The Medieval Reception of Firdauss Shhnma:

The Ardashr Cycle as a Mirror for Princes

by

Nasrin Askari

A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements

for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy
Department of Near and Middle Eastern Civilizations
University of Toronto

Copyright by Nasrin Askari 2013

The Medieval Reception of Firdauss Shhnma:

The Ardashr Cycle as a Mirror for Princes

Nasrin Askari
Doctor of Philosophy
Department of Near and Middle Eastern Civilizations
University of Toronto
2013

Abstract
Based on a broad survey of the reception of Firdauss Shhnma in medieval times, this
dissertation argues that Firdauss oeuvre was primarily perceived as a book of wisdom and
advice for kings and courtly lites. The medieval reception of the Shhnma is clearly
manifested in the comments of medieval authors about Firdaus and his work, and in their use of
the Shhnma in the composition of their own works. The production of ikhtiyrt-i Shhnmas
(selections from the Shhnma) in medieval times and the remarkable attention of the authors of
mirrors for princes to Firdauss opus are particularly illuminating in this regard.
The survey is complemented by a close textual reading of the Ardashr cycle in the
Shhnma in comparison with other medieval historical accounts about Ardashr, in order to
illustrate how history in the Shhnma is reduced to only a framework for the presentation of
ideas and ideals of kingship. Based on ancient Persian beliefs regarding the ideal state of the
world, I argue that Ardashr in the Shhnma is represented as a Saviour of the world. Within
this context, I offer new interpretations of the symbolic tale of Ardashrs fight against a giant
worm, and explain why the idea of the union of kingship and religion, a major topic in almost all
medieval Persian mirrors for princes, has often been attributed to Ardashr. Finally, I compare
ii

the Ardashr cycle in the Shhnma with nine medieval Persian mirrors for princes to
demonstrate that the ethico-political concepts contained in them, as well as the portrayal of
Ardashr, remain more or less the same in all these works.
Study of the Shhnma as a mirror for princes, as this study shows, not only reveals the
meaning of its symbolic tales, but also sheds light on the pre-Islamic roots of some of the ethicopolitical concepts presented in the medieval Perso-Islamic literature of wisdom and advice for
kings and courtiers.

iii


*

She held my hand and walked me step by step
Until she taught me how to walk.

To my thesis supervisor, Professor Maria Eva Subtelny, who patiently taught

me how to take steps in the world of academic research. To her, I am forever
grateful.

From Iraj Mirzas poem Mdar (Mother).

iv

Acknowledgements
It is my great pleasure to acknowledge and thank those who supported me throughout the
completion of this dissertation. My heartfelt thanks go to my thesis supervisor, Professor Maria
E. Subtelny. Had it not been for her tremendous support and encouragement, I would not have
pursued doctoral studies. She patiently read my barely understandable drafts, carefully corrected
my writing, and spent hours with me in her office to help me clarify my thoughts. She let me use
her rich library as if it were my own, and always informed me of new publications in my field of
study. I thank her for her unfailingly sage advices and for being a constant source of inspiration
and confidence throughout the years that I worked on my dissertation. I also wish to thank the
members of my thesis advisory committee, Professors Rivanne Sandler and Enrico G. Raffaelli,
who generously afforded me their time and insights. I am grateful to Professor Sandler for
carefully reading my drafts and providing thoughtful comments and suggestions. I am indebted
to Professor Raffaelli for introducing me to the world of ancient Iranian studies. He showed great
interest in my research, identified my erroneous interpretations of Zoroastrian concepts, and
directed me to sources that I would not have known otherwise. I would like to gratefully
acknowledge Professors Paul-Alain Beaulieu and Azita Taleghani for their participation in my
thesis defence as externals to the discipline and for their insightful comments and questions,
which broadened my perspective. I owe a great debt of gratitude to Professor Charles P. Melville
of the University of Cambridge, who kindly accepted to be the external examiner of my thesis. I
extend my sincere thanks to him for his thorough reading of my work and for providing
invaluable comments.
My doctoral research was supported by generous funding from the Social Sciences and
Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC Canada Graduate Scholarship), the Ontario
v

Ministry of Training, Colleges, and Universities (Ontario Graduate Scholarship), and the
University of Toronto (University of Toronto Fellowship and University of Toronto Doctoral
Completion Award). I acknowledge with thanks their generous support, which enabled me to
focus on my research.
I was fortunate to conduct my graduate studies in the Department of Near and Middle
Eastern Civilizations at the University of Toronto, where I benefited from the insights of a
number of great scholars. Particularly, I would like to thank Professors Karin Rhrdanz,
Sebastian Gnther (now at Georg-August-Universitt Gttingen), Mohammad Tavakoli-Targhi,
Amir Hassanpour, Marta Simidchieva, Lisa V. Golombek, Todd Lawson, Linda S. Northrup,
Walid Saleh, and Amir Harrak for their contributions to my intellectual growth.
I am indebted to a wonderful group of peers in the Department of Near and Middle
Eastern Civilizations, who made my graduate studies an enjoyable experience. It was a great
pleasure to work and study with former NMC graduate students Drs. Mohammed Rustom, Chad
Lingwood, Christina Geisen, Anne Clement, Mina Yazdani, Omid Ghaemmaghami, and Maryam
Moazzen. It was also delightful to work and study with Maryna Kravets, Golbarg Rekabtalaei,
Ida Meftahi, Hamid Rezaeiyazdi, Parisa Zahiremami, Adam Ali, Mustafa Banister, Amar Baaj,
and Mohammadreza Ardehali. My special thanks are due to Dr. Joo-Yup Lee and his very kind
family for their great friendship.
I would like to acknowledge and appreciate the exceptional, behind-the-scene assistance
of the wonderful administrative staff in the Department of Near and Middle Eastern
Civilizations, Mrs. Anna Sousa, Graduate Administrator, Mrs. Maria Leonor Vivona, Business
Officer, and Ms. Jennie Jones, Undergraduate Administrator and Assistant to the Chair. The time
and care they put into everything, from administrative details to arranging social and academic
events, provided peace of mind for everyone and made the department a pleasant place to work
vi

at. I am especially grateful to Mrs. Anna Sousa, who constantly ensured that all administrative
requirements for the School of Graduate Studies were met in due time.
I owe a great debt of thankfulness to my good old friends, most of whom are now
scattered around the globe. To attempt to name them all here would be like attempting to count
all the stars in the sky. I therefore thank them collectively for their lovely cards, letters, e-mails,
telephone conversations, flowers, and gifts, which brightened my days and nourished my soul.
The company of the few friends who live nearby has been most precious to me.
My greatest debt of gratitude is to Mrs. Caroline and Dr. Joe Hillaby of Bristol University
and Dr. Colin P. Mitchell of Dalhousie University, who strongly encouraged and supported me
when I first considered pursuing graduate studies. Their friendship, guidance, and
encouragement throughout the years have been invaluable to me.
Last, but certainly not least, I am grateful to my family. My loving parents, Shirin and
Manouchehr, and my dear brothers, Babak and Mehdi, believed in me when I did not believe in
myself. I thank them for their unwavering affection and enduring support. Words cannot express
how much I love and appreciate them. They are always in my heart despite the far distance that
keeps us apart.

vii

Contents
Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... ii
Acknowledgements ....................................................................................................................... v
Table of Contents ....................................................................................................................... viii
Note on Transliteration, Style, and Translation ....................................................................... xi
List of Appendices ....................................................................................................................... xii
Introduction ................................................................................................................................... 1
Chapter One: The Reception of Firdauss Shhnma ........................................................... 16
The Reception of the Shhnma on the Part of Sultan Mamd .................................................. 17
Fact vs. Fiction ......................................................................................................................... 17
Ni m Ar s Anecdote ....................................................................................................... 22
Ni m Ganjavs Allusions...................................................................................................... 23
A rs Allusions ..................................................................................................................... 24
Sad al-Dn Var vns Allusion............................................................................................... 25
The Silence of Sultan Mamds Court Poets about Firdaus ................................................. 26
The Reception of the Shhnma on the Part of the Abd al-Razz qiy n Family ......................... 28
The Reception of the Shhnma on the Part of Medieval Writers ............................................... 31
Biographies of Poets................................................................................................................. 32
Comments of the Copyists of the Shhnma ........................................................................... 35
Works on the Science of Rhetoric ............................................................................................ 37
Post-Shhnma Epics and Verse Chronicles ........................................................................... 41
Heroic epics ......................................................................................................................... 41
Religious epics..................................................................................................................... 44
Historical epics .................................................................................................................... 46
Compilations of Selected Verses from the Shhnma ............................................................. 50
Ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma of Al b. Amad ............................................................................ 51
Munis al-a rr f daqiq al-ashr ................................................................................... 53
Medieval Prose Works Containing Verses from the Shhnma .............................................. 54
a) Literature of Wisdom and Advice ................................................................................... 56
R at al- ud r va yat al-sur r .................................................................................... 56
Khirad-nma. ................................................................................................................ 60
Farid al-sul k f fail al-mul k............................................................................... 61
Marzbn-nma .............................................................................................................. 65
Sindbd-nma ............................................................................................................... 73
Aghr al-siysa f ar al-riysa ............................................................................... 74
Mir d al-ibd min al-mabda il al-mad................................................................ 75
b) Historical Writing............................................................................................................ 78
Tr kh-i jahngushy .................................................................................................... 78
Jmi al-tavr kh ........................................................................................................... 80
Mujmal al-tavr kh va al-qi a ..................................................................................... 82
viii

Tr kh-i abaristn ....................................................................................................... 84

Tarjuma-i Tr kh-i Yam n ............................................................................................ 85
Chapter Two: The Portrayal of Ardashr in the Shhnma ................................................. 127
The Structure of the Ardashr Cycle in the Shhnma ..................................................................... 137
Part I Ardashrs Eligibility for Kingship ................................................................................... 138
Noble Lineage and Protection of Religion ........................................................................ 138
Divine Election .................................................................................................................. 140
Divine Support of Ardashr ............................................................................................... 143
The Support of the Military and the Priesthood ................................................................ 151
Ardashrs Battles: The Stages of Founding a New Empire.............................................. 152
Battles nos. 1 and 2 ..................................................................................................... 153
Battle no. 3. ................................................................................................................. 155
Battle no. 4. ................................................................................................................. 156
The Motif of the Worm. ...................................................................................... 159
The Theme of Greed ........................................................................................... 160
The Motif of Molten Metal ................................................................................. 161
The Motif of Two Friendly Hosts ....................................................................... 162
The Motif of Seven Helpers ................................................................................ 163
The Theme of Replacing Idol-Temples by Fire Temples ................................... 163
Part II Ardashrs Successful Kingship ....................................................................................... 165
A Wise and Conscientious Minister .................................................................................. 166
A Rightful Heir to the Crown ............................................................................................ 167
Noble lineage .............................................................................................................. 168
Kingly aura and courage ............................................................................................. 169
Education .................................................................................................................... 169
Reconciliation with Former Enemies ................................................................................ 170
Chapter Three: The Wisdom of Ardashr and His Advices in the Shhnma .................... 202
Ardashrs Custom and Practice (y n) ....................................................................................... 203
The Army ........................................................................................................................................... 206
The Scribal Class .............................................................................................................................. 206
Local Governors ............................................................................................................................... 207
The War ............................................................................................................................................. 207
Foreign Delegates ............................................................................................................................. 209
Construction of New Cities ............................................................................................................. 210
Bankrupted Individuals .................................................................................................................... 210
Addressing Grievances .................................................................................................................... 211
Taxes .................................................................................................................................................. 211
Ardashrs Throne Speech (andarz) ............................................................................................ 214
Ardashrs Testament (ahd) ....................................................................................................... 223
The Concept of Justice ..................................................................................................................... 228
ix

The Idea of the Union of Kingship and Religion ......................................................................... 229

Threats to Kingship .......................................................................................................................... 233
Commonalities and Differences...................................................................................................... 235
Ardashrs Prediction........................................................................................................................ 237
Ardashrs Cities ............................................................................................................................... 238
Chapter Four: The Ardashr Cycle and Medieval Persian Mirrors for Princes ................ 257
Pand-nma of Sebktegin .................................................................................................................... 259
db-i salanat va vizrat ..................................................................................................................... 263
Qb s-nma ........................................................................................................................................... 267
Siyar al-mul k of Ni m al-Mulk ........................................................................................................ 271
Na at al-mul k of Ghaz l................................................................................................................. 276
Aghr al-siysa f ar al-riysa ...................................................................................................... 289
Jmi al-ul m of Fakhr al-Dn R z ................................................................................................... 292
Marzbn-nma ....................................................................................................................................... 295
db al- arb va al-shuja................................................................................................................... 303
Conclusion ................................................................................................................................. 333
Bibliography .............................................................................................................................. 340
Primary Sources ...................................................................................................................... 340
Secondary Sources .................................................................................................................. 355

Note on Transliteration, Style, and Translation

In the transliteration of Arabic and Persian words, I have adopted the system of the International
Journal of Middle East Studies for each language. The names of authors and titles of works
written in Persian, as well as citations from Persian works, regardless of whether or not they
include Arabic words, have been transliterated according to the system of the International
Journal of Middle East Studies for the Persian language, and the names of authors and titles of
works written in Arabic, as well as citations from Arabic works, have been transliterated
according to the system of the International Journal of Middle East Studies for the Arabic
language. For Pahlavi and Avestan terms and names, the standard systems established by D. N.
Mackenzie and Karl Hoffman has been followed, but occasionally slight modifications have been
made in order to make these terms easy to read by non-specialists (for example, Verethraghna
instead of Vrrana). Terms that are commonly used in the English language, such as
Ahriman, Sufi, sultan, etc., have not been italicized. In the bibliography, the notes, and in general
matters of style, the 16th edition of The Chicago Manual of Style has been followed. Unless
otherwise noted, all translations are my own.

xi

Appendices
A (1): Shhnma verses cited in R vands R at al- ud r va yat al-sur r (in the order in
which they appear in R at al- ud r) ............................................................................. 391
A (2): Shhnma verses cited in R vands R at al- ud r va yat al-sur r (in the order in
which they appear in the Shhnma) .............................................................................. 414
B: Comparing Al b. Amads Ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma with R vands R at al- ud r (first
passage)...437
C: Comparing Al b. Amads Ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma with R vands R at al- ud r (second
passage) .................................................................................................................................. 439
D: Shhnma verses cited in Farid al-sul k ........................................................................... 441
E: Shhnma verses cited in Var vns Marzbn-nma ........................................................... 445
F: Shhnma verses cited in ahr Samarqands Sindbd-nma ............................................. 447
G: Shhnma verses cited in ahr Samarqands Aghr al-siysa f ar al-riysa ............. 449
H: Shhnma verses cited in Najm-i R zs Mir d al-ibd..................................................... 450
I: Shhnma verses cited in Juvayns Tr kh-i jahngushy .................................................... 451
J: Shhnma verses cited in Rashd al-Dn Fa lull hs Jmi al-tavr kh ............................... 455
K: Shhnma verses cited in Mujmal al-tavr kh va al-qi as .................................................... 457
L: Shhnma verses cited in Ibn Isfandiy rs Tr kh-i abaristn ............................................ 458

xii

Introduction
In the paradoxical statement of Jal l Kh liq Mulaq, the eminent scholar and editor of the
Shhnma, Firdauss opus is the most celebrated Persian literary work, which remains
unknown.1 Indeed, study of the Shhnma in the modern era reminds one of the ancient tale of
the elephant in the dark. According to Rms version of this tale, the Indians brought an
elephant to a small town, the people of which had never seen an elephant in their lives. The night
before the show, a group of men who could not wait to see the elephant, decided to sneak into the
room where it was being kept. The room was very dark, and they could not see the animal, but
they managed to put their hands on the elephant and tried to guess what it looked like through
their sense of touch. Depending on what part of the animal they touched, each of the men had a
different opinion about it. The one who had touched the ear said it looked like a fan, the one who
had touched the leg argued that it looked like a column, and so on.2 Similarly, the sheer volume
of the Shhnma, with its roots in ancient Iranian traditions and its particular representation of
the poets own world, along with its unique characteristics, has made it extremely difficult for a
single scholar to understand it in all its complexity. Ironically, this monumental work has made it
possible for scholars of various backgrounds and interests to approach it from extremely diverse
points of view. The work has been the subject of study by a wide range of scholars, from
historians and linguists to philosophers and mystics and even European medievalists and
classicists. We all approach the work from our own discipline, each of us being limited in our
own way. Indeed, we would seem to be a long way from being able to grasp the work in its
entirety.
In one of his lectures on the Shhnma (1990), Kh liq Mulaq enumerated nine major
areas of research that could not only enhance our understanding of this multi-faceted masterpiece
1

2
of Persian classical literature but also shed light on various aspects of its significance.3 One of his
proposed areas of research concerned ancient Persian custom and practice particularly in relation
to kinship and statecraft.4 The present study aims to explore this aspect of the Shhnma by
highlighting its characteristics as a book of ethico-political wisdom and advice for kings and
courtly lites. The term ethico-political is used here to point out that the Shhnma does not just
provide political advice for kings and courtiers, but also teaches them how to comport
themselves based on moral principles of good and bad behaviour. As we shall see, proper
conduct is as important as the efficient administration of the state for the maintenance of
kingshipsometimes, it is even more important. As often stated in the medieval Persian literature
of wisdom and advice for rulers, the proper conduct of the ruler affects the behaviour of his highranking officials, whose conduct will in turn affect the behaviour of people. Thus, the societys
adherence to the principles of proper conduct was seen as the result of the rulers adherence to
these principles. As such, this study considers the moral standards promoted in the Shhnma to
be part and parcel of the political advice provided in it for kings and courtiers.
In modern scholarship, the medieval literature of wisdom and advice for kings and
courtiers is generally known to belong to the literary genre of Frstenspiegel or mirrors for
princes, but the definition and scope of this genre of literature widely differs across the board.5
For example, whereas most scholars consider the Siyar al-mul k of Ni m al-Mulk as a mirror
for princes, A. K. S. Lambton disagrees, because in her opinion, the author is concerned not
with the theory of government or justification of power, but with the practice of government by
the sultan.6 In the present study, mirrors for princes refers to any form of writing that provides
ethico-political advice to kings and courtiers on how to comport themselves and organize the
state in order to maintain their power.

3
In one of his articles published in 1976, Charles-Henri de Fouchcour states that
Ferdowsi est un pote, pique et lyrique pour la forme, moraliste et politique pour la fond
(Firdaus is a poet, epic and lyric in form, moralistic and political in depth).7 In order to
demonstrate to what extent literature and its dominant motifs have recast and submerged history
in the Shhnma, and in order to show that the entire opus is marked by the intention of an
educator of princes, de Fouchcour provides an outline of the Shhnma to reveal the logique
du rcit that informs the work.8 But, he does not provide an analysis of his outline and leaves it
to the reader to find the logic of the narratives. Later, in his seminal study of moral concepts in
Persian literature of the ninth to the thirteenth centuries, Moralia (1986), he opines that above all
else, and with regard to its general intent, the Shhnma should be considered as a mirror for
princes.9 Yet, despite his frequent references to the Shhnma in the first chapter of the work, on
the ancient Persian collections of advice, he does not include in his study the Shhnma as a
mirror for princes in its own right. Once again, in an article published in a special issue of rnnma (1991), devoted to Firdauss Shhnma, de Fouchcour asserts that the Shhnma is a
mirror for princes which shows kings their ideal and real portrayals.10
Despite de Fouchcours calls for attention to this important aspect of the Shhnma,
little has been done to examine its message to rulers. In that special issue of Irn-nma, two
more articles draw attention to the moral and political concepts presented in the Shhnma:
Hurmuz Ml niy ns article suggests that anyone looking into the notion of Iranian ethics should
first and foremost refer to the Shhnma.11 He provides a very general outline of Firdauss
worldview and moral values, as reflected in the Shhnma, and briefly reviews the portrayals of
raj, Siy vakhsh, and Kay-Khusrau as three moral/political figures in the Shhnma.12 And B qir
Parh ms article suggests that the Shhnma was written to teach the ways of ordering the affairs
of the world by way of examples from past rulers. He examines the concept of kingship in the

4
Shhnma and the roles of kings and heroes in the protection and maintenance of kingship.13
Both these articles provide insights into an important and less-studied aspect of the Shhnma,
but they both are confined to generalities and focus on the earlier parts of the work, the parts that
are commonly known as mythical, heroic, and legendary. Focus on the earlier parts of the
Shhnma is in fact a very common feature of modern scholarship on the work, perhaps because
it is generally assumed that the historical part, that is, the Sasanian portion of the Shhnma
(and sometimes the exploits of Alexander too) consists mostly of historical narratives and
didactic material, and therefore not of much literary value. But, as shown by Michael Wickens in
his literary analysis of the early Sasanian period in the Shhnma, this part of the work too
contains features of genuine literary significance.14 With its focus on the Ardashr cycle in the
Shhnma, which is about the rise to power and reign of Ardashr, the founder of the Sasanian
dynasty, the present study partly fills this gap in the Shhnma scholarship. Further reasons for
choosing this part of the work for the current study will be explained shortly.
In a 1995 revised edition of the aforementioned special issue of rn-nma, published as
Tan-i pahlavn va ravn-i khiradmand (The body of the hero and the soul of the sage), Sh hrukh
Miskb, the editor of the new edition, made a further contribution to the collection, which
concerned the topic of ethics in the Shhnma.15 Situating the ethico-political concepts reflected
in the Shhnma in the context of the ancient Iranian worldview, Miskb argues that Iranian
myths, and consequently the Shhnma, are epic and ethical in essence, because they reflect the
ancient Iranian worldview, which was based on the notion of the constant struggle between Good
and Evil.16 According to Miskb, the idea that life in this world reflects the cosmic battle
between Good and Evil makes Iranian myths epic, and the concept that people are free to choose
between Good and Evil makes Iranian myths ethical. To illustrate his point, Miskb examines a
few key concepts in ancient Iranian traditions, such as asha (truth, order, justice, righteousness),

