their speech pattern is lim ited to certain functions, and that
other dialects exist to be used in different contexts, e.g. speakers o f pidgin languages).
Mixture (the speakers' sense o f the purity o l their ow n variety, or whether they th in k it has low status,
e.g. the perception o f pure' Cockney).
D e facto n o r m (whether there is an unofficial, non-codified, non-dictionary sense o f proper usage, e.g.
speakers point to an o ld speaker w h o is seen to use a more 'pure variety).
Standardization (the adoption o f one variety as standard, which is then codified i n dictionaries,
gram m ar books and the education system, e.g. the south east m idland dialect which became
Standard English).
T ake exam ples o f a lo ca l dia le ct close to w h e re y o u live, or a la n g u ag e y o u speak, a n d test
its prestige value b y d isc u ssin g th e va rie ty i n te rm s o f Bells factors above. Y o u s h o u ld decide
w h ic h features are descriptive a n d w h ic h d e p e n d o n th e attitu de o f th e speakers a n d listeners
o l th e variety.
Further reading
T h e r e a r e se v e ra l v e r y g o o d in t r o d u c t io n s t o s o c io lin g u is t ic s w h i c h c o n t a i n m a n y u s e fu l pas-sages a n d e x a m p le s f r o m
a r o u n d i h e w o r ld . W a r d h a u g h (2 0 0 9 ) a n d H o lm e s ( 2 0 0 8 ) p r o v id e i h e m o s t d e t a ile d in t r o d u c t io n s , w h i le T r u d g ill
(2DI>0) is e a s ie r a n d c o n t a in * h i * N o r w i c h * lu d y . M o n t g o m e r y (2 0 0 8 ) is a ls o a g o o d s t a r t in g p la c e , a s is R o m a in e
( 2 0 0 0 ) , w h ile H u d s o n (1 9 9 6 ) is a m o r e a d v a n c e d te x t A l l o f t h e s e d e a l w i t h a c c e n t a n d d ia le c t, b u t m o r e d e t a il c a n
b e f o u n d i n T r u d g il ls s u r v e y o l E n g la n d (1 9 9 9 ) a n d T r u d g il l e t a l. <2005. D ia le c t m a p s ( s u c h a s O r t o n . S a n d e r s o n
a n d W id d o w s o n I1 9 H 5 ) o r l l p t o n e l a l. I 1 9 8 7 )) are in t e r e s t in g t o c o m p a r e w i t h y o u r o w n e x p e r ie n c e A c c e n t is c o m
p r e h e n s iv e ly c o v e r e d b y W e lls ( 1 9 8 2 ) . a n d m o r e c o n c is e ly b y T r u d g ill e t a l ( 2 0 0 5 ) , w h i c h is a c c o m p a n ie d b y a C D R O M o i a c c e n t a n d d ia le c t s a m p le s . M u c h s e m i n a l w o r k i n s o c io lin g u is t ic s is c o n t a i n e d i n 1-abov ( 1 9 7 2 ) . t h o u g h i h i s
c a n h e v e r y t e c h n ic a l f o r t h e b e g in n e r
T h e s o c io lin g u is t ic s o l g e n d e r h a s b e e n w e ll s u p p o r t e d b y w r it in g . C a m e r o n ( 1 9 9 0 , 2 0 0 8 ), C o a t e s a n d C a m e r o n
(1 9 8 8 1 , T a n n e n ( 1 9 9 2 ) , G i a d d o l a n d S w a n n ( 1 9 8 9 ) , L a k o l ( 1 9 9 0 ) a n d P o y n t o n (1 9 8 9 1 a r e a ll e s s e n tia l r e a d in g .
C a m e r o n ( 2 0 0 3 ) a n d C o a t e s ( 2 0 0 4 ) a r e p r o b a b ly t h e b est p la c e s t o s t a r t , s in c e t h e y s u r v e y d e v e lo p m e n t s i n th e
f ie ld a s w e ll a s p r o v i d i n g a n i n t e l lig e n t a n d p r o v o c a t iv e d is c u s s io n th e m s e lv e s , a s d o c s C a m e r o n (2 0 0 8 )
E n g li s h a r o u n d t h e w o r ld is d e s c r ib e d a n d s u r v e y e d b y T i u d g i l l a n d H a n n a h ( 2 0 0 8 ) . a n d d e t a ile d d is c u s s io n is p r o v id e d
b y J e n k in s < 2 0 0 3 ) a n d K a c h r u (1 9 9 2 ). C h a p m a n a n d K ip fc r (2 0 0 8 ) o u t l i n e ' t h e in flu e n c e o f A m e r ic a n s la n g , a n d
M u f w c n c c t a l ( 1 9 9 8 ) p r o v id e a d e t a ile d t r e a tm e n t o l A f r ic a n - A m e r ic a n E n g lis h
M a n y cla s s ic c a s e s t u d ie s f r o m
a r o u n d t h e w o r ld a r e c o n t a i n e d i n P r id e a n d H o lm e s ( 1 9 8 6 ) . F is h m a n ( 1 9 7 1 - 2 ) , a n d G u m p e i z a n d H y m e s 11972).
P i d g i n s a n d C r e o le s a r e d e s c r ib e d i n d e t a il b y R o m a in e 11 9 8 8 ) a n d S e b b a (2 0 0 3 ). t h o u g h th e s e are m o r e a d v a n c e d
B e r n s t e in s w o r k is in t e llig e n t ly d e s c r ib e d a n d e v a lu a te d b y S tu b b s (1 9 9 0 ). B a k e r (2 0 0 6 ) d isc u sse s b ilin g u a lis m a n d d u c a
t i o n T h e classic tr e a tm e n ts o f B la c k E n g lis h i n B r it a in a r e E d w a r d s (1 9 8 6 ) a n d S u tc liffe ( 1 9 8 2 ). L a n g u a g e use i n th e
e d u c a t io n s y s te m is d is c u s s e d b y S tu b b s (1 9 8 8 ) , a n d e x c e lle n t m a te r ia ls t a n b < f o u n d i n C a r t e r < 1991 )
I h e S i:. d e b a te
is w e ll d is c u s s e d b y W il k i n s o n (1 9 9 5 ) a n d M i l r o y a n d M i l r o y ( 1 9 9 8 ) , a s w e ll as t h e c o lle c t io n o l a r tic le s i n B e a n d
W a tts ( 1 9 9 9 ) : a n d m o r e c o n tr o v e r s ia lly b y H o n e y (1 9 9 7 ).
T h e s o c io lin g u is lic s t u d y o f la n g u a g e in v o lv e s c o lle c tin g real, n a t u r a l e x a m p le o f lin g u is tic d a ta a n d a n a ly s in g t h e m i n te rm s
o f o n e o f t h e f r a m e w o r k s m e n t io n e d i n th is c h a p te r I h e m o s t e ffic ie n t w a y o f e n s u r in g t h a t y o u g a in g o o d e x am p le s o f l a n
g u a g e u s e is t o s e t u p a s itu a tio n t h a t e n c o u r a g e s p e o p le t o say i h e s o r ts o i t h in g s y o u w a n t t h e m t o say. I n o t h e r w o r d s , t h in k
o f a lin g u is t ic v a r ia b le t o in v e stig ate , a n d a s o c ia l fa c to r ( e th n ic ity , g e n d e r, r e g io n , a n d s o o n ) t o s e t a g a in s t it . a n d f in d p e op le
w h o fit t h e d e s c r ip tio n T h e n , e ith e r b y I n t e r v ie w in g t h e m , o r g e t t in g t h e m t o d is c u s s a n issue, re co rd w h a t t h e y say
The easiest linguistic variable to use is a phonological one. since it
is
quite difficult to set up situations in which
you can guarantee people will unselfconsciously use a particular word or pattern of grammar You will begin the
study with expectations (a hypothesis) as to what you think people arc likely to do. and your experiment will confirm
or reject these.
G e n d e r d iffe r e n c e s c a n b e at t h e p h o n o lo g ic a l le ve l (a s T r u d g ill f o u n d ) , b u t m a n y o f t h e m o s t in te r e s tin g fe a tu r e s f o r m

w h a t h a v e b e e n c a l le d g e n d e r le c ls . D o w o m e n r e a lly s u p p o r t o t h e r s i n c o n v e r s a tio n , a r e m e n r e a lly m o r e ag g ressive in
d o m i n a t i n g th e flo o r Y o u c o u ld re c o r d re a l e x a m p le s o f s in g le s e x t a lk a n d m ix e d g r o u p t a lk t o e e i f t h e p a tte r n s or
c o n t e n t o f t h e c o n v e r s a tio n is d iff e r e n t a lo n g g e n d e r line s.
2.
I n s t e a d o f g o in g o u t i n t o t h e w o i l d a n d c o lle c t in g f ie ld w o r k d a ta , y o u c o u ld b e a n a r m c h a ir s o c io lin g u is t b y c o lle c tin g

d a t a f r o m t h e te le v is io n o r r a d io . R e c o r d e d m u v ic b y B r itis h . A m e r ic a n a n d A f r i c a n b a n d c a n a ls o p r o v id e s o c io lm
g u is t ic d a ta Y o u c o u ld e x a m in e r e g io n a l o r cla ss a c c e n ts b y c o m p a r i n g lo c a l r a d i o w i t h R a d i o I o r R a d i o 3 a n d 4 . Y o u
c o u ld l o o k a t t h e in flu e n c e o f B la c k E n g lis h o n t h e ly r ic s o f
/ . s o u l,
b iu e s o r r a p m u s i c , o r h o w e v e n B i itis h - b o t n
w h it e r o c k sin g e rs a d o p t A m e r ic a n a cc ents. P e r h a p s t h e y e v e n h y p e r c o m c t
3
C r c o lt / a lio n is a t e r m u s u a lly a p p lie d t o r e c e n tly e m e r g e d la n g u a g e s o r ig in a t in g i n t h e c o n ta c t w i t h ( h e s p c c c h o f t h e

c o lo n ia l p o w e rs. A s s u c h , y o u m ig h t a r g u e t h a t i t is id e o lo g ic a lly lo a d e d . C o u l d y o u m a k e a c a s e , w i t h e v id e n c e , th a t
h n g lis h its e lf is a c r e o le la n g u a g e , b a s e d o n G e r m a n ic b u l w i t h a v o c a b u la r y c o lle c te d f r o m F r e n c h , L a tin a n d D a n i s h '
4.
F i n d s o m e o n e y o u k n o w w h o s p e a k s m o r e t h a n o n e la n g u a g e D o t h e y e v e r c o d c - s w itc h Y o u c o u ld e ith e r secretly

o b s e iv e o r r e c o i d t h e m t o d is c o v e r t h e i r a c t u a l lin g u is t ic b e h a v io u r , o r y o u c o u ld i n t e r v ie w t h e m o r use a q u e s t io n
n a ir e t o f i n d o u t w h a t t h e y l l n n k t h e y d o w h e n t h e y c o d e w ilc h
Y o u m ig h t d o h o t h t o see i f th e re is a d is c r e p a n c y
b e tw e e n w h a t t h e y a c t u a lly d o a n d w h a t t h e y t h i n k t h e y d o . A n y d iff e r e n c e is lik e ly t o b e e x p la in a b le w i t h re fe re n ce to

la n g u a g e lo y a lty a n d la n g u a g e prestige.
Language in Use
Chapter Outline
7.1
P ra g m a tic s
179
7 .2 I h e a n a ly s is o f d isco u rse
187
7 .3 L a n g u a g e a n d id e o lo g y
195
7 .4 S ty listic s
199
A c tiv itie s
206
208
208
So far in th is b o o k , w e have lo o k e d al the structure o f th e E n g lis h language a n d th e rules

u n d e r w h ic h it is a rra n ge d to b c m e a n in g lu l. W e have fo llo w e d its d e v e lo p m e n t th ro u g h tim e
a n d th ro u g h th e early stages o f ac q u is itio n b y th e in d iv id u a l. I n th e pre vio us chapter, we
e x a m in e d h o w g ro u p s o f p e o p le e m p lo y la n g u ag e to d e lin e them selves w ith in society. I n this
fin a l chapter, we co n s id e r th e social uses to w h ic h la n g u ag e is pu t, a n d h o w those fu n c tio n s
a n d contexts affect the fo r m o f expression o f p a rtic u la r texts a n d discourses. I n sh o rt, w hat
we w ill b e d o in g is lo c u s in g o n the lo r m o l th e la n g u ag e rathe r th a n its co nten t. S o we
w ill discuss n o t o n ly sin g le utterances b u t the social force o f w h a t is sa id ; h o w conversation
s tru c tu re c a n b c as m e a n in g fu l as th e c o n te n t o f d ia lo g u e ; h o w th e a s s u m p tio n s a n d w o rld
v ie w o f th e speaker are e n c o d e d in discourse; a n d h o w all o f th is lin g u is tic k n o w le d g e yo u
have ga in e d can b e ap p lie d to th e stylistic s tu d y o f a n y k i n d o f text in context.
7.1 Pragmatics
S em antics is th e b ra n c h o f lin g u istic s th a t is c o n c e rn e d w ith the m e a n in g s o l w o rd s a n d
sentences. H ow ever, o fte n the m e a n in g o f p a rtic u la r utterances o r w h o le exchanges betw een
pe o ple de p e n d s as m u c h o n th e contex t o f th e speech a n d the p u rp o s e o f th e speakers as o n
C h a p te r 7
L a n g u a g e in U se
the lite ra l m e a n in g s d e n o te d b y the sentences them selves. To a c co u n t tor such use o f

la n g u ag e in context, th e d is c ip lin e o f p ra g m a tic s ha s developed.
7.1.1 Speech acts and co n versatio n al m axim s

O n e o f th e central fra m e w o rk s w ith in p ra g m atics is th e tre atm e n t o f speech ac ts . T h is is the
n o t io n th at utterances n o t o n ly c o n ta in a message b u t have a social force in them selves; th ey
p e rfo rm a social act. So, sa y in g I pro m ise I'll be there n o t o n ly conveys in fo r m a tio n b u t itself
co nstitutes th e act o f prom ising.
W h e n e v e r a speaker m akes a n utte ra n c e, th ey p e r fo r m a lo c u t io n a r y act: th at is, a sequence
th at co n fo rm s to th e p h o n o lo g ic a l a n d g ra m m a tic a l co n v e n tio n s o l th e language. O th erw ise ,
the utterance w ill b e regarded as non se n se (a s i f y o u said, aarg g h glopus f i n t in p lu r p , w h ic h
w o u ld n o t b e fe lic ito u s to the rules o f E n g lish ). L o c u tio n a r y acts are h a n d le d b y sem antics.
P rag m atics is fu r th e r interested in illo c u t io n a r y acts: th at is, the c o m m u n ic a tiv e pu rp ose
th at is in te n d e d o r achieved b y th e utterance. Y o u m ig h t prom ise, threaten, in fo rm , question,
greet, a n d so o n . T h is d is tin c tio n is useful because there is n o t alw ays a one-to-one corre
s po n de n c e b etw een syntactic fo rm s a n d illo c u tio n a r y acts. A ll o f th e fo llo w in g va rio u s form s,
for exam ple , c a n b e in te n d e d o r ta k e n as questions:
Iv r ta l time is it. please (in te r r o g a tiv e fo r m , d ire c t)
c an you pass the sail (in te r r o g a tiv e , t h o u g h a p p a re n tly
a s k in g a b o u t a b ilit y ra t h e r t h a n fo r th e s a lt itself)
you're the teacher (d e c la r a tiv e s ta te m e n t, w h ic h lo o k s

a s if th e s p e a k e r is in fo r m in g )
Wednesday (in c o m p le te s e n te n c e . in to n a tio n a s a q u e stio n )

7 o be o r not to be (th a t is th e q u e s t io n , t h o u g h it h a s
n o m a in v e r b a n d s o is in c o m p le te , a n d . o f c o u rse , is rh e to ric a l in c o n te x t)
O b vio usly, hearers in fe r th e likely in te n d e d p u rp o s e fr o m c o ntex tu al clues such as the

pre v io us utterance, facial expression a n d s itu a tio n , as w e ll as th e in to n a tio n o f the speaker.
T he re is a special class o f illo c u tio n a ry acts called p e rfo rm a tiv e s, h ik e th e prom ising
exam ple above, these c o n ta in a verb w h ic h enacts the social force o f th e utterance. I baptize
this c h ild M ary, I sentence y o u to prison, You're sacked, I m w riting to y o u to co m p la in a b o u t b a d
language o n television, are all exam ples o f perform atives. A ll speech acts (a n d especially perfor
matives) d e p e n d for th e ir effectiveness o n various fe lic ity c o n d itio n s be in g satisfied. In oth e r
words, th e utterance m u s t be said b y the right person to the right person in th e rig h t place at the
rig h t tim e in th e rig h t m a n n e r a n d so on . T h e effect o f in a p p ro p ria c y is ofte n sim p ly fun n y : a
gard en e r c a n n o t o rd in a rily b a p tize a b aby w ith a hosepipe; yo u c a n n o t se n d y o ur d o g to prison;
a caretaker c a n n o t fire a headteacher; a n d yo u c a n n o t w rite a letter o f c o m p la in t b y s ta n d in g on
the to p of a m o u n ta in pa in te d blue w ith tw o sem apho re flags, for example.
The fact th at h u m o ro u s , even surre al, effects can b e generated b y b e in g in fe lic ito u s
illustrates a n im p o r ta n t p o in t a b o u t pra g m a tic rules. T h is is th at th ey o pe rate as n o rm a l
P r a g m a tic s
co n v e n tio n s w h ic h are ofte n b ro k e n in everyday talk. T h e p o in t is th at it is rare th at dialo gue

breaks d o w n every tim e th is ha p pe n s; it is m o r e lik e ly th at the listener w ill tr y h a r d to infer
a n in te n d e d message fr o m an utterance th a t seem s, o n th e surface, so m e h o w o d d . L a b e llin g
a n y o f th e above exam ples as in te n tio n a l irony , h u m o u r o r avant-garde a rt, fo r exam ple,
is a c o m m o n w ay o l pre se rving th e a s s u m p tio n th a t the speaker m e a n t s o m e th in g b y w h at
th e y said.
U n d e rly in g all th is is w h at ha s been called th e cooperative p r in c ip le . T h e a s s u m p tio n in
c o m m u n ic a tio n is th a t speakers in te n d to m e a n th in g s a n d hearers accept th is in tr y in g to
w o r k o u t in te n d e d m e a n in g s. T h is is essential w h e n , as o fte n ha p p e n s, th e in fe rre d m e a n in g
o l an utterance is in d ire c t o r a p p a re n tly a lo n g w ay fr o m th e literal m e a n in g o f th e sentence.
S u c h in d ire c t inferences can be a c c o u n te d for b y im a g in in g th a t there are conve rsatio nal
m a x im s th a t arc as su m e d by in te rlo c u to rs w h e n th ey talk.
There are fo u r such m a x im s , suggested b y th e p h ilo s o p h e r Paul G ric e , th at co nstitute the
c o op era tive p r in c ip le . T h e m a x im o f q u a n tity dictates th a t y o u s h o u ld n o t say to o m u c h
o r to o little for th e circum stan ce s. T h e m a x im o f q u a lity states th at y o u s h o u ld tell the
tru th . T h e m a x im o f 'm a n n e r ' insists th at y o u m u s t n o t b e obscure, a m b ig u o u s o r ra m b lin g .
A n d th e m a x im o l 'relation' tells y o u to say th in g s th a t are relevant to th e conversation
a n d context.
C learly, pe o ple rarely ke ep to these m a x im s in n o r m a l co nversation. How ever, the p o in t
o f th is fra m e w o rk is th at these arc n o r m s th at are su p p o s e d to b e b ro k e n (that is w h y they
are c a lled m a x im s rathe r th a n rules o r law s). W h e n the m a x im s are b ro k e n , th e n the
hearer u n d e rs ta n d s th at ce rta in im p lic a t u r e s m u s t bc in terre d fr o m the utterance. Speakers
c a n o ste n ta tio usly flo u t th e m a x im s , to in d ic a te to the hearer th a t a n im p lic a te d message
m u s t be derived.
For exam ple, i f in response to a request as to th e effectiveness o f a co ld rem edy, the
p h a rm ac is t s im p ly tells y o u th at it tastes nic e , th e n th e m a x im o f q u a n tity ha s b een flouted
i n ord e r to generate th e im p lic a tu rc lh a t it is n o t m e d ic a lly m u c h go o d . T h e n ic k n a m e s Little
Jo h n o f a ta ll m a n . C a r y G r a n t a p p lie d to an u n s o p h is tic a te d slob, C u rly for a b a ld person, or
Flash for a tortoise are such o u tra g e o u s flo u tin g s o f the m a x im o f q u a lity th a t th e hearer m u st
im p lic a te a n in te n d e d iro n y , a n d so on.
7.1.2 The superm axim o f relevance