5
dur j (falsehood), and z (greed), and draws attention to their parallels in the Shhnma.17 In
another more comprehensive study, Miskb analyses five major concepts in the Shhnma,
namely, time (zamn), creation (far nish), history (tr kh), kingship (jahndr ), and speech
(sukhan) in the context of ancient Iranian traditions.18 In his discussion about the concept of
kingship, he draws parallels between Ohrmazd and the ideal king in the Shhnma, and argues
that the ideal king of Iran, according to the Shhnma, should organize his realm in the same
way that Ohrmazd orders the affairs of the world.19 Miskb further maintains that the ideal of
kingship portrayed in the Sasanian section of the Shhnma was influenced by the interference
of Zoroastrian priests in the affairs of kingship and their introduction of the notion of the union
of kingship and religion.20 But, as Yarshater noted, the Zoroastrian political ideas permeate the
entire Shhnma not just the Sasanian section.21 And, as shall be argued in the present study, the
notion of the union of kingship and religion, as reflected in the Shhnma and the Zoroastrian
literature, does not advocate a greater power for religious leaders. On the contrary, it promotes
the idea that the leadership of both secular and religious worlds should be conjoined and
manifested in the person of the king. Miskb also compares two wise ministers from the heroic
and historical parts of the Shhnma, namely, Afr siy bs minister, Pr n, and Anshrv ns
minister, Buzurgmihr, and asserts that the heroic part of the Shhnma depicts a wise man
through his actions, while the historical part of the Shhnma portrays a similar figure through
his words.22 As we shall see, at least in the account about Ardashr, both actions and words are
employed in the historical part to portray an ideal figure.
Another scholar who has examined the political paradigms in the Shhnma is Abbas
Amanat, who suggests that the work should be read as a political discourse on the use and abuse
of power. In his view, the Shhnma, particularly its legendary part, can shed light on such
significant issues as legitimacy and territorial sovereignty, tension over dynastic succession, the

6
dynamics of centre and periphery, and the states adoption and enforcement of an official
religious creed, which have deeply influenced Iranian political culture in the course of history. 23
In order to demonstrate how the political paradigms preserved in ancient Iranian myths may help
to define what may be called an Iranian political ethos, Amanat analyses the Fardn cycle in
the Shhnma, pointing to three major parts that constitute this cycle: First, the restoration of
power after the fall of a tyrannical rule; second, the political conflict emerging among Fardns
three sons and leading to the murder of the youngest son; and third, the inception of vengeance,
which will grow into a major problem in the subsequent cycles of the Shhnma. Based on his
analysis of the Fardn cycle, Amanat proposes that the Shhnma should be understood as a
political myth far more complex than the familiar genre of mirrors (andarznama), conveying a
more effective message to a larger audience among the elite and the ordinary people.24
According to Ehsan Yarshater, however, the promotion of the national and moral ideals
of the state was a characteristic feature of Iranian national history, that is, the history of Iran as
conceived by the Iranians themselves and embedded in Iranian historical tradition.25 But, since
no historical book from pre-Islamic Iran has survived, Yarshaters description of the
characteristic features of Iranian national history is mainly based on later medieval sources. Two
of the most important sources that Yarshater used for his study were Firdauss Shhnma and
abars Tar kh al-rusul wa al-mul k, because they provide the most detailed accounts about the
pre-Islamic history of Iran. But, in his review of the sources, Yarshater notes that as a historian,
however, Firdaus lacks the relative precision of abar and often confuses the scenes of events
and is particularly lax concerning names and numbers.26 He also states that as a poet, Firdaus
was interested in literary effect rather than accuracy.27 Yarshater further opines that Firdaus
followed a Sasanian model in writing history, in which the theme was historical but the method
largely literary.28

7
Like Yarshater, Julie Scott Meisami considers the Shhnma as history and includes it in
her survey of early medieval Persian historiography. Meisami, too, notes that the Shhnma does
not conform to the mode and style of the historical writing of the period. But, unlike Yarshater,
who maintains Firdaus turned Iranian history into a literary masterpiece, 29 Meisami argues
that Firdauss use of an archaic language and style and his focus on the outmoded topic of the
ancient history of Iran turned his work into something of an anomaly: not quite literature and
not quite history.30 Despite their different views about the outcome of Firdauss work,
however, both scholars make a point about the marked difference between the Shhnma and
other historical writings they compare it to.
Considering Firdauss little emphasis on historical facts and his greater attention to the
didactic aspect of his work, the present study proposes that we may better understand the
Shhnma if we do not classify it as history. But, to view the Shhnma simply as a literary
work, merely intended to gain financial reward and a good name for its author, as Mahmoud
Omidsalar suggests,31 would not explain the amount of time the poet put into it (about thirty
years) and the political involvements of its sponsor.32 Without discounting its historical and
literary value, the present study seeks to demonstrate that the Shhnma can be viewed as a
mirror for princes and that a great deal can be revealed about the meaning of its tales if it is
examined as a book of wisdom and advice for kings and courtiers. It is my contention that the
myths and legends of the Shhnma, which are found throughout the entire work and not just in
the early parts, were not intended to be understood merely as history. The most obvious evidence
for this contention is the poets own words, where he repeatedly asks his reader to find the
meaning of his tales by way of symbols. Had he intended for his work to be perceived as history,
he would not have acknowledged that some of his tales appear as lies and legends (dur gh va

8
fisna).33 This stands in sharp contrast to most medieval historians, who stress the truthfulness of
their reports and make a point about their effort to stay away from legends and fabulous stories. 34
In order to see how the Shhnma was perceived in medieval times, Chapter One of this
study examines the reception of the Shhnma as reflected in the works of medieval authors who
wrote about Firdaus and his work, or who used the Shhnma in writing their own prose or
verse compositions. I endeavour to demonstrate that most medieval writers were in awe of
Firdauss eloquence in his composition of a work that was both entertaining and educational. In
all the many ways that they made use of the Shhnma, the medieval authors attention to the
ethico-political dimension of the work manifests itself. Whether they emulated the Shhnma in
composing new works, or borrowed verses from it to incorporate into their own texts, they
evince their appreciation of the wisdom contained in its verses. The most compelling evidence in
support of my thesis is the creation and continued production in medieval times of a particular
type of literature known as ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma (selections from the Shhnma), which clearly
points to the compilers understanding of the Shhnma as a book of wisdom and advice on
kingship. The predominant type of verses selected from the Shhnma to be incorporated into
medieval prose works further reinforces the argument that medieval writers understood the
Shhnma primarily as a repository of wisdom and advice for kings and courtly lites. For easy
reference, I have extracted these verses from the relevant works and provided them in
Appendices A to L, with references to their locations in the most recent edition of the Shhnma.
Chapter One also demonstrates that, contrary to the common assumption, the Shhnma was a
popular work in the eleventh and twelfth-centuries, that is, before the earliest extant manuscript
of the Shhnma, which is dated 1217.

9
Based on my observations in the first chapter, in Chapter Two I focus on the Shhnma
itself in an attempt to read the work through the prism of medieval writers who appeared to me to
understand it as a mirror for princes. Obviously, it would not be practical to examine the entire
work thoroughly in one study. Therefore, I selected the Ardashr cycle from the Shhnma for
my purpose. Several reasons justify this selection: First, since the Ardashr cycle is from the socalled historical part of the Shhnma, it would serve the purpose of demonstrating how history
fades into the background in the Shhnma by a series of interconnected, meaningful, and
entertaining symbolic tales that aim to convey lessons on kingship. Based on a comparative study
of the Ardashr cycle in the Shhnma and the available medieval accounts about Ardashr, I
endeavour to demonstrate how Firdauss representation of Ardashr differs from that of other
medieval historians, and how little historical information can be gleaned from the history of
Ardashr in the Shhnma. The second reason for choosing the Ardashr cycle is that it contains
both heroic and mythical materials, and this makes it comparable to the earlier cycles of the
Shhnma, which are commonly known as heroic or mythical. Sharing common features
with the mythical, heroic, and historical parts of the Shhnma, the Ardashr cycle would
seem to be a relatively good representative from the work. Thirdly, as is often the case, the
founders of new dynasties are usually turned into great heroes and idealized figures by later
political propagandists of that dynasty, who seek to promote their ideas and ideals of kingship by
attributing them to the revered founder of the dynasty. Knowing that the Shhnma has its roots
in Sasanian court literature, one would expect to see a reflection of Sasanian political ideologies
in its portrayal of both ideal and flawed rulers. The portrayal of the founder of the Sasanian
dynasty, as depicted in the Ardashr cycle in the Shhnma, would therefore seem to be a good
starting point for an examination of the ethico-political ideas promoted in Sasanian political
literature and ultimately in the Shhnma.

10
The Ardashr cycle also includes a section on the customs and practices that were
supposedly introduced by Ardashr, namely, his y n, his advice (andarz) to the high-ranking
officials, also known as his throne speech (khuba), and his testament (ahd) to his son. The
contents of these political treatises will be discussed and analysed in Chapter Three. By
comparing Firdauss form of presentation of Ardashrs y n, andarz, and ahd to that of the few
medieval authors who included these materials in their works, I will draw attention to Firdauss
effort to make these didactic texts as interesting as possible, and argue that he intended to
entertain and educate, and not to record historical documents.
In Chapter Four, I compare nine medieval Persian mirrors for princes with the Ardashr
cycle in the Shhnma in order to reveal the similarities and differences between them and to
demonstrate that, although different in form, later medieval Persian mirrors for princes present
the criteria for an ideal kingship based, more or less, on the same principles that we find in the
Ardashr cycle in the Shhnma. The mirrors selected for this study were written by authors of
different social and professional backgrounds and were composed in different cultural contexts
and geographical locations. Also, they were written in different styles and with different
intentions. The similarity of the concepts presented in these different works point to the common
roots of the ideas expressed in them. In my discussions, I draw attention to the Zoroastrian roots
of some of the major concepts presented in these works, and point to their reappearance in
Islamic garb in later works. In all these later works, Ardashr continues to be represented as a
sage-king, as he is portrayed in the Shhnma.
The conclusions that may be drawn from this study are that in the medieval period, the
Shhnma was primarily understood as a mirror for princes, and that studying it in this context
sheds considerable light on the meaning of its tales and the purport of its author. Also, as a
repository of ancient Persian wisdom and advice on kingship, the Shhnma enhances our

11
understanding of the process of the development of major concepts related to kingship and
statecraft in later Perso-Islamic literature of wisdom and advice for rulers.

12

Jal l Kh liq Mulaq, Ahammiyat-i Shhnma-i Firdaus (paper presented at the Shhnma

Conference, London, 1369/1990), in Jal l Kh liq Mulaq, Sukhan-h-yi d r na: S guftr

darbra-i Firdaus va Shhnma, ed. Al Dihb sh (Tehran: Afk r, 1381/2002), 108:
.
2

Jal l al-Dn Muammad b. al-usayn al-Balkh al-Rm, Masnav -i manav , ed. Reynold A.

Nicholson, 8 vols. (London: Luzac, 192540), 3:72, lines 125968.

3

Kh liq Mulaq, Ahammiyat-i Shhnma-i Firdaus, 97110.

Kh liq Mulaq, Ahammiyat-i Shhnma-i Firdaus, 102.

On the use of the phrase mirror for princes by modern scholars of Arabic and Persian

advisory literatures, see Louise Marlow, Surveying Recent Literature on the Arabic and Persian
Mirrors for Princes Genre, History Compass 7, no. 2 (2009): 52328.
6

On this work and different opinions about it, see below, p. 271 and p. 316n58.

Charles-Henri de Fouchcour, Une lecture du Livre des Rois de Ferdowsi, Studia Iranica 5

(1976), 171.
8

de Fouchcour, Une lecture du Livre des Rois, 172202.

Charles-Henri de Fouchcour, Moralia: Les notions morales dans la littrature persane du

3e/9e au 7e/13e sicle (Paris: ditions Recherches sur les Civilisations, 1986), 53.
10

Charles-Henri de Fouchcour, Akhl q-i pahlav n va akhl q-i rasm dar Shhnma-i

Firdaus, trans. B. N dirz d, in Shhnma-i Firdaus, ed. Sh hrukh Miskb, special issue,
rn-nma 10, no.1 (1370/1991): 813, repr. ed., in Tan-i pahlavn va ravn-i khiradmand:
Pazh hish-h-y tza dar Shhnma, ed. Sh hrukh Miskb, 2nd ed. (Tehran: ar-i nau, 2002),
1016.

13

11

Hurmuz Ml niy n, Bnish-i falsaf va akhl q-i Firdaus, in Miskb, Shhnma-i Firdaus,

84, repr. ed., in Miskb, Tan-i pahlavn, 103.

12

Ml niy n, Bnish-i falsaf va akhl q-i Firdaus, 9195, repr. ed., in Miskb, Tan-i

pahlavn, 11215.
13

B qir Parh m, Mab n va k rkird-h -yi Shahriy r dar Shhnma va ahammiyat-i nh dar

sanjish-i khirad-i siy s dar r n, in Miskb, Shhnma-i Firdaus, 98121, repr. ed., in
Miskb, Tan-i pahlavn, 12048.
14

G. M. Wickens, The Imperial Epic of Iran: A Literary Approach, in Commmoration Cyrus:

Actes du congrs de Shiraz 1971 et autre tudes rdiges loccasion du 2500e anniversaire de
la fondation de lempire perse (Tehran: Bibliothque Pahlavi, 1974), 26175.
15

Sh hrukh Miskb, Taammul dar akhl q: Az Avest bi Shhnma, in Tan-i pahlavn, 225

44.
16

Miskb, Taammul dar akhl q, 228.

17

Miskb, Taammul dar akhl q, 23037.

18

Sh hrukh Miskb, Armaghn-i m r: Justr dar Shhnma (Tehran: Nashr-i nay, 1384/2005).

19

Miskb, Armaghn-i m r, 16586. An earlier version of this chapter on kingship was

published in Sh hrukh Miskb, Jah nd r va p dsh h dar Shhnma, Irn-nma 21, no. 3
(1382/2003): 21750.
20

Miskb, Armaghn-i m r, 18997; also see Miskb, Taammul dar akhl q, 24344.

21

Ehsan Yarshater, Iranian National History, in The Cambridge History of Iran, vol. 3, The

Seleucid, Parthian, and Sasanian Periods, ed. Ehsan Yarshater (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1983), pt. 1, 366.
22

Miskb, Armaghn-i m r, 2013.

14

23

Abbas Amanat, Divided Patrimony, Tree of Royal Power, and Fruit of Vengeance: Political

Paradigms and Iranian Self-Image in the Story of Faridun in the Shahnama, in Shahnama
Studies I, ed. Charles Melville (Cambridge: The Centre of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies,
University of Cambridge, 2006), 49.
24

Amanat, Divided Patrimony, 49.

25

Yarshater, Iranian National History, 369, 359.

26

Yarshater, Iranian National History, 361.

27

Yarshater, Iranian National History, 361.

28

Yarshater, Iranian National History, 369.

29

Yarshater, Iranian National History, 369.

30

Julie Scott Meisami, The Past in Service of the Present: Two Views of History in Medieval

Persia, Poetics Today 14, no. 2 (1993): 26265; and Julie Scott Meisami, Persian
Historiography to the End of the Twelfth Century (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press,
1999), 5253.
31

Mahmoud Omidsalar, Poetics and Politics of Irans National Epic, the Sh hn meh (New

York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011), 7375.

32

On Firdauss original patron, see below, pp. 2830.

33

Ab al-Q sim Firdaus, Shhnma, ed. Jal l Kh liq Mulaq, 8 vols. (New York: Bibliotheca

Persica, 19872008), repr. ed. (Tehran: Markaz-i d irat al-ma rif-i buzurg-i isl m,
1386/2007), 1:12, line 113. The paginations is the same in both editions. All subsequent
references are to Kh liq Mulaqs edition of the Shhnma unless otherwise noted.
34

For example, see Ab Al Miskya (Miskawayh) al-R z. Tajrib al-umam, ed. Ab al-Q sim

Im m, 8 vols. (Tehran: Sursh, 19872001), vols. 13, 2nd ed. (Tehran: Sursh, 2001), 1:4849
(References are to the second edition); Ibn Isfandiy r (Bah al-Dn Muammad b. asan b.

15

Isfandiy r), Tr kh-i abaristn, ed. Abb s Iqb l shtiy n (Tehran: Kh var, 1320/1941), 1:83;
Ibn Isfandiy r, An Abridged Translation of the History of abaristn, trans. Edward G. Browne
(Leiden: Brill, 1905), 36. Also see Meisami, The Past in Service of the Present, 26465;
Charles Melville, ed., Persian Historiography (London: I. B. Taurus, 2012), lilv; and Charles
Melville, The Historian at Work, in Melville, Persian Historiography, 6667.

Chapter One
The Reception of Firdauss Shhnma
Firdauss Shhnma has generally been studied as an epic, and a few scholars have approached
it as history.1 But, although the work shares many commonalities with both epic and history, it
does not quite fit either one of these two genres.2 Charles-Henri de Fouchcour, on the other
hand, suggests that the Shhnma should be understood as a mirror for princes, that is, as a book
of advice for rulers. He also maintains, however, that the traditional morals and wisdom
promoted in the Shhnma were not taken up by later authors of medieval Persian mirrors for
princes.3 In order to decide more accurately what genre the Shhnma belongs to, we must
determine how the work was understood by its contemporary and near-contemporary audience.
In this chapter, a number of works by medieval authors who used the Shhnma as a source or
commented on Firdaus and his work will be reviewed and analysed in order to see how the
Shhnma was used and perceived by medieval writers. This analysis will demonstrate that
medieval Persian authors understood the Shhnma primarily as a book of wisdom and advice on
kingship and frequently cited verses from it that contained ethico-political wisdom and advice.
When it comes to the topic of the reception of the Shhnma, the first thing that comes to
mind is the Ghaznavid ruler, sultan Mamds (r. 388/998421/1030) ungratefulness to Firdaus.
Modern scholars are still debating the reasons for Mamds unenthusiastic reception of
Firdauss work. Various explanations, such as Mamds Turkish background, Firdauss praise
of Zoroastrianism, the jealousy of Mamds court poets, the poets religious beliefs, change of
political situation, and the supposedly outmoded style, language, and content of the Shhnma
have been given as possible reasons.4 But, although the text of the Shhnma informs us that the
16

17
poet was not rewarded for his work, we do not have any concrete evidence to support the idea
that Mamd was displeased with Firdauss work. In other words, Firdauss not having
received any reward from Mamd does not prove that Mamd was displeased with his work.
A review of the sources that contain references to Mamds ingratitude to Firdaus will help to
contextualize the anecdotal reports about this incident and to separate fact from fiction.
The Reception of the Shhnma on the Part of Sultan Mamd
Fact vs. Fiction

The Tr kh-i S stn (History of Sst n, ca. 445/1054) contains a short paragraph referring
to the story of sultan Mamds ungratefulness to Firdaus, but this paragraph, as convincingly
argued by Omidsalar, is a later interpolation.5 If we accept Omidsalars argument, then the
earliest source that provides an account about sultan Mamds niggardliness toward Firdaus is
Ni m Ar s Chahr maqla (Four discourses), written in ca. 550/1155.6 According to an
anecdote related in this work, Firdaus composed a satire (hajv-nma) on sultan Mamd after
having felt insulted by the paltry reward he gave him for the composition of the Shhnma. The
ruler of abarist n gave Firdaus the sum of one hundred thousand dirhams to convince him to
eliminate the one-hundred-verse satire he had composed on Mamd. Thus, all verses of the
satire were destroyed except for the following six verses that are quoted by Ni m:

18
They vilified me, saying that loquacious [man],
Grew old in the love of the Prophet and Al.
If I talk about [my] love for them,
I support a man like Mamd a hundred times.
A descendant of a slave is of no use,
Even though his father has been a ruler.
How much shall I talk about this?
It is like a sea, the shores of which I do not know.
The king could not appreciate good [work];
Otherwise, he would have seated me on the throne.
Since he had no noble background,
He could not tolerate hearing the names of the nobles. 7

What may be deduced from the above verses is that certain people at the court of
Mamd vilified the poet on account of his Shiite beliefs, and that sultan Mamd could not
tolerate hearing accounts about noble men because he was not from a noble background himself.
Firdauss praise of Shiism and the problem of Mamds low-born background are two main
themes that later scribes/redactors of the Shhnma elaborated. In the process, the number of
verses of the satire was, in some manuscripts, increased to 160.8 Whereas some scholars have
basically questioned the authenticity of the satire, others maintain that Firdaus himself
composed it, partly because the language and style of some of its verses are comparable to
Firdauss work and partly because of the reference made by later poets and writers to Firdauss
dissatisfaction with Mamd.9

19
On the basis of the text of the Shhnma itself, what may be concluded is that Mamd
did not pay any attention to the poems that Firdaus had sent/presented to him:

He (Mamd) did not pay attention to these [epic] tales;

It was the fault of vilifiers and bad luck.
The vilifier was envious of my work,
So, my standing fell in the Kings eyes.10

In the verses following these, Firdaus states that if the sultans commander-in-chief (that
is, Mamds brother Nar) read his work, he would not only reward him, but would also bring it
to the attention of the sultan, who would then reward him.11 As noted by Jal l Kh liq Mulaq,
the occurrence of the above-mentioned verses more than half-way through the Shhnma in the
story about Khusrau Parvz indicates that Firdaus had been sending his work to sultan Mamd
piecemeal and had received nothing for it.12 These verses, adds Kh liq Mulaq, demonstrate that
the poet still hoped to receive something from the sultan before he completed his work. At the
end of the Shhnma, Firdaus appreciates the generosity of uyayy-i Qutayba (the tax
functionary of s who exempted the poet from paying taxes) and includes a few verses in praise
of Mamd, but does not refer to any remuneration.13 As pointed out by Kh liq Mulaq, had the
poet received any reward from Mamd, he would have acknowledged it as he did with uyayyi Qutaybas remuneration.14 So, the Shhnma informs us that by the time the work was
completed (400/1010), Firdaus had not received any recompense from Mamd; nevertheless,
he kept praising him to the end of his work.

20
It must also be noted that Firdausi had already completed the first edition of the
Shhnma in 384/994, three years before Mamd rose to power, but he kept adding more tales
to his work and revising it until he finished its final edition in 400/1010.15 The eulogies to
Mamd were added in later revisions of the work as the poet witnessed Mamds victorious
conquests and his rise to power. As stated in the Shhnma, Firdaus kept his work for twenty
years in order to dedicate it to a ruler who truly deserved it.16 Having found the qualities of that
ruler in Mamd, he decided to dedicate his opus to him.17 But, as we understand from the
Shhnma, Mamd did not pay any attention to Firdauss work. The reason for this lack of
attention remains unknown, even though both medieval and modern scholars have tried to
explain it in different ways. Other than Firdauss own words about Mamds disregard for his
work (nakard andar n dstn-h nigh), we do not have any reliable source which would
determine whether Firdauss oeuvre was ever presented or read to Mamd. The anecdotal
reports of medieval authors about Firdauss travel to Ghazna in order to present his work to
Mamd in person and the sultans paltry reward for it cannot be verified. Considering the poets
high hopes in Mamd and his subsequent disappointment in him, we may speculate that
Firdausi did compose a lampoon against him because he was neglectful of his masterpiece, his
eulogies, and his polite requests ( usn-i alab) for reward.
It is also noteworthy that when Ni m Ar wrote his anecdote about Firdaus and
sultan Mamd, other different anecdotes about them were current as well. These anecdotes are
found in the prose prefaces to the Shhnma manuscripts dated 614/1217 and 675/127677.18 As
suggested by Kh liq Mulaq, the part of the manuscript dated 614/1217 which includes the
preface might be from an earlier period, and as argued by Muammad Amn Riy , the accounts
given in the manuscript dated 675/127677 are from the late fifth/eleventh to early sixth/twelfth
centuries.19 Thus, the accounts given in these prefaces were almost contemporaneous with

21
Ni m Ar s mid-twelfth-century anecdote in his Chahr maqla. A major difference
between the accounts related in the above-mentioned prefaces and the account reported by
Ni m Ar is that the accounts given in the prefaces represent Mamd as being enthusiastic
about the Shhnma and imply that it was Mamds idea to put the history of the ancient kings
of Persia into verse.20 Also, according to the accounts related in these prefaces, after Firdauss
exceptional poetic talent was discovered and the task of composing the Shhnma was assigned
to him, he stayed at the royal court in Ghazna to work on the Shhnma.21 But, according to
Chahr maqla, Firdaus composed the Shhnma on his own and in his hometown, and when
he completed his work, he decided to present it to Mamd in the hopes of securing the financial
means for purchasing a dowry for his only daughter.22 The fact that different accounts about
Firdauss unrewarded work were reported in contemporary or near-contemporary sources
suggests that the story was well known in the twelfth century, but the inconsistent information
provided in these accounts points to the anecdotal nature of them. In other words, everyone knew
that Firdausi was not rewarded for his work, but the reasons for, and details about, this
unfortunate event reported in later works seem to be the product of the creative imagination of
later authors.
More elaborate accounts are found in later prose prefaces to the Shhnma, biographies
of poets, and historical writings.23 But, these later accounts seem to be conflations of various
earlier stories. As opined by Riy , the author(s) of the prose preface to the B ysunghur
Shhnma, completed in 833/1430, put together various available anecdotes about Firdausis
composition of the Shhnma and his eventual disappointment in Mamd, and later postTimurid authors used this preface as their source when writing their own works.24
In addition to the above-mentioned accounts related in the earlier prefaces to the
Shhnma manuscripts, three other authors, who were near contemporary of Ni m Ar ,

22
referred to Firdauss unrewarded work without discussing the details of the story. These authors
are A r (d. ca. 618/1221), Ni m Ganjav (d. ca. 613/1217), and Sad al-Dn Var vn (fl.
607/1210 to 622/1225).25 Also, Usm n Mukht r, who dedicated his Shahriyr-nma to Al alDaula Masd Ghaznav (r. 492/109899 to 508/111415), seems to have made a subtle allusion
to Firdausis satire about Mamd, where he mentions that he would not compose a satire
against his patron if he did not reward him.26 As will be shown below, the allusions of these
authors as well as Ni m Ar s anecdote served them as an effective tool to convey their own
message. This means that these writers were not as much concerned with the historical accuracy
of what they related as they were with how it served their own purposes.
m

s necdote (ikyat)

In his introduction to the Chahr maqla, Ni m explains that his intention in writing
the work is to demonstrate to the king the true meaning of kingship (
).27 He advises the king to pay due attention to four professional groups at court, namely, the
scribes, the poets, the astrologers, and the physicians.28 On this basis, he divides his work into
four discourses, each devoted to one of the four professions, and adds that he will illustrate each
discourse with novel anecdotes ( ikyt-i urfa), so the king might realize that these professions
are not to be taken lightly.29 In his discussion of the role of poets, he explains that nothing
remains of all the glory and grandeur of kings except for their names, which the poets
immortalize.30 As clearly stated by Ni m Ar in his introduction, and as is evident from the
context of the story, the author does not intend to report an historical event. Rather, by narrating
an exemplary anecdote, he aims to caution the ruler about the consequences of being inattentive
and ungrateful to those who are capable of immortalizing his name. In other words, Ni m is
more concerned with the effectiveness of his story than with its historical accuracy. Furthermore,

23
Ni m Ar s accounts in the Chahr maqla contains many erroneous historical references,
which makes him an unreliable source of information on any historical matter.31
m

n v s Allusions

Ni m Ganjav seems to relate to the story of Mamds ingratitude toward Firdaus

from a personal perspective as a result of his not being rewarded by his own patron for his work
Khusrau va Sh r n, composed sometime between 571/1176 and 582/1186. In the introduction to
his work, Ni m states that his patron asked him to versify a fine tale and told him that if he
decided not to reward him for it, just as sultan Mamd did not reward Firdaus, he would still
give him enough to buy a drink.32 The allusion is to Firdauss spending Mamds small reward
on drinks for himself and two other men, as explained by Ni m Ar .33 Ni m Ganjav thus
not only reminds his patron that he would like a reward for his work, but also suggests that he
would be content with any amount he was given. In a subtle way, he also cautions his patron
about the consequences of niggardliness. But later, almost half way through his work, where he
talks about the generosity of the Sasanian ruler Khusrau Parvz to his court musician, Ni m
suddenly recalls his own patron who did not show him any generosity:

I offered several treasures (that is, versified tales) to a king,

But did not gain a single blade of straw from that harvest.
In poverty, I versified words (or, I materialized the promise [of versifying a fine tale])
Neither did he give [me] anything, nor did I ask for anything.34

Ni ms resentment against his patron could explain his preoccupation with the story of
Firdaus and Mamd, as he refers to it again in his later works. In his Iqbl-nmaa part of

24
Iskandar-nma, which was completed in 590/1194Ni m states sarcastically that, as a poet,
he inherited his talent from Firdaus, and that as a ruler, his patron inherited his generosity from
sultan Mamd. Therefore, he feels justified in asking for sultan Mamds debt to Firdaus to
be repaid to him by his own patron.35 In his Haft Paykar (completed 593/1197), Ni m writes
about the munificence of his patron and mentions his expectation of compensation; however, at
the end, he posits that Mamds ingratitude was due to back luck, so if he is not rewarded, he
will blame it on luck, and not on his patron.36 Ni m employs the rhetorical device of usn-i
alab (polite request) by alluding to the story about Firdaus and Mamd. Skilful poets used this
literary technique to impress their patrons when asking to be rewarded for their work, and
Ni m chose allusions to the story of Firdaus and sultan Mamd in order to secure a reward
for himself. Similarly, Usm n Mukht rs statement, mentioned above, whether we take it as a
subtle allusion to Firdauss satire or not, functioned as a polite request for reward.
r s Allusions

The great mystic poet A r too alluded to the story of Firdaus and sultan Mamd, but
he did so in order to convey a moral teaching. In his Ilh -nma, he refers to Firdauss rejection
of Mamds small reward in a discussion about the importance of maintaining ones dignity. 37
In his Mu bat-nma, A r boasts of his own poetic talent and asserts that he does not compose
poems for money; rather, his poetry flows naturally and intrinsically. He then alludes to
Firdauss spending Mamds reward on drinks in order to demonstrate that he would do the
same, because he is a spiritually contented man.38 In his Asrr-nma, A rs referencing
Firdaus illustrates that God forgives sinful men on account of the one good deed they do in their
lifetime. According to Ni m Ar , when Firdaus passed away, a Sunni cleric of s did not
allow his body to be buried in the Muslim cemetery on account of his alleged Shiism.39 A r
expands on this part of the story and relates that Firdaus appeared to the cleric in a dream and

25
told him that God sent him to heaven because of one verse he had composed on Gods oneness.40
This part of the story is not mentioned by Ni m Ar in his account. A r, who expresses
regret for having spent his life composing poetry, hopes that God will forgive him in the same
way that He had mercy on Firdaus.41
Both Ni m Ganjav and A r make allusions to the story of Firdaus and Mamd in
order to convey their own messages in clever and effective ways. These poets are concerned with
how the story serves their purpose, and not how accurate or authentic it is. Therefore, their poetic
allusions cannot be taken as proof of the authenticity of the encounter between Firdaus and
Mamd.
S d l-D n V r v n s Allusion

In the introduction to his Marzbn-nma, Var vn talks about the works that he read
before writing his own book.42 Among these works he refers to Jurf diq ns Tarjuma-i Tr kh-i
Yam n (603/12067), which is a Persian translation/reworking of Ab Nar Utbs Arabic
Tar kh al-Yam n (composed during 350/961427/1036 or 431/1040) on the history of the
Ghaznavids.43 Var vn admires Jurf diq ns eloquent style of writing and states that although
Jurf diq n was not rewarded for his endeavours, and like Firdaus, regretted the composition
and dedication of his work, the world now sings his praises.44 Var vns use of the term
Firdaus -vr (like Firdaus) in describing Jurf diq ns regret indicates that, by the early
thirteenth century, just mentioning the name of Firdaus was sufficient to evoke the bitterness of
unrewarded efforts. Var vns use of this term clearly shows that the story of Firdaus and sultan
Mamd was not related as an historical event. Rather, it was used as a well-known anecdote to
illustrate a similar type of relationship to ones patron.

26

The Silence of Sultan Mamd s Court Poets bout F rd us

Significantly, none of the contemporary poets at the court of Mamd, such as Farrukh
Sst n (d. 429/1039), Unur (d. 431/1041), and Manchihr D mgh n (d. 432/1041), ever
mentioned the name of Firdaus in their works. While both Farrukh and Unur refer to the
Shhnma when stating that the lies and legends of the Shhnma about the great heroes of the
past have become worthless in the presence of real heroes like sultan Mamd and his
courageous men, neither Farrukh nor Unur mentions Firdauss name in this connection.45
The statements of these poets, nevertheless, have been interpreted by modern scholars as
attempts on the part of Mamds court poets to disparage Firdauss work in the eyes of
Mamd.46 Since the above-mentioned poets do not refer to Firdaus by name, and since other
shhnmas were available at the time, we cannot conclude that these poets aimed to denigrate
Firdauss work per se.47 Moreover, when Firdaus talks about envious men and their criticisms
of his work, he refers to the stylistic quality of his work, not to its historical/legendary content:

If you look for bad verses in it (Shhnma),

Verily, they will be less than five hundred.48

The silence of the Ghanzanvid court poets about Firdaus and his work makes any
judgement about the reception of the Shhnma by sultan Mamd difficult and mainly a matter
of speculation. As mentioned above, although the text of the Shhnma itself indicates that
Mamd had not rewarded the poet, it remains unclear why Firdauss opus did not receive the
attention it deserved at the royal court.

27
The earliest court poet who named Firdaus and criticized him for composing fanciful
stories is Muizz (d. ca. 518/1125521/1127), the famous panegyrist at the court of the
Saljqs.49 As mentioned in the Chahr maqla, it was Muizz who told Ni m Ar the story
about Mamds regret at a later time for not having rewarded Firdaus, and about his order of
sending sixty thousand gold coins to him. Relating from Muizz, Ni m Ar states that
Mamd was impressed by a single verse that his minister cited from the Shhnma at the right
time, and when the minister reminded Mamd of the poet who had composed that verse,
Mamd issued the order for sending the gold coins along with his apologies to Firdaus.50
Muizzs report, which Ni m Ar supposedly heard from him in person in Nsh br in
514/112021, that is, near the end of Muizzs life, seems to reflect his regret about what he
(Muizz) had said earlier in his life about Firdaus.
Muizzs report contains a piece of interesting information, which points to the high
regard of a particular family of Khur s n for Firdauss Shhnma. According to Ni m Ar ,
Muizz had heard his story in s from a member of the Abd al-Razz qiy n family, who, as we
shall see below, had originally commissioned the composition of the Shhnma. The fact that
Ni m Ar gives the year and place of his encounter with Muizz makes it very likely that he
did actually hear the story from him. What is noteworthy in Muizzs statement is that he refers
to his informant by the title am r or governor. The only governor of s from the Abd alRazz qiy n family that we know of is Ab Manr Muammad b. Abd al-Razz q, who was
killed in 350/962, that is, more than a century before Muizz encountered Ni m Ar .
Muizz is obviously referring to a different member of the Abd al-Razz qiy n family, and this
points to the high social status of the Abd al-Razz qiy n family in s even a century after the
death of Ab Manr. The attribution of the story of Mamds eventual appreciation of the
Shhnma by hearing just one verse from it to this family also reveals that more than a century

28
after the completion of the Shhnma, Firdauss work was held in high regard by members of
the family who had originally commissioned its composition.
The Reception of the Shhnma on the Part of the Abd al-R zz q y n Family
If the fate of the Shhnma at the time of its completion is surrounded by halo of
legends, we have clearer information about its inception, which sheds light on how the work was
perceived at the time of its composition. As demonstrated by Kh liq Mulaq, Firdauss patron
must have been Manr the son of Ab Manr Muammad b. Abd al-Razz q of s, the
sipahslr (commander-in-chief) of Khur s n in 349/960.51 As we gather from the reports of
medieval historians, Ab Manr had high political ambitions and possibly aimed to challenge
Samanid rule and create an independent state for himself, but he was killed in 350/962 before his
dreams could materialize.52 Ab Manr is also known for commissioning the compilation of a
prose Shhnma (completed in 346/957), known as the Ab Manr Shhnma, which was later
used by Firdaus as his source.
Although no more than an introduction to this prose Shhnma has survived, its content
is enough to suggest that Ab Manrs cultural endeavour was part and parcel of his political
aspirations. It provides a lengthy genealogy for Ab Manr, tracing his roots back to an
important dynastic family of Parthian ancestry during the reign of the Sasanian kings, and
ultimately to the Persian mythical king Manchihr. As argued by Parvaneh Pourshariati, aside
from its mythical section, the genealogy of Ab Manr given in the introduction to the Ab
Manr Shhnma is historically sound and valid, as he was indeed a descendant of the
powerful Parthian dynastic family of Kan rangiy n, who were the marzbns (protectors of
frontiers) of s in the late Sasanian period and ruled over Khur s n since the time of Yazdgird I
(r. 399420). Pourshariati further points out that the Kan rangiy ns right to rule in the east was
hereditary (by law and tradition) during the Sasanian period.53 In view of this historical

29
background, Ab Manrs endeavour to assume power in Khur s n would only make sense, as
he seems to have been trying to reclaim his familys hereditary right to rule over the region.
Also, as noted in the introduction to the Ab Manr Shhnma, s always belonged to the
Kan rangiy n family until the time of umayd (b. Qaaba) al- (between 152/769159/775),
the Abbasid governor of Khur s n, when the family lost control of s. It was under Ab
Manr b. Abd al-Razz q that the family regained its power in s, as claimed in the
introduction to the Ab Manr Shhnma.54 As shown by Pourshariati, independent historical
sources confirm the validity of this claim.55 Furthermore, Ab Manr is introduced in the
introduction as a virtuous (b-hunar) man with farr (divine glory/right to rule) and lofty thoughts
(and sha-i buland), who was of noble origin (nizhd buzurg), and who possessed the full
apparatus of kingship (ba dastgh tamm az pdshh ).56 Ab Manrs motivation for having
commissioned the compilation of the prose Shhnma, according to the introduction, was that he
wished to leave a good name behind in the same way that the great rulers of the past, such as the
Sasanian king Anshrv n (r. 531579), the Abbasid caliph Mamn (r. 198/813218/833), and
the Samanid am r Nar b. Amad (r. 30131/91443), had immortalized their names by
commissioning the translations and versification of Kal la va Dimna.57 Thus, the introduction to
the Shhnma commissioned by Ab Manr represents him as a man on a par with Anshrv n,
Mamn, and Nar b. Amad. Ab Manrs genealogy, his great achievement of regaining his
familys hereditary right to rule over s, and his motivation in compiling the prose Shhnma,
as described in the introduction to the work, all served to establish his legitimacy should he
manage to create an independent state for himself. But, as mentioned above, he was not given the
chance to take full advantage of his cultural project, as he was killed five years after the
completion of the prose Shhnma.

30
About twenty years after Ab Manrs murder in 350/962, his son Manr provided the
funding for Firdauss versification of that prose Shhnma. Although he did not hold a high
office like his father, Manr too was politically active. According to the histories of the period,
Manr and his brother Abdull h, who had participated in a riot in Nsh br against the newly
appointed governor of Khur s n by the Samanid ruler N b. Manr (r. 365/976387/997),
were arrested in 377/987 and sent to Bukhara, where they were shamed and defamed in public.
The two brothers were then imprisoned in Quhandiz castle and no one knows what happened to
them afterward.58 Although Manr was only able to support Firdaus in the first few years of his
composition of the Shhnma (Firdaus started his work sometime between 365/976 and
370/980), it is noteworthy that the father and son both challenged Samanid authority and both
sponsored the writing of Shhnmas, one in prose and the other in verse. The information
available on the political endeavours of the Abd al-Razz qiy n family is scanty, yet it is not
difficult to see a link between their political and cultural activities. By their sponsorship of the
history of ancient Persian kings, the father and son aimed to establish their legitimacy as
prospective rulers of the region, and, more importantly, to communicate their cultural values and
political ideology as reflected in the tales of the Shhnma.
The introduction to the Ab Manr Shhnma provides detailed information about what
can be learned from it. As clearly stated in the introduction, the accounts about the reigns of the
first to the last king of the Persians, along with the accounts about the justice and injustice, the
revolts, the wars, and the custom and practice of these kings were put together and called the
Shhnma (Book of kings), so that men of knowledge would look into it and learn all about the
education (farhang) of kings, noblemen (mihtarn), and sages (farznign), and the task of
kingship (kr va sz-i pdshh ), the disposition (nihd) and conduct (raftr) of kings, the good
customs (y nh-yi n k ), the justice (dd), the judgement (dvar ), the administration (rndan-i

31
kr), the arrangement of troops (siph rstan), the fighting (razm kardan), the conquest (shahr
gushdan), the vengeance (k n khvstan), and the night raiding (shab kh n kardan), as well as
keeping respect (zarm dshtan) and making requests (khvstr kardan).59 Thus, the prose
Shhnma was compiled to educate its readers on all matters related to statecraft and kingship.
The benefit of reading the work, according to the introduction, was twofold: first, to learn about
the conduct and custom of kings (raftr va y n-i shhn), in order to learn how to get along
(skhtan) with everyone; and second, to be entertained by its pleasant tales, which contain useful
information about everything such as reward and retribution for good and bad deeds, rudeness
and gentleness (durusht va histig ), anger and contentment (khishm va khushn d ), advice and
admonishment (pand va andarz), and so on.60 The introduction to the Ab Manr Shhnma,
therefore clarifies that the book was intended to both educate and entertain. As we shall see,
education and entertainment seem to have also been Firdauss intent in the composition of his
work.
The Reception of the Shhnma on the Part of Medieval Writers
Despite the lack of information on the fate of Firdauss Shhnma after its completion,
later sources are replete with references to it. Medieval writers imitations of and borrowings
from the Shhnma and their commentaries on the work reveal a great deal about the reception
of Firdausis opus in medieval times. In general, references to Firdaus and his work are found in
the biographies of poets (tazkira), comments made by copyists of the Shhnma, works on the
science of rhetoric (ilm-i balgha), epics composed on the model of the Shhnma, anthologies
or selections from the Shhnma (ikhtiyrt), mirrors for princes, and historical writing. By
examining these various types of works, the following discussion will demonstrate the view
medieval writers had of Firdaus and his work.