It has b een p ro p o se d th a t all o l these m a x im s c a n b e s u b o rd in a te d to o v e r rid in g m a x im s ,
s u c h as Be Polite (a b o u t w h ic h m o r e later, in 7.1.3). It ha s also b een suggested th a t the m a x im
o f re la tio n (B e Relevant) is m o re im p o r ta n t th a n the others i n c o m m u n ic a tio n . A s s u m in g
th at speakers are sa y in g s o m e th in g relevant to th e s itu a tio n p r o d s hearers in to w o rk in g hard
to figu re o u t w h a t a speaker m e a n t b y w h a t th ey said.
R e le v a n c e in th is Ir a m c w o r k ha s a ve ry precise m e a n in g . A n utterance is relevant i f it can
ha v e a c o ntex tu a l o r c o g n itiv e effect. Hearers assu m e th at all utterances are relevant to the
contex t (based o n the co op era tive p rin c ip le ) a n d so even obscure utterances are interpreted
C h a p te r 7
as if th ey m e a n s o m e th in g . There is a trade- off here, o f course, since v e ry o b sc ure or unclear

utterances w ill require a great deal o f b r a in e ffo rt in in te rp re ta tio n o n th e p a r t o f the hearer.
T h e hearer is o n ly lik e ly to b e b o the re d to e x p e n d th is e ffo rt ( o n a p rin c ip le o f o p tim u m
efficiency rathe r th a n iu st laziness) i f there is s o m e reasonable exp ectatio n o f a pay-off in
te rm s o l a relevant inference.
For a n ex am ple o f an exchange th at requires little pro ce ssin g effort, co nside r the fo llo w in g
g e n u in e c o nve rsa tio n , he a rd ne xt to a ticket v e n d in g m a c h in e in a ca r park:
W o m a n . Excuse me, do you hve i w o fifties for ibis pound coin>
W an
I've got t w e n tie s .
Strictly, the m a n s rep ly d o c s n o t e x p lic itly a n d d ire c tly an sw er the w o m a n s q u e s tio n . The
literal preferred response s h o u ld eith e r have b een yes o r n o . H ow ever, people d o n o t c o m
m u n ic a te in th is ro b o tic fa s h io n . T h e m a n in terpreted the relevance o f th e w o m a n s utter
ance, first, as b e in g a question-type speech act, re q u irin g a response. F u rth e r, it is n o t a
qu e s tio n a b o u t th e m a n s possessions s im p ly o u t o f curio sity , b u t the p r o x im ity o f the ticketm a c h in e d ete rm in e s th a t th e w o m a n s utte ra n c e is in te n d e d as a request th at the m a n exchange
a n y sm a lle r c o in s h e m ig h t have for h e r larger one, so th at she can b u y a ticket. H is rep ly is
literally irrelevant, b u t it is fa irly easy fo r the w o m a n to assu m e th a t h e is b e in g relevant at a
slig htly deeper level, a n d th at his d e c la ra tio n o f possession o f tw enty-pence pieces can be
in terpreted as a n offer o f these sm a lle r c o in s to her. T h is can b e c o n firm e d b y th e fact that
th is verbal exchange w as im m e d ia te ly fo llo w e d b y the exchange o l coins.
A n e x a m p le o f a re s o lu tio n o f relevance th a t is m o r e e ffo rtful (a n d m o re b iza rre w h e n
co n sid e re d s im p ly literally ) is th e fo llo w in g (g e n u in e ) exchange. T h e contex t is a 16-year-old
try in g , illegally, to b u y fo u r cans o f beer in a n off-licence:
C u s to m e r :
lust these tfease
S h o p ke e p e r:
Are you IS ?
C u s to m e r :
O h , i'm from Middlesbrough.
S h o p ke e p e r:
(v e r y b r ie f p a u s e ) OK (s e rv e s h im t h e b e e r)
T h e preferred response to th e shopkeepers q u e s tio n is e it h e r ; ' o r (less likely) n o , the form er

usua lly s u p p o rte d b y so m e d o c u m e n t o f p r o o f o f age. How ever, th e sho pke e pe r is as s u m in g
a c o op era tiv e p rin c ip le i n th e exchange, a n d so struggles lo resolve a relevant inference
fr o m th e c u sto m e rs bizarre response. It is im p o ssib le here to discover w h a t satisfactory
inference she even tually resolved fr o m the reply; she c a n n o t have th o u g h t th at pe o ple fro m
M id d le s b ro u g h were exem pt fro m th e lic e n sin g laws. H ow ever, the p r o o f th a t she derived
s o m e inference o r o th e r is in th e fact th at she served the 16 year o ld the beer. P erhaps the
a s s u m p lio n o l relevance is so stro n g th at a n y rep ly is as su m e d to b c rele van t a n d therefore
satisfactory. C le a rly there w as s o m e pro ce ssin g effort invo lve d (p e rh a p s c a u s in g the b rie f
pause) o n the p a r t o f the shopkeeper. How ever, there is n o e x p la n a tio n for th e 16-year-old's
bizarre reply in the first place!
P r a g m a tic s
In ord e r to u n d e rs ta n d th e m e c h a n is m b y w h ic h a re s o lv in g inference is arriv e d at u n d er

the p rin c ip le o f relevance, it is first necessary to discuss h o w a n utte ra n c e carries* a set o f
p ro p o sitio n s . p r o p o s itio n is th e m e a n in g - c o n te n t o f a n utte ra n c e o r sentence. A n utter
ance involves a set o f p ro p o s itio n s th a t m ig h t b e asserted, p re su ppo sed , e n ta ile d o r loosely
in ie r re d Ir o m th e 'surface' m e a n in g o f th e utterance. A n assertion is th e easiest to process
since it is the p r o p o s itio n th at is literally, exp licitly a n d directly stated b y the utterance. A
p r e s u p p o s itio n is a p r o p o s itio n th a t is ta k e n for gran te d in w h a t is said. H e re are exam ples o f
three d iffe re n t types:
a) He realize/I that she had arrived by plane

(presupposes she arrived by plane>
b) The shopkeeper served him the beer
(presupposes ihc shopkeeper exists)
c) The boat which is black w ill be painted tomorrow
(presupposes the boat is black).
T h e easy test fo r p r e s u p p o s itio n is th a t th e p r e s u p p o s itio n persists e ven after n e g a tio n o f

the m a in verb o f th e sentence. T h u s, H e d id n 't realize th a t she h a d a rriv e d by p la n e still
presupposes she a rriv e d by p la n e , a n d s im ila rly w ith th e o th e r exam ples. P resuppositions
a rc ve ry relevant i n th e set o f pro p o s itio n s associated w ith an utterance, a n d req uire little
b r a in e ffo rt to d erive a re s o lu tio n o f m e a n in g . They are likely to b e th e first resort o f the
effort to resolve m e a n in g fr o m a non- lite ral utterance.
E n t a ilm c n t s are n e x t in ease o f p r o v id in g a re s o lu tio n o f m e a n in g . T he se are p r o p o s i
tio n s th a t lo g ic a lly fo llo w o n fr o m th e u tte ra n c e , a n d c a n u s u a lly b e d e r iv e d b y tu rn in g
p a r ts o f th e sentence in to m o r e g en e ra lize d factors. T h u s T h e shopkeeper served h im the
beer entails:
The shopkeeper served someone beer.

The shopkeeper served h im something,
Someone served h im beer.
Some beer was served,
There was ti shopkeeper.
There was some beer,
Something happened, and so on.
F ig u rin g o u t e n ta ilm e n ts requires a b it o f processing w o r k b y th e hearer.

F in ally , a n d r e q u ir in g th e m o s t e ffo rt, are in fe re n c e s . T hese p r o p o s itio n s ty p ic a lly rely
o n th e a p p lic a tio n o f c u ltu r a l a n d c o n te x tu a l k n o w le d g e a b o u t th e w o r ld fo r th e ir d e r iv a
tio n . T h u s, o n e o f th e infe ren ce s o f The b o a t w h ic h is black w ill be p a in te d to m o rro w is
th a t som eone w ill p a i n t the b o a t. A h e a re r k n o w le d g e a b le a b o u t b o a t m a in te n a n c e m ig h t
a ls o in te r th a t th is m e a n s th a t th e p e rs o n lik e ly to b e th e p a in te r w ill be u n a v a ila b le
C h a p te r 7
for o lh e r w o rk to m o rro w , a n d th a t th e re g ula r s a ilin g w ill to m o r r o w be can ce lle d , a n d

th a t th e d ry - d o c k w ill be o c c u p ie d so th a t h e c a n n o t get h is o w n b o a t i n u n til later in
th e week.
I n context, hearers are likely to 'try out" th e easiest reso lu tion s o f utterance m e a n in g
first. T h u s, it th e p la in asse rtio n o l the utterance resolves th e search lo r relevance, th e n the
hearer w ill accept th a t as th e in te n d e d m e a n in g . I f n o t, th e n the hearer is likely to tr y o u t an y
presupposed, e n ta ile d or in fe rre d pro p o s itio n s as th e in te n d e d m e a n in g . A s a n exam ple , i f a
m a n says to h is frie n d , I'm h u n g ry , th is s im p ly asserts a piece o f in fo r m a tio n . B u t w here is the
relevance in p r o v id in g th is ? T h e utte ra n c e presupposes th a t I exist, b u t th is is h a rd ly directly
relevant a n d interesting either. T h e c n ta ilm c n ts o f th e utterance are bare ly m o r e satisfying.
H ow ever, a n inference m ig h t b e th a t th e frie n d possesses fo o d a n d th at the utterance is a
request to eat so m e o f it. T h u s resolved, th e frie n d is likely to re s p o n d to th e utterance I'm
h u n g ry b y offe rin g th e speaker so m e food.
7.1.3 Politeness
A ll o f th e m a te ria l discussed so far is a b o u t h o w pe o ple relate to each o th e r a n d m an ag e
c o m m u n ic a tio n . It ha s b een suggested th at a p rin c ip le o f po litene ss gove rns a ll o f this
b eh av io ur. T h e n o r m s o f politeness are culture-specific a n d d iffe r betw een languages. In
th is sectio n , w e c o n s id e r s o m e o f th e aspects o f po lite n e s s i n E n g lis h .
N a m e s a n d A d d re sse s
M a n y languag es d is tin g u is h y o u w h e n it is s in g u la r (tu in F ren c h ) a n d p lu ra l (vous in French).
S uch languag es are said to operate T / V system s o f address. L a tin {tu/vos), R ussian (ty/vy),
Ita lia n (tu /L e i) a n d G e r m a n ( du/Sie) are exam ples o f such languages. E ven E n g lis h , u p un til
the R enaissance, o n c e h a d a th ou /yo u d is tin c tio n , d e riv in g fr o m th e O ld E n g lis h e/ge (see
C h a p te r 4).
T h is d is tin c tio n ha s a va rie ty o f fu n c tio n s . O r ig in a lly it served o n ly to m a r k differences in
n u m b e r. S om e B ritish dialects re ta in a T / V d iffe re n tia tio n to th is effect (you/youse, y o u /
you-nll). M a n y languag es ha v e developed th e ir T / V system in to a m a r k e r o f politeness, so
th at the T fo r m is us e d to fa m ilia rs a n d th e V fo r m is us e d to s ig n ify respect. T h is n a tu ra lly
developed in to a m a r k e r ot social ra n k , w ith V used to su p e rio rs a n d T to in fe rio rs o r those
o f e q u a l status. F in a lly th e tw o fo r m s can serve to in d ic a te so lid a rity o r in tim a c y . T is used
w it h in th e social g r o u p to establish a n a ffin ity ; V is used to n on - gro up m e m b e rs o r even
to in d ic a te o u tr ig h t hostility.
E n g lis h w e n t th ro u g h m o s t o f these stages so th at b y th e Renaissance, th ou /yo u signified
n u m b e r, politeness a n d social ran k . T h e lo r m is preserved in 'frozen' la n g u ag e such as the
speech o f Q u a k e rs, scripted prayers, w e d d in g services a n d p r o d u c tio n s o f Renaissance
plays. For exam ple , Shakespeare uses the T / V system to s ig n ify no b le a n d peasant characters
in A M id s u m m e r N ig hts D re am , to s h o w the d e v e lo p m e n t o f the r e la tio n s h ip betw een
R o m e o a n d Juliet, a n d to m a r k th e fall o f R ic h a rd I I b y s h iftin g fr o m th e respectful y o u to the
in fe rio r thou.
P r a g m a tic s
S in c e the E n g lis h la n g u ag e lost the T / V d is tin c tio n in general usage, speakers have devel
o p e d o th e r ways o f s ig n ify in g social re la tio n s h ip s in th e ir speech. O n e w a y is b y th e use o f
titles. O p t io n s available in E n g lis h are as follow s:
T
- Title (Airs. Professor; sir)
1:N - First N am e (Peter: tale, pal)

LN
Last N am e (Stockwell, Jackson)

- No name/avoidance o f address form.
T hese c a n . o f course, be u s e d i n c o m b in a tio n : Professor Jackson (T L N ), Peter Stockwell

(F N L N ), Father D a v id (T F N ).
In o u r cu ltu re , a s y m m e tric use betw een p a rticip a n ts, w ith o n e u s in g T L N a n d the other
u s in g F N , u s u a lly in d ic a tes in e q u a lity i n pow er. M u tu a l T L N c a n in d icate in e q u a lity a n d
u n fa m ilia r ity , a n d is a sale, n e u tra l o p tio n . M u tu a l F N usua lly in d ic a te s e q u a lity a n d fa m ilia r
ity. S w itch es in n a m in g strategies are a lm o s t alw ays in itia te d b y the m o s t po w e rful pe rso n , as
in th e fo llo w in g exchange:
A Professai Srockwetl?
B: Please, call me Peter.
O f course, all these "rules', like m a x im s , are n o rm a tiv e , a n d oth e r effects are generated w h e n
th ey are flo u te d . T a lo n e te n d s to b e reserved for professionals (D octor, Professor, rathe r th a n
M ister in B r ita in ), b u t i f it is o verused in an utterance, o r receives h e a v y stress it can be
in te n d e d as ho stile o r sarcastic. Sim ilarly, T L N used in a p u b o r in a n a r g u m e n t c a n in d icate
fo r m a lity o r hostility. F N in a jo b in te r v ie w w o u ld p ro b a b ly be co n sid e re d to o forw ard.
A s y m m e tric a l F N is h e a v ily m a rk e d for pow er: in m a n y sch o o ls teachers use F N a n d receive
T (S ir) o r T L N (M iss Jones) back. Fem ale teachers in v a ria b le receive Miss, regardless ot
m a rita l status.
In E n g lis h av o id a n c e is a llo w a b le i n m a n y contexts (G o o d m o rn in g . T han k y o u ) w here, for
e xam ple , F rc n c h w o u ld req uire a n address fo rm ('B o njo ur, M o n sie u r, M erci, M a d a m e ). In
m a n y s itu a tio n s in w h ic h all o f the o th e r o p tio n s seem a w k w a rd , av o id an c e is us e d alm o s t
b y d c ta u lt. B o y frie n d s a n d g irlfrie n d s th u s o fte n e vade n a m in g p o te n tial parcnts-in-law sincc
T L N m a y seem to o fo r m a l, b u t FN alon e to o forw ard.
M a n y o th e r co m ple x itie s arise, in th e n a m in g o f pets, for exam ple , d e p e n d in g o n factors
s u c h as w h at th e p e t is d o in g at the tim e , w h e th e r it is in tro u b le , w h e th e r yo u are being
observed, a n d so o n . N a m in g strategies here in vo lve three-way values betw een th e speaker
a n d th e th ird- pa rty p a rtic ip a n t, w ith th e a n im a l, o f course, be in g able to respo n d to fo rm s ot
address ofte n o n ly b y ta k in g in to n a tio n cues. S u c h co m plex ities, however, are pro b a b ly a t the
edge o f lin g u is tic analysis!
Fa ce a n d p o lite n e s s stra te g ie s
C e n tra l to a n u n d e r s ta n d in g o l po litene ss is th e n o t io n o( face, w h ic h is th e sense a speaker
ha s o f th e ir o w n lin g u is tic id e n tity a n d role. E ve ry speech act is p o te n tia lly a n im p o s itio n o n
C h a p te r 7
s o m e b o d y elses sense o ffa c e - th e ir desire to b e u n im p e d e d in th e ir life. Speakers m u s t m it i

gate th e force o f these Face T h r e a te n in g A c ts (F T A s ), a n d th ey have a va rie ty o f strategies at
th e ir d isp o sal in K n g lish to ac c o m p lis h this. They m a y use p o s itiv e p o lite n e s s i n be in g c o m
p lim e n ta ry a b o u t th e addressee befo re ask in g th e m to d o s o m e th in g ('b u tte rin g ' th e m up ).
A lte rn ative ly, speakers m a y e m p lo y a variety o f types o f n e g a tiv e p o lite n e s s strategies to
m itig a te the im p o s itio n :
I ledge -
F.r, p l e a s e c o u l d y o u , e t ; p e r h a p s , c lo s e I h e w i n d o w ?
Indicate pessimism
/ d o n 't s u p p o s e y o u
c o u l d c lo s e I h e w i n d o w f o r m e
M inim ize the im position - Could you close the window just a tiny bit?
Indicate dcferencc Apologize -
E x c u s e m e , s ir , w o u l d y o u m i n d i f I a s k e d y o u t o c lo s e t h e w in d o w ?
I 'm t e r r i b ly s o r r y b u t c o u l d y o u c lo s e t h e w i n d o w p le a s e ?
Impersonali/e - The management requires all windows to be closed.

O f course, th e n o rm a tiv e n a tu re o f these social rules requires p a rtic u la r strategies to be
m a tc h e d to th e ap p ro p ria te circum stan ce s. T h e fo llo w in g tw o exam ples w o u ld p ro b a b ly be
co n sid e re d n e rv o u s a n d rude , respectively:
Tin sorry to trouble you, I know it's an awful im position, but I don't suppose I could possibly ask
you, sir, if yo u could see your way to telling m e m ore or less what tim e it is at the mom ent, please?
Lend me your car.
T he re is a n e g o tiatio n th a t n e ed s to be u n d e r ta k e n in these s itua tio n s, d e p e n d in g o n the

m a g n itu d e o f th e im p o s itio n , a n d th e social p o s itio n o f th e speakers involved.
B R E A K O U T BOX
Jo t d o w n s o m e f a c in g s tr a t e g ie s o l y o u r o w n ? H o w d o / o u re m a in p o lit e H o w w o u ld y o u c o n s tru e
a n im p o lite u tte ra n c e ?
P h a tic to k e n s
O n e o f th e m o s t im p o r ta n t factors w h ic h p la y a p a r t in th e decisio n o f app ro priate n e ss is
the relative p o w e r o f th e p a rtic ip a n ts . T h is can b e seen especially in th e ways pe o ple greet
each o th e r or a c k n o w le d g e cach o th e rs existence a t the b e g in n in g o f conversations. Such
utterances, w h ic h have m o r e social c o h e sio n a b o u t th e m th a n explicit co nten t, are called
ph a tic tokens.
There are three po ssib ilitie s for ph a tic o p e n in g s in co nversation. N eu tral to ke n s refer to
the contex t o f the s itu a tio n a n d are n o t p e rso n al to e ith e r p a rtic ip a n t. T h e classic exam ple
is B ritish pe o ple ta lk in g a b o u t the w e a th e r Self-oriented tokens are pe rso n al to th e speaker
T h e A n a ly s is o f D is c o u rs e
( M y legs weren't m a d e f o r these h ills). O th er- o rie n te d tokens are p e rso n al to th e hearer
( D o y o u com e here often?). T h e cho ice o f to k e n is d e te r m in e d b y pow er. A su p e rio r uses an
other-oriented to k e n s u c h as, T h a i looks like h a r d work. T h e in fe rio r w o u ld use a self-oriented
to ken s u c h as. H a r d work, this, in th e sam e s itu a tio n . I n all cases, to ke n s s h o u ld b c e m o tio n
a lly u n c o n tro v c rs ia l a n d re q u ire a po sitive response.
T he re are o th e r factors, o f course, in these delicate social n e go tiatio n s. G en e ra lly , people
m o v in g in to others space in itia te exchanges. T h is is to m itig a te th e sense o f s p a tia l im p o s i
lio n , in th e sam e w ay as strategies are needed to m itig a te verbal im p o s itio n as discussed
above. T h o u g h these d ecisio ns b e g in to b e qu estion s o f ps ych olin guistics a n d psychology,
th ey arc all co n c e rn e d w ith h o w E n g lis h speakers use th e ir lan g u ag e to negotiate social c ir
c u m sta n c e s i n w ays th at are necessarily m o re subtle a n d c o m p le x g iv e n o u r loss o f a n explicit
T / V system.
7.2 The analysis of discourse

M u c h ot the w o rk ot th e last section ha s deve lo pe d in reaction to th e old- fash io n ed v ie w ot
language s im p ly b e in g a c o d e w h ic h is tr a n s m itte d a n d d e c o d e d w ith o u t d iffic u lty b y the
hearer. A s lin g uistic s ha s b e c o m e m o re ho listic in its interests a n d m e th o d s , so there has been
a g ro w in g interest in w h o le text e x a m in a tio n a n d the analy sis o f discourse. This s ectio n ,
w h ic h e x p a n d s o n th e d isc u ssio n i n 3.4, reflects o n s o m e o f th e w ays th at lin g uists have
talke d a b o u t these glo b a l levels o l la n g u ag e use. Later, w c w ill see h o w advances in artificial
intelligence research have h a d im p lic a tio n s for lin g uistics, a n d h o w d ia lo g u e a n d large-scale
exchanges have b een m a d e available to r lin g u is tic study. B u t first w e discuss th e fu n d a m e n ta l
d iv is io n o f th e w h o le o f la n g u ag e in to speech a n d w ritin g .
7.2.1 O racy and literacy

The lin g u istic stu d y o f literacy ha s b een neglected u n til recent tim es. O n e o f the reasons for this
is th at the te rm covers such a w id e range o f areas. It in clud e s b o th re a d in g a n d w ritin g , w h ic h
in v o lve psycholinguistics a n d a study o f th e m echan ical aspects o f receiving a n d pro duc in g
w ritte n texts. It covers th e w h ole literary system, m e a n in g n o t just texts w h ic h are v a lu e d as A rt
o r are fictio n al, b u t all verbal d o c u m e n ts a n d th e ir reception, analysis a n d criticism .
T h e te rm is also n o t clearly d e fin e d , m a k in g it d iffic u lt to c o m p a re like w ith like in
a p p a re n tly s im ila r c o m m u n itie s across th e w o rld . D e c id in g o n a d e fin itio n involves all sorts
o f p o litic a l a n d c u ltu ra l factors as w e ll as lin g u is tic aspects; th e n o tio n o f literacy is perceived
b y m a n y as co n fe rrin g po w e r a n d prestige in va rio u s ways.
T w o o f the so-called three Rs o l a basic e d u c a tio n , re a d in g a n d w ritin g , arc enco m p asse d
b y th e te rm . How ever, b e y o n d th is it is n o t easy to fo rm u la te exactly w h at is m e a n t by
literacy! F o r a start, re a d in g a n d w r itin g are n o t s y m m e tric a lly related, th o u g h m a n y
peoples folk-theory o f lin g u istic s sees th e o n e m e re ly as th e reverse o f the o the r. In fact.
C h a p te r 7
the tw o processes involve c o m p le te ly d iffe re n t m o to r skills ( o f th e eyes a n d th e hands,

respectively), a n d also diffe ren t m e n ta l pro ce d ures (c o n c e rn e d w ith review ing, recapping,
a n tic ip a tio n a n d gue ssing o n th e o n e h a n d , ag ainst c o m p o s in g , e d iting , red raftin g , a n d
selection, o n th e other).
Literacy is its e lf a relative te rm , d e te r m in e d b y th e contex t in w h ic h it is used. To say lhat
so m e o n e is literate can m e a n eith e r th at th ey are able to read reasonab ly well, o r th a t th ey are
w ell-read in v a lu e d texts such as classic prose fic tio n o f the n in e te e n th century. It can also be
used to im p ly th a t s o m e o n e is cultivated, civilize d , p o lite a n d in te llig e n t. Literacy th u s relates
a la n g u ag e use r to th e ir society, a n d m arks a sta n d a rd in th at context. S o c io lin g u is tic studies
have s h o w n th a t la n g u ag e is used in a va rie ty o f ways across the w o rld , a n d so a blanket,
absolute d e fin it io n o f litera c y is im po ssible . I n s o m e cultures, a pe rso n c a n b e sufficie ntly
literate if th ey are able to fill o u t a census fo rm a n d sig n a n am e . I n C h in a , a pe rso n w o u ld
need to le a rn so m e 3,000 characters to b e co n sid e re d reasonably literate. T h e y w o u ld n o t be
co n sid e re d fu lly literate u n til a r o u n d 50,000 characters h a d b e e n learned.
C le a rly th en , litera c y d e p e n d s o n w h a t use it is be in g p u t l o in a n y specific circum stance.
I n 1956, U N E S C O (th e U n ite d N a tio n s E d u c a tio n a l, S cientific a n d C u ltu r a l O r g a n iz a tio n )
a d o p te d a d e fin itio n o f fu n c tio n a l literacy' based o n th e degree o f re a d in g a n d w r itin g skill
re q u ire d for an in d iv id u a l to fu n c tio n effectively in th e ir o w n society.
M o s t pe o ple perceive w ritte n text m erely as a m e a n s o f re co rd in g a n d tra n s c rib in g the
s po ken fo rm . O f course, it is tru e th at speech is ch ro n o lo g ic a lly p rio r to w ritin g . W r itin g
seem s to ha v e o rig in a te d in M e s o p o ta m ia at s o m e tim e a r o u n d 3 , 5 0 0
b c
, a n d p re su m a b ly
speech goes b a c k to the o rig in s o f the species. Speech is also p r io r to w r itin g o n a n in d iv id u a l

basis; unless th ey are d e a f o r have s p e a k in g pro b le m s , c h ild r e n speak lo n g before th ey can
write. It is therefore a rg u e d th a t th e a b ility to s p e a k is b io lo g ic a lly based, since all h u m a n
c o m m u n itie s have speech b u t n o t all ha v e a w r itin g system . M ass literacy is a v e ry recent
occurrence; e ven in th e d eve lo pe d W est, b y n o m e a n s a ll people are fu n c tio n a lly literate.
Because of all th is e v id e nce for th e seq ue ntial p r io r ity o f speech over w ritin g , it is assum ed
th at the w r itin g system m erely represents the s o u n d system (a n d E n g lis h s p e llin g is often
th e n criticize d for n o t representing its s o u n d s very well). W r itin g ha s e n o rm o u s social pres
tige in ils o w n rig h t, a n d thus ha s a social prio rity to d a y o v e r speech. T h e w r itin g system has
even in flu e n c e d patte rns o f p r o n u n c ia tio n because o f this. E x a m ple s in c lu d e the ru le o f not
d r o p p in g y o u r aitches w h e n th e w o rd is spelled w ith h in itia lly , even th o u g h th e re is a lo n g
tr a d itio n in B ritish accents for d o in g precisely that. S p e llin g ha s c h a n g e d th e p r o n u n c ia tio n
o f w o rd s s u c h as often ( in w h ic h th e /t/ w a s n e ver p r o n o u n c e d ), a n d d ip h th e ria ( in w h ic h the
p h g ra p h e m e is c h a n g in g fr o m a /f/ p r o n u n c ia tio n to a /p i).
T he re is a lin g u is tic a rg u m e n t th at speech a n d w r itin g n e ith e r represent th e o the r. Rather,
th ey realize, i n d iffe re n t w ays, ih e abstract system o fla n g u a g e , a n d th ey d o it for fu n c tio n a lly
diffe ren t purposes. In d e e d , w e have seen so fa r in th is c h a p te r h o w the m e d iu m itself
c a n e n co d e social m e a n in g . Speech tends (o th e r th a n in u n u s u a l contexts s u c h as r a d io or
tape-recording) to o c c u r face to face, spo n tan eo usly, a n d c a n n o t b e u n s a id . W r itin g , o n the
o th e r h a n d , can h e u n c e rta in as to aud ie n c e , can be d is p la c e d in tim e , a n d can be edited.