32
Biographies of Poets (tazkiras)

Among the extant medieval Persian biographies of poets, six works include information
on Firdaus and his poetry.61 Two of these works are specifically written as biographies of poets
and the other four only contain chapters on the life and works of poets. The earliest Persian
biography of poets to comment on Firdauss work is the above-mentioned Chahr maqla of
Ni m Ar . Ni m Ar s discourse on the profession of poet provides biographical
information on several poets, including Firdaus. Ni m Ar praises Firdauss eloquence by
stating that he elevated the [status of] speech to the highest level of heaven (
), and compares the flow and clarity of Firdauss words to that of water (
).62 Ni m Ar states that he has never seen such eloquence either among Persians or
among many Arabs () .63
Similar commendation for Firdaus and his work is expressed by Muammad Auf in his
Lubb al-albb (The select of the select), written during 617/1220 to 625/1228.64 Lubb alalbb, which is the earliest extant biography of poets in Persian, provides a tantalizing piece of
information that is not recorded anywhere else. It refers to a selection of verses (ikhtiyrt) from
the Shhnma that had been made by the poet Masd-i Sad-i Salm n (d. 515/112122) and
notes that whoever studies it will recognize Firdauss eminence.65 Since there is no evidence of
the existence of Masd-i Sads compilation, modern scholars have been suspicious of the
veracity of Aufs statement.66 But, whether Aufs attribution of such a work to Masd-i Sad
is accurate or not, his statement indicates that by Aufs time, the practice of extracting verses
from the Shhnma and compiling them in separate worksperhaps with the title ikhtiyrt
(selected verses)was already evident.67
Auf also mentions that Firdaus composed other poems, which are not as popular as the
Shhnma. He provides two examples of these, both of which are in the form of qia (fragment),

33
meaning an extract from a ghazal or qa da having end-rhyme. The first example consists of two
verses in praise of Mamd, and the other is five verses expressing the poets regret for his
youth.68 Similarly, amdull h Mustauf, whose Tr kh-i guz da (Select history, completed
730/1330) includes a chapter on the biographies of poets, states that Firdaus wrote other good
poems, but they were not popular.69 amdull h Mustaufs example from Firdauss other poems
is a five-verse fragment on longing for the beloved. Both Aufs and amdull h Mustaufs
statements demonstrate that, during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, the popularity and
prominence of the Shhnma overshadowed the poets other works, and that verses from the
Shhnma were so well-known that literary biographers did not even need to quote any examples
from it.
In his Mujmal-i Fa

(ca. 836/143233), which is in fact an historical writing, but

provides detailed biographical information on poets whose dates of deaths coincides with the
dates of events reported in the work, Fa Khv f relates an anecdote that points to the fame and
popularity of Firdaus at the time. In this anecdote, which also appears in the prose preface to the
B ysunghur Shhnma (completed in 833/1430),70 Fa Khv f relates that when Firdaus was
born, his father dreamed that his son went on top of a roof and uttered a loud cry toward Mecca.
In response, he heard a voice back. Firdaus did the same in three other directions, and heard
back from every one. In the morning, when Firdauss father asked a dream interpreter named
Najb al-Dn about the dream, he was told that it meant his son would become an orator whose
fame would reach the four corners of the world, that his words would be well received all over
the world, and that he would be exceptional in his era (ndira-i a r) and a prodigy of the time
(uj ba-i dahr). Fa Khv f adds that all poets who have composed Persian poetry have looked
up to Firdaus and admired him.71 To demonstrate other poets admiration for Firdaus, Fa
Khv f quotes from six poets who praised Firdauss work.72

34
Tazkirat al-shuar (892/1487) by the biographer Daulatsh h Samarqand and Bahristn
(892/1487) by the mystic poet J m, also confirm the high status of Firdauss work in the
medieval Persian literary sphere. Tazkirat al-shuar was specifically written as a biography of
poets, but J ms Bahristn is a book on adab (ethics and proper conduct), one chapter of which
contains brief accounts of thirty nine poets, from Rdak (d. 329/94041) to Al-Shr Nav (d.
906/1501). Daulatsh h refers to Firdaus as the Sab n of the Persians, a reference to a preIslamic Arab poet and rhetorician who was celebrated for his eloquence.73 He states that all men
of high literary stature are in agreement Firdaus had no equal during the Islamic era, and that the
Shhnma is a good reason for this consensus since no poet or rhetorician has ever been able to
compose anything comparable to it in the past five hundred years.74 Daulatsh h opines that
Firdaus was divinely guided and quotes a few verses by other poets to demonstrate their
admiration for Firdauss poetical skill.75 J ms statement in his Bahristn about Firdaus and
his Shhnma confirms Daulatsh hs assertion concerning the consensus among literary scholars
regarding the prominence of Firdauss Shhnma. J m states that Firdauss excellence and
perfection are apparent and that someone with a book of poetry like the Shhnma does not need
the praise of others.76 This statement verifies that Firdauss eminence was so evident and widely
acknowledged in the Persian literary milieu that J m thought it would be superfluous to write
about it.
The encomiastic statements of medieval poets and biographers about Firdaus and his
work are evidence that medieval writers did not consider the language and style of the Shhnma
to be archaic or outdated.77 As will be discussed below, Firdauss oeuvre even inspired other
poets to produce similar works; although, none of those poems is marked by the high literary
quality of the Shhnma. The hyperbolic statements of later poets and writers about Firdaus and
his work may be considered by modern scholars as simply a trope, part of the style of medieval

35
prose-writing. But, it must also be noted that not all poets and writers enjoyed such universal
veneration and esteem.
Comments of the Copyists of the Shhnma

In his study of the epithets and titles that the copyists of the Shhnma manuscripts
applied to Firdaus, Angelo Michele Piemontese noted that such titles as ak m (sage), malik alshuar (king of poets), afal al-shuar (the best of poets), af a al-shuar (the most eloquent
of poets), and af a al-mutakallim n (the most eloquent of orators) were repeatedly used in
referring to Firdaus himself, and such titles as ustd (master), afkham (superior), isnd (proof),
and qudva (leader) were used for him as a poet, and that he was also known as amla al-bulagh
(most fluent of the eloquent), afal al-mu aqqiq n (supreme scholar), malik al-fual (king of the
literati) and ustd al-kalm (master of speech).78
Medieval scribes did not apply honorific titles to all poets and authors whose works they
copied. As remarked by Piemontese, the only other poet who was praised by copyists of his
works was Ni m Ganjav.79 But, the copyists commendation of Ni m in manuscripts of his
works start to appear only in the sixteenth century, whereas the earliest manuscript of the
Shhnma that includes a poem composed by the scribe in honour of Firdaus dates from
803/1400.80
Piemontese asserts that the use of honorific titles and epithets for Firdaus by later
copyists of the Shhnma continues a tradition that must have started earlier. He argues that even
if the titles and epithets for Firdaus are exaggerated and reflect the style of writing of the period,
their application cannot be baseless.81 In his view, the fact that the title amsa sar
(composer of epic), or any other title which reflects this concept, was never applied to Firdaus,
and that the most commonly used epithet for the poet was ak m (sage), demonstrates that he
was always regarded primarily as a sage.82 It must also be noted that the term amsa, and

36
amsa-sar are only modern renditions of the terms epic and composer of epic
respectively, which are taken from Western literary criticism. The term amsa is actually
borrowed from Arabic literature, where it refers to a collection of poems composed in praise of
bravery and heroism of Arab tribes. Persian medieval writers and literary critics classified
Persian literary works based on their form not their subject. They did, however, refer to poets by
using epithets that reflected the subject matter of their works. So, other Persian poets whose
works contained wisdom and moral advice were also known by the epithet ak m. For example,
Asad s (d. 465/107273) and Ir nsh n b. Ab al-Khayr (d. ca. 511/111718), who composed
heroic epics in imitation of the Shhnma and whose works contain similar advice and wisdom,
as well as Umar Khayy m (d. 527/113233), who was known as a philosopher, astrologer,
mathematician, physician and poet, and the mystic poet San (d. 545/115051), whose works
contain philosophical ideas, moral advice and homilies, are all referred to by the epithet ak m.
The epithet ak m was never applied to Firdauss contemporaries such as the poets Farrukh (d.
429/103738) and Manchihr (d. 432/ 104041), probably because they mostly composed
panegyrics.
It may also be added that Firdaus was never called a historian (muarrikh, rv , and so
on) either. Obviously, it was his eloquence and wisdom demonstrated throughout his work that
impressed his medieval readers the most, not the historical information contained in his work.
Even Anvars (d. 583/118788) negative comment about Firdausis Shhnma appears
as a back-handed compliment. In one of his poems, where he admonishes himself against
composing poetry to please the commoners (bahr-i qab l-i mma), he asks himself to look at
the perfection (kaml) of Avicenna in order to see the imperfection (nuq n) of Firdaus. He
further states that when there is a work like Avicennas Shif, one should not compose poetry
like the Shhnma.83 Anvars example of the Shhnma as a work that pleases common people

37
points to the popularity of the Shhnma at the time. And, his comparing of Firdauss
imperfection to Avicennas perfection indicates that Firdauss work was considered to be a book
of wisdom like that of Avicenna; although, it lacked the philosophical approach of Avicennas
work.
The universal praise of Firdaus and his work by medieval writers, poets, and copyists of
the Shhnma demonstrates that they did not consider the Shhnma to be an outmoded
collection of ancient tales composed in an archaic language. Rather, they perceived the work as a
book of wisdom and admired the poets eloquence in presenting the wisdom and advice it
contained.
Works on the Science of Rhetoric (ilm-i balgha)

In his al-Mathal al-sir f adab al-ktib wa al-shir, the Arab literary critic iy alDn ibn al-Athr (d. 637/1239)brother of the famous historian Ibn al-Athrrefers to
Firdauss Shhnma as the Quran of the [Persian] people (Qurn al-qaum), and mentions
that such eloquence cannot be found in Arabic poetry.84 Since the Shhnma was so highly
admired for its rhetorical qualities, one would expect it to have been used as a major source in
medieval Persian treatises on rhetoric. Unfortunately, despite the fact that quite a number of
works on the technical requirements of poetry were produced during the Ghaznavid period
(366/977583/1187), only a few such works have survived.85 Nevertheless, two such works
provide important insights into the reception of the Shhnma during medieval times.
The earliest extant Persian treatise on rhetoric is Tarjumn al-balgha (The interpretation
of eloquence) composed by Muammad b. Umar al-R dy n in 507/111314. Modern scholars
have always assumed that he does not make any reference to the Shhnma.86 This assumption,
however, was based on an incomplete manuscript of the Tarjumn al-balgha that was edited by
Ahmed Ate (1949), and which was believed to be unique.87 Another copy of this work was

38
edited by Al Qavm (1960) based on a different manuscript, which he owned.88 As confirmed
by the list of contents of the two copies of Tarjumn al-balgha, Al Qavms manuscript
contains the two pages that are missing in the manuscript edited by Ate.89 R dy ns quotation
from Firdauss Shhnma appears in this part of the work that is missing from Ates
manuscript. In Qavms edition, R dy n quotes a verse from Firdaus to illustrate the technique
of the application of homilies, aphorisms, and complaints (al-maui a va al- ikma va alshakv) in poetry.90 The verse reads:

In manliness, there should be no room for doubt;

For the hand of Fate reaches you [anyway].91

R dy ns quotation from the Shhnma to illustrate this specific technique suggests that
Firdauss Shhnma was considered as a model for citing advice and aphorisms in poetry.
In addition to the above-mentioned verse, the Tarjumn al-balgha contains two other
verses that the author attributes to Firdaus.92 These two verses are not from the Shhnma, but
they appear with four additional verses in Aufs Lubb al-albb as an example of Firdauss
other poetry.93 The fact that R dy n refers to Firdaus two times in his treatise indicates that
not only was he known in the early twelfth century, but also that his opus was recognized as a
fine example of the use of Persian rhetorical devices.
The other work on the rhetorical sciences is al-Mujam f may r ashr al-ajam (The
lexicon of the standards of Persian poetry) by Shams al-Dn Muammad b. Qays al-R z
(Shams-i Qays), composed in the early thirteenth century. This work contains discussions of the
three major sciences of ar (prosody), qfiya (rhyme), and ma sin-i shir (rhetorical devices
and the forms of poetry). The quotations from the Shhnma are limited to the chapters on metre

39
and poetic forms. The authors citations from the Shhnma are nevertheless illuminating.94 In
his explanation of the various types of mutaqrib metre, Shams-i Qays quotes two verses from
the Shhnma.95 He also quotes five verses from the Shhnma to illustrate muzdavaj or masnav
as a form of poetry and demonstrates how the end rhyme of each verse is different, adding that
this form is suitable for stories and long tales. The five verses that Shams-i Qays quotes from the
Shhnma, however, are not consecutive. Rather, they are taken from two different stories, and
even the verses from the same story are not consecutive: 96

One should not spend time doing bad [deeds]

As the evil-doer will no doubt be requited with evil.97

The punishment of the Judge is like this

That the evil-doer will himself face evil.98

The one who is pure and faithful

Never tends toward bad deeds
Because, although it is easy to do bad,
The soul is fearful of the consequences on the Day of Judgement.99

If you are free from hurt and have pure thoughts
You will benefit from that in both worlds.100

40
The second verse of the quotation above belongs to a different story, and verses have
been omitted between the verses quoted from the same story. The omitted verses between the
first and third verses of the quotation are part of the narrative and contain the names of characters
in the story. Therefore, only the verses referring to the moral lesson of the story have been
selected. Since Shams-i Qays is talking about using this form of poetry for story-telling, there
was no reason for him to omit the verses that formed part of the narrative. Even if he deliberately
omitted those verses, it is odd to insert a verse from another part of the Shhnma into the
middle of these verses. It may be hypothesized that Shams-i Qays was quoting from a work of
selections from the Shhnmacompiled either by himself or by someone elsebecause all the
verses cited are on the same theme of evil-doing.
In point of fact, all of the above-mentioned verses appear in a selection of verses from the
Shhnma entitled Ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma (Selections from the Shhnma) compiled by Al b.
Amad in 474/108182.101 But, although they are all on the same theme, the order of the abovementioned verses is different, and they are interspersed with other verses,. The different order of
the verses indicates that Shams-i Qays did not copy from the Ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma. The
practice of compiling selections from the Shhnma was already mentioned with reference to
Aufs statement regarding Masd-i Sads selections from the Shhnma. Al b. Amads
Ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma and Shams-i Qayss quotation from Firdauss work provide further
evidence for the independent existence of this type of compilation. As will be discussed in detail
later in this chapter, most verses that were selected for these compilations contained wisdom and
moral advice. It may thus be posited that medieval writers referred to Firdauss work as a
reservoir of aphorisms, wisdom, and advice. Both R dy ns use of the Shhnma and Shams-i
Qayss particular citation from Firdauss work attest to this fact.

41
Post-Shhnma Epics and Verse Chronicles
Heroic epics. We know of at least sixteen heroic/mythical epics that were composed in

imitation of the Shhnma with respect to their form, metre, language, and style in the period
between the eleventh and fourteenth centuries.102All these epics relate the adventures of Persian
mythical heroes to whom Firdaus did not devote more than a few verses in his work. The
continued production of works in imitation of the Shhnma demonstrates that the mythicohistorical content of Firdauss work was quite popular for centuries after its completion. Asad
ss acknowledgement of Firdauss work as the impetus for writing the Garshsb-nma (or
Karshsp-nma, completed in 458/1066) is evidence that Firdauss versification of ancient
Persian tales affected his contemporary audience. In the introduction to his work, Asad s
states that two noble men (the kings minister and his brother) at the court of Bdulaf, the ruler
of Arr n (Nakhjav n), encouraged him to versify a tale (dstn) from an ancient book (nma-i
bstn) and leave his good name behind in the same way that Firdaus did with his Shhnma.103
Firdauss recognition by members of contemporary courtly lites in north-western Iran points to
the attention accorded to the Shhnma outside the poets local area shortly after its completion.
A careful investigation of the post-Shhnma epics would not only enhance our
knowledge of the Persian epic tradition, but would also further our understanding of the
reception of Firdauss work by medieval poets. Unfortunately, very few of these epics have been
edited or thoroughly studied.104 Nevertheless, the few surveys that have been done indicate that
these post-Shhnma epics often have an ethico-political dimension. For example, Marijan Mol
noted that despite all the descriptions of battle scenes and heroic adventures in the K sh-nma
(composed between 501/1108504/1111 by r nsh n b. Ab al-Khayr), which are characteristic
features of all heroic poems, the central theme of the work is royal succession and legitimate
kingship.105 Jal l Matn points out that, according to the narrative of the K sh-nma, Jamshd

42
left behind three books of advice for his descendentsreferred to as andarz-i Jamsh d,
guftr-i Jamsh d, and andarz-nmaso they could consult them in solving their
problems.106 In addition to leaving books of advice for his descendents, Jamshd also appeared to
them in their dreams to give them guidance.107 Matn also draws attention to eight effective
military tactics described in the K sh-nma.108 Military tactics and arrangement of troops in the
battlefield are topics that are usually dealt with in the books of advice for rulers.109 The
observations of Mol and Matn indicate that K sh-nma, like its model, the Shhnma,
conveys lessons on kingship through its narration of heroic tales. As we shall see in the
following chapters of this study, the issue of royal legitimacy and succession, the significance of
the advice of exemplary rulers of the past, and effective military tactics are all matters discussed
in the Shhnma and later books of advice for rulers.
Moreover, as noted by Matn, a section of the K sh-nma, consisting of 103 verses,
closely corresponds to one hundred paragraphs of Aydgr-i Wuzurgmihr (Memorial of
Buzurgmihr), a Middle Persian text on moral advice and wisdom attributed to Buzurgmihr, the
famous wise minister of the Sasanian king Anshrv n (r. 53179).110 Significantly, almost half
of the content of this text also appears in the Shhnma.111 As may be inferred from Matns
comparison of the texts of the Aydgr-i Wuzurgmihr, the Shhnma, and the K sh-nma, the
author of the K sh-nma did not copy this part of his work from the Shhnma; rather, he seems
to have worked directly from the Middle Persian text or its translation.112 The use of a Middle
Persian text on wisdom and advice on kingship points to the attention of the composers of these
epics to the ethico-political dimension of Persian heroic tales.
In the introduction to K sh-nma, r nsh n mentions that he had already composed
another epic entitled Bahman-nma.113 This work, which deals with the adventures of
Isfandiy rs son Bahman, is another Persian epic composed in imitation of the Shhnma.114 Its

43
central theme is Bahmans revenge on Rustams family for Rustams killing of his father,
Isfandiy r. In the introduction to Bahman-nma, r nsh n states that the constant battles and
wars of his patron, the Saljq sultan Muammad b. Maliksh h (r. 498/1105511/1118), reminded
him of the endless battles of Bahman against Rustams family. This statement indicates that the
socio-political turmoil of the time inspired the poet to compose a poem through which he could
offer his advice for solving contemporary problems. As in his K sh-nma, r nsh n describes
different military tactics and the effective arrangement of troops on the battlefield. He also
includes in his work the topics of wisdom, manly virtue, generosity, patience, hospitality, and so
on, which are common themes of the medieval literature of wisdom and advice.115
Asad ss Garshsb-nma, already mentioned above, is another example of a Persian
heroic epic, composed on the model of the Shhnma, which includes advice for rulers and
courtiers. Almost one third of Asads work is devoted to wisdom and moral values.116 Kh liq
Mulaqs study of this work demonstrates how closely the moral and political concepts presented
in it correspond to those in the Shhnma. By comparing the Garshsb-nma to Middle Persian
wisdom texts, such as M n -yi Khirad and Andarz-i zarbd Mahraspandn; to New Persian
advice literature, such as Ab Shakr Balkhs poems (tenth century) and Unur al-ma ls
Qb s-nma (475/1082); and to Arabic works translated from Middle Persian texts, such as Ibn
al-Muqaffas Adab al-kab r, Kh liq Mulaq has shown how faithfully Asad s put the ancient
Persian wisdom literature to verse.117
Farmarz-nma is another post-Shhnma epic, which recounts the adventures of
Far marz, son of Rustam.118 Kh liq Mulaqs study of a manuscript of this work provides
important insights into the nature of this epic.119 To begin with, the anonymous poet of the
Farmarz-nma introduces himself as a slave of the pure heart of Firdaus, a statement which
indicates that the poet looked to Firdauss opus in composing his own work.120 According to the

44
tale, the king of India sought help from the king of Iran to bring peace to his people, who were
suffering from five major problems.121 Four of the five problems concerned the activities of
harmful animals and fabulous creatures, which had made the region unsafe and insecure, and one
problem concerned extortionate taxes imposed by a local ruler. Far marz volunteers to go to
India to help, and several other heroes follow suit. The general theme of this epic, thus, is the
role of kings and heroes (read military men) in providing peace and security for people. The
kings duty to provide peace and security for people and his punishment of local rulers for
extortionate taxations are among the chief topics of almost all medieval Persian mirrors for
princes.
Like other Persian epics, such as Garshsb-nma, Farmarz-nma contains an episode in
which the hero discovers the treasury of a deceased king, where his book of advice is kept.
Farmarz-nma also includes episodes that depict the hero receiving guidance from a deceased
king.122 Kh liq Mulaq interprets such episodes as symbolic confirmations of the status of the
hero as jahn pahlavn the hero of the world. This interpretation points to the importance of
the wisdom of previous kings in Persian heroic tales. These episodes also point to the
prominence of the ethico-political dimensions of such narratives.
This cursory survey of post-Shhnma epics demonstrates that later poets paid attention
to the ethico-political dimension of Firdauss opus and made sure to include it in their own
works.
Religious epics. The epics composed in imitation of the Shhnma were not limited to the

adventures of Persian mythical heroes. Some poets followed the model of the Shhnma in form,
metre, style, and language, but replaced the Persian mythical heroes with Muslim heroes. As
early as 482/1090, a poet with the pen-name Rab composed an epic in imitation of the
Shhnma, entitled Al -nma, which portrayed the heroic acts of Al b. Ab lib, the cousin

45
and son-in-law of the prophet Muammad, the fourth Orthodox caliph, and the first Imam of the
Shiites, in the battles of Jamal and iffn.123
The poet of the Al -nma states that the reason the Shhnma is so pleasant (dilkash,
naghz, khvush) is that it is composed of pure lies (zi maghz-i dur gh ast).124 He also claims that
Firdauss Shhnma was sponsored by the Karramitesa sect of Islam founded in eastern Iran
in the ninth century, which was known for its asceticism and rejection of Sunni formalism and
Shiite immoderationin their attempt to inhibit the reading of true stories about the prophet
Muammad and his family.125 Rab, who uses the Shhnma as a model and even borrows
poetic imagery and ideas from it, stresses that wise men would read the Al -nma not the
Shhnma.126 Despite his accusations against Firdaus and his work, Rabs recognition of the
Shhnma as a pleasant work, as well as his call to not read it, indicate that Firdauss work was
very popular in the late eleventh century.
Khvarn-nma (830/142627) by Ibn us m Khsf is another Persian epic with an
Islamic theme, which narrates the extraordinary deeds of Al b. Ab lib in khvar (east),
recounting his battles against demons (d vs), dragons, and Persian mythical kings.127 Ibn s m
demonstrates his deep admiration for Firdaus in his description of a dream he had about him. In
his dream, Ibn s m saw Firdaus clad in a beautiful Sufi robe wandering in a beautiful garden.
He describes that he paid his respect to Firdaus, marvelled at his work, and tightly embraced
him. As he was embracing Firdaus, Ibn us m asked him to share with him his wisdom and
knowledge. When he woke up, Ibn us m could not remember Firdauss words, but his chest
had become a treasure-house of secrets (makhzan-i ganj-i asrr) and the sleeping head of his
wisdom was awakened (khirad r sar-i khufta b dr gasht).128 Ibn us m maintains that it was
through this spiritual connection with Firdaus that he gained the knowledge and wisdom to
compose his own work.129

46
The production of these types of epics, which are usually classified as religious/Shiite
epics, reached its peak during the Safavid period (15011722) and has continued to the modern
era.130 An examination of these works in order to determine whether or not their composers
remained faithful to the wisdom and advice component of Persian heroic tales might provide
further confirmation, but that would take us too far afield from our topic.131
Historical epics. Firdauss Shhnma also inspired later poets to compose epics and

romances that related the extraordinary deeds of historical figures. The poets of historical epics,
too, carefully emulated their model by including the wisdom and advice components in their
works. Ni m Ganjavs Iskandar-nma (ca. 590/1194), which is clearly a book of advice for
rulers, is an excellent example. Ni m, who is usually regarded as the initiator of Persian
historical epics, versified the accounts of Alexander as a warrior and hero in the first part of his
work, and as a philosopher, ideal king, and prophet in the second part.132 The two parts of
Ni ms work are generally known by the titles Sharaf-nma (Book of nobility) and Iqbl-nma
(Book of good fortune) interchangeably. The title Khirad-nma (Book of wisdom) has also been
applied to the second part of the work.133 These titles suggest that Ni ms Iskandar-nma was
primarily understood as a book of wisdom on kingship, and not so much as an historical account
of Alexanders exploits. Throughout his work, Ni m holds up the model of Alexander to his
patron as an ideal king and gives him advice on how to rule.
In the introduction to his Iskandar-nma, Ni m states that if the wise man of s, i.e.
Firdaus, were to give all the details of the accounts that he related, his story would have become
too long. Therefore, he undertook to provide the reader with the details that Firdaus left
untold.134 Ni m also mentions that another reason why Firdaus did not say everything was that
he wished to leave something for others to say, as it is not appropriate to eat all the halv
(sweets) by oneself.135 These statements indicate that Ni m wanted his work to be considered

47
as a complement to the Shhnma and as valuable as Firdauss oeuvre. Since Ni m composed
his work as a mirror for princes in a mythico-historical framework, we may assume that he
understood Firdauss work in the same way, that is, as a book of wisdom and advice for kings.
Even Ni ms Khusrau va Sh r n and Haft Paykar, which are classified as historical
romances not epics, appear to follow the rules of conveying ethico-political lessons through
entertaining tales.136 In these two works, Ni m depicts the image of flawed rulers in order to
give his patron admonishment and advice. Ni ms acknowledgement of Firdaus in both of
these works is an indication that in both of them, he followed the model of the Shhnma in
using ancient tales as didactic vehicles to convey advice on kingship. In the introduction to
Khusrau va Sh r n, Ni m states that the wise man who had already versified the story of
Khusrau and Shrn, that is, Firdaus, had reached the age of sixty, and thus, did not see the
benefits of writing about love affairs.137 Therefore, he decided to versify the parts of the story
that Firdaus had not included in his work.138 By this statement, Ni m suggests that there are
lessons to be learned from love stories as well. In the introduction to his Haft Paykar, he refers to
Firdaus as a quick-minded (chbuk-and sha) poet, who perfectly versified a good selection of
the history of ancient kings.139 He compares Firdauss work to a cut jewel, and the stories that
Firdaus did not put into verse to the little bits and pieces that were left behind from the cutting
of that jewel.140 Then, he mentions that everyone produced something from those small bits of
jewels, and that he (Ni m), like an expert jeweller (gauhar-shins)metaphorically, someone
who knows about human essencecreated a precious treasure from a small piece of jewel that
was left from the cutting of that large jewel (that is, Firdauss work).141 All this
acknowledgement of Firdaus by a poet like Ni m, who often compares his own poetry to licit
magic (si r-i all), reflects the high status in which Firdauss opus was regarded by such poetic
masters as Ni m. Ni ms high regard for Firdaus and his oeuvre is further evidence that

48
medieval poets and writers did not see the stories of the Shhnma merely as a collection of
entertaining tales; rather, they perceived the wisdom contained in each tale and tried to emulate
the poet in their own works.
The most outstanding imitation of the Shhnma is amdull h Mustaufs afar-nma,
completed in 735/1335.142 This work, which is regarded as a sequel to the Shhnma, is a
versified chronicle relating Islamic history from the birth of the prophet Muammad up to the
Muslim conquest of Iran, and continuing with the history of Iran up to the time of the poet, that
is, the Ilkhanid era. In his introduction to afar-nma, amdull h Mustauf expresses his high
admiration for Firdaus and his work and mentions that the text of the Shhnma was corrupted
over time because of the mistakes and interpolations made by copyists. Therefore, he decided to
edit the Shhnma based on the available manuscripts. When he completed the edition of the
Shhnma, he undertook the task of versifying a history which would supplement Firdauss
work, and in this, he asked Firdauss spirit for guidance.143
In the introduction to his afar-nma, amdull h Mustauf explains the difference
between prose and verse chronicles.144 Considering amdull h Mustaufs high regard for the
Shhnma and his intention to compose a versified history that would supplement the Shhnma,
his explanation of the difference between prose and versified histories would reveal his
understanding of the Shhnma.145 To explain the difference, amdull h Mustauf states that
poetry is the form ( rat) of Gods power (qudrat-i dvar), and if a person is not endowed with
Gods favour (fay), he cannot produce versified anecdotes ( ikyt-i man m).146 In his view,
composing poetry is a divine job (ilh buvad man -i kr-i na m).147 He also mentions that those
who intend to guide (har nkas ki ryash hidyat buvad) can compose stories both in prose and
verse.148 Thus, in amdull h Mustaufs view, the poet is favoured by God to guide and give
advice. amdull h Mustauf also states that by versifying a prose text, the poet adds colour and

49
fragrance (rang va b ) to it and makes it more interesting for the audience.149 These statements
make it obvious that in versified histories, such as the Shhnma and afar-nma, the historical
narrative is secondary to the entertaining and educational aspect of these works.
In point of fact, a great number of historical epics were produced under the profound
influence of the Shhnma during the Mongol period and beyond.150 Although very few of these
works have been edited and critically examined, recent studies on the few that have been
explored show that the authors of these epics not only emulated the metre, style, and, in some
cases, the language of the Shhnma (for example, the afar-nma, which also contains verses
from the Shhnma inserted in its main text), but also followed the model of the Shhnma in
providing less historical information and attending more to the ideals of kingship based on
ancient Persian models.151 For example, in his study of the afar-nma of amdull h Mustauf
and the Shhnma-i Ching z of Shams al-Dn K sh n (ca. 705/1306), Charles Melville points to
the non-historical aspects of these verse chronicles and shows how these works present historical
information wrapped in a series of homiletic passages that advise the kings and courtiers on
proper conduct and warn them on the punishment due for wrongdoings.152 He also draws
attention to a pand-nma book of advice in afar-nma, the contents of which were delivered
to the Mongol ruler Gh z n Kh n (r. 694/1295704/1304) by his minister Rashid al-Dnwhom
amdull h Mustauf refers to as m bad-i m badn, a title given to the chief Zoroastrian
priest/minister at the court of the Sasanian kingsin the course of twelve months, each devoted
to a specific theme.153 amdull h Mustaufs reference to this pand-nma as the pand-nma-i
Rashd, and his referring to Rashd al-Dn as m bad-i m badn are reminiscent of the pandnma-i Buzurgmihr in the Shhnma, which is delivered to the Sasanian king Anshrv n (r.
53179) by his chief priest/minister (m bad-i m badn), Buzurgmihr.154 Also, the twelve
discourses (majlis) of Rashd al-Dns pand-nma echoes the seven sessions (majlis) of

50
Anshrv ns meeting with Buzurgmihr and other wise men at his court, through which the
advices of the sages are offered to the king.155 The topics of the twelve discourses of the pandnma-i Rashd are: justice (adl va dd), good intention (niyyat-i pk), compassion (shafaqat),
dignity and forbearance (vaqr va ta ammul), generosity (sakhvat), delivering tasks to those
who know the job (kr bi-krdn farm dan), forgiveness (afv), loyalty (vafdr ), drinking
wine (may khvurdan), coercive force (siysat), complete awareness of the state of affairs in the
world (vuq f-i kr-i jahn), and seeking the hereafter (alab-i khirat).156 These are the main
topics of discussion in the medieval Persian mirrors for princes. In his study of another verse
chronicle of the Mongol period, namely, the Ghzn-nma, on the reign of Gh z n Kh n,
Melville notes the marked moralising tone and didactic aspect of the work.157 The inclusion of
didactic and instructional materials for kings and courtiers in verse chronicles modeled after
Firdauss Shhnma, and the little emphasis placed on historical facts in these works, point to
their authors perception of the Shhnma not as an historical source but as a book of advice and
wisdom for kings and courtiers, albeit composed in an historical framework.
Compilations of Selected Verses from the Shhnma (ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma)

The aphorisms and wisdom contained in the Shhnma attracted the attention of writers
who used them in their own works either with or without acknowledgement. As will be
demonstrated below, these writers were mainly the authors of wisdom and advice literature, who
incorporated verses from the Shhnma in their own prose texts not only for stylistic purposes,
but also for the wisdom contained in them.
To have easy access to suitable verses of the Shhnma, medieval writers selected verses
from it and organized them thematically. We know from R vands R at al- ud r va yat alsur r (The comfort of chests and the signs of joy), composed during 599/12023 to 603/12067,
that, in order to perfect their poetic skills, novice poets were recommended to select and

51
memorize two hundred verses from the wise sayings ( ikam) of the Shhnmain addition to
memorizing verses from other great works.158 So, one may assume that many medieval novice
poets compiled their own selections from the Shhnma. As mentioned above, Aufs statement
about Masd-i Sads having composed a book of selected verses from the Shhnma, and
Shams-i Qayss quotation from the Shhnma, which was clearly taken from a compilation of
selected verses (ikhtiyrt), provide evidence that selections from the Shhnma were available
to medieval authors as independent works.
Further evidence for the availability of selections from the Shhnma to medieval writers
is the Saf na-i Tabr z, a collection of approximately 210 treatises, letters, poems, and different
works on a variety of subjects, copied by Ab al-Majd Tabrz during 72123/132123.159 This
work contains a selection from the Shhnma, which includes the tale of Rustam and Suhr b, the
tale of Rustam and Akv n Dv, ten verses selected from the long tale of Rustam and Isfandiy r,
and eighteen verses that contain wisdom and advice selected from different parts of the
Shhnma.160 We cannot determine whether Ab al-Majd Tabrz selected these tales and verses
himself or used a compilation of selections from the Shhnma, but his work provides an
example of the common practice of compiling selections from Firdauss opus in medieval times.
Ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma of Al b. Amad. A remarkable example of an anthology of

selected verses from the Shhnma is Al b. Amads Ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma (Selections from
the Shhnma), compiled in 474/108182.161 It contains more than 2,400 verses chosen from the
Shhnma and organized according to thirteen topics.162 The topics include: the oneness of God
(tau d), the praise of wisdom (sityish-i khirad), the creation of the world (far nish-i lam),
the praise of the prophet Muammad and his family (sityish-i payghmbar va ahl-i bayt), praise
of kings (mad -i mul k), lyrics and the description of the beloved (ghazal va va f-i kh bn), the
description of feasts and spring (va f-i bazm va bahr), similes used for day and night (tashb h-i

52
r z va shab), proverbs and wisdom (amsl va ikmat), the description of battles (va f-i jang),
rejecting the world (nik hish-i jahn), advice and homilies (pand va maui a), the description of
old age (va f-i p r ), and the description of death (va f-i marg). According to the compiler, this
work was composed in 474/108182 for the Saljq ruler Abu al-Fat Malik-Sh h (r. 465/1072to
485/1092):163

When I completed this anthology, 474 years had passed since the hijra. 164

If the verse containing the date of the work is reliable, it would indicate that the
compilation of selected verses from the Shhnma started soon after Firdauss completion of his
work in 400/1010.165
Almost one fourth of all the verses in this compilation were taken from the story of
Anshrv n in the Shhnma, especially from the section containing the advices of Buzurgmihr
(andarz-i Buzurgmihr).166 At the end of his compilation, Al b. Amad praises Firdaus for
composing the Shhnma and marvels at the flowers of the garden of advice (pand) and
wisdom ( ikmat) blooming in Firdauss renowned (nmvar) work.167 He considers his
compilation a book of wisdom (hikmat), which contains the kernel (maghz) of the Shhnma,
and asks the reader to view his work with the eye of wisdom (chashm-i khirad).168 Al b.
Amads choice of verses and his comments about Firdauss opus and his own work indicate
that he perceived the Shhnma as a book of wisdom and advice. Compiled only seventy years
after the completion of the Shhnma, the Ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma is the earliest and most
convincing evidence pointing to the reception of the Shhnma as a book of wisdom. The
compilers extraction of more than 2,400 verses from the Shhnma and his arrangement of them

53
into a separate thematically-organized work, illustrates how Firdauss near contemporaries read
and understood his magnum opus.
Munis al-arr

a i al-ashr. A work similar to Ali b. Amads Ikhtiyrt-i

Shhnma is a chapter in an anthology of poems entitled Munis al-a rr f daqiq al-ashr

(The companion of noblemen on the fine points of poetry).169 The work, written in 741/1341 by
Muammad b. Badr al-J jarm, contains thirty chapters on the different forms of poetry and on
various literary techniques, illustrated with excerpts from great works of poetry. The chapter in
question is entitled F zikr-i ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma (On selections from the Shhnma) and
contains a sample of selections (ikhtiyrt) from the Shhnma. The first part of the chapter,
however, is merely a copy of the introduction to the Shhnma from the beginning of the work
up to Firdauss explanation of his purpose in writing it. The thematic selection of verses from
different parts of the Shhnma contains twenty eight verses on the theme of the greatness of
God, thirty one verses on reproaching the world, ninety five verses on advice and homilies,
twenty six verses on praise of kings, and fifteen verses on unjust kings. It is noteworthy that the
number of verses selected for the topic of advice and homilies almost equals the total number of
verses selected for the other four topics.
An analysis of J jarms sample of selections from the Shhnma reveals several points:
First, his allocation of one chapter to the selections from the Shhnma in an anthology of poetic
forms and literary techniques indicates that ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma were considered to be an
independent literary genre. Second, as an example of the genre of ikhtiyrt, the chapter reflects
the themes most commonly chosen in such works. And third, the authors inclusion of the verses
on kingship and a large number of verses containing wisdom and advice suggests that the
medieval compilers of selections from the Shhnma perceived Firdausis opus primarily as a
book of wisdom and advice for kings.

54
Al b. Amads and J jarms ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma are the only early works of this
type to have been edited and published by modern scholars. In the bio-bibliographical survey of
Persian literature, Franois de Blois lists twenty-one works, both in verse and prose, under
extracts and abridgements of the Shhnma. 170 Most of the works are from the seventeenth
century and later. However, some are identified by the date of the manuscript and not the date of
the composition of the work, and others are listed simply as unspecified. Since the
extracts/abridgements of a work would normally represent the highlights of that work, a careful
examination and study of these manuscripts could provide further insight into the reception of
Firdauss work at the time and place where these works were produced. Charles Melvilles
study of the reception of the Shhnma in India based on one such abridgementTr kh-i
(dilgush-yi) Shamsh r-khn (Shamshr-kh ns delightful history), also known as Muntakhab-i
Shhnma (Selections from the Shhnma) and Khul a-i Shhnma (The epitome of the
Shhnma), written by Tavakkul Beg in 1063/165253 for Shamshr Beg, the ruler of Ghaznn
has demonstrated the importance of such works in reflecting the socio-political issues of
seventeenth-century India.171 A thorough examination and study of other abridgements and
extracts would not only further our knowledge of a type of work which evolved out of Firdauss
opus, but would also shed light on the reception of the Shhnma at different periods of history
and in different geographical locations.
Medieval Prose Works Containing Verses from the Shhnma

Selected verses from the Shhnma are also found in medieval Persian prose works. Most
of these works belong to the literary genre of mirrors for princes but a few are historical writing.
The authors of these works used the verses of the Shhnma for two main purposes: to convey
ethico-political advice and to describe specific scenes using Firdauss poetic tropes. As will be
demonstrated below, the attention accorded to the Shhnma by the authors of mirrors for

55
princes and the marked preference of these authors for verses containing moral advice and
wisdom indicate that the Shhnma was primarily used as a source for maxims, aphorisms, and
moral advice.
To select the verses from the Shhnma that would best serve their purposes, medieval
writers either worked directly from Firdauss work, or used one of the thematically organized
ikhtiyrts already in existence. It is also possible that some of these authors, especially those
who do not quote more than a few verses from the Shhnma, cited it from memory. Whether
these authors selected the verses from the Shhnma itself, or used the thematically organized
ikhtiyrts, or even cited the verses from memory, their quotations from Firdauss work reflect
their reception of the work.
Before reviewing the medieval prose works that cite verses from the Shhnma, it is
essential to address the issue of the authenticity of the verses cited in them. As is well known, the
text of the Shhnma had always been subject to interpolations by later copyists. With more than
one thousand manuscripts (complete and incomplete) available todaynone of them essentially
more reliable than anotherit is virtually impossible to produce an edition of the work that
would represent Firdauss original work.172 Several editions of the Shhnma are available
today, but no two editions are identical because verses considered to be interpolations by one
editor are deemed to be authentic by another. This poses a problem in identifying the Shhnma
verses cited in medieval prose works. Also, when a medieval author attributes a verse to Firdaus
and that verse does not appear in the modern editions of the Shhnma, it is not easy to
determine whether the author attributed that particular verse to Firdaus in order to add
credibility to his own statements, or whether he took that verse from one of the medieval copies
of the Shhnma. More often than not, however, medieval authors cite verses from the
Shhnma without acknowledgement. When medieval authors do not acknowledge the source of

56
their citations, and the verses that they cite are in the form, metre, language, and style of the
Shhnma, and yet those verses cannot be found in the modern editions of the work, the question
arises of who composed them. It is, of course, possible that these authors composed those verses
themselves, but that cannot be determined with any certainty. It is also possible that these verses
were taken from other Persian epics composed in imitation of the Shhnma.173
Thus, for the purpose of this study, in order to be consistent with the identification of the
Shhnma verses cited in the medieval prose works, Jal l Kh liq Mulaqs edition of the
Shhnma has been used. For easy reference, the Shhnma verses cited in the works discussed
here have been listed in Appendices A to K. For verses that do not appear in exactly the same
way that they appear in Kh liq Mulaqs edition, Kh liq Mulaqs edition of the verse is
provided under the cited verse. The verses Kh liq Mulaq considered to be interpolations and
included only in footnotes have been marked accordingly. The verses that are in the form, metre,
language, and style of the Shhnma but could not be located in Kh liq Mulaqs edition are left
unidentified. In general, however, very few verses have been left unidentified.
a) Literature of Wisdom and Advice
at al- u

r va yat al-sur r. The most remarkable example of medieval Persian

prose works that contains citations from the Shhnma is R at al- ud r va yat al-sur r (The
comfort of chests and the signs of joy), written during 599/12023 to 603/12067, by
Muammad ibn Al ibn Sulaym n al-R vand and ultimately dedicated to the Saljq ruler Ab
al-Fat Kay-Khusrau b. Qilij Arsl n. This work, which deals with the history of the Saljqs, was
written primarily as a mirror for princes by drawing upon the experiences of past Saljq rulers. 174
Muammad Iqb l collated R vands citations from the Shhnma with Turner Macans edition
(1829) and managed to identify 526 verses out of a total of 676 verses that he considered to have
been taken from the Shhnma.175 Iqb l did not mention how he determined that the remaining

57
150 verses were from the Shhnma, nor did he identify them. As shown in Appendices A (1)
and A (2), I was able to locate 645 verses cited from the Shhnma in the R at al- ud r, using
Kh liq Mulaqs edition of the Shhnma.176
Since the verses cited by R vand are often taken from different parts of the Shhnma,
Iqb l speculated that the author must have worked from a compilation of selected verses.177 In
her study of R vands citations from the Shhnma, Julie Scott Meisami refers to Al b.
Amads Ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma as the possible intermediary text that R vand used.178 An
edition of Al b. Amads work was not available at the time of Meisamis research, and she
states that she was not able to consult the manuscript.179 But now that an edition of the work is
available, it is possible to confirm that R vand did not take the verses from Ali b. Amads
Ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma.
R vands choice of verses from the Shhnma demonstrates that he paid close attention
to the original context of the verses he chose. A good example is where he praises the ruler Ab
al-Fat Kay Khusrau b. Qilij Arsl n. He refers to him as the fruit of the tree of the Saljqs; a
tree whose root is supporting and promoting the religion, and whose fruit is the construction of
charitable buildings, such as madrasas, khnqhs, mosques, ribts, and bridges.180 The author
continues his praise of Kay Khusrau with twelve verses chosen from three different stories in the
Shhnma. The first verse is from the story of Gusht sp, where the king boasts of the miraculous
tree he planted:

I planted such a tree in blissful paradise,

That not [even] Fardn planted anything like it.181

58
According to the Shhnma, when Gusht sp accepted Zoroasters invitation to accept the
Good Religion (d n-i bih ) and converted to Zoroastrianism, he planted a cypress tree in the
region of Kashmar, and inscribed on its trunk that he had accepted the new faith.182 The cypress
tree grew miraculously large, and later, Gusht sp built a magnificent palace next to it.183
Gusht sp considered the tree to be a gift from heaven and referred to it as proof of his
righteousness.184 He sent his troops to all corners of the world to tell people about his heavenly
gift and to promote the new religion.185 Thus, Gusht sps cypress tree became the symbol of his
faith and his promotion of Zoroastrian religion.186
R vands use of this verse after his praise of Kay-Khusrau as the fruit of the tree of the
Saljqs, suggests that he was comparing the tree of the Saljqs to Gusht sps heavenly tree,
the symbol of righteousness and faith. This verse would not have been chosen for a compilation
of verses from the Shhnma because it requires a specific context in order to be meaningful.
Not surprisingly, it does not appear in Al b. Amads Ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma, and this may be
taken as proof that R vand did not take his citations from Al b. Amads work.
The above-mentioned verse cited in R at al- ud r is followed by ten verses taken from
the story of Kay-Khusrau in the Shhnma.187 It is noteworthy that R vands selection of verses
in praise of the Saljq Kay-Khusraus farr (royal glory), noble lineage, virtues, and wisdom are
taken from the story of his namesake, Kay-Khusrau, the ancient Iranian king who is portrayed in
the Shhnma as an ideal ruler. These ten verses are included in Al b. Amads Ikhtiyrt-i
Shhnma.188 But, as shown in Appendices B and C, the difference in the sequence of verses and
the variants in the corresponding verses again demonstrate that R vand did not use Al b.
Amads work as his source. For example, one of the verses in the passage in question reads:

When these four [virtues] come together in one person,

59
That [person] will be free from greed, suffering, and sorrow.189

The corresponding verse in the Ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma reads:

When these four [virtues] appear in one person,

That [person] will be free from suffering and arguments.190

R vand concludes his praise of Kay-Khusrau with a verse from the story of Hurmazd in
the Shhnma, stating that when God favours a man and makes him king, virtuous people will
boast about him.191 By citing this verse, R vand implies that the Saljq ruler Kay-Khusrau was
chosen by God. In the Ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma, this verse does not appear with the other ten verses
of the above-mentioned passage.192
R vands selection of verses from three different parts of the Shhnma to create a
single cohesive passage, and his attention to the original context of the verses he chose indicates
that he was very familiar with the Shhnma, and that he either cited it directly or used his own
compilation of verses (ikhtiyrt). In the introduction to his R at al- ud r, R vand praises
Firdauss Shhnma by referring to it as shh-i nma-h (the king of books) and sar-daftar-i
kitbh (the most prominent of books).193 Considering his deep admiration for Firdauss oeuvre,
it is unlikely that R vand would have used an intermediary source for his citations from the
Shhnma.
R vands intention in composing his work was to impart lessons that could be learned
from the recurring events of history.194 The authors carefully selected verses from the Shhnma
and his attention to the original context of the selected verses indicate that he perceived the

60
Shhnma as a source of ethico-political wisdom and advice and as a suitable model for his own
work, which aimed to teach the Saljq sultans how to rule.
R vands R at al- ud r is exceptional among medieval prose works that cite the
Shhnma. With more than six hundred verses cited from Firdausis opus, R vands work
contains the largest number of citations from the Shhnma in a medieval prose text. In other
medieval Persian prose works, the number of verses cited from the Shhnma is, on the average,
fewer than one hundred. R vands citations also differ from others in that he seems to have
mainly used verses that contain moral advice and wisdom. Other medieval writers cited verses
from the Shhnma both for their aphorisms and for poetical tropes.
R vand also cited numerous verses from other Persian and Arab poets.195 The second
most-cited Persian poet after Firdaus in R at al- ud r is Mujr Baylaq n (d. 577/11812 or
586/1190), a contemporaneous panegyrist, whose verses (348 according to Iqb l) were used by
R vand either to praise the rulers whose reigns he covers, or to praise his own patron. Ni m
Ganjav is the third most-cited Persian poet (249 according to Iqb l) whose verses served the
same purpose as those of Firdaus in R vands R at al- d r.196 R vands citations from
Ni m Ganjav, which appear in continuous passages as in the original works, are mostly from
his Khusrau va Sh r n, which is clearly a mirror for princes.197
Khirad-nma. Another medieval Persian work comparable to R vands in terms of the

number and type of verses cited from the Shhnma is Khirad-nma (Book of wisdom) by Ab
al-Fa l Ysuf b. Al Mustauf, composed in the early twelfth century.198 In the introduction to
his work, Ysuf b. Al states that since it is through eloquent words (sukhan-i kh b), especially
spoken at the right time (bar sar-i vaqt), that wise men can attain the proximity (qurbat va
mundimat) to kings and notables, he compiled his Khirad-nma and beautified it by the
aphorisms of Al b. Ab lib and verses from the Shhnma, so that it might enlighten the

61
souls of those who contemplate it.199 Ysuf b. Als work is a manual on proper conduct for
kings and courtiers on one-hundred topics, including 252 verses from the Shhnma. The
compiler introduces each topic with a short paragraph in Persian prose that often contains an
aphorism by a wise man, such as a king or a sage, followed by an Arabic maxim, which he
attributes to Al b. Ab lib. Finally, a few verses from the Shhnma complete the discussion
on each topic. Muammad Dabrsiy q has already identified the location of all these verses in
Shhnma, except for eighteen that seem to contain variants that make finding their location in
the Shhnma difficult.200 Like R vand, the verses Ysuf b. Al cited from the Shhnma
contain ethico-political advice. This indicates that, like R vand, Ysuf b. Al viewed the
Shhnma as a source of wisdom and advice on kingship. Although the authors intended
audience, according to his introduction, were those who sought the proximity to kings, the
aphorisms and advices contained in the work would ultimately benefit kings, as kings boon
companions were supposed to offer advice to their masters.
Farid al-sul k f fail al-mul k. Completed in 610/1213 by an author who introduces

himself with the pen-name Shams,201 Farid al-sul k f fail al-mul k (The pearls of proper
conduct on the virtues of kings) is a mirror for princes composed in the style of the Kal la va
Dimna, that is, it conveys lessons on kingship through a series of long narratives that contain
anecdotes and animal fables.202 De Fouchcour, however, does not recognize this work as a
mirror for princes, presumably on the grounds that the addressee was an atbak (tutor of princes)
not a king.203 But, in addition to the fact that atbaks were not just tutors of princes but also
independent rulers, Shamss statements in the introduction to his work clearly indicate that he
considered his patron, Ab al-Mu affar Uzbak b. Muammad b. lduguz (r. 607/121011 to
622/1225), who was an atbak of Azerbaijan, to be a legitimate ruler, and that he dedicated his
work to him as a manual on proper conduct for kings. To assert the legitimacy of his patron and

62
his status as a king, Shams explains the concept of farr (royal glory/fortune), the divine right of
kings, and states that the farr of the ancient Persian mythical king Fardn was transferred to all
his just successors and finally reached Ab al-Mu affar, whom Shams refers to with such
epithets as pdshh-i Islm (king of Islam) and shahanshh-i Sulaymn-qadr (king of kings
whose status is as high as Solomons).204 To explain the title of his work, Shams states that since
the virtues of intellect (aql), knowledge (ilm), justice (adl), generosity (j d), will (azm),
prudence ( azm), and the like, which are the requirements of kingly behaviour (shari-i db-i
mul k), are discussed in his work, he entitled it Farid al-sul k f fail al-mul k, that is, the
best qualities among the virtues of kings.205 He also mentions that he wished to emulate the
authors of Kal la va Dimna and Sindbd-nma in composing an eloquent work that contains the
finest words (nutaf-i ibrt) and the most brilliant anecdotes (uraf-i ikyt).206 This statement
indicates that the author considered his work to be a book of wisdom and advice on kingship in
the style of Kal la va Dimna and Sindbd-nma, both of which convey ethico-political lessons
through entertaining animal fables and anecdotes.207
Further evidence for Shamss intention to write his Farid al-sul k as a mirror for
princes may be found in the makhla (prcis) of his work, the opening sentence of which reads:
Now, we return to the prcis of the book and talk about the noble virtues of kings (makrim va
ma sin-i mul k).208 He adds that he will demonstrate what kind of king can rule the world and
enjoy an enduring kingship, and starts his discussion with the maxim religion and kingship are
twins (al-d n wa al-mulk tauamn), which he attributes to the prophet Muammad.209 He
continues by stating that a Persian poet has beautifully put this prophetic Tradition ( ad th) into
verse and cites the versewhich is actually from Firdauss Shhnmawithout mentioning the
name of the poet:

63
Consider kingship and prophet-hood
As two gems in one ring.210

Shams explains that prophets and kings are two groups of people especially favoured by
Godthe prophets by receiving va y (divine inspiration), and kings by receiving farr (divine
glory/fortune).211 He stresses that only the just and generous kings receive farr. To support this
statement, he quotes two verses from the Shhnma, this time with acknowledgement:

The blissful Fardn was not an angel,

He was not created from musk and ambergris.
[It was with] justice and generosity that he gained that greatness,
Do justice and be generous, and you [too] will be [a] Fardn.212

Shamss discussion of the divine right of kings (farr) and its transfer from Fardn all the
way to the dedicatee of his work, Ab al-Mu affar, constitutes the makhla , which provides a
background for his discussions in the following ten chapters of his work on the ten important
virtues of an ideal king. Without the makhla , the work could be a manual on personal virtues for
anybody. But, the authors explanations in the makhla establish that his addressee is a king, and
that the work was composed as a manual on royal virtues.
Shamss citations of seventy-one verses from the Shhnma and his acknowledgement of
Firdaus in his work point to his especial attention to the Shhnma when composing his Farid
al-sul k.213 In fact, he begins and ends his work with citations from the Shhnma. In the
prologue (khuba) to his work, where he praises God and describes different levels of His

64
creation, he uses verses from the prologue to the Shhnma (some of which, he slightly modifies
to fit the context), and in the epilogue to his work, where he marvels at his own work, he cites
Firdauss verses in praise of the Shhnmaas if he viewed his work as being on a par with the
Shhnma.214 In both these parts of his work, Shams acknowledges Firdaus as the poet of the
verses he cites.215 On one occasion, Shams cites a verse from the Shhnma and refers to the
poet only by the epithet ak m (the sage), without mentioning Firdauss name.216 This would
indicate that he viewed Firdaus as a sage and referred to his work as a book of wisdom. Other
than the Shhnma verses and the panegyric pomes that he adds at the end of each chapter of his
work to extol his patron, Shams incorporated about 220 Persian and 350 Arabic verses into his
prose text, but he hardly ever acknowledges the sources of these verses.
Although, like R at al- ud r and Khirad-nma, Farid al-sul k contains numerous
citations from the Shhnma, unlike R vand and Ysuf b. Al, Shams did not limit himself to
the verses containing ethico-political advice and wisdom. To increase the dramatic effect of his
narratives, Shams also cited verses from the Shhnma that contain poetic tropes for beauty,
ugliness, valour, generosity, and so on. The scope of this study does not permit a thorough
analysis of Shamss use of all the Shhnma verses, but a cursory review of Appendix D
demonstrates the variety of verses that he selected for each chapter of his work. Shamss
citations from the Shhnma served not only to express the morals of the main narratives and the
anecdotes in an eloquent language, but also helped to increase the authority of the authors
statements, especially when Firdaus is acknowledged as a source. It must also be noted that
Shamss use of the Shhnma verses to dramatize his narratives seem to do more than that, as he
seems to have paid attention also to the context of the verses he cites. For example, when he
describes a demon-looking new-born baby of an unjust king, he borrows a verse from the story
of the birth of Z l in the Shhnma, who was referred to by his own father as the child of a

65
demon,217 and when he describes the amazing beauty of the new-born baby of a just king, he
borrows verses from the story of the birth of Rustam, the great mythical hero of ancient Persian
tales.218 Like Rustam, the beautiful child of the just king will eventually help his father to regain
his lost throne. By selecting specific verses for particular parts of his narratives, Shams makes
implicit associations between the characters of his narratives and the well-known characters of
the Shhnma and thereby increases the impact of his accounts.
In addition to his citations from the Shhnma, Shams quotes a verse from Asad ss
Garshsb-nma.219 This verse, which contains advice for rulers to avoid excessive punishments,
also appears in two other medieval prose works that contain ethico-political advice for rulers.
This verse and another one preceding it in the Garshsb-nma are cited together in Tarjuma-i
Tr kh-i Yam n (603/12067), a history of the Ghaznavids.220 Najm-i R z, the author of the
mystical work Mir d al-ibd (618/1221 or 620/1223), too, cites this verse in the part of his
work that deals with the conduct of kings.221
Marzbn-nma. Sad al-Dn Var vns Marzbn-nma (composed during 617/122021

to 622/122526), is another mirror for princes that contains excerpts from Firdauss Shhnma.
This work was dedicated to Ab al-Q sm rn Rabb al-Dn, the vizier to Uzbak b.
Muammad b. lduguz, the dedicatee of Farid al-sul k.222 Interestingly, like the author of
Farid al-sul k, Var vn wished to compose a work akin to Kal la va Dimna. In the
introduction to his work, Var vn states that like Kal la va Dimna, Marzbn-nma was an
animal fable containing great wisdom, but the world of meaning of that great work was
expressed in a lowly language (lughat-i nzil), namely, the language of abarist n (zabn-i
abaristn) and old Persian (Prs -i qad m-i bstn).223 This was why, adds Var vn, the work
did not receive the same attention that was accorded to Kal la va Dimna.224 Therefore, he
decided to reproduce this valuable work in a language fitting for its contents.

66
In the first chapter of his work, Var vn explains that the Marzbn-nma was written by
Marzb n b. Sharvn, a descendant of the brother of Anshrv n (the Sasanian king Khusrau I, r.
53179).225 Sharvn was the ruler of abarist n and had five sons. When Sharvn died, his eldest
son succeeded him, but later, the other brothers claimed the throne. Marzb n, who was one of the
wisest sons and not interested in ruling, decides to leave the royal court for a faraway place so
that he would not be involved in his brothers struggle for the throne. But, before he leaves, a
group of court notables, who learn about his decision, ask him to write a book that contains
wisdom and advice for them and the king to use as their guide. Marzb n agrees to do so pending
the kings permission, but the kings minister, who becomes suspicious of the true intention
behind the project, advises the king to punish Marzb n for attempting to disparage the king.
Thus, Marzb n will have to defend his good intention and the benefits of his work for the king
through a series of debates with the minister, held in the presence of the king. Marzb n
eventually acquires the kings approval and starts composing the work.226
To present ancient Persian wisdom in a language that was fitting for the content,
Var vn incorporated into his prose text a total of 286 Arabic and 182 Persian verses, of which
thirty-two verses are from Firdauss Shhnma.227 Var vns citations from the Shhnma, like
those in Farid al-sul k, are of two types: verses that contain wisdom and advice, which
constitute the majority of the quotations from the Shhnma, and verses that are used for
descriptive purposes. Like Farid al-sul k, Marzbn-nma is divided into thematically
organized chapters, the central theme of each is presented through one long frame story, which
includes several short anecdotes and/or animal fables. What is remarkable about Marzbn-nma
is that the major points of most of these chapters (nine in total) are encapsulated in the verses that
the author cites from the Shhnma, and some of these echo their original context. The following
discussion briefly reviews how Var vn employs the Shhnma verses in his work.

67
The main theme of the second chapter of Marzbn-nma is friendship and the importance
of having wise and reliable friends. The following verse from the Shhnma is cited at the end of
the chapter as a highlight of its central message after several anecdotes have already been related
on the topic to illustrate its point:

To have a wise enemy

Is better than having a foolish friend.228

The message of the third chapter of Marzbn-nma, which promotes self-control and an
ascetic life style, is conveyed through a verse from the Shhnma. This verse is the only
occasion in the Marzbn-nma, where a verse is cited from the Shhnma with proper
acknowledgement of Firdaus as the poet. According to Var vn, Muammad Ghaz l stated in
his Favid-i makt bt that Firdaus said in one verse everything he tried himself to teach in
forty years:

Think of the day that you pass [away],

Make it your job to worship the Judge (i.e., God).229

By including what Muammad Ghaz l said about this single verse by Firdaus, Var vn
not only draws attention to it as an important verse that expressed the whole point of the
teachings of a great Sufi master, but also stresses the point of his own chapter.
The fourth chapter of Marzbn-nma is about the importance of knowledge and wisdom.
This message is conveyed through the following verses from the Shhnma:230

68

Any person whose soul possesses wisdom,

Looks through to the end of the tasks.
Wisdom is the guide and wisdom opens the way
Wisdom holds ones hand in both worlds.231

He who is knowledgeable is powerful

The heart of the old becomes young on account of knowledge.232

In the fifth chapter of Marzbn-nma, the narrator teaches lessons on proper conduct to
the kings companions.233 He admonishes those who consider their own knowledge to be perfect,
and explains the detriments of loquacity and the benefits of silence. He also warns the kings
boon companions that, regardless of how knowledgeable and close to kings they might be, they
should never take their high position at court for granted, as they may lose it at any time for any
reason, just or unjust. This chapter of Marzbn-nma displays very close connections with a
story in the Shhnma concerning the fall from grace of Buzurgmihr, the wisest and most
favourite advisor of the Sasanian king Khusrau Anshrv n.234 According to the main story of
this chapter in the Marzbn-nma, a lion king, who was famous for his clemency, had as his
wisest and most favourite boon companions two jackals, who were named D dma and D st n.
One day, while the lion was asleep and the two jackals were sitting by his side talking to each
other, a bubble of wind was emitted from the lions stomach. D dma could not control his
laughter, and the sound of his laughter woke up the lion, who did not open his eyes, pretending
to be asleep, so that he could listen to the conversation between the two jackals. D st n
reproached D dma for laughing at something that was natural and caused by someone who was

69
asleep and not in control of his behaviour. D st n further reminded D dma that kings are never
at fault, according to the rule of royal courts, and that those who are in service of royalty should
always remember this rule if they wish to keep their position. D dma responded that a
knowledgeable person would never fear the loss of position and status.235 To this statement of
D dma, D st n responds with two verses from Firdauss Shhnma:

[Just] when you say, I learned everything,

[And] paid off my loan of being un-knowledgeable (that is, nothing is left to be taught to
me),
The Time will play a fine game
And seats you in front of a teacher.236

These verses are taken from the introduction to the story of Buzurgmihrs fall from grace.
The account about how Buzurgmihr loses his status shares several elements in common with the
story related in Marzbn-nma, particularly in relation to the kings emission of wind; although,
in the story related in the Shhnma, Buzurgmihr is not at fault and the king accuses him based
on false assumptions. In the Marzbn-nma, after a long discussion between the two jackals,
D dma eventually admits that he was wrong and therefore asks D st n not to tell anyone about
his misbehaviour, but, at this point, the lion gets up furiously and sends him to jail.237 Var vns
citation of the above-mentioned two verses in his rewriting of this ancient story from Marzbnnma suggests that he made associations between these two similar accounts, which convey the
same message. Var vns citation of two more verses from the Shhnma, which are spoken by
Buzurgmihr, on the virtue of silence and speaking little, further points to Var vns attention to

70
this particular figure in the Shhnma in this particular chapter of Marzbn-nma. These two
verses in Marzbn-nma are spoken by D st n, when he rebukes D dma for his uncalculated
words:

A person whose brain is in haste

Is loquacious and slow in learning.
If your soul is not equipped with knowledge,
No adornment is better [for you] than silence. 238

In this chapter, Var vn also relates an anecdote about Buzurgmihr and his wisdom of
speaking at the right time.239 This anecdote too shares common features with the story of
Buzurgmihrs fall from grace narrated in the Shhnma, although the outcome of the two
accounts are quite different. This anecdote and the verses cited from the story of Buzurgmihr in
the Shhnma point to Var vns preoccupations with the character of Buzurgmihr as the boon
companion par excellence in the Shhnma in his writing this particular chapter of Marzbnnma, which concerns the precarious position of kings boon companions. Var vns use of the
Shhnma in this chapter demonstrates that he did not just cite a few verses from Firdauss work
to beautify his prose text; but rather, he seems to have also intended to bring into his own text the
story of the most knowledgeable and revered companion of a king who lost his great status
through no fault of his own.
In the seventh chapter of Marzbn-nma, a number of military tactics and war strategies
are taught, but the central theme of the narrative is the inevitable consequences of warmongering,
greed for more territories, and vengeance. According to the main narrative of this chapter, the

71
king of the elephants (shh-i p ln), the mightiest elephant in India, hears about the abundance
and prosperity of a realm ruled by a lion. Confident about the might of his army, the elephant
king decides to conquer the realm of the lion to make it his own. When the elephant king shares
his plan with his two advisors, the wiser one endeavours to talk his master out of his disastrous
plan.240 In the course of his debate with the other advisor, who is supportive of the kings plan,
the wise advisor cites the following verse to stress that it would be unwise to invade another
territory out of greed:

The one who worships greed and seeks vengeance

Will not hear the praise of anyone in the world.241

This verse is taken from the preamble to the well-known tale of Razm-i yzdah rukh (The
battle of eleven heroes) in the Shhnma.242 This tale recounts the story of the longest and most
destructive series of wars between Iran and Tr n, which was initiated by Afr siy b, the king of
Tr n, and was eventually turned into eleven one-on-one battles between the greatest heroes of
the two armies. The result of this devastating war was the loss of the eleven heroes of Tr n, the
death of Afr siy bs minister, the decisive defeat of the army of Tr n, and extreme bloodshed
on both sides. As is often the case with his preambles to the long and significant tales of his
work,243 Firdaus expresses the major point of this tale in its preamble by stating that, while it is
admirable to take risks in order to fulfill ones ambitions, one should remember that life is too
short, and that pursuing ones ambitions out of greed and vengeance is never praiseworthy.244
Thus, Firdaus prepares his reader to pay attention to the consequences of Afr siy bs
warmongering, greed, and vengeance. It is remarkable that Var vn selects a verse from the
preamble to this particular tale in the Shhnma for the introduction to a similar story in his

72
work. By doing so, Var vn seems to be drawing parallels between the two tales. The
occurrence of this verse in another contemporary Persian mirror for princes (ahr Samarqands
Sindbd-nma) suggests that it was not an unknown verse, and that it might have been used to
allude to the context in the Shhnma.245
When the lion king is informed of the intention of the elephant king, his advisors offer
their opinions about how to approach the issue. Finally, they decide to send their representative
along with a letter that would intimidate the elephant king and admonish him for his evil
plans.246 The letter contains the following three verses from the Shhnma:

Do not do what no one has ever done

In this [wrongdoing], a demon is guiding you.
Be a real man and remove anger and vengeance from your heart
Do not see the world with the eyes of a youth.
Where have you [ever] seen the claws of lions,
You, who have not [even] heard the howling of a fox. 247

Var vn selects these verses from the well-known tale of Rustam and Isfandiy r and
incorporates them, with some modifications, into his prose text.248 In the Shhnma, the abovementioned first two verses are spoken by Rustam, the greatest mythical Persian hero, as he tries
to convince Isfandiy r, the son of the Persian mythical king Gusht sp, that it would not be wise
to engage in a battle with him. The third verse is spoken by Isfandiy r, chastising his own son
Bahman for being intimidated by Rustam. These verses, like the previous citation from the