In cid en ta lly , it has o fte n b een n o tic e d th a t B e rn ste in s d is tin c tio n b etw een elab o rate d ' a n d
restricted codes (see S ec tio n 6.5) relate to th e differences b e tw e e n th e fu n c tio n s o f w r itin g
a n d speaking.
Literacy u n d o u b te d ly confers p o w e r a n d prestige i n th e w o rld today. I n th e p a s t, the
P rotestant m o v e m e n t, w ith its e m p h a sis o n p e rso n al re a d in g o f th e Bible, le d to higher
litera c y rates i n S w ed e n , S c o tla n d a n d S w itze rlan d th a n in C a th o lic F rance a n d sou the rn
Italy. T h is , in tu r n le d to a pe rce p tio n o f th e pe o ple in these areas as b a ck w a rd a n d stup id .
U n til v e ry recently, there w as a literacy test to ac q u ire v o tin g rig h ts i n th e s o u th e r n U S , w h ic h
served to d is e n fra n c h is e m a n y b lac k p e o p le w h o h a d been dep rived o f th e rig h t to sc ho oling .
T h e cla im o f a lin k betw een literate a b ility a n d intelligence often accom pan ie s such situations.
M a n y studies have atte m p te d to discove r w h e th e r there is an y d ifference in p e rfo rm a n c e o n
I.Q . tests b y those w h o are a b le to read a n d th o s e w h o are illiterate. Several stu d ie s s h o w th at
readers p e rfo rm b e tte r o n such tests.
How ever, th e re la tio n sh ip b etw een literacy a n d I.Q . test success m ig h t n o t b e directly
causal. It c o u ld be arg ue d th a t I.Q . p u z z le s test d e c o d in g a b ility rathe r th a n intelligence itself
(th e p o in t th a t b y le a r n in g to read it is possible to raise y o u r I.Q . score is fu r th e r e v id e nce o i
the d u b io u s v a lid ity o f s u pp ose dly fix e d a n d objective I.Q . tests as w e ll). It is p ro b a b ly also the
case th at literate pe o ple te n d to d o better o n such c o g n itiv e a n d re a s o n in g tests, n o t because
o f th e ir litera c y b u t because o f s c h o o lin g . In o th e r w o rd s , it is th e practice o f e d u c a tio n th at
e n co urage s the so rt o f abstract th o u g h t th at is also co - in c id e n ta lly associated w ith literacy.
W h y s h o u ld th is b e th e case? T he re is a n a rg u m e n t th a t the practice o f e d u c a tio n , th ro u g h
a recordable fo rm o f la n g u ag e (w r itin g ), en co urage s pe o ple to perceive the w o rld in w ays th at
a re diffe ren t fr o m those w ith o u t s c h o o lin g a n d literacy. I n o th e r w ords, k n o w le d g e itself is
d iffe re n t because ofliteracy .
T h e p h ilo s o p h e r K arl P o p p e r d eve lo pe d th e n o t io n o f diffe ren t 'w o rld s' o f experience
b ased o n th is d is tin c tio n . W o r ld O n e is th e objective w o rld o f p h ysical objects a n d m aterial
th in g s , w h ic h c a n b e experienced d ire c tly b y all sen tie n t creatures. W o r ld T w o is experienced
o n ly th ro u g h th e subjective m e d iu m o f th e m in d , th ro u g h consciousness. W o rld s O n e
a n d Two are th u s accessible b y all h u m a n c o m m u n itie s . W o r ld T hre e experience, however,
c o m p rise s objective k n o w le d g e as h e ld in b o o k s , libraries a n d n o w e lectro nic databases a n d
netw orks. It is realized in statem ents, theories a n d verbal m o d e ls . I n o rd e r to be ob je ctiv e it
m u s t b e recorded in language a n d stored in a w r itin g system . W o r ld Three k n o w le d g e thus
exists ex tern ally to know ers, a n d can o n ly be accessed b y those a b le to read th e system of
storage (w ritin g ).
W o r ld T hree know ledge, i n th e fo r m o f w ritin g , e lim in a te s in c o n siste n c y a n d fosters a
c ritical a ttitu de to state m e nts a n d theories, s in c e th ey can be perceived to exist objectively in
th e ir o w n rig h t. I n oracy, there is less em p h a sis o n the d iffe re n tia tio n betw een th e speaker
a n d th a t w h ic h is spoken. O r a c y en co urage s th e directness o f th e re la tio n sh ip betw een the
w o r d a n d th e obje ct it refers to. T here can b e n o app eal to d ic tio n a r y d e fin itio n s , o n ly to
C h a p te r 7
concrete s itua tio n s. T h is is n o t to say th at pe o ple in oral c o m m u n itie s are c o g n itiv e ly inferior,
m erely th a t th e ir v ie w o f th e w o rld is d iffe ren tly skew ed th a n for th o s e a c c u s to m e d to literacy
a n d sc ho oling .
O r a c y ha s m a n y advantages over literacy. For exam ple , m e m o r iz e d fa m ily a n d social
histories c a n e n co d e c h a n g in g social re la tio n s h ip s a n d n o r m s b y c h a n g in g themselves.
A fa m o u s e x am ple is th e G o n ja n a tio n o f N o r th e r n G h a n a , w h ic h c o m p rise s seven tribes,
a n d a n o ra l legend to ld o f h o w the o r ig in a l fo u n d e r, Jakpa, d iv id e d p o w e r a m o n g his seven
sons. W h e n B ritish co ntro l w as e x te n d e d to th e re g io n , tw o o f th e tribes d isa pp ea red , a n d the
legend w as th e n to ld o f Jak pa a n d h is Five sons. N o m e m o r y or o ra l record w as k e p t o f
th e earlier ve rsion , since the sto ry fu n c tio n e d n o t as a his to rical d o c u m e n t b u t as a socially
cohesive device.
A s s o o n as m y th s a n d legends c o m e to b c w r itte n d o w n , th e y b e c o m e unchang eable.
T h e stories a n d parables o f th e O l d a n d N e w T estam ents o f the Bible, for exam ple, still talk
o f d on k e y s, goats a n d sheep, cam els, v in e y a rd w o rke rs a n d s o w in g seeds, a n d are read to d ay
in in d u s tr ia liz e d societies ve ry diffe ren t fr o m th e ir o rig in a l contexts. I n th is literate c ir c u m
stance, relevance ha s to b e m a d e b y allegorical re a d in g a n d m e ta p h o ric a l a d a p ta tio n , by
glosses, s e rm o n s a n d exegesis. N o tio n s o l d o c u m e n ta ry tru th a n d falsity b e co m e m ore
im p o r ta n t as a result o f the fro ze n na tu re o f the w ritte n text.
T h e sta n d a rd iz a tio n o f p r in t also fu r th e r fixes th e sp e llin g system , m a k in g it resistant to
c h a n g e in response to accent chang e. Thus, as i n B ritish E n g lis h w ritin g , s p e llin g and
p r o n u n c ia tio n have diverged. E d u c a tio n a l c o d ific a tio n fu r th e r reinforces pre ju d ic e against
s p e llin g in n o v a tio n , so th u t u n fm ily a fo rm s liy k th is w u d p r o b ly arow z feel in s u v dis cu m fct
in reeduz yo o st te u m o r e c e u d ifiy d fo r m u v spellen az lu r n t in skoo l fr u m a n u rly ayj. O u r
s p e llin g system ha s ch a n g e d little in th e past 400 years, w hereas p r o n u n c ia tio n patterns have
c h a n g e d en o rm o u s ly . T h e in n o v a tiv e sp e llin g used tw o sentences above c o rrespo n ds to the
accent o f th e w riter o f th is chapter. O u r an tiq u a te d a n d frozen sp e llin g has the advantage o f
n o t p riv ile g in g an y one accent in the w r itin g system.
O r a l cultures, o f course, d o n o t e ven e n c o u n te r the pro b le m : th e fo r m o f th e story changes
w ith the vo ice o l the speaker. W h e r e W estern literature c u rre n tly values w ord-play a n d self
reference, oral literature (n o tic e th e culture-specific na tu re o f th e w o r d for verbal art itself)
values s o u n d patte rns a n d r h y th m . In m o d e r n c o m m u n itie s d e p riv e d o f access to sc ho oling ,
the everyday literature1 m o r e resem bles oral patte rns th a n th e patte rns o l th e s u rro u n d in g ,
d o m in a n t, p rin t- ric h cultu re . T h e d is tin c tio n betw een speech a n d w r itin g fo r these cultures
is a n essential a n d sell- de finin g one.
7.2.2 C onversation analysis

T h e relative status o f speech a n d w r itin g can be seen in th e fact th at w e s p e n d fa r m o re o f
o u r tim e s p e a k in g a n d lis te n in g th a n e ith e r re a d in g o r e specially w r itin g . A n d m o s t of
o u r la n g u ag e b e h a v io u r takes place i n in te ra c tio n w ith o th e r p e o p le in the a ctiv ity w e call
c o nve rsa tio n . Like a n y o th e r part o f lan gu ag e , the practice o f c o n v e rsa tio n operates w ith
rules a n d co n v e n tio n s a n d can b e analysed. T h is is th e basis o f th is section.
T h e m o s t o b v io u s s truc tura l feature o f co nve rsatio n is th at it is based o n in d iv id u a ls
ta k in g tu rn s to speak, 'h o ld in g the flo o r w h ile th e o th e r pa rticip a n ts listen a n d aw ait their
tu rn . I n fo rm a lly s tru c tu re d s itu a tio n s , s u c h as business m e e tin g s, televised discussio ns a n d
p a rlia m e n ta ry debates, tu rn s are allocate d b y a c h a ir a n d speakers are n o m in a te d o r b id
to speak. I n everyday co nversation, how ever, tu rn - ta k in g is n e go tiated b y speakers as th e talk
develops.
In E ng lish- sp eaking cultu re , there is a n in to le ran c e o f silence in co nve rsatio n . T urns are
therefore o fte n m a d e u p o f adjace ncy pairs (see S ec tio n 3.4 .2), w h e re a n in itia tio n o r request
fo r in fo r m a tio n is fo llo w e d im m e d ia te ly b y a n answ er o r response o f s o m e sort. T h is is
o p tio n a lly fo llo w e d u p b y fe edback Ir o m th e lir s t speaker to c o n lir m th a t th e response has
b een g iv e n satisfactorily:
- C a n y o u g i v e m e a h a n d
Su re .
Thanks
W h a t d o I do>
if y o u c o u ld ju s t p u s h . I'll b e a b le t o ju m p -s t a r t it.
B: OK
I n th is exam ple , tw o ad ja c e n c y pa irs are co nn e cte d b y feedback to ackn ow le d ge the answer.

O f course, n o t a ll c o nv e rsa tio n al exchanges are as s tra ig h tfo rw a rd as this, a n d i n fact we
m issed o u t a p a r t o f th e above example:
C a n y o u g iv e m e a h a n d ? (B e fo r e B h a s c h a n c e to a n s w e r , A s h o u t s a c ro s s th e r o a d to C > B O B 1
A n y c h a n c e o f a h a n d h e re ?
Y e a h , b e th e re in a m in u t e
B : W e ll, w ill it t a k e lo n g
A
it's ju s t t h a t I m in a r u s h a n d ..
N o . a c o u p le o f s e c o n d s . C a n y o u ?
B . S u re . I'v e g o t to b e a t th e s ta tio n so o n .
A : T h a n k s la n d so on).
T h e a d ja c e n c y pa irs arc still there, b u t u n d e r ly in g o th e r m a teria l, w h ic h has b een inserted

in to th e co nv e rsa tio n . First there is a side-sequence, as A 'breaks o u t o f th e first adjace ncy
p a ir to call across th e ro a d to B o b (C ) a n d b e g in a n o th e r adjace ncy pair. T h is is in d e p e n d e n t
o f th e first pair, w h ic h is in te rru p te d . S econdly, B starts an insertion-sequence b y asking
a q u e s tio n ( w ill it la k e long'') w h ic h is answ ered (<? couple o f seconds). 'H ie answ er o f the
s u r r o u n d in g adjace ncy p a ir is d e p e n d e n t o n th is in te rn a l pair. (T he beer-buying y o u th in
S e c tio n 7.1.2 above w as also in v o lv e d in an insertion-sequence w ith th e sho pke e pe r). Finally,
the passage ha s a n e x am ple o l s k ip - co n n e c tin g , as B beg in s to ex p la in th at he is in a ru s h , a n d
return s to th is in te rru p te d to p ic to c o m p le te h is e x p la n a tio n a few tu rn s later.
C h a p te r 7
A ll o f these features in tro d u c e p o te n tial for th e c o n v e rsa tio n to b re a k d o w n because

adjace ncy pa irs are d is ru p te d , w h ic h is a threat to coherence. I n each case, th e se c o n d h a lf
o f th e d is ru p tio n s act as repairs to allo w th e co nve rsatio n to co ntin ue .
O fte n , th e gaps b e tw e e n speakers in a n o r m a l c o n v e rsa tio n , w h ile n o o n e is s p e a k in g
at a ll, arc v e ry b rie f, u s u a lly Tractions o f a s e c o n d . P eople are clea rly s k ille d a t a n tic ip a tin g
th e b o u n d a r ie s o f tu r n s (see S e c tio n 3.4 .1) in o rd e r to b e rea d y to b e g in s p e a k in g as
s o o n as th e o th e r p e rs o n ha s a p p a re n tly fin is h e d . To c la im th e flo or, it is c o m m o n to
b e g in w it h a n in tr o d u c to r y phrase th a t p ic k s u p o n a n ite m fr o m th e p re v io u s s p e a k e rs
s u b je c t matter.
S o m e tim e s , e specially i n r a p id o r heated co nversation, speakers w ish to start ta lk in g betre
the o th e r pe rso n has fin is h e d . T h e y m ig h t in te rru p t, w h ic h is usua lly d o n e b y p ic k in g u p a
phrase Ir o m th e first speaker a n d in c o rp o r a tin g it in to th e ir o w n speech. T h e y w ill raise their
voices s lig h tly a bove the level o f th e first speaker. V e ry o fte n , th e first speaker w ill g ive w a y to
th is ta c tic a n d the seco n d speaker w ill th u s g a in th e floor.
How ever, so m e tim e s the first speaker w ill s im p ly ke ep o n ta lk in g , p e rh a p s m a k in g their
speech lo u d e r a n d slower, a n d s im u lta n e o u s ta lk goes o n u n til one pe rso n gives in a n d stops
ta lk in g . S u c h s im u lta n e o u s ta lk is perceived as be in g ru d e it it goes o n for m o r e th a n tw o o r
three clauses. Lo ng er th a n th is , a n d very o fte n a specific type o f in s e rtio n seq ue nce w ill begin
w h e re b y o ne speaker w ill step o u ts id e th e to p ic o f th e co nve rsatio n to c o m m e n t o n th e tactic
directly. For exam ple: I sing in sm okey room s every n ig h t a n d I can keep talking f o r fa r longer
th a n y o u can Teresa (sin g e r B illy B ragg s response to b e in g in te rru p te d b y M P Teresa
G o r m a n , C h a n n e l A fte r Dark), S top hectoring m e Tom, let m e fin is h w h a t I'm saying
(interview ee to p o e t/c ritic T o m P a u lin . B B C 2 The L ate Sh o w ). S uch c o m m e n ta r y involves
'm e talan gu age i n th at speakers ta lk ex p lic itly a b o u t th e ir o w n language. T h is can seriously
d is ru p t th e flo w o f c o n v e rsatio n a n d th e activ ity is u s u a lly follow ed b y lots o f re p a ir w o rk to
re-establish th e topic.
P eople c a n a n ticipate th e b o u n d a rie s o f tu rn s in a variety o f ways. Speakers m ig h t ask a
direct q u e s tio n o r n o m in a te th e next speaker b y n a m e . D r o p p in g in to n a tio n o fte n signals
th at th e p o in t has been m a d e a n d e n d e d . Pauses for b re a th a t the en d o f a co m p le te clause w ill
o fte n pro v id e a n e n try p o in t for oth e r speakers to c la im th e ir tu rn . O p e n - h a n d gestures a n d
ca tchin g a n o th e r speakers eye are ofte n in v ita tio n s to take a tu rn .
P eople w a n tin g to c la im a tu rn can take advantage o f these features to in te rru p t b y
p re te n d in g th at a g e n u in e m id - utte ran ce pause for breath w as a c tua lly a s ig n a l o f en ding .
S k ilfu l speakers c a n pre ven t others fr o m ta k in g th e flo o r b y b lo c k in g these features: th e y w ill
avo id eye co ntact; th ey w ill ta lk ra p id ly w ith few pauses; a n d w h e n th ey d o take a bre a th, it
w ill be in th e m id d le o f a clause rathe r th a n at the en d. T h is latter tactic uses a n 'utterance
in c o m p le to r to a llo w th e speaker to h o ld th e floor. O th e r ex a m ple s w o u ld b e to e n d each
clause w ith a co nn e c tive such as a n d , therefore, a n d so, o r b u t, or to b e g in ta lk in g b y saying
/ w an t to m a k e three po in ts . . . O fte n , pauses io r th in k in g are fille d in w ith noises { u m , er,
well) to ke ep th e tu rn .
T h e logical coherence o f conversations helps to m a in ta in a sense th at a single to p ic is being

d iscussed (see S ection 3.4.3). P articipants w ill o fte n tolerate a m b ig u ity o r lack o f clarity for
several tu rn s in the h o p e th at all w ill even tually b e c o m e clear, as lo n g as th ey are co n fid e n t that
the to p ic is b e in g m a in ta in e d . Shifts o f topic are usua lly consensual, a n d attem pts b y o n e speaker
to lorce a chang e o l topic pre m a ture ly w ill ofte n b c regarded by the others as ru d e or evasive.
M o st speakers conversation structure is characterized b y 'recipient d e s ig n : th at is, it tends to be
o rg a n iz e d i n patte rns a n d a t a level th a t is u n d erstan dab le a n d app ro priate to the hearer. M u c h
talk consists o f saying w h at oth e r pe o ple w a n t to hear, in the sort o f language th at th ey th e m
selves use. Speakers 'tune in to each others preferred styles a n d expressions v e ry rapidly.
In n o r m a l co nversation, hearers w ill s u p p o rt the m a in te n a n c e o f th e co nve rsatio n w ith
d ire c t feedback to the speaker. C o m m e n ts such as that's right, I h e a rd that, m e too, yeah,
c o u n t as fe edback rathe r th a n a ttem pts to in te rru p t o r c la im th e floor. A lso, speakers m a y
m a k e b a c k c h a n n e l noise th r o u g h o u t th e speakers talk. This usually consists o f agreem ent
noises (c o n v e n tio n a lly w ritte n as uh-huh, h m m ,y e a h , ye ah) a c c o m p a n ie d b y n o d d in g , w h ic h
tell the speaker th at th e h e a re r is interested a n d w ants th e m to co ntin ue .
C o n v e rs a tio n s c o m e to an e n d in a va rie ty o f w ays. These c a n b e because th e s itua tio n
a r o u n d th e speakers changes, such as w h e n , d u r in g a c o n v e rsa tio n o n a tr a in , o n e p a rtic ip a n t
c o m e s to th e ir s ta tio n , a n d th e co nve rsatio n is b ro u g h t to a close u s u a lly w ith reference to the
in te r ru p tin g circ u m stan c e (such as, well, th is is m y stop). Speakers them selves can b rin g the
ta lk to a n e n d w h e n th ey feel th at to p ic s ha v e been exhausted. T h is c a n b e c u e d b y som eone
h o ld in g a silence fo r lo n g e r th a n u s u a l, o r p ic k in g u p a new spaper, or lo o k in g o u t o f the
w in d o w , a n d so on .
T he re are a v a rie ty o f pre-closing signals th a t p a rtic ip a n ts use to b r in g a co nve rsatio n
to a n e n d satisfactorily. M e ta la n g u ag e can b e u s e d to in d ic a te th at th e to p ic ha s closed
( Well, th a ts sorted th en ). W ell is a c o m m o n w o r d used o n its o w n to s ig n a l a n e n d to the
c o nve rsa tio n . These signals are u s u a lly fo llo w e d b y v a r io u s ph a tic to ke n s (n ic e to m eet you,
we m u st d o this a g ain , see y o u later) a n d larcwells. S uch in te n tio n a l breaks in co nve rsatio n
c a n also be repaired, th o u g h , i f o n e speaker decide s to p ro lo n g th e ta lk fu rth e r (O h . I ve just
rem em bered, there was o ne other th in g ). S u c h repairs, as in th is exam ple , te n d to take the fo rm
o f m etalan gu age .
7.2.3 Coherence and fram ing