73
Shhnma, allude to a similar situation in a tale in the Shhnma, the verses of which were
probably known by many people by heart.
The topic of the eighth chapter of Marzbn-nma is vilification at royal courts. Here, the
narrator discusses the characteristics of those who, out of jealousy, attempt to ruin the good
reputation of others. Var vn selects the following verse from the Shhnma for this part of his
work to assert that such people have no esteem in the eyes of wise men:

A flattering tongue with a heart full of lies

Has no glory for the wise man.249

Like the author of Farid al-sul k, Var vn seem to have selected his verses from the
Shhnma with due attention to both their content and context. Despite his numerous citations of
Arabic and Persian verses, Var vn mentions in the prologue and epilogue to his work that,
except on rare occasions (ill al al-sab l al-nudra), he did not cite any proverbs or maxims,
either in Arabic or in Persian verse, that were found in the works of others. He states that he
avoided presenting flowers that were already sniffed and touched by too many hands, and that
all the wisdom in his work comes from his own mind and memory.250 We find similar claims
made by the author of Farid al-sul k at the end of his work, which nevertheless includes
copious citations from other works.251 Such claims should therefore be understood as literary
tropes and not taken at face value.
Sin b -nma. The authors of Farid al-sul k and Marzbn-nma also praise Sindbd-

nma as a marvellous collection of advice and wisdom. This work was originally translated from
Middle Persian into New Persian during the Samanid period (r. 874999). But in the twelfth
century, ahr Samarqand reproduced it in an elaborate prose style intermingled with Persian

74
and Arabic verses and proverbs, Quranic verses, and prophetic Traditions. 252 Like Farid alsul k and Marzbn-nma, Sindbd-nma belongs to the literary genre of mirrors for princes. The
work consists of a series of animal fables and anecdotes narrated within a frame story.253 Unlike
the other two mirrors, however, ahr Samarqand cites only nine verses from the Shhnma.254
The most-cited Persian poet in Sindbd-nma is Anvar (d. 583/118788), a prominent
panegyrist at the court of the Saljq sultan Sanjar (r. 111857), from whose collection of poems
ahr Samarqand cites about thirty verses.255 But, except for four verses cited from Anvar that
contain a wisdom, all the rest are panegyrics.256 In contrast to citations from Anvars poems,
except for two verses cited to describe the scene of a dark and silent night, all verses cited from
the Shhnma contain a wisdom. Altogether Sindbd-nma contains 343 Arabic and 368 Persian
verses from a host of Arabic and Persian poets. Some of the verses, however, may have been
composed by the author himself, as we know from Aufs Lubb al-albb that ahr
Samarqand composed poetry as well.257
Aghr al-siysa f ar al-riysa. ahr Samarqand also cites the Shhnma in his

other book of advice for rulers, Aghr al-siysa f ar al-riysa (The aims of coercive force in
the exposition of authority).258 He wrote this work after 552/1157 (the death of sultan Sanjar) for
his patron, Ab al-Mu affar Qilij amgh j Kh q n b. Jal l al-Dn (d. 600/12034), one of the
Qarakhanid rulers who controlled western Transoxania from 440/104849 to about 600/1203
4.259 The form of presentation of the ethico-political lessons in this work is quite different from
other mirrors for princes reviewed here. The author provides the aphorisms of seventy-four
important figures, from kings and heroes to philosophers, prophets, and caliphs. 260 Each chapter
of the work is devoted to the aphorisms that he attributes to a particular figure. In the list of the
seventy-four men whose wise sayings are cited, the mythical Persian hero Rustam, the Greek
philosophers Ptolemy, Aristotle, and Socrates, and the rulers of the countries neighbouring

75
ancient Persia are also found. The gnomic sayings attributed to these figures are cited in Arabic,
followed by the authors translations and explanations in Persian, and sometimes one or more
anecdotes or animal fables to further illustrate their meaning. What is interesting about Aghr
al-siysa is that the author presents the aphorisms of his selected figures in a chronological order.
He starts with the ancient Persian mythical king Jamshd, as the first king on earth, and follows
the historical sequence of kings, caliphs, emirs, and sultans who ruled Persia up to the time of his
own patron. This makes the work similar to a chronicle in which the author wished to
demonstrate what could be learned from every prominent figure in the history of Persia.
As in the Sindbd-nma, ahr Samarqand employs numerous Persian and Arabic
verses (417 Persian and 508 Arabic verses) in Aghr al-siysa, nine of which are from the
Shhnma.261 In one of his citations, ahr Samarqand cites three consecutive verses taken
from two different parts of the Shhnma. This would seem to indicate that he used an
ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma in composing his work.262
Mir al-ib min al-mab a il al-ma . Another book of advice that contains

citations from the Shhnma is Najm-i R zs Mir d al-ibd min al-mabda il al-mad (The
path of Gods bondsmen from origin to return), composed in 618/1221 or 620/1223. Mir d alibd is a mystical work which provides advice for those in quest of spiritual perfection. In it,
Najm-i R z articulates his ideas concerning mans path to perfection in the three stages of
birth/origin, life, and death/return. In the part of the work that deals with the path to perfection
(sul k) of different classes of men including kings and ministers, Najm-i R z gives advice on
how those in authority should treat their subjects.263 In addition to the verse cited from Asad
ss Garshsb-nma, Najm-i R z cites five more verses in the metre, style, and language of
the Shhnma. Four consecutive verses of these five verses are on the importance of entrusting
tasks to the wise, and the fifth verse is addressed to the artisans, reminding them that there is no

76
gain without pain.264 Kh liq Mulaq states that the Mir d al-ibd contains ten verses from the
Shhnma, but he does not identify them.265 Since there are no more than ten verses in this work
that can be attributed to the Shhnmafive of which are identified below Kh liq Mulaq
must have considered the above-mentioned five verses to be from Firdauss work.
Of the other five verses, one is repeated twice:

You are both the height and the depth of the world;
I do not know who you are; you are all that exists. 266

In both cases of the occurrence of this verse in Mir d al-ibd, Najm-i R z uses it in
reference to Adam, but according to other medieval sources, Firdaus composed this verse on the
oneness of God and it was because of this verse that God forgave all his sins and sent him to
Heaven.267 This verse appears in the text of the earlier editions of the Shhnma, but in Bertels
edition it is not included in the main text. In Kh liq Mulaqs edition, it appears neither in the
main text nor in the footnotes.268 It is interesting to note that Najm-i R z used this verse to
address Adam instead of God. As we shall see below, he will use another verse from the
Shhnma to address God instead of Adam.
Of the three remaining verses, two are cited with their original context. Najm-i R z cites
these two verses in his discussion of the creation of man, and in the Shhnma, too, these two
verses appear in the part of the work that is on the same subject. 269 The fifth verse Najm-i R z
cites from the Shhnma is frequently cited in other medieval Persian works to warn people that
they are responsible for the consequences of their own deeds. In the Mir d al-ibd, however,
this verse is used in a context that would hold God responsible for mans acts. Najm-i R z
relates that God left Adam on his own for four hundred years after he committed a sin and lost

77
his exalted status in the heaven.270 All this time, Adam wept and sought Gods mercy.271 He
confessed that he was frail and powerless, and asked God to forgive his sin, for He had planted
his seed, and He had moulded his clay.272 Following these words, Najm-i R z cites a verse
from the Shhnma:

If it is a load of thorns, you planted them yourself,

And if it is silk fabric, you spun it yourself.273

Najm-i R zs use of this verse in a different context shifts the responsibility that is normally
placed on man to God, for it was He who created man as a frail and powerless creature prone to
wrongdoing.
Najm-i R zs four citations from the Shhnma, two of which are frequently found in
other medieval Persian works, suggest that he probably cited these verses from memory. The five
unidentified verses he cites, which are in the form, metre, and style of the Shhnma and appear
in the part of the work that deals with kingship, point to the connection between the Shhnma
style of poetry and aphorisms used for books of advice for rulers. Whether these verses were
taken from a medieval manuscript of the Shhnma or some other Persian epic cannot be
determined at this point, but there is already a connection between the style of verses in Persian
epics and the literature of advice for rulers.
Interestingly, in this part of his work, Najm-i R z also includes a thirteen-verse poem on
the transient nature of this world, admonishing the king to take lessons from the past kings of
Iran and Tr n, who left behind all the wealth they had amassed, and only their good or bad
names lived on. He further refers to the example of Alexander, who took the throne of D r and
lost it to someone else, to stress that kingship is not everlasting.274 Najm-i R zs reference to the

78
kings of Iran and Tr n and his example of Alexander and D r , which allude to the Shhnma,
point to his understanding of the Shhnma as a book of advice and admonishment for kings.
Altogether, in this part of his work, which deals with kings and courtiers, Najm-i R z cites
twenty-seven Persian verses (including the Shhnma verses) and three Persian poems. No
Arabic verses are cited in this part of the work.
b) Historical Writing

Another group of medieval authors who cited Firdauss Shhnma in their works were
historians. Interestingly, however, most of the citations from the Shhnma by medieval
historians were used more for the aphorisms and poetic tropes they contained than for their
historical information. As already noted above, R vands R at al- ud r, an historical work
intended as a mirror for princes, provides a remarkable example of this particular use of the
Shhnma by medieval historians. Further examples, although with more focus on verses that
contain poetic tropes than aphorisms, can be seen in Trikh-i jahngushy (composed in ca.
650/1252 to 658/1260) of At Malik Juvayn and Jmi al-tavr kh (composed in ca. 700/1300
710/1310) of Rashd al-Dn Fa lull h amad n. To my knowledge, the only early medieval
Persian historical works whose authors cited the Shhnma as a source of historical information
are Mujmal al-tavr kh va al-qi a (520/112627) and Tr kh-i abaristn (written in 603/1206
7 to ca. 613/121617).275 But these authors too made a point about the eloquence and wisdom
displayed in Firdauss Shhnma. The following review of the above-mentioned historical
works demonstrates how medieval historians generally used the Shhnma in the composition of
their own works.
Tr kh-i jahngushy. Aside from R vands R at al- ud r, Juvayns Tr kh-i

jahngushy (History of the world conqueror), which is a history of Chingz Kh n and his
descendants in Iran, seems to contain the largest number of citations from the Shhnma among

79
medieval Persian historical writings.276 In this work, Juvayn cites eighty verses only nineteen of
which contain maxims and advice, that is, almost one fourth of all of Juvayns citations.277 Most
of the verses that Juvayn cites from the Shhnma contain similes describing battlefields,
valour, feasts, day and night, and so on. Juvayns citations help him to depict the scenes that he
describes in his text more effectively. As we saw, the authors of mirrors for princes had a
preference for verses that contained maxims and wisdom. A total of fifty-eight verses, that is
three quarters of all the Shhnma verses that Juvayn cites, are taken from the tales of Rustam
and Suhr b, and Rustam and Isfandiy r. Juvayns frequent citations from these two particular
tales indicate that he did not use a compilation of selections (ikhtiyrt) from the Shhnma;
rather, he worked directly from it. Further evidence for Juvayns direct use of the Shhnma is
that the consecutive verses cited in Tr kh-i jahngushy are also consecutive in the Shhnma,
or are taken from the same part of the work.278 Juvayns particular attention to these two tales
reflects the interest of his Mongol patrons in wars and battles.
Juvayns citations from the Shhnma deserve a more thorough examination, but a
cursory review demonstrates that he was meticulous in selecting the right verses for the right
contexts. He carefully modified some of the verses that he selected from the Shhnma to better
convey his own ideas. For example, he borrowed a verse from the Shhnma, in which Z l
warns his son Rustam to be wary of Afr siy b, for that Turk is like a male-dragon at war.
Juvayn used this verse to describe Chingz Kh ns military prowess, but he replaced the term
Turk in the verse with shh (king) in reference to the Mongol conqueror.279 On another
occasion, in the description of the feelings of sultan Muammad Khv rzmsh h when he was
informed that his harem has been sacked by the Mongol army and his sons killed, Juvayn selects
a verse from the Shhnma that describes Rustams feelings of shock and distress when he
realizes that he has just killed his own son. In using this verse, Juvayn replaced the name

80
Rustam with the title sul n.280 These selections and slight modifications demonstrate how
well Juvayn knew the Shhnma and how meticulously he used it in expressing his points. It
must also be noted that Juvayins use of the Shhnma was not limited to citing verses from it,
as in his narratives he also compares historical figures of to the heroes and kings of the
Shhnma.281 He also refers to the habit of reciting the Shhnma by the Saljq sultan ughril
(d. 529/1134), which points to the popularity of Firdauss work at the court of the Saljq
rulers.282
There is only one occasion in the entire work where Juvayn cites the Shhnma to
confirm a piece of historical information, and that is where he talks about the prosperity and
greatness of the city of Balkh and quotes two verses from the Shhnma, which state that in the
olden days, Balkh had the same status as Mecca.283
For Juvayn, Firdauss depiction of great Iranian heroes was more useful, as he was more
concerned with his descriptions of the Mongols formidable army. Nevertheless, he did not fail
to appreciate the ethico-political content of the Shhnma and made use of those verses as well if
they were relevant to his work.
Jmi al-tavr kh. Composed by Rashd al-Din Fa lull h, the chief minister at the courts

of two Mongol rulers, Gh z n (r. 694/1295704/1304) and Ulj yt (r. 704/1304716/1316),

Jmi al-tavr kh (Compendium of chronicles) has been recognized as the first universal history
on account of its covering the history of the Mongols, Turks, Persians, Arabs, Franks, Jews,
Chinese, and Indians, as well as the geography of the lands that were ruled by the Mongol
empire. The author divided his work into three volumes. The third volume, on the geography of
the Mongol empire, is not known to have survived, and the second volume has only been
partially edited. But the first volume, which is on the origin and history of the Turkic and
Mongolian peoples and the history of Chingz Kh n and his successors, has been edited and

81
translated.284 In the first volume of Jmi al-tavr kh twenty-five verses from the Shhnma are
cited.285 But, as shown in Appendix J, almost half of these citations also appear in Tr kh-i
jahngushy, which was a major source for this volume of Jmi al-tavr kh. Obviously, most of
these verses entered Jmi al-tavr kh via Tr kh-i jahngushy, as they appear in the same
passages or contexts in both works.286 But, on two occasions, the Shhnma verses that are cited
in Tr kh-i jahngushy are cited in completely different contexts in the Jmi al-tavr kh.287
This would indicate that Rashd al-Dn did not just repeat what he found in Tr kh-i
jahngushy. Also, numerous other verses in the metre of the Shhnma, but not always in its
style and language, appear in Jmi al-tavr kh,288 sometimes along with verses from the
Shhnma that are not found in Tr kh-i jahngushy.289 Whether these verses were from
versions of the Shhnma that were available at the time, or were taken from other works that
were composed in imitation of the Shhnma cannot be determined at this point. But, Rashd alDns citations from the Shhnma that are not found in Tr kh-i jahngushy point to his own
use of Firdauss work, or selections from it, for the same purpose that Juvayn did, that is,
mostly for poetic tropes.
One would obviously have to look for Rashd al-Dns use of the Shhnma as an
historical source in the second volume of Jmi al-tavr kh, which includes a section on the
history of ancient Iran, but this part of the work has not yet been edited. As noted by Muammad
Raushan, Rashd al-Dns main sources for the second volume of the work were the histories of
abar (d. 310/923) and Ibn al-Athr (d. 630/1233), and the Frsnma (ca. 498/1105510/1116)
of Ibn al-Balkh, and other sources like Masds Mur j al-dhahab (336/947), commentaries on
the Quran (tafs r), and the tales of prophets (qi a ).290 According to Charles Melville, Rashd alDn mostly used Bay vs Ni m al-tavr kh (ca. 674/1275) for his accounts about ancient kings
of Iran, and this part of the work also contains citations from the Shhnma.291 An examination

82
of how the citations in this part of Jmi al-tavr kh compare to the verses cited in the first
volume of the work would shed more light on Rashd al-Dn use of Firdauss work as a source.
It is noteworthy that, in the introduction to his work where he talks about the greatness of
God, Rashd al-Dn quotes a Prophetic Tradition ( ad th), immediately followed by a verse that
he attributes to Firdaus to elaborate on the meaning of the ad th he quotes.292 Referring to
Firdaus in the introduction to the work right next to Prophetic Traditions and Quranic verses is
by itself an indication of the authors high regard for the poet as an eloquent sage.
Mujmal al-tavr kh va al- i a . Written by an anonymous author in 520/112627,

Mujmal al-tavr kh va al-qi a is a compendium of historical accounts and legends.293 The

author, who recognizes the Shhnma as one of his major sources, was from western Iran, most
probably from Hamad n or Asad b d.294 That the Shhnma was regarded as an authority in
historical writing in western Iran in the early twelfth century is noteworthy, as it points to the
extent of the popularity of the work outside the sphere of its immediate cultural influence in
north-eastern Iran.
In the introduction to his work, the author of Mujmal al-tavr kh acknowledges the
Shhnma as his primary (a l ) source and refers to other versified epics as derivatives (shubah) of the Shhnma.295 He also acknowledges the prose Shhnma of Abu al-Muayyad Balkh
as one of his sources, and seems to have quoted a few passages from it in his work without
acknowledgment.296 Despite frequent references to Firdauss Shhnma, however, only six
verses are cited from it. But, as the author notes in his introduction, unless they served him as
evidence or contained a wisdom eloquently expressed, he did not intend to cite too many verses
in his work. Thus, only on three occasions in his work does he cite verses from the Shhnma in
Firdauss exact words. For example, when he relates an account about the mythical Queen
Hum bearing a child from her father, he cites two verses from the Shhnma, which clearly

83
state that Hum became pregnant by her father.297 On the other two occasions, the author cites
verses from the Shhnma to clarify the meanings of ambiguous terms.298 Besides citing from
the Shhnma, the author of Mujmal al-tavr kh refers his readers to Firdauss work for further
details on certain accounts.299 He also informs the reader if no account on a particular topic is
given in the Shhnma.300 It must also be noted, however, that the author did not blindly repeat
what he found in Firdauss work. For example, he states that Firdaus recorded the length of
Bahr ms kingship to be four months, but that according to the Zoroastrian priest Bahr m (who
compiled a history of ancient Persian kings), he ruled for forty years. He then mentions that forty
years is correct and that he will explain why later.301 On another occasion, he relates an account
about Sh pr, the son of Ardashr, and states that in the Shhnma that account is given about
another Sh pr, the one known as Z al-aktf, not the son of Ardashr.302 A further example is
where he states that Firdaus reversed the order of the two parts of the name Burz Far and
changed it to Farburz, so that it would fit the metre of the poem. He further mentions that
Firdaus did this many times.303 Clearly, despite his high regard for Firdauss Shhnma, the
author of Mujmal al-tavr kh used the information he found in it judiciously.
The author of Mujmal al-tavr kh also cites two verses from the Shhnma for the
maxims that they contain. Both these verses appear in the introduction to the work. He cites a
verse from the Shhnma where he explains that he did his best to present a flawless work. The
verse conveys the idea that not doing a job is better than doing it improperly. 304 And, where he
states that his work is not comparable to a work like the prose Shhnma of Ab al-Muayyad or
the verse compositions of Firdaus and Asad (the author of Garshsb-nma), he cites a verse
from the Shhnma that indicates it would be irrational to compare a spring to a deep sea.305
In his introduction, the author of Mujmal al-tavr kh also states that, although he could
not produce a work like that of Firdaus, Asad, or Ab al-Muayyad, he did not intend to

84
produce a work like theirs either, as his point was to compile reports (akhbr) and histories
(tavr kh) and to explain the symbols (ramz), which were employed in such works (
) .306 This statement demonstrates that medieval readers of the Shhnma
and its offshoots were aware of the symbolic language used in them and distinguished symbolic
narratives from historical accounts. It is also noteworthy that the author refers to the composers
of the Shhnma and its offshoots as sages ( ukam), but he does not apply the same title to
the authors of prose histories, such as Siyar al-mul k of Ibn al-Muqaffa and the history of
amza Ifah n.307 This would indicate that he viewed versified histories as books of wisdom,
and not simply as verse renditions of prose histories. As noted above, amdull h Mustauf too
expresses the same view about versified histories, where he explains the difference between
versified and prose works. The author of Mujmal al-tavr kh, thus, did not fail to recognize the
Shhnma as a book of wisdom, even though he primarily used it for historical information.
Tr kh-i abaristn. Ibn Isfandiy r, the author of Tr kh-i abaristn (written during

603/12067 to ca. 613/121617), cites eight verses from Firdauss Shhnma on three
occasions. The first time, he cites a verse from the Shhnma to confirm that the seat of the
ancient Persian mythical king Fardn was a place in abarist n called Tamsha.308 Ibn
Isfandiy rs second citation from the Shhnma, without acknowledging his source, is two
verses that refer to the justice and generosity of Fardn.309 These two verses are also cited by the
author of Farid al-sul k, already mentioned above, on the justice and generosity of Fardn.310
The third time, Ibn Isfandiy r cites five consecutive verses from the Shhnma on the fall of
Yazdgird, the last Sasanian king. He admires Firdauss eloquent words on the fall of Yazdgird
and states that Firdauss words on the topic are like miracles in speech.311 Thus, except for the
one verse about Tamsha, Ibn Isfandiy r did not really use the Shhnma to extract historical

85
information from it. He does, however, refer the reader to the Shhnmas of Firdaus and Ab alMuayyad for details on the events and characters that he only mentions briefly.312
Tarjuma-i Tr kh-i Yam n . A few verses that can be attributed to the Shhnma are cited

in the Tarjuma-i Tr kh-i Yam n (ca. 603/12067). This work, which deals with the history of
the Ghaznavids, is a Persian translation of the Arabic al-Yam n written by Ab Nar Utb, from
350/96162 to 427/103536 or 431/103940.313 As mentioned above, two verses cited in this
work are from Asad ss Garshsb-nma and contain advice on forbearance and moderation
in punishment.314 The author cites two more verses containing poetic tropes that are in the same
form and metre as the Shhnma. Of these two verses, I could only locate one in Kh liq
Mulaqs edition, but Kh liq Mulaq considers it an interpolation and therefore does not include
it in the main text of his edition.315