S o far in th is sectio n , w e ha v e lo oke d at h o w p e o p le use lan g u ag e to c o m m u n ic a te w ith each
o th e r a n d ta lk a b o u t th e w o rld a r o u n d th e m . B u t we have left m a n y a s s u m p tio n s un e x p la in e d
a b o u t th e precise m e c h a n is m s in v o lv e d i n b e in g able to d o th is . W h a t is it, fo r exam ple, in the
w o rd s a n d sentences o f co nve rsatio n s a n d w ritte n discourses th a t allow s hearers a n d readers
to b u ild u p a p ic ture o f the subject u n d e r d iscussio n? H o w , specifically, are a ttitu d e s a n d
view s expressed i n texts a n d h o w d o readers m a k e sense o f th e m ? I n s h o rt, h o w does the
c o h e sio n o f texts c o n trib u te to th e sense o f coherence in discourse?
C h a p te r 7
W e o utline d h o w the sentences o f a text are connected to each other in section 3.6 above.
T h is is k n o w n as te x tual c o h e s io n . Sentences c a n b e seen to relate to each o th e r by
co-reference, w h ic h c a n be realized as th e repetition o f w o rd s , s y n o n y m s , p r o n o u n s , a n d
so o n . I n th is way, the sam e e n tity th a t is b e in g referred to persists th r o u g h o u t th e text.
C o h e s io n he lp s to g ive a text its texture, i n te rm s o f th e w a y th e w o rd s a n d syntactic
c o n s tru c tio n s relate to each other.
How ever, texture is a m a tte r o f the s tru c tu re o f th e text, a n d w h a t is at stake in discourse
is th e sense a reader/hearer m a k e s o f th e process o f rea d in g /h e a rin g . I n o th e r words,
c o h e s io n is a s tru c tu ra l lin g u istic issue a n d co h e re n ce is its ps y c h o lo g ica l c o u n te rp a rt: the
pe rce p tio n th at th e w o rld expressed in the text m a k e s sense.
A t th is level o f analysis, th e stu d y o f la n g u ag e m u s t b e c o m e less s tru c tu ra l a n d m ore
p ro c d ura l: th at is, m o re c o n c e rn e d w ith the o n g o in g experience o f re a d in g a n d hearing.
I n th e process o f readers a n d hearers tu r n in g texts in to discourse, a ps y c h olo gically coherent
'w o rld ' is created. T h is m e n ta l m o d e l can be te rm e d the discourse w o rld , a n d readers/
hearers use it to fo llo w th e w a y th e text develops a n d progresses. O b je c ts in the discourse
w o rld are created b y reference, w h ic h is u s u a lly expressed te x tua lly b y n o u n phrases. The
relation ships betw een these objects a rc expressed b y v e rb phrases, w h ic h serve to alter
the reader/hearers d isc o u rse m o d e l in the course o f rea d in g /h ea rin g .
M a n y o f the fra m e w o rk s for u n d e r s ta n d in g th e processes invo lve d here were d eve lo pe d in
the 1970s a n d 1980s as part o f research in to c o m p u te r m o d e ls o fla n g u a g e a n d A rtific ia l
Intelligence. I n pa rticu la r, it is h e lp fu l to t h in k o f re a d in g /h e a rin g as in v o lv in g tw o types o f
process w h ic h arc us e d to ch e c k o n cach o th e r w h ile receiving discourse. B y u n d e r s ta n d in g
the m e a n in g s o f w o rd s a n d sentences, a n d a c c u m u la tin g th is in fo r m a tio n th r o u g h the
discourse, pe o ple can use b o tto m - u p processing' to fo rm a c u m u la tiv e m e a n in g for w h a t has
ju s t b een received. W h ile th is is o n g o in g , pe o ple can a n ticipate the m e a n in g o f w h a t is to
co m e b y p re d ic tin g po ssib le lik e ly m e a n in g s o n th e basis o f th e ir c u ltu ra l k n o w le d g e o f the
w o rld . T h is is ca lled to p- do w n processing.
T h e p ro b le m o f h o w to a c c o u n t for the a p p lic a tio n o f th is k n o w le d g e o f th e w o rld is
h a n d le d b y th e n o tio n o t fr a m e s or sc h e m a ta . A fra m e is a w a y o f th in k in g a b o u t a m e m o ry
structure, w h ic h consists o f a set o f slots a rra n ge d to co m p o s e a p a rtic u la r frequently
e n co u n te re d entity. T h u s a school w o u ld consist o f such slots as desks, corridors, d in in g area,
teachers, English rooms, a n d so on , w ith all th e attrib utes th a t m a k e u p a sc ho ol b u ild in g a n d
its s ta ff a n d students. Fram es represent k n o w le d g e n o t ju s t o f stereotypical entities, b u t can
be created io r n e w ly e n c o u n te re d entities as well. In th is way, pe o ple learn fr o m experience
a n d b u ild u p a larger repertoire o f k n o w le d g e a b o u t th e w o rld .
T h e d y n a m ic c o u n te rp a rt o f a fra m e is a s c r ip t. A s it s o u n d s , th is is a m e m o riz e d
rep re sentatio n o f a ty pical event. So, w c use a shopping s c ript to k n o w h o w to g o in t o a shop,
p ic k u p goods, take th e m to th e till, have a co nve rsatio n w ith the shopkeeper, pay for the
g o o d s, c o lle ct chang e a n d leave. W e m ig h t ha v e a w r itin g a n essay s c ript th at tells u s h o w
to o rg a n iz e th e text, p u t together a n a rg u m e n t, use evid e nce , a n d im p o r t o th e r sub-scripts
s u c h as th e c o n te n t o f the essay, w h a t th e teacher likes, a n d the m e th o d o f h a n d in g it in .
L a n g u a g e a n d Id e o lo g y
T h in k in g o f b a c k g r o u n d k n o w le d g e as a syste m atic a rra n g e m e n t th a t w e c a n call u p w h e n

r e a d in g o r h e a rin g texts goes a lo n g w ay tow ards e x p la in in g h o w inferences w o rk , because we
h a v e th e c o n n e c tio n s b etw een p ro p o s itio n s alre ady i n o u r heads. In th e fo llo w in g exam ples,
there is n o t h in g literally in th e texts th at a c c o u n t fo r th e n o r m a l in fe re n c in g th at readers d o
in m a k in g th e m m a k e sense. T h e c o hcre n cc betw een a a n d b in cach ease d e p e n d s u p o n the
reader s u p p ly in g the in fo r m a tio n in c fro m b a c k g ro u n d know ledge:
a) I spent most o l ihc time on the bcaeh.
b) T he sea was really warm.
c) (Beaches are next to the sea).
a) T he restaurant was great.
b) But the waiter was very rude.
c) (Restaurants have waiters).
a) Help yourself to the vegetable garden.
b) T he radishes are lovely.
c) (Radishes are vegetables).
a) Two cars were chasing each other.
b) T he Mercedes nearly crashed in to a wall.
c) (A Mercedes is a type o f car).
I n each case, the use o f th e de fin ite article (the) in the seco n d sentence is a d e fin ite reference
to th e slot in th e relevant sc ript in the discourse w o rld ca lled u p b y th e first sentence.
7.3 Language and ideology

S o far th is c h a p te r ha s b e e n co n c e rn e d larg ely w ith th e o rg a n iz a tio n o f texts a n d discourses,
a n d h o w la n g u ag e users are a b le to resolve m e a n in g Iro m th e m . It w o u ld b e easy to th in k ol
the fo r m o f expression as b e in g separate fr o m th e c o n te n t o f th e text. T h is v ie w w o u ld
regard th e s tru c tu re o f texts as if it w ere m e re 'd eco ratio n' for th e m e a n in g c a rrie d b y the
la n gu ag e . How ever, th is w o u ld be a false p e rc e p tio n . T h e s tu d y o f p ra g m a tic s ha s s h o w n
th at d iffe re n t fo r m s o f politeness, p h a tic to k e n a n d speech act, fo r exam ple , c a n generate
d iffe re n t effects in th e receiver. I n o th e r w ords, th e c o n te n t a n d the style o f texts arc in fact
in te rd e p e n d e n t.
A n o th e r w ay o f th in k in g a b o u t th is aspect o f discourse is to u n d e rs ta n d th at a ll texts
e n co d e a n u n d e r ly in g ideology. T h is m e a n s n o t ju s t a p o litic a l ideology, b u t a n idea-system
o r set o f as su m p tio n s o n w h ic h th e discourse is based. N o text is n e u tra l w ith respect to
ideology. A useful a n a lo g y w o u ld b e to t h in k o f texts as p h o to g ra p h s : a p ic tu re m u s t always
b e ta k e n fr o m a p a rticu la r p o in t o f view . V ery o fte n , th e id e o lo g ic a l b a c k g r o u n d o f texts
is im p lic it a n d can be revealed b y lin g u is tic analysis. S om e o f th e features th ro u g h w h ic h the
ideolo g ical b a c k g r o u n d o f texts can b e un co vere d are presented in th is section.
C h a p te r 7
7.3.1 Le xical choice

text is p ro d u c e d b y selection a n d c o m b in a tio n , w h ic h c a n b e im a g in e d as tw o axes w h ic h
intersect. W o rd s are c o m b in e d in to s yn tactically ap p ro p ria te c h a in s to fo r m a sentence in
E n g lis h . In to each lin k in th e c h a in , a w o rd is selected Ir o m a w h o le b a n k o f po ssib le oth e r
w o rd s w h ic h m ig h t have g o n e in its place. The id e olo g )' o f the text is reflected b y w h ic h
w o rd s arc selected th r o u g h o u t th e text. T h u s, the lexical cho ice o f th e text gives a n in sigh t
in to th e idea-system w h ic h und erlie s the discourse.
T he re are s o m e o b v io u s n a m in g strategies w h ic h e n co d e id e olo g y , such as new spapers
c h o o s in g to refer eith e r to terrorists or rebels, a n d p o litic ia n s ta lk in g a b o u t w eapons o f mass
destruction o r n u c le ar missiles o r w eapons systems. T h e forced d is p la c e m e n t o f pe o ple o n the
basis o f cu ltu re is rendered less o b je c tio n a b le b y c a llin g it ethnic cleansing. I n fact, refuse
d isp o sal a n d street-cleaning i n m a jo r to w n s a n d cities is n o w ro u tin e ly c a lled cleansing, w h ic h
gives it a far m o re professional a n d p u r ify in g im age. T h e basis o f th is sele ction is e u p h e m is m .
T h is involves th e selection o f a sy n o n y m o u s te rm w h ic h deno te s a lm o s t th e sam e th in g but
h a s v e ry diffe ren t co n n o ta tio n s .
U sually, a text w h ic h is c o n siste n t a n d c o h e re n t w ill have w o rd s selected fr o m the
s a m e id e o lo g ic a l d o m a in . review, for exam ple , w o u ld 'read' b a d ly i f it referred to ageing
m usicians w ho are clearly pa st their sell-by dates in the sam e text as guitar-players m ature d
a n d refined b y experience. T h e id e o lo g ic a l set o f lexical choices in p u b lis h e d texts tends to bc
c o n siste n t because it u s u a lly expresses a pa rticu la r w o rld view (o r m in dse t) o f the author.
7.3.2 A gency
T h e c o m b in a tio n o f w o rd s o fte n e nco d es th e ag ency o f events: basically, w h o do e s w h a t to
w h o m . T h e pe o ple o r g ro u p s c a rry in g o u t ac tio n s can be bla m e d o r absolved o f b la m e b y the
a rra n g e m e n t o f the sy n tax o f th e sentence. For exam ple , Soldiers shoot dem onstrators after
rio t lays th e b la m e clearly o n th e soldiers b y m a k in g th e m th e active agents o f th e sho o tin g .
v ie w p o in t sy m p a th e tic to the au th o ritie s w o u ld read. D em onstrators shot in riots, d ele ting
the agents o f th e verb altogether. E ven a he a d lin e th a t a d d e d b y soldiers afte r th is last passive
verb w o u ld n o t b c as stro n g a sta te m e n t as the first exam ple . Passiv ization is thus o n e w ay ol
d ele ting th e agent o f the a c tio n to express id e o lo g ic a l v ie w p o in t.
A n o th e r w ay o f a c c o m p lis h in g a s im ila r effect is to n o m in a liz e th e a c tio n w h ic h w as
expressed b y th e verb. S h o o tin g in rio t leaves dem onstrators d ea d deletes th e soldiers again.
D e m o n stra to rs d ie in shooting is s im ila r b u t a lm o s t b lam e s the d e m o n s tra to rs b y m a k in g
th e m th e syn tactically active agents in the sentence, as w ell as n o m i n a t i n g the a c tio n o f
s h o o tin g . T h e psych olo gical im p a c t o f th e first e le m e n t o f a n utterance (th e th e m e o f the
sentence) is alw ays s tro n g e r th a n th e rest o f th e in fo r m a tio n in th e sentence (th e rh e m e ).
A special case o f n o m in a liz a tio n is pe rs o n ific a tio n , in w h ic h an a c tio n o r state is given
w ilfuln e ss a n d th u s b lam e : D e a th meets dem onstrators afte r rio t or R io t causes shooting of
dem onstrators w o u ld e n co d e th is w o rld view. T he re is a d iffic u lty even w ith the ideolo g ical
L a n g u a g e a n d Id e o lo g y
basis o f ih e te r m in o lo g y w e are u s in g here, since to ta lk o f events b e in g passivized or

n o m in a liz e d o r p e rso n ifie d im p lie s a n e utra l a n d o b je ctiv e state before th e passivizatio n
a n d so o n . This is n o t th e case. A ll po ssib le lexical a n d syntactic selections a n d c o m b in a tio n s
are id e olo g ically lo ad e d o n e w ay o r th e o the r. N e u tra lity is s im p ly n o t possible in language.
7.3.3 M odality
W e have been discussing th e w o rld view o f texts, b u t readers routinely act as if th is w o rld v ie w is
th a t o f th e au th o r o f the text. Usually, th is is a reasonable assu m ptio n to m ake , th o u g h fictional
texts, perhaps w ith an in ve n te d narrator, present special problem s. T h e parts o f texts that seem
to encode the au th o rs attitude to the content o f the text is k n o w n as the m o d a lity o f the text.
T h e m o s t o b v io u s exam ples o l m o d a lity can b e seen in e x p lic itly evaluative adjectives a n d
adverbials. C a llin g s o m e th in g lovely, evil, enticing, tasteless o r clueless clearly conveys w h at
the a u th o r th in k s o f it. D e s c rib in g a n a c tio n c o m p le te d quickly, w ith grace, in a n efficient
m a n n e r or w ith fe e lin g also enco d es th e p e rc e p tio n o f th e author.
How ever, there are a w h o le va rie ty o f g ra m m a tic a l w ays in w h ic h th e m o d a lity o f the
a u th o r c a n bc u n d e rs to o d . T h e c o m m itm e n t o t th e a u th o r to th e tr u th o r reality o t th e event
is p a r t o f the attitu d e e n c o d e d in th e text. T he re is a b ig d iffe re n c e in c o m m itm e n t betw een
categoric, gene ric sentences such as A l l officials are co rru p t a n d sentences w h ic h use a range
o f m o d a l a u x ilia rie s to to n e d o w n th e c o m m itm e n t to th e assertion: You m u s t agree th at
a ll officials are corrupt. You m ig h t say th a t a ll officials are c o rru p t, You c o u ld say th a t a ll
o fficials are corrupt. It is possible th a t a ll o fficials are corrupt, I w ish I c o u ld say th a t a ll
officials are corrupt, a n d so o n . Verbs o f k n o w le d g e , p r e d ic tio n a n d e v a lu a tio n all e n co d e
a u th o r ia l m o d ality .
7.3.4 Point o f vie w

A ll o l th is d iscussion is co n c e rn e d w ith th e p o in t ot v ie w co nvcy ed b y th e text. It is useful
w h e n c o n s id e rin g th is to d is tin g u is h betw een th e a u th o r o f the text a n d the narrator. O fte n ,
fic tio n a l texts im a g in e a n in ve n te d n a rra to r w h o tells th e sto ry in th e first pe rso n , th o u g h
the w h ole text ha s in reality been w ritten b y an a u th o r w ith a diffe ren t p e rso n a lity fr o m the
im a g in e d n arrato r. I n n o n - fic tio n a l texts, such as in s tr u c tio n m a n u a ls o r press ag ency reports,
the a u th o ria l vo ice is likely to be in d is tin g u is h a b le fr o m the narra to rial voice. S u c h texts are
u s u a lly in th e s eco n d pe rso n (im p e ra tiv e a n d in s tr u c tio n a l) a n d th ir d pe rso n (c la im in g
o b je c tiv ity ) respectively. It is in fo rm a tiv e , w h e n c o n s id e rin g p o in t o f view , to ask the
q u e s tio n s W h o speaks? a n d W h o is addressed? i n th e text.
T he re are essentially three possible o p tio n s for p o in t o f v ie w in texts. First, a personal
n a rra tio n presents a direct re la tio n sh ip betw een th e first pe rso n (/) n a rra to r a n d th e reader
w h o is addressed. S uch narrativ es are lik e ly to have a h ig h ly direct a n d ex p lic it m o d a lity to
express p e rso n al pe rce p tio n a n d o p in io n . E v aluatio ns, th o u g h ts a n d feelings are typically
pre se nte d in th is style.
C h a p te r 7
A seco n d type o f p o in t o f v ie w is the im p e rs o n a l n a rra tio n , w h ic h ty p ic a lly appears in the

th ir d pe rso n {he/she/it/they). T h is appears less in tru s iv e a n d is o fte n a c c o m p a n ie d b y less
p e rso n al m o d a lity . Sentences are lik e ly to be m o re categorical a n d assertive.
T h e th ir d ty pe o f p o in t o f v ie w is th e a u th o ria l voice, w h ic h a g a in is usua lly in the th ird
p e rs o n . How ever, au th o rs can pre te n d to b e o m n is c ie n t: th at is, th ey can present the in tern al
th o u g h ts o f a ll o f th e characters in a text. A lternatively, th ey can present th e story s im p ly as
reportage, p ie c in g together th e tacts im p e rs o n a lly w ith o u t c la im in g special in s ig h t. W i t h the
a u th o ria l voice, it is so m e tim e s illu m in a tin g to ask n o t o n ly W h o spooks? b u t also W h o sees?,
s in c e o m n is c ie n t a u th o rs c a n present even th ir d pe rso n n a rra tio n th ro u g h the eyes a n d
pe rce p tio n o f a fic tio n a l character. T h is is called 'lo c a liz a tio n , a n d an a u th o r c a n use it e ith e r
co nsisten tly b y fo llo w in g th e n arra tiv e th ro u g h a sin g le localizer, or c a n present a va rie ty o f
pe rceptio ns b y s h ittin g fo c a liza tio n th r o u g h o u t the text.
I n a p re v io u s se c tio n (7.2.3 above), we o u tlin e d th e im p o rta n c e for in te rp re ta tio n o f the
high-level, g lo b a l decisio ns p ro v id e d b y receivers' scripts. T h e p e rce p tio n o f th e id e o lo g y of
a d isc o u rse is also d e p e n d e n t o n th e sort o f text th at the receiver expects to process w h e n
th ey en co u n te r a n e w piece o f la n gu ag e . As experienced users o f m a n y diffe ren t varieties o f
language, pe o ple b u ild u p e x p ectatio n s o l the features o l a ran g e o f d iffe re n t types o f text
(o r genres, see S ec tio n 3.3). A s w it h to p- do w n a n d b o tto m - u p processing, there is a two-way
in terpretative pro ce d u re a t w o rk here. E a rly features o f the text b e in g received he lp to
u p a p a rtic u la r text-type th at the text in q u e s tio n seem s to b e lo n g to, a n d
cue
at the sam e tim e,
the p e rc e p tio n o f th at text-type helps th e receiver to m a k e in terpretative decisio ns a b o u t the

text. T h e p r a g m a tic c irc u m s ta n c e s also p la y a part in this.
C o n s id e r , as a n exam ple , the fo llo w in g tw o sentences:
a) The council refused the women a permit because they feared violence.
b ) T h e c o u n c il r e fu s e d th e w o m e n a p e r m it b e c a u s e th e y w e re c o m m u n is t s .
M o s t B ritish speakers o f E n g lis h w o u ld take they in a) to refer to th e c o u n c il a n d they in

b ) to refer to th e w o m e n . How ever, there are ideolo g ical a s su m p tio n s in v o lv e d here. The
in te rp re ta tio n s o f a) a n d b ) here d e p e n d o n a pe rce p tio n o f o ffic ia l fear o f disord er, a n d
an u n d e r s ta n d in g th a t c o u n c ils issue p e r m its for th in g s s u c h as d e m o n s tra tio n s , w h ic h so m e
tim es b e c o m e violent. However, the interpretations becom e diffe ren t i f a different ideological
b a c k g ro u n d is assum ed. Im a g in e th at th e c o u n c il in a) is stron g ly in favour o f b o x in g matches
a n d th e w o m e n are pacifists. O r im a g in e th at b ) is uttered n o t in B rita in b u t in C h in a . The
sorts o f narratives th a t these sentences m ig h t b e lo n g to chang e th e ir character w h e n such
re- intcrpretation hap pe ns.
A s a fu r th e r exam ple , tr y re a d in g the fo llo w in g s h o rt text, first as s u m in g the p o in t o f view
o l a la n d d e v e lo p e r w h o w a n ts to b u ild a s u p e rm a rk e t, a n d s e c o n d ly Iro m the p o in t o l
v ie w o f a co n s e rv a tio n is t interested in a fie ld w o rk stu d y o f th e a n im a ls a n d b ird s o n th e site.
T h e a r e a i$ s it u a t e d c lo s e to a s u b u r b a n r a ilw a y s ta tio n a n d is o n ly h a lf a rrnie fro m th e m a in s h o p
p in g c e n t r e a n d c e n tr a l h o u s in g H o w e v e r , th e tre e s a t th e p e r ip h e r y o f I h e s it e a r e tall a n d d e n se
S ty lis tic s
a n d se p a ra te t h e a r e a e ffe c tiv e ly f r o m th e re sid e n tia l z o n e . d is u s e d q u a r r y h a s le ft se v e ra l la r g e

r e c e s s e s w h ic h h a v e fille d w it h w a te r, a n d s m a ll rsla n d s c o v e re d in h u s h e s a n d s m a ll v e g e ta tio n
b r e a k th e s e s h a llo w la k e s E x c e s s w a t e r d r a in s n to t h e n e a r b y riv e r o v e r s h a le a n d a lig h t to p so il.
Th ere
15 a n
e le c tr ic a l s u b -s ta t io n to th e n o rth o f th e W te. b y t h e a c c e s s r o a d le ft b y th e q u a rry
w o r k in g s . T h e r o a d c o n t in u e s f o r a m ile in t o th e a r e a , t h o u g h m o s t o f it is o v e r g r o w n
T h e re
a r e t w o p a t h s t h r o u g h th e s it e , o n e o f w h ic h is a r ig h t o f w a y u s e d b y c h ild r e n a t th e s c h o o l in
t h e to w n
It is likely, n o t o n ly th a t d iffe re n t interests d e te rm in e w h ic h sentences are m o s t a n d least

relevant, b u t th a t the sam e sentences have diffe ren t interpretatio ns. For th e la n d developer,
th e text fu n c tio n s as a re p o rt o n th e c o m m e rc ia l v ia b ility o f b u ild in g o n th e la n d a n d the
p r o x im ity o f am e n itie s. For the co nse rvatio n ist, it is a d e s c rip tio n o f a n area s uita ble for stu d y
o v e r several days, c o m p r is in g us e fu l in fo r m a tio n o n the sorts o f llo r a a n d la u n a lik e ly to bc
fo u n d , a n d h o w m u c h d is tu rb a n c e th e researcher c a n expect.
7.4 Stylistics__________________________________
I n th is chapter, w e have lo oke d at the three m a in fu n c tio n s o f texts a n d discourse. In discussing
p ra g m a tic s a n d co nve rsatio n analysis, we a d d e d to the discussio ns o f the first three chapters
in g iv in g features related to the textual fu n c tio n o l la n gu ag e . T h is is to d o w ith h o w texts
are o rg a n iz e d a n d have texture. W e also e x p la in e d m e a n in g in te rm s o f th e in te rp e rs o n al
fu n c tio n o f la n gu ag e , w ith d is cu s s io n s o f h o w m e a n in g s are negotiated in real talk, to go w ith
the so c io lin g u is tic d isc u ssio n o f C h a p te r 6 . Finally, we addressed the id e a tio n a l fu n c tio n o f
la n g u ag e in d isc u ssin g the id e o lo g ic a l b asis o f all discourse.
A b o o k s u c h as th is can o n ly ever be th e m erest in tro d u c tio n to th e stu d y ot language.
How ever, w e have covered a great de a l o f m a te ria l a n d p ro v id e d discussio ns fr o m the range
o f fra m e w o rk s a n d approaches available w ith in the field o f lin g u istic s as it c u rre n tly stands.
O n e o f lh e advantages o f b e in g a stu d e n t o f la n g u ag e is th at yo u are a lre a d y a native speaker
o f at leasl o ne language, a n d y o u c a n b e g in to f in d o u t n e w a n d interesting th in g s a b o u t
language as s o o n as y o u b e g in to analyse it. A lth o u g h answ ers arc p ro v id e d lo r so m e o t the
A ctivities in th is b o o k to ch e c k yo ur o w n progress, m a n y A c tivitie s have n o rig h t o r w rong
answ ers. T h e y are there s im p ly to h e lp y o u to t h in k a b o u t la n g u ag e a n d its use. W e ho p e that
th e y w ill le ad yo u to w o n d e r fu r th e r a b o u t la n gu ag e , a n d deve lo p y o u r o w n fra m e w o rk s to
discuss th e issues y o u t h in k are im p o rta n t.
L in g u is tic fra m e w o rk s arc tools d eve lo pe d b y researchers to h e lp u s u n d e rs ta n d how
la n g u ag e w orks. Y o u c a n ap p ly w h a t y o u have learn ed fr o m th is b o o k , a n d b y fo llo w in g the
lu r th e r re a d in g , to an y o f th e e n o rm o u s range o f texts th at ha v e been w ritte n , sp o k e n o r are
yet to b e m a d e in the w o rld . K n o w in g a b o u t lin g u istic s can h e lp yo u to be a m o r e reflective
a n d efficien t w riter, a n d it c a n h e lp yo u to negotiate y o u r w ay a r o u n d th e w o rld o f m e a n in g .
T h e w o rld can be seen as a series o f in te rco n n e c te d discourses w ith language (b ro ad ly
c o nce ive d ) as th e basis. D ifferen t types o f text w rite th e reality1 o f diffe ren t parts o f life , a n d
199
C h a p te r 7
system atic k n o w le d g e o f th e analy sis o f texts a n d h o w h u m a n s c o m m u n ic a te can th u s be

lib e ra tin g a n d endlessly interesting.
The analy sis o f th e la n g u ag e o f texts a n d discourse s is k n o w n as stylistics, a n d it can bc
a p p lie d to a n y artefact m a d e o fla n g u a g e . T h e rest o f th is se c tio n gives s o m e e x a m ple s o f texts
for yo u to see w h a t system atic stylistic e x a m in a tio n c a n do.
7.4.1 A n alysin g types o f te xt

To e n d th e b o o k , w e w ill s im p ly p ro v id e so m e exam ples o f diffe ren t types o f text. Y o u can
fin d y o ur o w n exam ples fr o m the m illio n s m o re o u t there i n th e w o rld . For each, a sk the
qu estion s th a t ha v e been raised in th is chapter, a n d a p p ly y o u r lin g u istic k n o w le d g e gained
fr o m pre v io us chapters. A b o v e all, y o u s h o u ld b c as system atic a n d descriptive as y o u can,
a n d as a n experienced user o fla n g u a g e , tru s t yourself.
A S c ie n tific T ext
T h e fo llo w in g is a n exam ple o f text w ritte n b y a b io log ist. It is in te n d e d as p o p u la r science as
w ell as a c o n tr ib u tio n lo o rig in a l kn o w le d g e . T h e a u th o r is c o n c e rn e d , therefore, to p u l an
a rg u m e n t fo rw ard a n d be persuasive a b o u t it. H o w does he go a b o u t this? C a n y o u construct
an a u th o ria l vo ice fr o m the text, b y lo o k in g at th e m o d a lity a n d p o in t o f v ie w en co d ed here?
W h a t is th e id e o lo g y involved? H o w is it expressed?
A l l o r g a n is m s l h a t h a v e ewer liv e d - e v e ry a n im a l a n d p la n t , a ll b a c t e r ia a n d all f u n g i, e v e ry c r e e p in g
th in g a n d all re a d e r s o f th e s e w o r d s - c a n lo o k b a c k a t th e ir a n c e s to r s a n d m a k e th e fo llo w in g
p r o u d c la im N o t a s in g le o n e o f o u i a n c e s t o r d ie d in in fa n c y . T h e y all r e a c h e d a d u lt h o o d , a n d e ve ry
s in g le o n e s u c c e s s fu lly c o p u la te d . N o t a s in g le o n e o f o u r a n c e s to r s w a s fe lle d b y a n e n e m y , o r b y a
v ir u s , o r b y a m is ju d g e d fo o ts te p o n a c liff e d g e , b e fo re b r in g in g a t le a s t o n e c h ild in t o th e w o r ld
T h o u s a n d s o f o u r a n c e s to r s c o n te m p o r a r ie s f a ile d in a ll th e se re sp e c ts , b u t n o t a s in g le s o lita r y o n e
o f o u r a n c e s to r s fa ile d in a n y o f th e m , th e s e s ta te m e n ts a r e b lin d in g ly o b v io u s , y e t fro m t h e m m u c h
f o llo w s : m u c h th a t is c u r io u s a n d u n e x p e c t e d , m u c h th a t e x p la in s a n d m u c h t h a t a s to n is h e s .
S in c e a ll o r g a n is m s in h e r it a ll th e ir g e n e s fro m t h e ir s u c c e s s fu l a n c e s t o r s , a ll o r g a n is m s te n d to
p o s s e s s s u c c e s s fu l g e n e s . T h e y h a v e w h a t it t a k e s to h e c o m e a n c e s to r s - a n d th a t m e a n s to su rv iv e
a n d r e p ro d u c e T h is is w h y o r g a n is m s te n d t o in h e r it g e n e s w it h a p r o p e n s it y t o b u ild a w e ll-d e s ig n e d m a c h in e - a b o d y t h a t a c t iv e ly w o r k s a s if it is s tr iv in g to b e c o m e a n a n c e s to r T h a t is w h y
b ird s a r e s o g o o d a t f ly in g , fis h s o g o o d a t s w im m in g , m o n k e y s s o g o o d a t c lim b in g , v ir u s e s so
g o o d a t s p r e a d in g
T h a t is w h y w e lo v e life a n d lo v e s e x a n d lo v e c h ild r e n , it is b e c a u s e w e a ll.
w it h o u t a s m g le e x c e p tio n , in h e r it a ll o u r g e n e s f r o m a n u n b r o k e n lin e o f s u c c e s s fu l a n c e s to r s . T h e
w o r ld b e c o m e s fu ll o f o r g a n is m s t h a t h a v e w h a t it t a k e s t o b e c o m e a n c e s to r s . T h a t, in a s e n te n c e ,
is D a r w in is m .
(F ro m R ic h a rd D a w k in s (1 9 9 5 ) Rnvr O ut o f Iden. W e id e n fe ld & N ic o lso n .)
A n E n g in e e rin g In s tru c tio n a l Text

T h e fo llo w in g is fr o m the in s ta lla tio n in s tru c tio n s fo r a lever c o n tro l to o pe rate fo rw ard
a n d reverse o n a b o a t. W h a t sort o f discourse w o rld does il e n co d e? W h a t s o rt o f script
S ty lis tic s
k n o w le d g e is ne ed e d a n d as su m e d here? W h a t is it a b o u t the sy n tax o f th e text th at tells you

it is in s tru c tio n a l? L o o k i n p a r tic u la r a t th e cohesive features o f th e text th a t m a k e it ditferent
fro m a n y o th e r s o rt o f text. W h a t is th e p o in t o f v ie w a n d m o d ality ?
IN S T A L L IN G T H E C O N T R O L
1 . P la c e th e c o n tr o l in p o s it io n a llo w in g c le a r a n c e f o r fu ll m o v e m e n t o f th e h a n d le a n d fre e p a s s a g e
f o r t h e c a b le s . M a r k th e f ix in g c e n t r e s to s u it N o . 1 2 w o o d s c ie w .
?
T h e o p e r a t in g u n it is fa c to r y a s s e m b le d fo r S ta rb o a rd m o u n t in g b u t is q u ic k ly c o n v e r te d fo r P o rt
m o u n t in g a s f o llo w s :
1
E n s u re th e th r o ttle le v e l a n d c lu t c h p in io n are in th e ID L IN G a n d N E U T R A L p o s itio n

r e sp e c tiv e ly
? S la c k e n th e se t s c r e w s e c u r in g t h e h a n d le a n d w it h d r a w th e h a n d le fro m t h e s p lin e s o n th e
s h a ft
N o te th a t t h e e m b o s s e d lin e o n th e e x p o s e d s h a f t is lin e d u p w it h th e - u p b u tto n fo r
N e u tra l
3 . R o t a te th e h a n d le 1 8 0 ' a n d r e -e n g a g e w it h th e s p lin e s A t t h is p o s itio n , w h e n th e o p e r a t in g
u n it is p la c e d o v e r th e m o u n t in g h o le s , t h e h a n d le s h o u ld b e v e rtic a l. F in a lly , re tig h te n th e
s e t screw .
3. S la c k e n th e s c r e w s , ro ta te th e t r u n n io n re ta in e rs a n d w it h d r a w t h e tru n n io n s .
4
R e m o v e a n d d is c a r d ja m n u t s fro m r e m o te c o n tr o l e n d s o f th r o ttle a n d s h ift c a b le s
Scre w
th e t r u n n io n s o n to th e t h r e a d e d e n d s o f th e s h ift a n d th r o ttle c a b le s u n til t h e c a b le e n d s

p r o tru d e 3 / 1 6 n
NOTE. Viewing the unit from the back, the inner levers are for clutch operation and the outer levers
for throttle control.
5 . P o sitio n th e c lu t c h tru n n io n a s s e m b ly in th e a p p ro p r ia te s lo t in th e d u t c h p in io n to p ro v id e
th e n e c e s s a ry s tr o k e , r o ta te th e t r u n n io n re ta in e r o v e r th e t r u n n io n a n d t ig h t e n th e s c re w
to se cure .
6
P la c e t h e th r o ttle tru n n io n in th e a p p ro p ria te o p e n in g in th e th r o ttle le v e r ty o p r o v id e a p u s h o r

p u ll c a W e a c tio n , r o ta te th e r e ta in e r o v e r th e t r u n n io n a n d tig h te n s c r e w
R o u t e th e c a b le s t h r o u g h th e o p e n in g s in th e b o d y e n g a g in g th e g r o o v e m th e c a b le h u b w it h
th e b o d y l i t th e h u b p a c k e r s in th e e m p ty c a b le p o s itio n s , a n d s e c u r e w it h t h e h u D re ta in e r
a n d screw .
8. Check that the assembled control operates correctly, obtaining full clutch selection and throttle
movement.
9 . If o p e r a t io n is s a tis fa c to r y p la c e th e o p e r a t in g u n it o v e r th e m o u n t in g h o le s a n d s e c u re w it h th e
s c re w s, w a s h e r s , s h a k e -p r o ff w a s h e r s a n d n u ts.
(F ro m th e in s ta lla tio n in s tr u c t io n s f o r th e A ? 0 S in g le le v e r M a r in e C o n tro l,
fro m M o r s e C o n t ro ls l td).
C h a p te r 7
A C o o k e ry In s tru c tio n a l Text

T h e fo llo w in g is a recipe, n o t for th e faint-hearted, for co o k in g a sheeps h e a d . It is fro m the
19th century. A s s u m in g th a t th e reader is n o t a ctua lly c o o k in g th e ite m w h ile reading, h o w
does each w o rd a n d sentence o f th e text effect a change in the o n g o in g discourse w o rld o f the
reader? In o th e r w ords, h o w does th e text tu rn th e ingredients in to a dish? Y o u m ig h t like to
co ntrast the m o d a lity o f th is text w h ic h is p re su m a b ly in te n d e d to b e descriptive a n d neutral'
w ith the pe rce p tio n o f th e m o d a lity b ro u g h t b y a vegetarian reader. A g a in , the cohesive fea
tures o f th e text a rc im p o rta n t. W ith o u t th in k in g a b o u t the co nten t, c a n y o u tell th e difference
b etw een th e s o rt o f text th is is co m p a re d w ith th e pre vio us in s tru c tio n a l text?
IN G R E D IE N T S
A s h e e p 's h e a d , b o u q u e t g a r n i, 1 0 p e p p e rc o r n s , s a l; a n d p e p p e r, 2 ta b le s p . p e a rl b a rle y o r ric e , 2
o n io n s ,
1 s m a ll tu r n ip . 2 s m a ll c a rro ts, 1 0 7
b u tte r o r f a t ,
1 o?
(lo u r, p a rsle y
If n e ce ssa ry, sp lit th e h e a d a n d re m o v e th e b ra in s. W a s h th e h e a d se ve ra l tim e s , ta k in g c a r e to

re m o v e a ll sp lin te re d b o n e s S c r a p e th e sm a ll b o n e s fro m ;h e n o s trils a n d b ru sh th e te e th . S o a k in salt
w a t e ' f o r 3 0 m in C ove r w it h c o ld w a te a n d l y in g to th e b o il P o u r a w a y th e w a t e r a n d re p la c e w ith
fre sh c o k j w a t e r a n d a d d th e b o u q u e t g a r n i, p e p p e rc o r n s a n d s a lt Bo<i u p a n d s k im w e ll A d d th e
b a rle y (b la n c h e d ) o r (ic e . C o o k slo w ly fo r a b o u t 3 hr. M e a n w h ile p re p a re th e v e g e ta b le s a n d c u t nto
d ice ; th e se s h o u ld b e a d d e d a b o u t I hr. b e fo re s e iw n g . R e m o v e th e sk in a n d fib re s fro m th e b ra m s
w it h s a lt a n d w a s h in c o k l w a te r. T i e th e b ra in s in m u s lin a n d c o o k w it h th e h e a d fo r a b o u t 15 - 2 0 rm n.
T h e n c h o p co a rse ly. H e a t the f a t in a s a u c e p a n a n d a d d the flo u r. S tir o v e r th e h e a t a n d c o o k w ith o u t
brOk'/nm g ( o r a b o u t 3 m m ., th e n a d d p t. o f liq u id in w h ic h th e h e a d is c o o k in g . S tir u n til b o ilin g ,
c o rre c t t h e s e a s o n in g a n d a d d th e b ra in s . R e m o v e th e h e a d a n d ta k e a ll th e fle s h fro m th e b o n e s . S k in
a n d s lic e th e t o n g u e . P la c e th e m e a t n e a tly o n a h o t cfcsh. P o u r th e b r a in s a u c e over. If lik e d , g a rn is h
w it h s o m e o t th e s lic e d to n g u e , v e g e ta b le s a n d c h o p p e d p a rsle y S e rv e t h e b ro th se p a ra te !/
3 h e lp in g s
(F ro m M r s R e e to n s All About Cookery.)
A P o litic a l Text
T h e fo llo w in g is fr o m a speech b y fo rm e r leader o f th e L a b o u r Party, N eil K in n o c k . It was
o rally delivered as a m o n o lo g u e to a p a rty conference. H o w is it effective in its language
usage? H o w is the a u th o r p re se n tin g h im s e lf here? W h a t s o rt o f speech acts is K in n o c k using,
a n d h o w docs h e structure th e d ia lo g u e w ith him s e lt here?
W h y a m I th e (irst K in n o c k in a t h o u s a n d g e n e r a tio n s t o b e a b le to g e t to u n iv e rs ity W a s it b e c a u s e
all o u r p r e d e c e s s o r s w e r e t h ic k ? D id th e y la c k ta le n t - t h o s e p e o p le w h o c o u ld s in g , a n d play, a n d
re cite p o e tr y , t h o s e p e o p le w h o c o u ld m a k e w o n d e r fu l, b e a u tifu l t h in g s w it h th e ir h a n d s ; th o se
p e o p le w h o c o u ld d re a m d re a m s , s e e v is io n s , t h o s e p e o p le w h o h a d s u c h a s e n s e o f p e rc e p tio n as
t o k n o w in t>m es s o b r u ta l, s o o p p r e s s iv e , th a t th e y c o u ld w in th e ir w a y o u t o f t h a t b y c o m in g
to g e th e r? W e r e th o se p e o p le n o t u n iv e rs ity m a t e r ia l? C o u ld n t th e y h a v e k n o c k e d o f f th e ir A leve ls
m a n a f t e r n o o n ? B u t w h y d id n 't th e y g e t it ? W a s it b e c a u s e th e y w e r e w e a k
t h o s e p e o p le w h o
c o u ld w o r k e ig h t h o u r s a d a y u n d e r g r o u n d a n d th e n c o m e u p a n d p la y fo o tb a ll? W e a k ? T h o se
w o m e n w h o c o u ld su rv iv e e le v e n c h ild b e a r in g s , w e r e th e y w e a k ? T h o s e p e o p le w h o c o u ld s ta n d
w it h th e ir b a c k s a n d le g s s t r a ig h t a n d f a c e th e g r e a t - th e p e o p le w h o h a d c o n t r o l o v e r th e ir Irves.
S ty lis tic s
t h e o n e s t h a t o w n e d Th eir w o r k p la c e s a n d t r ie d to o w n th e m - a n d tell th e m , 'N o , I w o n t t a k e y o u r

o rd e rs." W e r e th e y w e a k ? D o e s a n y b o d y r e a lly t h in k t h a t th e y d id n t q e t w h a t w e h a d b e c a u s e th e y
d id n t h a v e th e ta le n t. t h e s tr e n g th , o r th e e n d u r a n c e , o r th e c o m m itm e n t O l c o u r s e n o t It w a s
b e c a u s e th e re w a s n o p la tfo r m o n w h ic h th e y c o u ld sta n d
A R e p o rtin g Text
T h e fo llo w in g is fro m ih c o p e n in g o f ih e s u m m a ry o f a re p o rt p re p a re d for ih e N atio n a l
C u r r ic u lu m C o u n c il. E x a m in e in p a rtic u la r th e lexical choices th at give th is text its level
o f fo rm a lity . W h a t is th e a u th o ria l vo ice here? W h a t a b o u t m o d a lity a n d p o in t o f view
(re m e m b e rin g th at th e re is n o s u c h th in g as n e u tra lity w here these are co nce rn e d )?
S U M M A R Y , C O N C L U S IO N S A N D R E C O M M E N D A T IO N S
S u m m a ry
Key Sta g e 1
T h e in tr o d u c tio n o t th e N a tio n a l C u r r ic u lu m E n g lis h O r d e r h a s r e su lte d in m o re s y s te m a t ic , stru c
tu re d p la n n in g fo r th e te a c h in g o f a ll a s p e c t s o f th e O rd e r. T e a ch e rs c o m m e n t e d o n a g r e a te r se n s e
o f c o lla b o r a tio n w h ic h w a s u s u a lly a fe a tu re o f th is p la n n in g . D e ta ils o f e x p lic it te a c h in g s tra te g ie s
w e r e lo c a te d in th e p o lic y p la n n in g d o c u m e n t s ra t h e r th a n th e S c h e m e s o f W o r k . T h e s e w e r e
m a in ly in th e fo rm o f le a r n in g o b je c trv e s lin k e d to s p e c if ic S t a t e m e n t s o f A tta in m e n t.
T im e sp e n t h e a n n g in d iv id u a l p u p ils a lo u d w a s s p e c ific a lly fo r th e p u r p o s e o f m o n ito r in g p r o g
r e s s S in c e th e in tr o d u c tio n o t t h e N a tio n a l C u r r ic u lu m T h i s tim e h a s a ls o in c lu d e d p u p ils t a lk in g
a b o u t th e c o n te n t o f th e ir r e a d in g T h is a d d it io n a l a c tiv ity w a s s e e n b y te a c h e r s to h a v e b e e n th e
g r e a te s t in flu e n c e o n th e ir te a c h in g o f r e a d in g a n d th e y c la im e d th e re w a s n o t e n o u g h tim e fo r
both a c tiv itie s T h e s e te a c h e r s a ls o re p o rte d a la c k o f tim e t o r te a c h in g r e a d in g g e n e r a lly a n d th e y

a t tr ib u t e d th is to th e d e m a n d s m a d e b y o th e r s u b je c t O rd e rs (s e e s e c t io n 2 , M a n a g e a b ility } T h e y
t h o u g h t th e r e q u ir e m e n t s o f t h e S ta te m e n t s fo r Le v e l 2 R e a d in g w e r e to o b r o a d c o m p a r e d w t h
th o se o f L e v e ls 1 a n d 3 . C o n s e q u e n t ly th e y f o u n d it d iff ic u lt to e x p la in to p a re n ts w h y s o m e p u p ils
r e m a in e d w o ifc m g w it h in Le v e l 2 f o r a re la tiv e ly lo n g tim e . T h e ir c o n c e r n w a s w it h th e b r e a d th o f
d e v e lo p m e n t re q u ire d b y Le v e l 2 , ra t h e r th a n its c o n te n t.
P u p ils s p e n t th e ir tim e o n r e a d in g a lm o s t e q u a lly d iv id e d b e t w e e n a c tiv itie s th a t w e r e d e s ig n e d to
t e a c h th e m to r e a d a n d o n r e a d in g a s a n a c t iv it y it s e lf In le a r n in g to r e a d , p h o n ic s a c tiv itie s w e r e
t h e o n e s w h ic h p u p ils e x p e r ie n c e d m o s t o f te n a n d fo r th e lo n g e s t tim e . A n o t h e r c o m m o n activity,
u s e d fre q u e n tly b y te a c h e r s to te a c h r e a d in g , w a s lis te n in g to p u p ils re a d . A ls o , th e y u s e d t h is actrvit y to m o n it o r a n d a s s e s s r e a d in g a s w e ll a s p r o v id in g p u p ils w it h r e a d in g p r a c tic e H o w e v e r , h e a n n g
r e a d in g w a s p e r c e iv e d to b e v e r y t im e - c o n s u m in g T o d e a l w it h th is , te a c h e r s s e t th e ir c la s s e s a
v a r ie ty o f in d e p e n d e n t r e a d in g a c tiv itie s , s u c h a s p h o n ic w o r k , o ' re p e titio n a n d p r a c tic e a c tiv itie s,
th e r e b y re le a s in g th e m s e lv e s to h e a r in d iv id u a l p u p ils r e a d T e a c h e rs a ls o c r e a te d o th e r o p p o rt u n i
tie s to h e a r r e a d in g , s u c h a s w h e n o th e r p u p ils w e r e w o r k in g in g r o u p s o ' a s a d a s s o n a v a rie ty o f
a c tiv itie s n o t re la te d to re a d in g , o r d u r in g th e te a c h e r s lu n c h b re a k
in te a c h in g r e a d in g , te a c h e rs u s e d a w d e r a n g e o f a c tiv itie s in th e e a r ly s ta g e s . T h e ir p la n n in g for
te a c h in g p h o n ic s w a s s tr u c tu r e d a n d f o llo w e d a s e q u e n c e o f p r o g r e s s io n t h r o u g h c h e c k lis t s a n d
p u b lis h e d s c h e m e s . T e a c h in g r e a d in g o c c u r re d m o s t fr e q u e n lly in E n g lis h , ra t h e r t h a n a s a c ro s s
c u r r ic u la r activity.
T h e N S G s ( N C C 1 9 8 9 , 1 9 9 0 ) d e a l p rim a rily w it h th e d a s s r o o m e n v ir o n m e n t ( e g . th e u s e o f a
p a r t ic u la r a r e a s u c h a s th e r e a d in g c o r n e r ) , a n d u se o f tim e g e n e r a lly , ra t h e r t h a n b e in g s p e c ific a lly
203
C h a p te r 7
targeted towards meeting and identifying pupils' needs in learning to read. However, observations
in classrooms showed that, despite limited guidance in this area, teachers were achieving this largely
through management oi resources and matching books and related activities to individual pupils
(From Evaluation o f Ihe Implementation of English in the National Curriculum at
Key Stages I. 2 and 3 0991-1993): Final Report. HMSO/National Curriculum Council )
A n A d v e rtis in g Text
T h e fo llo w in g is th e co m p le te text fr o m a m a g a zin e advert.
FUJI TAPES
HAVE TWO
TWO MAGNETIC
LAYERS.
TO SEE WHY, READ
THIS HEADLINE
TWICE.
Y o u p tcK o d u p tho d e lib e ra te m iotnko. o l c o u r a o B u t nt th o first r e a d in g ? P r o b a b ly n o t. A v e u a l
l il c k thnt d e m o n s tr a t e s n n a tfy F u ji's \ftdno m a g lr d o u b le c o ittttjj te c h n o lo g y . J u s t n s o n o r e a d h g
w o n 't p lo K o u t a l l th o d o ta lla , s o o n la y e r o t ta p o w o n t p ic k u p a ll tho d o t o i. E n to r th o n into
y o u r c a m c o r d e r o r V C R - Fu|ie d o u b le -c o a te d ta p e T w o la y e r s ot m a g n e tic p a rt (d e n , m inrorei
th ic k , c u n n in g ly * a n d * K h o d to g e th e r to p r o d i c o a ta p * o l o x c o p t lc n n l c in n ty a n d fid e lity An
u p p e r la y e r o f u ltra -fin e p a r t ie l to o p tim ise tho v id o o s ig n a l. A n d a lo w e r la y e r ot la r g e r p a rtic le s
l o e n fv t n c e r e s p o n s e to th e a u d io s ig n a l C a m c o r d e r la p o f s u c h q u a lity lh a t F u ji's M E P o sitio n
H IB h n s ju s t p ic k e d up to p p n z c n tho m c o n t E u io p o o n Im a g in g a n d S o u n d A s s o c ia t io n n w a rd s
ile-coatmg
WHY FUDGE IT WHEN YOU CAN FUJI IT?

fro m the m o v ie m a g a z in e Empire 06, Decem ber 1994
S ty lis tic s
W h o speaks a n d w h o is addressed here? H o w is th is is a m etaling uistic a d v e rtise m e n t. Lo o k

at th e lexical choices in th e text. W h a t d o m a in s o f k n o w le d g e are be in g d r a w n u p o n here to
get th e message across? W h a t sort o f reader d o e s th e text im ply?
A L ite ra ry Text
T h e fo llo w in g is th e co m p le te p o e m b y e.e. c u m m in g s fr o m w h ic h w e to o k a n extract in 2.4.3.
U sin g y o u r fu ll repertoire o f lin g u is tic kn o w le d g e , g ive a n a c c o u n t o f th e m e a n in g , eliect a n d
relevance o f the p o e m . Y o u c o u ld a p p ly fra m e w o rk s fr o m a n y level o f lin g u istic s to discuss
th is text. D o y o u t h in k there m ig h t be a special literary- text script th at yo u c o u ld use to
u n d e r s ta n d th e p o e m ? Try to w o rk o u t h o w d iffic u lt the search for relevance is in attach in g
c oherence to m u c h o f th is text th at in an y o th e r c irc u m s ta n c e s w o u ld b e s im p ly u n g r a m m a ti
cal. A r c lite ra ry texts d iffe re n t lin g u is tic a lly fr o m oth e r text-types?
a n y o n e liv e d in a p r e tty h o w to w n
(w ith u p s o flo a tin g m a n y b e lls do w n
s p r in g s u m m e r a u tu m n w in te r
h e s a n g h is d id n 't h e d a n c e h is d id .
W o m e n a n d m e n (b o th iittle a n d sm a ll)
c a r e d f o r a n y o n e n o t a t all
t h e y s o w e d th e ir is n 't th e y r e a o e d th e n sam e
s u n m o o n s ta rs rain
c h ild r e n g u e s s e d ( b u t o n ly a f e w
a n d d o w n th e y f o r g o t a s u p th e y g r e w
a u t u m n w in t e r s p r in g s u m m e r)
th a t n o o n e lo v e d h im m o r e b y m o re
w h e n b y n o w a n d tre e b y le a f
s h e la u g h e d h is j o y s h e c r ie d h is g r ie f
b ir d b y s n o w a n d s t ir b y still
a n y o n e 's a n y w a s a ll to her
s o m e o n e s m a r r ie d th e ir e ve n /o n e s
la u g h e d th e ir c r y in g s a n d d id th e ir d a n c e
(s le e p w a k e h o p e a n d t h e n ) th e y
s a id th e ir n e v e rs th e y s le p t th e ir d re a m
s ta rs ra in s u n m o o n
(a n d o n ly th e s n o w c a n b e g rn to e x p la in
h o w c h ild r e n are a p t to f o r g e t t o re m e m b e r
w it h u p s o f lo a t in g m a n y b e lls d o w n )
o n e d a y a n y o n e d ie d i g u e s s
( a n d n o o n s s t o o p e d to k is s h is fa c e )
205
C h a p te r 7
b u s y fo lk b u r ie d ih e m s id e b y sid e
little b y little a n d w a s b y w a s
all b y all a n d d e e p b y d e e p
a n d m o re b y m o r e th e y d re a m th e ir sle e p
n o o o e a n d a n y o n e e a rth b y a p 'il
w is h b e s p ir it a n d if b y ye s
W o m e n a n d m e n (b o th d o n g a rid d in g )
s u m m e r a u t u m n w in t e r s p rin g
re a p e d th e ir s o w in g a rid w e n t th e ir c a m e
s u n m c o n s ta rs rain
(F ro m e .e c u m m m g s ( I 9 6 0 ) s e t e c le d p o e m s 1923-1958. F a b e r a n d Faber.)
Activities
A c tiv ity 7.1
A s an illu s tra tio n o t w h at w o u ld h a p p e n it these rules' were b ro k e n , co n s id e r th e fo llo w in g
(in v e n te d !) exchanges:
{ B e h in d th e s c e n e s a t t h e R o y a l C o m m a n d P e r fo r m a n c e )
Q ueen
Jh.it m s a wonderful show!
A c to r
No it w a s n 't w e w e r e awful, the songs w e r e appalling and the audience w a s rubbish
(F u rth e r a lo n g th e line
Q ueen
Do you know. I had a very uncomfortable s e a r tor the whole performance'
(F u rth e r a lo n g th e line)
A c to r:
Hello, your Majesty, th as a terrible boil you've got on your neck.
W h a t, ac c o rd in g to the pra g m a tic rules g iv e n above, ha s gone w r o n g in each o f these cases?

T ry to w rite y o u r o w n b r ie f scripts th a t each b re ak a pra g m a tic ru le . W h a t ettects are gen e r
ated b y these?
A ctiv ity 7.2.2

U nless th e y ha v e read a b o o k o n lin g uistics, for m o s t pe o ple th e features o f p ra g m a tic s a n d
c o n v e rsa tio n are b e lo w th e level o f consciousness. I low ever, to pro ve th at th ey are real a n d
strong co n v e n tio n s , tr y a n d s p e n d the rest o f th e w eek in situ a tio n s w ith oth e r pe o ple where
yo u d o n o t keep to th e rules. Try one o r m o re o f th e follow ing:
a) Answer the telephone without saying hello' or identifying yourself.
b ) Let someone else talk without m aking any backchannel noises, giving fccdback or nodding.
c) Don't use any phalic tokens when meeting someone, or reply to their phalic tokens by gently
disagreeing with them.
A c tiv it ie s
d) D o n 't ever break any o f the maxims o f conversation. In other words, m ean everything you say
literally.
e) Don't use any strategies o f negative politeness ever.
f) Use the full Title + Last N am e for everyone you meet.
g) Every tim e you have a conversation, let the other person talk for four or five sentences, and then
skip-connect back to the topic you last mentioned.
h ) Break the maxim o f relation by saying everything in a sarcastic tone o f voice.
I n th e interests o f lin g u is tic research, y o u s h o u ld be pre pare d to get in to s o m e fig h ts, b u t the
b e a u ty o f sub-conscious p ra g m a tic rules is th at y o u c a n d e n y y o u ever m e a n t a n y o ffence, a n d
th at th e oth e r pe rso n has s im p ly m isinterpreted.
A c tiv ity 7.2.3

T ry p la y in g th is gam e , fo r tw o o r m o re players, to s h o w y o u h o w g o o d yo u are at interpretatio n
a n d fin d in g coherence. T he re are three versions to test y o u r in g e n u ity a n d th e a d a p ta b ility o f
y o u r script repertoire:
The Easy Version.
Someone chooses a d om ain o f play, which should be a word or event such as On the beach. Thefootball
match. Fish, Music magazines, or anything else. Then, o n slips o f paper, everyone must write a short
sentence that is associated with the dom ain. Slips are then paired and the challenge is to make the two
sentences make sense by explaining the connection.
T h e H a r d V e r s io n .
Try the game completely at random , by not having a specific d om ain o f play. Sim ply write sentences on
slips o f paper, and attempt to find coherence between pairs.
The Stinker.
Collect slips with sentences, and com bine them in lines with any sentences that you can fin d written
dow n around the room: look random ly in books and magazines, for logos on clothes, posters, sweets
and drinks, for example. W rite out your 'found poem ' and explain it as if it were a published poem . You
arc allowed to give the poem a title.
A c tiv ity 7.3

It is fa irly easy to analyse a n e w sp a pe r re p o rt for the id e o lo g ic a l p o s itio n ( in th e p o litic a l
sense) o f the pro p rie to r o r edito r, u s in g th e features discussed in th is section. H ow ever, all
texts c o n v e y id e o lo g y i n the sense o f a set o f ideas as su m e d b y the text. Try to use the features
d iscussed above to o u tlin e th e id e o lo g ic a l as su m p tio n s carried b y no n - p o litic a l texts. W h a t
is as su m e d as b a c k g ro u n d k n o w le d g e in a co o k e ry recipe, o r a flyer for a p iz z a d elivery ser
vice. o r a spo rts s h o e advert, o r a cha rity app eal, o r a b u s ticket, o r th e rules a n d regulations
o f a n e d u c a tio n a l e sta b lish m e n t, a n d so o n ? L o o k in p a r tic u la r at th e inferences th e reader
needs to m ake.
207
C h a p te r 7
Further reading
T h e t w o f o u n d a t i o n a l c o m p r e h e n s iv e t r e a t m e n t s o f p r a g m a t ic s a r e L e e c h ( 1 9 8 3 ) a n d L e v in s o n ( 1 9 8 3 ) ; a m o r e re cent
a c c o u n t it. I l u a n g ( 2 0 0 6 ) , w h ile a n i n t r o d u c t o r y te x t i s T h o m a s < 1995) T h e o r ig in a l w o r k o n sp e e c h a c ts w a s d o n e by
A u s t i n ( 1 % 2 ) a n d S c a r lc (1 9 6 9 ), b o t h o f w h i c h arc r e a d a b le , H u a n g (2 0 0 6 ) c o n ta in s a p o o d e x p la n a t io n 'G ric e a n '
m a x im w e r e d is c u s s e d b y th e la n g u a g e p h ilo s o p h e r H P G r ic e i n 1 9 5 7 , b u t t h e y a r e m o s t ac c e s s ib le i n p r i n t i n G r ic e
(1 9 7 5 ).
C o u lt h a r d (1 9 8 5 ) is a cla s s ic i n t r o d u c t io n t o t h e a n a ly s is o f c o n v e r s a tio n , a n d S tu b b s (1 9 8 3 ) f u r t h e r s t h e d is c u s s io n a n d
p r o v id e s m a n y g o o d p r a c t ic a l e x a m p le s a n d a n aly se s o f re a l c o n v e r s a tio n s . S te n s t r m ( 1 9 9 4 ) d e v e lo p s t h e a n a ly s is o f
s p o k e n in t e r a c t io n w i t h m a n y w e ll c h o s e n e xam ples- T h e m o s t c o m p r e h e n s iv e in t r o d u c t io n t o d is c o u r s e an aly sis,
w i t h o u t lin e s o f fra m e s a n d c o h e r e n c e , is B r o w n a n d Y u le (1 9 8 3 ). T h i s is e ss e n tia l r e a d in g i n t h e a re a. S c h i f f r i n (199*1)
o u t lin e s t h e v a r io u s t h e o r e tic a l a p p r o a c h e s t o d is c o u r s e a n a ly s is , a n d C o n v e r s a t io n A n a ly s is it s e lf is g i v e n a p r a c tic a l
t r e a tm e n t i n T e n H a v e (2 0 0 7 ).
T h e cla s s ic te x t o n p o lit e n e s s is B r o w n a n d L e v in s o n s 1 19 87 ) s e m in a l w o r k R e le v a n c e t h e o r y w a s f u s t o u t li n e d i n th e
c a r e fu lly w r it t e n b o o k b y S p e rb e r a n d W il s o n (1 9 9 5 ). N a m i n g a n d t e r m s o f a d d re ss s y s te m s a r e d e t a ile d b y A d le r
(1 9 7 8 ) a n d B r a u n (1 9 8 8 ) M u c h o l t h is m a t e r ia l c o m e s u n d e r t h e h e a d i n g o f s o c io lin g u is t ic s a n d s o i t is o u t li n e d w ith
g o o d e x a m p le s b y W a r d h a u g h (2 0 0 9 ).
L ite ra c y is d is c u s s e d I n a c o lle c t io n o f essays e d it e d b y O ls o n . T o r r a n c e a n d H il d y a r d ( 1 9 8 5 ) . A la n d m a r k i n t h e s t u d y
o f o r a lit y a n d lite r a c y is O n g a n d J a c k s o n ( 1 9 8 2 ) , d e a lin g w i t h t h e p h ilo s o p h ic a l c o n s c q u c n c c s o f w r i t i n g a n d p r in t
t e c h n o lo g y O x e n h a m (1 9 8 0 ) w r ite s c le a r ly o n lite r a c y 'I h e m a t e r ia l o n d iff e r e n t o r d e r s o f k n o w le d g e , h i g h l y re lev ant
t o t h e c u r r e n t e le c tr o n ic i n f o r m a t i o n r e v o lu t io n , is f r o m P o p p e r (1 9 7 2 ). T h e m e c h a n ic s o f le a r n in g t o r e a d a n d the
c o n c e p t u a l c o n s q u e n c e s are d is c u s s e d b y S c r ib n e r a n d C o le (1 9 9 9 )
T h e t r e a tm e n t o f te x ts a s g lo b a l a r te fa c ts is t h e g r o u n d o f te x t lin g u is t ic s D e B e a u g r a n d e a n d D re s s ie r (1 9 8 1 ) is t h e
jt a n d a r d in t r o d u c t io n . L a n g u a g e a n d id e o lo g y h a s m u s t r e c e n tly b e e n s t u d ie d b y G a lt e t ( 1 9 9 1 ) a n d F a ir c lo u g h
( 2 0 0 1 , 2 0 1 0 ).
T he re a r c se v e ra l e x c e lle n t in t r o d u c t io n s a n d c o lle c t io n s o f sty listics, m o s t ly c o n c e r n e d w i t h lit e r a r y te x ts p r im a r ily .

C a r t e r a n d S to c k w e ll ( 2 I 7 > a n d C a r t e r a n d S im p s o n ( 1988) are e x c e lle n t c o lle c t io n s o f s h o r t a r tic le s b y le a d in g w r i t
e r s i n t h e f ie ld . T o o la n ( 1 9 9 0 ,1 9 9 8 ) a r c a ls o a g o o d , c le a r ly w r it t e n source.
T h e k e y t o t h e s t u d y o f la n g u a g e i n u s e is k e e n o b s e r v a t io n . T h e m o s t o id m a r y . e v e r y d a y e x c h a n g e s b e tw e e n p e o p le can
c o n t a i n t h e m o s t s o p h is tic a te d strate gies o t p r a g m a t ic s , p o w e r o r e n c o d e d id e o lo g y . A n y te x t, w h e t h e r s p o k e n o r
w r itte n , c a s u a l o r p l a n n e d , c a n b c a n a ly s e d i n th e s e te r m s . T h e f ie ld a v a ila b le f o r in v e s tig a tio n is a s la r g e a s th e r e a r c texts
to b e an a ly se d . H o w e v e r , h e r e are s o m e sug g e stio ns.
B e o n t h e lo o k o u t t o d a y f o r s h o r t e x c h a n g e s b e tw e e n p e o p le , i n o r d i n a r y s it u a tio n s . T r y t o n o t e d o w n as m a n y as y o u
c a n W h e n y o u h a v e e x a m in e d a l l o f t h e m , t r y t o a c c o u n t f o r a n y u tte r a n c e s t h a t w e re c it h e r n o t i n t e n d e d o r n o t
a c c e p te d lite ra lly . I n p a r t ic u la r , lo o k o u t fo r e x c h a n g e s t h a t w e re u n s u c c e s s fu l. T r y t o u s e p r a g m a t ic t h e o r y t o e x p la in
w h a t vent w r o n g .
2.
T a k e a lo n g e r e x c h a n g e a n d r e c o i d I t o r w i i t e i i d o w n f i o m m e m o f y as a c c u r a te ly a s y o u c a n . B i e a k i t d o w n i n t o s in g le
u tte r a n c e s a n d d e t a il s te p b y ste p w h a t b a c k g r o u n d k n o w le d g e is n e c e ssa ry t o m a k e vense o f t h e e x c h a n g e . Y o u m ig h t
c o lle c t t h is d a ta f r o m a s c r ip tc d d i a lo g u e i n f il m o r te le v isio n
i.
R e c o r d a d e b a te , a i g u m e n t o r h e a te d c o n v e r s a tio n , e ith e r f r o m a p o lit ic a l p r o g r a m m e o n te le v is io n
01
r a d io , or
b e tw e e n p e o p le y o u k n o w A n a ly s e t h e s tra te g ie s a d o p t e d b y e a c h s p e a k e r t o k e e p a t u r n a n d w i n p o in t s
4.
C o lle c t e x a m p le s o t c h i ld r e n s w r i t i n g f r o m ages 7 u p w a r d s
N o t ic e fe a tu r e s w h i c h h a v e d e v e lo p e d a n d h o w th e
v o c a b u la r y a n d s y n ta c tic f o r m c h a n g e o v e r t h e years. C o n s id e r a ls o t h e w r ite r s a w a re n e s s o f g lo b a l le v e ls o f

o r g a n iz a t io n s u c h as g e n r e a n d f o r m a lit y C o m p a r e t h is e a r ly te x t p r o d u c t i o n w i t h a n a d u l t te x t as p r o d u c e d
b y y ou rself.
5.
In v e s tig a te h o w t h e id e o lo g y o f a n o n - p o lit ic a l te x t is c o n s t r u c t e d
C o n s id e r s u c h te x ts a s p e r s o n a l letters, tr a in
tim e ta b le s , r o a d s ig n s . sw eet w r a p p e r s , s h o p sig n s, a d v e r tis in g h o a r d in g s . C D sleeve no te s, t o ile t g r a f fit i, r a d io (in g le s,

a n d s o o n . T h i n k a b o u t a u t h o r s h ip a n d t a r g e t a u d ie n c e , lic t io n a lit y a n d reality, t h e sp e c c h a c t s in v o lv e d , p o in t o f v ie w
a n d m o d a lity .
Glossary
accen t: characteristic p r o n u n c ia tio n o f a g eo g raph ical are a o r a social g r o u p { 1 . 2 .2 ,
2 . 1. 8 , 6 . 2 )
a c ro n y m : a w o rd fo rm e d fr o m th e in itia l letters o f a phrase, so m e tim e s spelt o u t letter by
letter (a ls o c a lled a n in itia lis m , e.g. B B C ), s o m e tim e s p r o n o u n c e d as a w o rd (e.g. N A T O )
(4.5.2)
a d ja c e n c y p a ir : a p a ir o f utterances in a d ia lo g u e th a t fo r m a pre d ic ta b le sequence, e.g.
greeting-greeting, question-answ er, c o m p la in t- a p o lo g v (3.4.2)
a d je c tiv a l clause: a clause th a t fu n c tio n s like an adjective to m o d if y a n o u n , e.g. a relative
clause (2.3.5)
a d jc c tiv c : a class o f w o rd s used to m o d if y n o u n s , e.g. tall, round , pretty (2.2.2)
a d v e rb : a class o l w o rd s used to specify th e c irc u m s ta n c e s o f a n ac tio n o r event, e.g. th e m a n
ner (slowly), th e tim e (soo n ), th e place (here); it also in c lu d e s c o n ju n c tiv e adverbs ( however)
a n d ad v erb particles (u p , o u t) ( 2 . 2 .2 )
a d v e r b ia l: a type o f e le m e n t in sentence structure , referring to th e c irc u m s ta n ce s o f th e s e n
tence, ofte n expressed b y a n ad verb , pre p o sitio n a l ph ra s e o r ad verb ial clause (2.3.4)
a d v e r b ia l c lause: a clause, o fte n in tro d u c e d b y a s u b o r d in a tin g c o n ju n c tio n (if, because,
a lth o u g h ) th a t fu n c tio n s as an ad verb ial in sentence structure (2.3.5)
a ffix : a part o f a w o rd th at is a d d e d to a ro o t, e ith e r i n fro n t (prefix) o r b e h in d (suffix)
(2.2.3)
a llo p h o n e : a va ria n t p r o n u n c ia tio n o f a p h o n e m e , e.g. th e 'clear' |1] o f lip a n d th e 'd a rk ' (+] o f
p i l l (2.1.4)
A n g lo - S a x o n : the g ro u p o f dialects sp o k e n b y th e fifth - c e n tu ry invaders o f E n g la n d , w h ic h
d ev e lo pe d in t o the E n g lis h la n g u ag e (4.1.4)
a n to n y m : a w o rd th at is o p p o s ite in m e a n in g to a n o th e r w o rd , e.g. d a rk a n d lig ht (2.2.6)
G lo s s a ry
a p p r o x im a t if: a ty pe o f c o n s o n a n t th a t is artic ula te d w ith o u t restriction to th e airflow , / w r j/

in E n g lis h <2.1.2)
article : a subclass o f th e d e te r m in e r w o r d class, in c lu d in g th e d e fin ite article 'th e' a n d the
in d e fin ite article a (2.2.2)
a r t ic u la t io n , m a n n e r o f: th e w ay in w h ic h th e a ir flo w is m o d ifie d in the p r o n u n c ia tio n o f a
c o n s o n a n t, e.g. sto p/plosive, fricative ( 2 . 1 . 2 )
a r t ic u la tio n , p la c e of: th e articulato rs in the m o u t h in v o lv e d i n th e p r o n u n c ia tio n o f a
co n s o n an t, e.g. bila b ia l, ve la r (2.1.2)
a s p ir a tio n : th e p u f f o f air th at a c c o m p a n ie s th e a rtic u la tio n o f voiceless stops in E nglish,
especially w h e n th ey o c c u r in itia lly in a w o rd , e.g. p o t |pho t). can |khan| (2.1.4)
a s s im ila tio n : th e alte ratio n in the a rtic u la tio n o f a s o u n d in th e d ire c tio n o f a n e ig h b o u rin g ,
usua lly fo llo w in g , s o u n d , e.g. f u n pa rk - / pa :k / (2.1.4)
a u x ilia r y v e rb : a s m a ll set o f verbs, in c lu d in g the m o d a l verbs, be. have a n d d o , w h ic h
a c c o m p a n y lexical verbs a n d in d ic a te m o d a lity , progressive a n d pc rfcc t aspects, a n d passive
voice (2.3.3)
b a b b lin g p e r io d : th e tim e , fr o m a r o u n d three m o n th s o ld , w h e n babies seem to b e tr y in g out
th e a rtic u la tio n o l speech s o u n d s (5.1.1)
b a c k fo r m a tio n : th e de riv a tio n o f a n e w w o r d b v re m o v in g a supp ose d affix fro m a n existing
one. as e d it fr o m editor, b abysit f r o m babysitter (4.5.2)
b ilin g u a l: b e in g able to speak tw o languag es w ith reasonable flue n cy; a n in fa n t b ilin g u a l
acquires tw o languages fr o m b irth ; a c h ild b ilin g u a l beg in s a c q u ir in g th e seco n d la n g u ag e a
little later in c h ild h o o d (5.7)
b le n d in g : a w o rd - fo rm a tio n process in w h ic h a w o r d is created fr o m th e b le n d in g together
o f tw o e x is itn g w ords, u s u a lly ta k in g th e start o f o ne a n d the e n d o f th e o the r, e.g. m o te l fro m
m o to r a n d hotel (4.5.2)
case: a g ra m m a tic a l category th at a pp lie s to n o u n s a n d p r o n o u n s a n d th a t signals the
syntactic fu n c tio n (as subject, o bject, possessor) o f th e n o u n /p r o n o u n ; cases in E nglish
n o u n s are: g en itive a n d c o m m o n ; in p r o n o u n s : subjecive, objective, g en itive (2.2.2 , 4.2.1)
C e ltic : th e g ro u p o f languages sp o k e n in th e B ritish Isles before
ad
400, o f w h ic h W e lsh a n d
G a e lic are survivo rs (4.1.2)

class s tr a tific a tio n : the d iv is io n o f society in to a hie rarch y o f classes (u s u a lly fr o m the
R egistrar G e n e ra ls classification) fo r the p u rp o s e o f so c io lin g u is tic in ve stigatio n (6.2.4)
G lo s s a ry
c la ssica l c o m p o u n d : a w o rd fo rm e d fr o m tw o e lem ents (calle d c o m b in in g fo rm s) th at

were roots in L a tin o r G reek, c o m b in e d to m a k e a m o d e r n E n g lis h w o rd , e.g. bibliography,
x en o ph ob ia (2.2.4)
clause: a syntactic u n it h a v in g th e essential structure o f a sentence b u t e m b e d d e d in
(fu n c tio n in g as part o f ) a sentence o r sentence ele m e n t (2.3.5)
co de - sw itchin g: the use o f w o rd s o r phrases fro m m o re th a n o ne la n g u ag e in y o u r speech
(6.4.1)
c o d ific a tio n : w h e n a la n g u ag e is w ritte n d o w n , s ta n d a rd ize d a n d recorded i n language
de s c rip tio n s, i.e. gra m m a rs a n d d ic tio n a rie s (6.3.3)
c o g n a te : co gn ate w o rd s are w o rd s i n d iffe re n t languag es th a t a rc related b y h a v in g a c o m m o n
o r ig in (4.1)
cohe re n ce : te x tua lity achieved th r o u g h th e co nten t o f w h at is said o r w ritte n so th at the
w h o le discourse o r text m akes sense (3.6.1 , 7.2.3)
c o h e s io n : th e g ra m m a tic a l a n d lexical devices th a t serve to m a k e a text h o ld together, e.g.
p r o n o u n s , c o n ju n c tiv e adverbs, lexical re p e titio n (3.6.3 ,7.2.3 )
c o llo c a tio n : a lexical feature re la tin g to th e m u tu a l a ttra c tio n o f w ords; i f tw o w o rd s are
collocates, th e n th e re is a greater th a n ch a n c e lik e lih o o d o f th e m b o th o c c u rrin g , e.g. dark
a n d n ig h t (2.2.7)
c o m b in in g fo r m : a n ele m e n t in a classical c o m p o u n d , eith e r as in itia l c o m b in in g fo r m (e.g.
astro-, biblio-, x e n o -) o r as fin a l c o m b in in g fo rm (e.g. -cide, -n a u t. -graph y) (2.2.4)
c o m p a r a tiv e : a fo r m o f a n adjective, in d ic a te d b y the -er s u ffix ( taller) o r b y the ad verb m ore
(m o re surprising), us e d for m a k in g c o m p a ris o n s b etw een th in g s (2.2.2)
c o m p le m e n t: a n ele m e n t o f sentence structure , u s u a lly a n adjective o r a n o u n phrase, w h ic h
describes a s u b je c t ( in S V C structure s), ty p ic ally afte r the v e rb be, o r a n obje ct ( in S V O C
structure s), ty p ic a lly after verbs such as consider, regard (2.3.1 )
c o m p o u n d : a w o rd m a d e u p o f th e c o m b in a tio n o f tw o in d e p e n d e n t w o rd s , e.g. rainfall,
see-through (2 .2 .4 ,4 .5 .2 )
c o n ju n c t io n : a class o f w o rd s us e d for jo in in g sentences/clauses; c o o r d in a tin g co n ju n c tio n s
{and, but, or) p ro v id e c o o r d in a tio n ; s u b o r d in a tin g c o n ju n c tio n s (e.g. because, i f when,
a lth o u g h ) j o in su b o rd in a te (e m b e d d e d ) ad v e rb ia l clauses to a sentence ( 2 . 2 .2 )
c o n s o n a n t: a speech s o u n d a rtic u la te d w ith s o m e restriction to th e a ir flo w th ro u g h the
m o u th , o c c u rr in g at th e pe rip h e ry o t syllables; n o t a vo w e l ( 2 . 1.2)
214
G lo s s a ry
c o n v e r s a tio n an aly sis: a p a rtic u la r a p p ro a c h to the analy sis a n d d e s c rip tio n o f o rd in a r y

c o n v e rsa tio n (7.2.2)
c o n v e r s a tio n a l m a x im : see m a x im
c o o r d in a tio n : th e jo in in g together o f sentences, ph rase s o r w o rd s b y m e a n s o f a n d , but, or
(2.3.5)
c o rp u s : a co lle c tio n o f texts/discourses, p r o v id in g the ra w d a ta o f lin g u is tic analysis- usua lly
h e ld o n a c o m p u te r ( 1.4.3)
co v e rt p re stig e : e m p h a s iz in g lo w status features o f speech in o rd e r to e m ph a size solidarity
(6.2.5)
crcole: w h e n a p id g in d e ve lo ps in to a fu lly fu n c tio n a l lan g u ag e a n d beco m e s th e n ative
language o f a c o m m u n it y (6.3.3)
d e c le n s io n : the in fle c tio n a l fo rm s o f a n o u n , s h o w in g g ender, case a n d n u m b e r (4.2.1)
d e m o n s tr a tiv e : a subclass o f de te rm in e rs a n d p r o n o u n s , c o m p r is in g the w o rd s this/these,
th ai/tho se (2.2.2)
d e r iv a tio n : th e creation o f n e w w o rd s b y m e a n s o f prefixes a n d suffixes, e.g.
re-try, entertain
ment (2.2.3)
d e te r m in e r : a class o f w o rd s th at a c c o m p a n y n o u n s in n o u n phrases, in c lu d in g id e n tifie rs
a n d q u a n tifie rs ( 2 . 2 . 2 )
d ia le c t: the re g io n a l a n d social va ria tio n s o f a language, especially i n respect o f g ra m m a r a n d
v o c a b u la ry ( 1 .2 . 2 , 6 . 2 )
d ig r a p h : tw o letters in w ritin g , used to represent a sin g le so u n d , e.g. ea in
lead /li:d / o r /le d /
(2.1.5)
d ip h th o n g : a type o f vo w e l s o u n d
th a t involves m o v e m e n t to w ards H I, l a l o r / u/
( 2 . 1 . 1)
d is c o u rs e : a sequence o f s p o k e n utterances m a k in g u p a co he re nt d ia lo g u e o r m o n o lo g u e
(1.1.2, 1.3.4, 3.1)
e lic ita tio n : th e use o f an e x p e rim e n t o r qu e s tio n n a ire to o b ta in in fo r m a tio n a b o u t la n g u ag e
use fr o m a sa m p le o f subjects ( 1.4.2, 5.6)
e lis io n : th e o m is s io n o f a s o u n d in c o n n e c te d speech, e.g. IV w h e n preceded a n d fo llo w e d by
a c o n s o n a n t, as in las(t)n igh t (2.1.4)
e llip s is : a device o f c o h e s io n in discourse i n w h ic h ite m s are o m itte d , e.g. fr o m replies to
qu estion s, so th at a s tru c tu ra l g a p appears, w h ic h can b e filled b y re fe rrin g b a c k in the
discourse (3.6.3)
G lo s s a ry
e n ta ilm e n t: a p r o p o s itio n th at lo g ic a lly fo llo w s o n fro m a n utte ra n c e (7.1.2)

E S P : E n g lis h for S pecial P urposes, e.g. E n g lis h fo r E ngineers o r E n g lis h for A cad em ic
P urposes (6.3.2).
face: the sense a speaker has o f th e ir o w n lin g u is tic id e n tity a n d role, w h ic h can be threatened
b y a n o th e r speaker i n a.face-threatening a c t (7.1.3)
fie ld : th e subject m a tte r o f a text o r discourse, e v id e n c e d m a in ly th r o u g h th e c h o ic e o f v o c a b
ula ry (3.2.1)
fin ite /n o n - fin itc : fo rm s o f verbs (a n d clauses c o n ta in in g th e m ); no n - fin ite fo rm s in c lu d e the
in fin itiv e a n d present a n d p a st participles; fin ite fo rm s are m a rk e d fo r tense (present/past)
a n d in c lu d e th e tw o present tense fo r m s a n d th e past tense fo r m (2.2.2)
flo o r - h o ld in g : th e a tte m p ts b y a speaker in a d ia lo g u e to c o n tin u e s p e a k in g rathe r th a n
re lin q u is h th e flo o r to a n o th e r p a rtic ip a n t (3.4.1)
fo r m a lity : a scale fro m in lo r m a l o r c o llo q u ia l to lo rm a l, d e s c rib in g th e stylistic level o l
la n g u ag e use app ro priate to diffe ren t situ a tio n a l contexts (1.2.3)
fra m e : a m e n ta l c o n s tru c t o f a ty pical real-life scenario, w h ic h a hearer can use i n the
in te rp re ta tio n o f utterances (7.2.3)
fric a tiv e : a ty pe o f c o n s o n a n t s o u n d , m a d e b y a na rro w co n s tric tio n in th e m o u t h th ro u g h
w h ic h th e a ir c a n pass, a n d ca u s in g fric tio n as it d o c s so (2 . 1 .2)
fr o n tin g : th e p r o m o tio n o f a sentence e le m e n t to th e in itia l p o s itio n for th e pu rp o se s o f
in fo r m a tio n s tr u c tu r in g in texts; c o m p a re 'p o s tp o n e m e n t' (2.3.7)
g e n d e r: a g ra m m a tic a l category a p p ly in g o n ly to 3rd pe rso n sin g u la r p r o n o u n s a n d s ig n a l
lin g the d is tin c tio n betw een m a s c u lin e , fe m in in e a n d ne ute r ( 2 . 2 .2 )
g e n itiv e : a ty pe o f case, ty p ic ally s ig n a llin g possession, m a rk e d in n o u n s b y s ( 2 . 2 .2 )
G r e a t V o w el S h ift: a sig n ific a n t a n d system atic chang e in th e p r o n u n c ia tio n o f E n g lis h th at
o c c u rre d d u r in g th e Renaissance (4.4.1)
h o m o g r a p h : tw o w o rd s th at are spelt th e sam e, even th o u g h p r o n o u n c e d differently, are
h o m o g ra p h s , e.g. w in d (air m o v e m e n t) a n d w in d ( t u r n a h a n d le ) (2.2.1)
h o m o n y m : tw o w o rd s th a t are spelt a n d p r o n o u n c e d th e sam e, b u t have a d iffe re n t e ty m o
logy, arc h o m o n y m s , e.g. skate (o n ice) a n d skate (fis h ) ( 2 .2 . 1 )
h o m o p h o n e : tw o w o rd s th at are p r o n o u n c e d the sam e b u t spelt d iffe ren tly are h o m o p h o n e s ,
e.g. scent a n d sent ( 2 . 2 . 1 )
h y p e rc o rre c tio n : th e te n d e n c y t o exaggerate w h a t are perceived to b e the correct fo rm s o f
speech in ord e r to s o u n d correct o r po s h (4.4.1 , 6.2.5)
G lo s s a ry
h y p o n y m y : a s e m a n tic relation b etw een w o rd s , i n w h ic h the m e a n in g o f th e h y p o n y m is

in c lu d e d in th e m e a n in g o f th e sup e ro rd in a te w o rd , e.g. knife, fo rk , spo on are h y p o n y m s o f
cutlery (2.2.6)
id e n tifie r : a subclass o f d e te rm in e rs, in c lu d in g the articles, possessive id e n tifie rs (m y, etc.)
a n d de m o n s tra tiv e id e n tifie rs (this, etc.) ( 2 . 2 . 2 )
id io le c t: th e characteristic speech o f an in d iv id u a l p e rs o n , in c lu d in g th e ir idiosyncratic
features o f p r o n u n c ia tio n , g r a m m a r a n d v o c a b u la ry (1.2, 2.4 .1,6.2 .2 )
id io m : a fixed expression in w h ic h th e m e a n in g o f the s u m is o th e r th a n th e m e a n in g o f the
parts, e.g. p u ll someone's leg, a sto rm in u teacup (2.2.7)
illo c u t io n : the aspect o f a spccch-act th a t relates to th e p u rp o s e o r th e fu n c tio n o l th e act
(7.1.1)
im p lic a tu r e : w h at a hearer infers fr o m an utterance (7.1.1)
in fe ren ce : in te rp re ta tio n derived Ir o m a n utterance b y the a p p lic a tio n o l c u ltu ra l a n d contex
tu a l k n o w le d g e a b o u t the w o rld (7.1.2)
in fin it iv e : a n o n - fin ite fo r m o f a verb, ty p ic a lly m a rk e d b y to, e.g. fo s w im ; a bare in fin itiv e
o m its th e to ( 2 .2 . 2 )
in fle c tio n : a su ffix a d d e d to a n o u n , verb o r adjective to s ig n a l a g ra m m a tic a l category, such
as p lu ra l, pa st tense, co m p a ra tiv e (1.3.2, 2.2 .3,4.2 .1 )
in te r a c tio n a l: a ty pe o f sp o k e n discourse in w h ic h th e focus is n o t o n th e co nten t o f w h at
is said, b u t rathe r o n th e social relation ships b etw een the p a rticip an ts, cf. transactional
(1.2.4, 3.3)
in te rro g a tiv e : a w o rd th at is used for a s k in g a qu e s tio n , e.g. w hy? w h o ? where?, o r a ty pe o f
sentence ty p ic a lly used lo r a s k in g a q u e s tio n or m a k in g a request (2.2.2)
in t o n a t io n : v a ria tio n s i n p itc h a n d r h y th m th at a c c o m p a n y speech a n d c o n v e y a speakers
attitu de , as w e ll as s tr u c tu r in g a d isc o u rse ( 1.1.1,2.1.6)
in tra n s itiv e : a ty pe o f v e rb th at is n o t follow ed b y a n o b je c t in sen ten ce structure; also used
o f s u c h a sentence; c o m p a re 'transitive (2.3.1)
k e n n in g : a n o u n c o m p o u n d fo rm e d in O l d K n g lish (4.2.3)
la n g u a g e a c q u is itio n : th e sp o n ta n e o u s d e v e lo p m e n t o f lan g u ag e in a c h ild fr o m b ir th , in
contrast lo th e le a r n in g o f a seco n d o r sub se qu en t la n g u ag e later in life (5.1)
late ral: a type o f c o n s o n a n t s o u n d , m a d e w ith a co m p le te restriction in th e m o u th , b u t w ith
th e a ir e scap in g over th e sides o t th e to n g u e , so laterally; in E n g lis h , /!/ ( 2 . 1 .2 )
G lo s s a ry
le x e m e : a w o r d view ed a s a d ic tio n a r y e n try , a s a u n it o f g ra m m a r a n d m e a n in g ( 2 .2 . 1 )

le x ic olo gy : th e s tu d y o f w ords, th e ir fo rm a tio n , m e a n in g , structure a n d use (1.3.2)
lin g u a fr a n c a : a la n g u ag e u s e d for c o m m u n ic a tio n b etw een speakers w h o d o n o t share a
c o m m o n la n g u ag e (6.3)
lin g u is t ic v a ria b le : a feature o f la n gu ag e , o fte n a s o u n d , c ho sen to
investigate the
re la tio n sh ip betw een la n g u ag e a n d social factors (6.2.2)

m a x im : a c o n v e n tio n o f s p o k e n discourse relatin g to th e quality, qu a n tity , m a n n e r a n d
relcvancc o f w h a t is said (7.1.1).
m e d iu m o f la n g u a g e : th e m e a n s b y w h ic h la n g u ag e is expressed, e ith e r specch o r w ritin g
11 1
( . . )
m e ta lin g u is tic : a b o u t la n g u ag e - m e ta lin g u is tic state m e nts are d e s c rip tio n s o f language,
m e ta lin g u is tic k n o w le d g e is k n o w le d g e a b o u t la n g u ag e ( 1 .2 . 1 , 6 .2 .2 )
M id d le E n g lis h : th e E n g lis h lan g u ag e d u r in g the p e r io d fr o m th e N o r m a n co nq ue st (1066)
th ro u g h to a r o u n d 1500 (4.3)
m o d a l a u x ilia r y v e rb : a subclass o f a u x ilia ry verbs, in c lu d in g m a y /m ig h t, can/could, shall/
should, w ill/w o uld , m ust, used to sig n a l po ssib ility , certainty, pe rm is s io n , o b lig a tio n , ability,
etc. (2.3.3, 7.3.3)
m o d e : th e features o f a d isc o u rse o r text re fle c tin g its tran sm issio n ; fu n d a m e n ta lly the
d is tin c tio n betw een speech a n d w r itin g (3.2.3)
m o n o s y lla b ic : a w o rd h a v in g a sin g le syllable, e.g. bring, p lin th , straight (2.1.3)
m o r p h e m e : a m e a n in g fu l p a r t o f a w o rd ; in c lu d in g roots a n d affixes (prefix, s uffix ) (2.2.3)
m o r p h o lo g y : the stu d y o f th e fo rm s o f w o rd s , in c lu d in g in fle c tio n s, d e riv a tio n s a n d
c o m p o u n d s (1.3.2)
m o th ere se : see paren tese
m u l t il i n g u a l i s m :
w h e re
an
in d iv id u a l
or
c o m m u n it y
speak
m ore
th a n
o ne
la n g u a g e (6 .4 )
m u l t im o d a l texts: texts th a t in c lu d e a c o m b in a tio n o f w r itin g a n d im a g e (still o r m o v in g ) in
o rd e r to convey th e ir message (3.5)
n a sa l: a ty pe o f c o n s o n a n t s o u n d , fo rm e d b y a co m p le te co n s tric tio n in th e m o u th , b u t w ith
a ir a llo w e d to escape th r o u g h the nose ( 2 . 1 . 2 )
n e o lo g is m : a n e w ly c o in e d w o rd (4.5.2)
G lo s s a ry
n o m in a l clause: a clause th a t fu n c tio n s in place o f a n o u n phrase, e.g. as subject, obje ct or

c o m p le m e n t o f a sentence <2.3.5)
n o u n : the largest class o f w ords, refe rring to 'th in g s' a n d ty p ic a lly h a v in g p lu ra l a n d genitive
in fle c tio n s (2.2.2)
n o u n ph rase : a g ro u p o f w o rd s co nsistin g o f a n o u n as he ad , w ith a c c o m p a n y in g m o difiers,
s u c h as de te rm in e rs, adjectives, pre p o sitio n a l ph rase s (2.3.2)
n u m b e r: a gra m m a tica l category associated w ith n o u n s a n d p ro n o u n s , h a v in g the term s sin g u
lar (referring to one pe rso n /th in g ) a n d plu ral (referring to m o re th a n one pe rso n /th in g ) ( 2 .2 . 2 )
n u m e r a l: a subclass o f q u a n tifie rs , in c lu d in g the c a rd in a l n u m e ra ls (one, two. three, etc.) a n d
the o r d in a l n u m e ra ls (first, second, th ird , etc.) (2.2.2)
ob je c t: a n ele m e n t o f sentence structure, u s u a lly a n o u n phrase o r n o m in a l clause, o c c u rr in g
w ith a transitive v e rb a n d representing th e th in g affected b y th e a c tio n o f the v e rb (2.3.1)
O l d E n g lis h : th e E n g lis h lan g u ag e d u r in g th e p e r io d fr o m th e A nglo- Saxon in va sion s (Iro m
ad
410) to th e N o r m a n c o n q u e st (10 66) (4.2)
parentese: (fo rm e rly m o therese) the fo r m o f la n g u ag e th a t parents use w h e n ta lk in g to babies

a n d ve ry y o u n g c h ild r e n (5.4)
p a r t o f speech: see w o r d class
p a r tic ip le : o ne o f tw o n o n - fin ite fo rm s o f a verb, e ith e r present participle , w ith -ing su ffix
(e.g. la u g h in g ), o r p a st particip le , u s u a lly w ith -ed su ffix (e.g. la ug h e d ) (2.2.2)
p a r tic le : a subclass o f adverbs, e.g. lip , off, ou t, used to fo rm ph rasal verbs, e.g. g ive up, take
off,; tu r n o u t (2.2.2)
passive voice: th e c o un te rp art to active voice, where a n active sentence is rearranged b y m a k in g
the verb passive (w ith be + past participle), b rin g in g the object o f the active sentence to subject
p o s itio n in th e passive sentence, a n d o p tio n a lly p u ttin g the subject o f th e active sentence in to a
by-phrase in th e passive; e.g. active T h e ju d g e sentenced th e priso n er to life im p r is o n m e n t passive T h e p riso n er w as sentenced to life im p r is o n m e n t (b y th e ju d g e ) (2.3.3)
pe rfe c t aspect: in th e v e rb phrase, fo rm e d w ith have + past pa rtic ip le (e.g. they have arrived),
used to express h a p p e n in g s im m e d ia te ly p r io r to the present m o m e n t (present perfect) o r a
p a st m o m e n t (past perfect) (2.3.3)
p e r fo r m a tiv e : a type o f illo c u tio n a r y act th at p e rfo rm s a n a c tio n , such as n a m in g a s h ip or
b a p tiz in g a b a b y (7.1.1 )
pe rso n : a g ra m m a tic a l category associated w ith p r o n o u n s , h a v in g th e te rm s first person
(re fe rrin g to th e speaker/w riter), s eco n d pe rso n (re fe rrin g to the addressee), t h ir d person
(re fe rrin g to pe o ple o r th in g s talke d a b o u t) ( 2 .2 . 2 )
G lo s s a ry
p h a tic u tte ra n c e : a c o n tr ib u tio n to in te ra c tio n w h o s e m a in p u rp o s e is to establish a n d

m a in ta in social re la tio n s h ip s rathe r th a n co n v e y in fo r m a tio n (7.1.3)
p h o n e m e : a speech s o u n d , w h ic h w h e n s u b stitute d fo r a n o th e r p h o n e m e , alters th e w ord,
e.g. / s i t / - / s i l / - / m il/ (2.1.4)
p h o n e tic s : th e stu d y o f specch so u n d s , th e ir artic u la tio n , acoustics a n d a u d ito r y pe rce p tio n
(1.3.1)
p h o n o lo g y : th e stu d y o f speech s o u n d s w ith reference to a p a rtic u la r lan gu ag e , e.g. E nglish
(1-3.1)
p h ra s a l verb: a v e rb co nsistin g o f a v e rb w o rd a n d a n ad verb particle , e.g. give up. m a k e out.
take o f f (2.2.2)
p h ra s e : a g ro u p o f w o rd s th a t fo r m a u n it in th e structure o f sentences, clauses o r other
phrases, usua lly w ith a he a d w o rd a n d a c c o m p a n y in g m o d ify in g w ords, e.g. n o u n phrase,
v e rb phrase (2.3.2)
p id g in : a restricted la n g u ag e th at develops in language co n ta c t situa tio n s, usua lly b a se d o n a
c o lo n ia l la n g u ag e (E n g lis h , French, P ortuguese) (6.3.3)
p lo s iv e : see sto p
p lu r a l: a te rm i n th e g ra m m a tic a l category o f n u m b e r, c o u n te rp a rt to sin g ula r, s ig n a llin g
m o r e th a n one', especially o l n o u n s , u s u a lly m a rk e d w ith th e su ffix -(e)s (2.2.2)
p o in t o f view : the perspective fr o m w h ic h a narrative m a y b e to ld , w h ic h m a y be th a t o f the
a uth o r, a narrato r o r a character in th e story (7.3.4)
p o lite n e s s th e o ry : investigates th e n o r m s o f in te ra c tio n a n d th e lin g u is tic features associated
w ith b e in g cooperative (7.1.3)
p o ly s y lla b ic : in reference to the p h o n o lo g ic a l structure o f a w o rd , h a v in g m o r e th a n o ne
syllable, e.g. p a c k e t /pa-kit/ (2.1.3)
possessive: relatin g to possession, m a rk e d b y the g en itive case i n n o u n s a n d p ro n o u n s
(
2 .2 . 2 )
p o s tp o n e m e n t : th e d elayin g o f a n e le m e n t o f sentence structure to fin a l p o s itio n in the

interests o f in fo r m a tio n structure in a text; c o m p a re fr o n tin g (2.3.7)
p ra g m a tic s : th e s tu d y o fla n g u a g e in use (1 .3 .8 ,7 .1 )
p re fix : a b o u n d m o r p h e m e th at is attached to th e fro n t o f a ro o t, used to derive n e w words,
e.g. re-apply, anti-nuclear (1.3.2 ,2.2.3 )
p r e p o s itio n : a s m a ll class o f w ords, in c lu d in g along, fr o m , in , of, o n , used for jo in in g n o u n s
phrases to oth e r elem ents o f sentence structure ( 2 .2 . 2 )
G lo s s a ry
p r e s u p p o s itio n : a p r o p o s itio n th a t is ta k e n for g ra n te d in w h a t is said (7.1.2)

progressive aspect: in th e verb phrase fo rm e d w ith bc + present pa rticip le , used to express an
a c tion /eve n t th a t is in progress o r o f lim ite d d u r a tio n (2.3.3)
p r o n o u n : a class o f w o rd s th a t fu n c tio n in pla ce o f n o u n s , in c lu d in g th e pe rso n al p ro n o u n s
(/, you, he, she, etc.) (2.2.2)
p s y c h o lin g u is tic s : th e s tu d y o f la n g u ag e in th e in d iv id u a l, in c lu d in g h o w w e acquire
la n g u a g e , th e relation b etw een lan g u ag e a n d p e rso n al id e n tity , a n d lan g u ag e a n d m in d
(1.3.6, C h a p te r 5)
p u n c t u a tio n : th e system o f m a rk s i n w r itin g used to in d icate th e structure o f sentences,
in c lu d in g c o m m a , sem i- colon, lull-stop, q u e s tio n m a r k (1 .1 .1 ,2 .1 .7 )
q u a n t ifie r : a subclass o f d e te rm in e rs, in c lu d in g th e n u m e ra ls a n d in d e fin ite qu a ntifiers such
as m a n y , few, several, etc. (2.2.2)
R e ceiv e d P r o n u n c ia tio n : a prestige accent fo r s p e a k in g B ritish E n g lis h w h ic h is not
re g io n a lly based (6.2.1 )
reference: th e s e m a n tic relation betw een a w o rd a n d th e e n tity it relates to in the w o rld o f our
experience (2.2.3)
reflexive: a ty pe o f p r o n o u n , in c lu d in g myself, yo urse lf themselves, used for e m p h a sis (She d id
it herself) or lo r scll-rcfcrcncc (She ha s c u t herself) (2.2.2)
register: a va rie ty o f a la n g u ag e describ ed ac c o rd in g to w h o is u s in g it a n d the uses to w h ic h
it is b e in g p u t (3.1, 3.2)
relative: used o f relative p r o n o u n s (e.g. w ho, which, whose), w h ic h in tro d u c e relative clauses,
w h ic h fu n c tio n as p o s tm o d ifie rs in n o u n phrases ( 2 .2 . 2 )
re le v a n ce th e o ry : a vie w o f la n g u ag e pro ce ssin g th a t co n sid e rs the p rin c ip le o f relevance to
the c ru c ia l in h o w hearers in terpret utte rances (7.1.2)
re s tr ic te d /e la b o ra te d codes: te rm s used b y th e sociolo gist Basil B e rn s te in to characterize
th e perceived differences in th e speech o f w orking-class a n d m iddle-class ch ild re n (6.5)
ro o t: in m o rp h o lo g y , th e p a r t o l a w o r d w h e n all affixes have been rem ove d , u s u a lly itsclt an
in d e p e n d e n t w o r d in E n g lis h , e.g. state in re-state-ment-s (2.2.3)
s c rip t: a n expected sequence o f events associated w ith a p a rtic u la r fr a m e (7.2.3)
se m a n tic s : th e s tu d y o l m e a n in g in a ll its aspects, e specially in relation to w o rd s a n d
sentences (1.3.5, 2.2.5)
sense r e la tio n : relations o f m e a n in g b etw een lexem es, such as syno ny m y, an to n ym y ,
h y p o n y m y ( 2 .2 . 6 )
G lo s s a ry
sentence: a syntactic structure , c o n s istin g m in im a lly o f a Subject a n d a V erb, b u t also

p o s sib ly c o n ta in in g a C o m p le m e n t, O b jc cts a n d A d vc rb ia ls (1.1.2, 2.3 ,2 .3 .6 )
s o c io lin g u is tic s : th e stu d y o fla n g u a g e in re la tio n to society, e specially o i th e ways in w h ic h
la n g u ag e varies ac c o rd in g to s o c ia l factors ( 1.3.7, 6.1 )
speech-act th e o ry : a n a p p ro a c h to la n gu ag e , in itia te d b y th e p h ilo s o p h e r J. L. A u s tin , w h ic h
sees la n g u ag e as d o in g n o t ju s t saying (7.1.1)
s ta n d a r d iz a tio n : a process t o render a lan g u ag e m o re u n if o r m a n d to set a prescriptive
sta n d a rd to b e fo llow e d , especially in w r itin g (4.4.2)
s to p (c o n s o n a n t): also ca lled 'plosive', a c o n s o n a n t articulate d w ith co m p le te co n s tric tio n o l
the a ir flo w i n th e m o u th , w h ic h is sub se q u e n tly released w ith p lo s io n ( 2 . 1 .2 )
stress: th e relative p r o m in e n c e g iv e n to syllables in speech, e.g. in certain th e first syllable is
stressed w h ile the seco n d is unstressed (2.1.6)
stylistics: th e stu d y o f th e style o f a text, p a rtic u la rly associated w ith th e stu d y o f literary
texts (7.4)
su b je c t: a n o b lig a to ry cle m e n t o f sentence structure , w h ic h precedes th e verb in th e ne utra l
fo r m o f declarative sentences (2.3.1 )
s u b o r d in a t io n : w h e n a clause is in tro d u c e d b y a s u b o r d in a tin g c o n ju n c tio n (e.g. because, if,
since, w h en ), u s u a lly an ad verb ial clause, b u t also u s e d o f all k in d s ot e m b e d d e d clause
(2.3.5)
s u ffix : a b o u n d m o r p h e m e th at is a d d e d to th e e n d o f roots, e ith e r to d erive a n e w w o rd (e.g.
pur-ify, fair-ness) o r as an in fle c tio n (e.g. paper-s, w ait-ing) ( 1.3.2, 2.2.3)
s u p e rla tiv e : a fo r m o f a grad able adjective, expressing the high e st degree, fo rm e d w ith the
-est in fle c tio n o r the ad verb m o s t (2.2.2)
syllable : a p h o n o lo g ic a l structure c o n s istin g o f a vo w e l as n uc le us a n d c o n s o n a n ts as
p e rip h e ra l s o u n d s ; w o rd s m a y consist o f o n e o r m o re syllables, e.g. can /k a n /, canteen
/k an - ti:n / (2.1.3)
s y n o n y m : tw o w o rd s th a t m e a n su b sta n tia lly the s a m e are s y n o ny m s, e.g. o w n e r a n d
possessor (2.2.6 ,4.5.3 )
sy n ta x : (th e s tu d y o f ) th e structure o f sentences (1.3.3 )
te n o r : the features o f a discourse or text reflecting th e re la tio n sh ip b etw een th e speaker/
w riter a n d th e hearer/reader (3.2.2)
te nse: th e g ra m m a tic a l category th a t relates to real-world tim e ; in E n g lis h o n ly p a st a n d
present tense are m a rk e d b y in fle c tio n s (2.2.2)
222
G lo s s a ry
text: a seq ue nce o f w ritte n sentences m a rk e d b y c o h e sio n a n d coherence; c o m p a re discourse

(1 .1 .2 ,1 .3 .4 . 3.1)
te x t type: texts classified a c c o rd in g to p u rp o s e a n d s truc tura l features, e.g. narrative,
d c sc rip tivc , ex p osito ry (3.3)
te x tu a lity : th e features th a t m a k e a text a text, rathe r th a n a r a n d o m c o lle c tio n s o f s e n
tences (3.6)
th e m e /rh e m e : a d iv is io n o f a sentence in to a n in itia l th e m e (w h a t th e sentence is a b o u t) a n d
the rh e m e (w h a t is said a b o u t th e th em e); also ca lled to p ic a n d c o m m e n t (7.3.2)
to p ic s h ift: the chang e fr o m o n e to p ic to the next in a co n v e rsatio n a n d th e ways in w h ic h
th is is m a n a g e d b y th e speakers (3.4.3)
tr a n s a c tio n a l: a ty p e o f s p o k e n d isc o u rse i n w h ic h the focus is o n th e c o n te n t o f w h a t is said,
the business th at the discourse transacts, cf. in te ra c tio n a l (1 .2 .4 ,3 .3 )
tra n s itiv e : a ty pe o f verb th a t takes an obje ct in sentence S tru cture, also us e d o f th e sentence
s tru c tu re itself; c o m p a re 'in tra n sitive (2.3.1)
tu rn - ta k in g : th e alte rn a tio n o f p a rtic ip a n ts as speakers in a d ia lo g u e (3.4.1)
v e rb : a class o f w o rd s th at refer to ac tio n s , events a n d states; s u b d iv id e d in to au x iliary verbs
(see above) a n d lexical o r m a i n verbs ( 2 .2 . 2 )
v e rb p h ra s e : a g ro u p o f w o rd s w ith a lexical verb as h e a d a n d o p tio n a lly preceded by
a u x ilia ry verbs a n d th e negative n o t (2.3.3)
vo ic e : a g ra m m a tic a l category, w ith th e te rm s active a n d passive, e.g. T h e o p p o s itio n
p ro p o s e d a n a m e n d m e n t to th e b ill (a c tive ) - A n a m e n d m e n t to th e b ill was pro p o se d b y the
o p p o s itio n (passive) (2.3.3)
v o ic in g : in th e a rtic u la tio n o f a speech s o u n d , w h ethe r th e vocal co rd s are v ib r a tin g (voiced
s o u n d ) o r n o t v ib r a tin g (u n v o ic e d s o u n d ) ( 2 . 1 .2 )
v o w e l: a ty pe o f speech so u n d , a rtic u la te d w ith o u t an y re s tric tio n to th e a ir flo w i n the m o u th
a n d fo rm e d b y m o d ific a tio n s to th e s h a p e o f the m o u th , c o m p o s in g th e nuc le us o f syllables;
c o m p a re 'c o nso n an t' ( 2 . 1 . 1 )
w o rd : a basic u n it o f syn tax , e n te rin g in to th e structure o f phrases a n d sentences, co m p o se d
o f m o r p h e m e s ( 1 . 1 .2 , 2 . 2 )
w o r d class: a g ro u p in g o f w o rd s ac c o rd in g to shared features o f reference, m o r p h o lo g y a n d
syntax; such as n o u n s , verbs, adjcctivcs, pre p o sitio n s (2.2.2)
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A r n o ld .
Index
a c c e n t 6 . 18. 1 9 . 2 7 - 8 . 5 7 - 8 . 1 2 1 . 1 2 8 - 9 , 1 5 6 - 8 . 172
acronym 126
adjacency pair 89, 191
adjectival clause 52, 53
a d je c t iv e 3 2 . 3 8 . 4 3 , 4 4 . 8 4 , 1 1 0
a d v e rb 3 3 .5 0 .9 8
adverbial 50-1.52,140.197
adverbial clause 52.53
affix 36, 126
affricate 21
a g e n c y 196
a g r e e m e n t 4 2 . 110
airspeak 165
allophone 24
alphabet 15,25
A m e r ic a n E n g l i s h
164
cohesion 97-9. 194

collocation 39. 41. 78
combining form 38
comparative 32
complement 43,51
compound 37,44,112.126
conjunction 35,51,53
consonant 19
continuant 22
conversation 9,82,87 91,144 5,190 3
conversational maxim 181
cooperative principle 181
coordination 51
corpora 1 1
covert prestige 161
creole 166 7
A n g l o - S a x o n 4 0 , 10 9 - 15
a n to n y m y 3 9 -4 1 .1 4 2
apostrophe 58. 112

approximant 22
article 34 5,44,110,111,112.195
asp e ct 4 6 -7
a s p ir a t io n 2 4
assimilation 25
auxiliary verb 46-50,140-1
demonstrative 34.35, 112, 156

derivation 36-7
determiner 34-5, 39, 44
dialect 6, 56 7,119,124,156 7, 172
diglossia 115
diphthong 18
discourse 4.7. 9. 75-6, 83. 187
elaborated code 170,189
bilingualism 10, 137, 148 9, 167 8, 169

blend 127
borrowing 115, 120. 123. 126. 129. 167
British National Corpus 12
case 31,33-4, 110-11,112
Celtic 106,107, 115,131
clause 51-4,140
code-switching 168-9
codification 166
cognate 104, 107
coherence 95-6, 193-5
elicitation 11,147
elision 25
entailment 183
etymology 6 1 . 122
face 185
field 77
finite 31.45
formality 6,76,79
frame 194
Frcnch 40,115-16
fricative 2 1
230
In d e x
fronting 55
future tense 49
gender 34,110
gcndcrlcct 162
glottal stop 2 1
glottis 16
gradable 32,40
Great Vowel Shift 121. 128
homograph 29
homonym 29
homophone 29
hypercorrection 1 2 1 ,1 6 1
hyponymy 41
ideology 195
idiolect 5.57.159
idiom 41-2
illocution 180
implicature 181
indefinite pronoun 34
Indo-European 104
inference 183,195
inflection 36. 110,114.139
interactional 7,76
interrogative 34. 141.163.180
intonation 4,26-7.87. 140-1. 156. 158
IPA 16
kenning 112 ,12 6
language 3
language change 57.105. 124. 129
lateral 22
Latin 37, 38, 40, 108,120, 126
lexeme 29
lexicology 8
linguistic variable 158
linguistics 7. 109
literacy 187
m odal 48-9.80
modality 197
mode 81
modifier 44-5
monosyllabic 23
morpheme 8. 36, 37
morphology 8, 36
multilingual 167-8
multimodal 91-5
narrative 83,97
nasal 22
negative 4 9 , 1 2 2 , 1 4 0 , 1 5 6
neo-classical compound 3 8
nom inal clause 5 2 , 5 6
non-finite 3 2
noun 3 0 , 3 9 , 4 2 , 7 8
noun modifier 44
noun phrase 4 3 - 5 , 5 0 , 5 2 , 9 8 . 191
nucleus 27
number 31,33
numeral 35, 78
object 3 0 . 4 3 . 4 7 , 5 0 . 5 2 3 , 5 5 , 5 6 , 5 8 , 1 1 0 , 1 4 0
observers paradox 1 5 8
oracy 189
part o f speech see word class
passive 4 7 , 5 5 , 1 7 0 . 196
patois 167
perfect 1 6 -7
performative 180
person 3 2 , 3 3 , 9 8
phatic speech 186
phoneme 2 4 . 2 5 . 2 6 . 1 3 8
phonetics 7
phonology 8
phrasal verb 3 3
phrase 51
pidgin 1 0 7 , 1 6 6 - 7
plosive see stop
point o f view 197
politeness 184
polysyllabic 2 3 , 2 6
possessive 31, 33, 34-5,44, 58, 110, 139
postponement 55
pragmatics 10.144,179
prefix 28,36-7. 112-13, 126
preposition 35, 39. 50. 58. 117. 125, 170
prepositional phrase 45. 50,51
presupposition 183
progressive 46, 49
pronoun 3 3 - 4 , 3 5 , 3 9 , 4 3 - 4 , 5 5 , 5 8 , 9 8 , 1 1 2. 125
psycholinguistics 9
punctuation 4 . 2 7 , 4 2 , 1 4 6
quantifier 35,44
question 2 6 , 5 4 , 7 9 , 8 9 , 1 4 0 1. 1 6 3 ,1 8 0
reading 1 4 5 - 7
Received Pronunciation 57, 128. 157
In d e x
reference 39
s u b o r d in a tio n 3 5 ,5 1 - 2 ,5 3 ,1 7 0
reflexive p r o n o u n 34
su ffix 3 6 , 126
register 76-7
sup erlativ e 32
relative c la u se 5 3 .1 4 0
syllable 2 3 ,2 6
relative p r o n o u n 34. 53, 58
s y n o n y m y 4 0 . 127
rclcv ancc 18 1
sy ntax 8-9. 139. 165. 196
restricted code 170, 189

r h o iic 12 5,1 58
te n o r 78
ro o t 36
tense 3 1 - 2 ,4 5 - 7 , 49. 84, 1 12, 139

text 4 . 9 . 11. 75- 6, 9 1 - 2 .9 5 .9 6 - 7 . 146. 191, 200
sch w a 2 6
to p ic 55
s c rip t 194
to p ic s h ift 9 0 . 193
seaspeak 165
tran s a c tio n a l 7 ,7 6 , 83
se m antics 9 ,1 2 7 ,1 7 9
transitive 43
sense re la tio n 39
tu rn - ta k in g 8 7 , 192
sentence 4 .8 - 9 .4 2 ,5 1 .5 4 .5 5 .9 6 - 7 , 140, 146-7

sexist lan gu ag e 16 1
verb 3 1 - 2 ,3 7 .4 2 - 3 ,4 5 .5 1 .1 1 1 .1 1 2
so cial class 160. 169
verb phrase 45-50
so c io lin g u istic s 1 0 ,1 0 9 .1 2 9 ,1 5 5 6 ,1 5 8
V ik in g s
speech 4 , 1 6 ,7 5 , 13 8,1 88
v o cal c o r d s 16
speech a c t 18 0
v oice 47
s la n d a r d 7 . 56-7. 119, 122-3. 129, 156. 157,
v o ic in g 16, 19
172-3
114
vow el 16
s to p (c o n s o n a n t) 2 1
stress 8 ,2 6 - 7
w o r d 4 ,2 8 , 141, 196
stylistics 2 0 0
w o r d class 2 9 - 3 0 ,3 6 ,3 7 ,5 9
subje ct 30. 42-3, 4 7 . 5 1 . 5 2 - 3 ,5 4 ,5 5 - 6 . 110. 1 10
w r itin g 4 . 2 7 . 7 5 , 146-7. 187-90
231

An Introduction To The Nature and Functions of Language

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An Introduction To The Nature and Functions of Language

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Second Edition

Howard Jackson and Peter Stockwell

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Discourse A nalysis, B r ia n Paltridge

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British library Cataloguing in Publication Data

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

1 .3 D e s c r ib in g la n g u a g e : the lin g u is t ic d is c ip lin e s

2 .3 Sen ten ces

2 .4 V a ria b ility a n d c o rre c tn e s s

3.1 D isco u rse an d te xt

6 .6 A ttitu d e s a n d co rre ctn e ss

Th e an alysis o f discou rse

Fig u re 2.2 Vowel sounds o f English.

Fig u re 2.3 Consonant sounds o f English

Fig u re 4.1 Th e Indo-European family.

The/n/Variable in Norwich (following Trudgill<1983: 94)).

Blackw ell P ub lishe rs lo r m a te ria l fr o m P. Fletcher, A Child's L e a rn in g o f English, 1985;

1993); O x fo r d U n iv e rsity Press for 'N o r th u m b r ia n C a e d m o n s H y m n

a n d W e s t S ax o n C a e d m o n s H y m n ' fr o m I I . Sweet, A n A nglo-Saxon R e ade r in Prose a n d

Every effort ha s b e e n m a d e to trace all th e co p y rig h t ho ld ers b u t il a n y ha v e been in a d v e r

O n e o l o u r m o s t strik in g attrib utes as h u m a n bein gs is o u r a b ility to use la n gu ag e . T h e stu d y

1.3 D e s c r ib in g la n g u a g e : t h e lin g u is t ic d is c ip lin e s

1.1 What is language?

to 'ta lk ' to each other. T h e exchange m a y take place b y

m e a n s o l speech, w ritin g , s ig n in g , o r braille . A n d it m a y b e in a n y one o l th e w o rld s 6,900

1.1.1 Speech and w ritin g

1.1.2 W ords and sentences

1.2 Language is contextualized

1.2.1 Psych o lo gical factors

P u n ja b i for S ik h s . O u r language a b ility as ad u lts spa n s a n u m b e r o f varieties, w h ic h we use

1.2.2 G e o grap h ical factors

1.2.3 S o cia l facto rs

1.2.4 Purpose facto rs

1.3 Describing language: the linguistic disciplines

1.3.1 D escribing sounds

co nstitutes a h u m a n speech s o u n d , the w a y in w h ic h speech s o u n d s are p ro d u c e d (their

1.3.2 D e scrib in g w ords

1.3.3 D e scrib in g sentences

Jim a n d M a r y kissed. A n d it considers a ll th e va rio u s w ays, s im p le a n d c o m p le x , i n w h ic h

1.3.4 D escribing disco u rses and texts

1.3.5 D escribing m eaning

1.3.6 D escribing la n gu a ge and the in dividu al

w e store la n gu ag e , h o w w e access it a n d the processes in v o lv e d in u n d e r s ta n d in g a n d

1.3.7 D e scrib in g la n gu a ge and so cial variatio n

1.3.8 D e scrib in g la n gu a ge in use

lin g uistics. P erv a d in g th e m a ll to a greater o r lesser extent is sem antics.

1.4 Language data

interest is p h o n o lo g ic a l o r g ra m m a tic a l. T hese days th e c o rp u s is lik e ly to b e h e ld o n a

A c tiv ity 1.2

A c tiv ity 1.3

A c tiv ity 1.4

N o w d o th e sam e w ith different to. H o w m a n y occurrences are Ih e re o f different io ? W h ic h

A Toolkit for Language Analysis

2 .4 V a ria b ility a n d co rre ctn e ss

2.1 Sounds and letters

W c have a lre ady establish ed ( in S ec tio n 1.1.1) th a t speech is th e p r im a r y m e d iu m of

2.1.1 Vow els (see Figure 2.2)

Fig u re 2.2 Vowel sounds o( English.