It is remarkable that so few medieval historians cited the Shhnma in their works. One
would expect to find more citations from the Shhnma in works that covered the history of
ancient Iran. Ironically, it is the histories of the reigns of Turkic and Mongolians rulers of Iran
that contain numerous citations from the Shhnma. Later historians use of the Shhnma,
which was not so much for the purpose of extracting historical information from it as for its
poetic tropes and maxims, indicates that medieval historians did not generally view the
Shhnma as an historical work.
****
The reception of the Shhnma at the court of sultan Mamd still remains an enigma.
No contemporaneous author mentions Firdaus by name when referring to the Shhnma. The
earliest reference to the reception of the work by its dedicatee, the Ghaznavid sultan Mamd (r.
388/998 to 421/1030), is the anecdote related by Ni m Ar some 150 years after its

86
completion; hence, it may only be legendary. The inconsistent information reported in the earlier
prose prefaces to the Shhnma further point to the anecdotal nature of these accounts. So, we
cannot come to any certain conclusion about the reception of the Shhnma at the court of sultan
Mamd. But, the political involvement of the original patron of Firdauss Shhnma, Manr,
who was killed before he could see the fruit of his cultural undertaking, as well as the political
aspirations of his father, Ab Manr b. Abd al-Razz q, who commissioned a prose shhnma,
which was later used by Firdaus as his source, are clear indications that the ancient Persian tales
of the Shhnma conveyed important political messages, which were understood by its sponsor
and the contemporary audience of the work. Moreover, the enormous popularity of the
Shhnma, which is attested by a wide range of literary genres produced in later periodsfrom
biographies of poets to treatises on Persian rhetoric, and from heroic, religious, and historical
epics to mirrors for princes and historical writingprovide ample material for the study of the
reception of the Shhnma in the decades and centuries after its completion.
To judge from the various medieval sources examined here, it is possible to conclude that
medieval writers perceived the Shhnma primarily as a book of ethico-political wisdom and
advice. The development of the literary genre of ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma (selections from the
Shhnma), the frequent citations from the Shhnma by medieval authors of Persian mirrors for
princes, the ethico-political dimension of later epics composed in imitation of the Shhnma, and
Firdauss own epithets, which all point to his wisdom, provide ample evidence for the reception
of the Shhnma as a work containing ethico-political lessons for kings and courtiers.
The most illuminating source regarding the reception of Firdausis opus in the decades
following its composition is Al b. Amads Ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma (474/108182), a
compilation of more than 2400 verses selected from the Shhnma. The compilers reference to
his own work as the kernel (maghz) of the Shhnma, his choice of verses, and his comparison

87
of Firdauss work to a garden, the flowers of which are wisdom and advice, provide the most
compelling evidence for the reception of the work as a book of wisdom. We know that Al b.
Amad was not the only medieval author who produced such a work. J jarms chapter on the
ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma in his Munis al-a rr (741/1341), a manual on poetry, indicates that the
author recognized ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma as a distinct genre and therefore provided a sample of it
as a model for those who wanted to compile similar works. What is noteworthy is that, like Al
b. Amads Ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma, the majority of verses in J jarms sample ikhtiyrt-i
Shhnma contain ethico-political wisdom and advice. This would indicate that the content of
other ikhtiyrt-i Shhnmas were similar to the work compiled by Ali b. Amad, and that other
medieval compilers of such works understood the Shhnma in the same way Al b. Amad did.
Although Al b. Amads compilation appears to be the only surviving work in this
genre, references in medieval sources point to the existence of other similar works that have not
survived. For example, Aufs high regard, in his Lubb al-albb (617/122021 to 625/122728),
for one such work, which he attributed to Masd-i Sad-i Salm n (d. 515/11212), is testimony
to the existence of a fine ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma in the thirteenth century. R vands reference in
his R at al- ud r (599/12023 to 603/12067) to novice poets selecting and memorizing
aphorisms from the Shhnma indicates that every poet/writer would have had his own
ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma. Further evidence for the existence of ikhtiyrt-i Shhnmas in medieval
times is Shams-i Qayss (early thirteenth century) peculiar citation of five non-consecutive
verses from the Shhnma to illustrate the poetic form of masnav , which undoubtedly was taken
from an ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma.
Since the Shhnma is about the ethical and political conduct of kings and courtly lites
and the roles of these individuals in the success and failure of kingship, the advice and wisdom
contained in the Shhnma were meant to benefit kings and courtiers. This point must be kept in

88
mind when examining selections from the Shhnma, for they are often devoid of their original
context and may appear as general advice to anybody.
Another group of medieval works that provide insight into the reception of the Shhnma
are the Persian mirrors for princes that contain frequent citations from it. We find more citations
from the Shhnma in the medieval Persian mirrors for princes than in any other genre of
classical Persian literature. Although one would expect to find more citations from the Shhnma
in medieval Persian historical works that deal with the history of ancient Iran, it is remarkable
that so few medieval historians cited the Shhnma as a source of historical information. And,
those who did so usually evince their appreciation of Firdauss eloquence and wisdom displayed
in his work. The Shhnma was thus the focus of attention of the authors of mirrors for princes.
Like the compilers of ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma, the authors of medieval Persian mirrors for princes
selected from the Shhnma aphorisms, proverbs, wise sayings, and descriptions of various
scenes and states. This particular use of the Shhnma, however, should not be taken to mean
that the ancient Persian myths and history had lost their currency in medieval times. As
mentioned above with reference to R vands selections from the Shhnma, just one verse from
the account about Gusht sps heavenly cypress tree was enough to evoke the context of that
verse. Furthermore, the anecdotes related in both Persian and Arabic medieval sources
demonstrate that the tales from the Shhnma were read to rulers not just to entertain them, but
mainly to educate them on matters related to kingship. One such anecdote is related by Sad (d.
691/1292) in a chapter of his Gulistn on the conduct of kings. Sad relates that the account
about the oppressive ruler a k was read at court to a tyrannical ruler. When the story was
over, the minister asked the ruler if he could tell why Fardn, who had no military power,
prevailed over a k, who was very powerful. The ruler responded that Fardn prevailed
because he had the support of the people. On hearing this, the minster sarcastically asked the

89
ruler why then he himself oppressed his own people, and whether he did not wish to stay in
power.316 In another anecdote related by the Arab historian Ibn al-Athr (d. 630/1233), Mamd
of Ghazna, the ultimate dedicatee of the Shhnma, who supposedly did not favour ancient
Persian tales, is reported to have asked his defeated opponent, the Buyid ruler Majd al-Daula (r.
387/997 to 420/1029), whether he had read the Shhnma. When Majd al-Daula responded in the
affirmative, Mamd chastised him for not having learned how to behave in front of a
triumphant king.317 These anecdotes demonstrate that the ancient Persian tales were as important
as the wisdom and advice they contained, and that rulers and courtly lites were expected to
learn lessons from them. Sad clearly expresses this expectation in his panegyric to the Ilkhanid
governor of F rs, Amir Ankiy n (r. 667/126869 to 670/127172) in which he states that the
stories about Rustam and Isfandiy r related in the shhnmas are meant for rulers
(khudvandn-i mulk) to learn that they will eventually lose their power to someone else.318
Sads use of plural shhnma-h indicates that not only the ancient Persian tales related in
Firdauss Shhnma but also those of other shhnmas were current and considered to be
meaningful in court circles in the thirteenth century.
Further evidence that indicates the entire Shhnma, and not just selected verses from it,
enjoyed perusal during medieval times, is amdull h Mustaufs remarks in his afar-nma
about the availability of many corrupted copies of the Shhnma in the fourteenth century.
amdull h Mustaufs statement points to the fact that the Shhnma in its entirety was in high
demand; otherwise, it would not have been copied by so many hands.
The translation of the Shhnma into Arabic prose in the twelfth century by al-Fat b.
Al al-Bund r further points to the popularity of the work not only among Persians, but also
among Arabs.319 It is noteworthy that in the introduction to his translation, Bund r refers to
Firdaus by the title al-am r al- ak m (the wise leader), and refers to the Shhnma as a brilliant

90
(bri) work that contains oceans of pearls of wisdom (mushtamil al bi r lal al- ikam) and
mines of gems of speech (madin jawhir al-kalim).320 These comments demonstrate that
Bund r considered the Shhnma to be a book of wisdom and not a collection of ancient tales.
A thorough examination of medieval Persian epics, which were composed on the model
of the Shhnma, can shed considerable light on how their authors perceived Firdauss work.
Many of these epics have not been edited or thoroughly studied, but as briefly shown here, the
authors of the post-Shhnma epics understood the ethico-political lessons conveyed through the
tales of the Shhnma and they emulated this aspect of the work in composing their own epic
tales.
In order to illustrate how Firdaus uses history and myths to convey ethico-political
lessons, the next chapter will examine the portrayal of Ardashr, the founder of the Sasanian
dynasty, as an ideal king in the Shhnma.

91

On the Shhnma as epic poetry, see Omidsalar, Poetics and Politics, chaps. 811; William L.

Jr. Hanaway, The Iranian Epics, in Heroic Epic and Saga: An Introduction to the Worlds
Great Folk Epics, ed. Felix J. Oinas (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1978), 79, 88;
William L. Hanaway, Epic Poetry, in Persian Literature, ed. Ehsan Yarshater (Albany, NY:
Bibliotheca Persica, 1988), 102; Franois de Blois, Persian Literature: A Bio-bibliographical
Survey, vol. 5, Poetry of the Pre-Mongol Period, rev. ed. (London: Routledge Curzon in
association with the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 2004), 11226; and ve
Feuillebois-Pierunek, Lpope iranienne: le Livre des Rois de Ferdowsi, in popes du
monde: Pour un panorama (presque) gnral, ed. ve Feuillebois-Pierunek (Paris: Classiques
Garnier, 2011), 15663. According to Jan Rypka, the ancients regarded the Shhnma as history
and we can see it that way if we strip it of every nave interpretation that does not get to the real
root of the historical truth. See Jan Rypka, History of Iranian Literature, in collaboration with
Otakar Klma and others, trans. P. van Popta-Hope, ed. Karl Jahn (Dordrecht, Holland: D.
Reidel, 1968), 159; Ehsan Yarshater considers the Shhnma as a literary masterpiece of Persian
historiography. See his Iranian National History, 369. Julie Scott Meisami includes the
Shhnma in her study of medieval Persian historiography, but, in her opinion, since Firdaus did
not follow the literary tradition of his time, his work is an anomaly in medieval Persian historical
writing. See her Persian Historiography, 3745. Meisami has also written an article on the
reception of the Shhnma as a mirror for princes. In that article, she does not propose that the
Shhnma can or should be studied as a mirror for princes; but rather, she maintains her position
on the Shhnma as an historical work and argues that later reception of the Shhnma was
largely fragmentary, that is, it provided material for later authors of mirrors for princes, epic
romances, panegyrists, etc. She further argues that later authors were generally not interested in

92

the narrative structure of the Shhnma. To support her argument, Meisami discusses R vands
use of the Shhnma materials, which in her opinion, were extracted from their narrative
contexts and divested of historical significance to become exemplary in a broad ethical sense,
adab rather than history. See her The h-nma as a Mirror for Princes: A Study in
Reception, in Pand-o Sokhan: Mlanges offerts Charles-Henri de Fouchcour, ed. Christophe
Bala, Claire Kappler, and iva Vesel, (Tehran: Institut franais de recherche en Iran, 1995),
26573. Charles Melville on the other hand views the Shhnma as history with literary
dimensions. See Melville, Persian Historiography, xlv. In her study of Sasanian history,
Parvaneh Pourshariati uses the Sasanian section of the Shhnma as one of her major sources.
See her Decline and Fall of the Sasanian Empire: The Sasanian-Parthian Confederacy and the
Arab Conquest of Iran (London: I. B. Tauris in association with the Iran Heritage Foundation,
2008), 14 15.
2

On the similarities and differences between the Shhnma and other world epics see Jal l

Kh liq Mulaq, amsa: Pad da-shins -i tab q -i shir-i pahlavni (Tehran: Markaz-i d irat
al-ma rif-i buzurg-i isl m, 1386/2007). On how the Shhnma differs from other medieval
Persian historical writings, see Meisami, The Past in Service of the Present, 24775. Also see
Chapter 2 of the present study.
3

de Fouchcour, Moralia, 5153; de Fouchcour, Une lecture du Livre des Rois, 171202;

and de Fouchcour, Akhl q-i pahlav n va akhl q-i rasm, 813.

4

For example, see Zabull h af , amsa-sary dar rn: Az qad mtar n ahd-i tr kh t

qarn-i chahrdahum-i hijr (Tehran: Amr Kabr, 1333/1954), 18487; Hanaway, Iranian
Epics, 9293; Sayyid Muammad Dabrsiy q, Zindig nma-i Firdaus va sarguzasht-i
Shhnma, 2nd ed. (Tehran: Qara, 1383/2004), 32749; Shapur Shahbazi, Ferdows : A Critical
Biography (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University, Center for Middle Eastern Studies, 1991), 89

93

97; Meisami, The Past in Service of the Present, 26164; Rypka, History of Iranian Literature,
157; Mahmoud Omidsalar (Mamd Umds l r), Shhnma-i Firdaus va huviyat-i farhang-i
Mamd-i Ghaznav, rnshins 11, no. 3 (1378/1999): 61631, repr. ed., in Mahmoud
Omidsalar (Mamd Umds l r), Justrh-yi Shhnma-shins va mabhis-i adab (Tehran:
Buny d-i mauqf t-i duktur Mamd Afsh r, 1381/2002), 24360; and Mahmoud Omidsalar,
Shhnma va taaub-i dn-i Mamd-i Ghaznav, rnshins 12, no. 2 (1379/2000): 316
23, repr. ed., in Omidsalar, Justrh-yi Shhnma-shins , 26169. For a general review of
different opinions on the topic, see Encyclopaedia Iranica, s.v. Ferdowsi, i. Life, Ferdows and
Sultan Mamd.
5

Mahmoud Omidsalar, Nukta- dar Shhnma-shin s va ta-i matn-i Tr kh-i S stn,

rnshins 10, no. 1 (1377/1998): 12123, repr. ed., in Omidsalar, Justrh-yi Shhnmashins , 19093. For the paragraph in Tr kh-i S stn, see Tr kh-i S stn, ed. Malik al-Shuar
Bah r (Tehran: Muassisa-yi kh var, 1314/1935), 78.
6

Amad b. Umar b. Al Ni m Ar Samarqand, Chahr maqla, ed. Muammad Qazvn,

(Cairo: 1327/1948), ed. Muammad Mun (Tehran: Zavv r, 1333/1954), 7583; Ni m Ar ,

Revised Translation of Chahr Maqla (Four Discourses) of Ni m-i-Ar of Samarqand,
trans. Edward G. Browne (London: Luzac, 1921), 5459.
7

Ni m Ar , Chahr maqla, 81; trans., Ni m Ar , Four Discourses, 57.

Kh liq Mulaq, Nig h t za bi zindig-n ma-i Firdaus, Nme-ye Irn-e Bstn: The

International Journal of Ancient Iranian Studies 6, nos. 12 (1385/2006): 1314. For a ninetyone-line version of the satire see Firdaus, Le livre des rois, ed. and trans. Jules Mohl, 7 vols.
(Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 183878), repr. ed. (Paris: Jean Maisonneuve, 1976), 1: lxxxviii
xcii.

94

For a review of the controversy surrounding Firdauss satire, see Encyclopaedia Iranica, s.v.

Ferdowsi, ii. Hajw-n ma. Kh liq Mulaq, Riy , af , Taqz da, and Nldeke are among
scholars who maintain Firdaus did compose a satire in criticism of Mamd. See Kh liq
Mulaq, Nig h t za bi zindig-n ma-i Firdaus, 1315; Muammad Amn Riy , Sarchishmah-yi Firdaus -shins : Majm a-i nivishta-h-yi kuhan darbra-i Firdaus va Shhnma va
naqd-i nh (Tehran: Muassisa-i mu li t va taqq t-i farhang, 1372/1993), 8497; af ,
amsa-sary dar rn, 190191; Sayyid asanTaqz da, Mash hr-i shuar -yi r n, in
Firdaus va Shhnma-i : Shar -i l-i Firdaus az makhaz-i Shhnma; Muqaddama-i qad mi Shhnma; Ta q q darbra-i Shhnma, ed. abb Yaghm (Tehran: Anjuman-i s r-i mill,
1349/1970 ), 230n1; and Theodor Nldeke, Das iranische Nationalepos, 2nd ed. (Berlin:
Vereinigung Wissenschaftlicher Verleger, 1920), 2931. For some of those who question the
authenticity of the satire, see Mamd Kh n Shr n, Chahr maqla bar Firdaus va Shhnma,
trans. Abd al-ay abb (K bul, 1355/1977), 37110; Shahbazi, Ferdows : A Critical
Biography, 97103; Muammad Taq Bah r, Firdaus: Shar-i l-i Firdaus az r-yi
Shhnma, in Firdaus -nma-i Malik al-Shuar Bahr, ed. Muammad Gulbun (Tehran:
Sipihr, 1345/1966), 3031; and Omidsalar, Poetics and Politics, 8586.
10

Firdaus, Shhnma, 8:259, lines 339394.

11

Firdaus, Shhnma, 8:25960, lines 339598.

12

Kh liq Mulaq, Nig h t za bi zindig-n ma-i Firdaus, 910.

13

Firdaus, Shhnma, 8:48687, lines 88492.

14

Kh liq Mulaq, Nig h t za bi zindig-n ma-i Firdaus, 10.

15

For a discussion of Firdauss revisions of the Shhnma and the dates of different editions of

the work, see Shahbazi, Ferdows : A Critical Biography, 7194; and Kh liq Mulaq, Nig h
t za bi zindig-n ma-i Firdaus, 710. For the two different dates of 384/994 and 400/1010

95

given at the end of various manuscripts as the date of the completion of the Shhnma, see Jal l
Kh liq Mulaq, Muarrif va arzy b-i barkh az dastnivs-h -yi Shhnma, pt. 1, rn-nma 3,
no. 3 (1364/1985): 386405; Kh liq Mulaq, Muarrif va arzy b-i barkh az dastnivs-h -yi
Shhnma, pt. 2, rn-nma 4, no. 1 (1364/1985): 1831; and Jal l Kh liq Mulaq, T rkh-i
rz-i p y n-i Shhnma, rnshinsi 12, no. 4 (1379/2000): 78184.
16

Firdaus, Shhnma, 5:177, line 1053.

17

Firdaus, Shhnma, 5:17778, lines 105462.

18

The preface to the manuscript dated 614/1217 (also known as the Florence Manuscript) has

missing folios, but another Shhnma manuscript, which is dated 903/149798, provides some
of the missing parts of this version of the account about Firdaus and Mamd. For the text of the
preface, as it appears in the Florence manuscript, see Jal l Kh liq Mulaq, Dastnivs-i
Shhnma muarrikh-i shishad va chah rdah-i hijr-i qamar: Dastnivs-i Flaur ns, rn-nma
7, no. 1 (1367/1998): 8993. For the complete text of this preface, edited based on two
manuscripts dated 614/1217 and 903/149798, see Riy , Sarchishma-h-yi Firdaus -shins ,
27087. The manuscript dated 675/127677 also contains a second account about Firdaus and
sultan Mamd. For the two accounts, see Riy , Sarchishma-h-yi Firdaus -shins , 193206.
Note that the manuscript dated 675/127677 was not available to Riy at the time of his
research, so his edition of these two accounts are based on manuscripts dated 741/134041and
803/14001, which contain the same preface.
19

Jal l Kh liq Mulaq, Ahammiyat va khaar-i ma khiz-i janb dar ta-i Shhnma,

rnshins 7, no. 4 (1374/1995): 749n1; Jal l Kh liq Mulaq, Chand tau darb ra-i
dastnivs-i Flaur ns, Kilk 10 (1369/1990): 227; and Riy , Sarchishma-h-yi Firdaus -shins ,
18993.
20

Riy , Sarchishma-h-yi Firdaus -shins , 19495, 204, and 27280.

96

21

Riy , Sarchishma-h-yi Firdaus -shins , 195, 2045, and 27880.

22

Ni m Ar , Chahr maqla, 75; trans., Ni m Ar , Four Discourses, 54.

23

For a comprehensive study of various medieval sources containing the accounts about, or

references to, Firdauss unrewarded work, see Jal l Matn, Firdaus dar h la- az afs na-h , in
Shhnma-shins 1: Majm a-i guftrh-yi nukhust n majma-i ilm -i ba s darbra-i
Shhnma dar Ustn-i Hurmuzgn (2327 Abn 1356) [Proceedings of the first Shhnma
congress in the Province of Hurmuzg n, November 1418, 1978] (Tehran: Buny d-i Shhnma-i
Firdaus, 1357/1979), 12051.
24

Riy , Sarchishma-h-yi Firdaus -shins , 35152.

25

Ni m r s version of the story also appears in Tr kh-i abaristn, but as shown by

Iqb l shtiy n, it is a later interpolation. See Ibn Isfandiy r, Tr kh-i abaristn, 1: d, b , jm,
and 2:2125.
26

Mukht r, D vn-i Usmn-i Mukhtr , ed. Jal l al-Dn Hum (Tehran: Bung h-i tarjuma va

nashr-i kit b, 1341/1963), 788n1 and 832, lines 1014. Also see Riy , Sarchishma-h-yi
Firdaus -shins , 21920; and Kh liq Mulaq, Nig h t za bi zindig-n ma-i Firdaus, 15; and
Kh liq Mulaq, Ahammiyat va khaar-i ma khiz-i janb, 732, and 749n5.
27

Ni m Ar , Chahr maqla, 5; trans., Ni m Ar , Four Discourses, 3.

28

Ni m Ar , Chahr maqla, 18; trans., Ni m Ar , Four Discourses, 12.

29

Ni m Ar , Chahr maqla, 19; trans., Ni m Ar , Four Discourses, 12.

30

Ni m Ar , Chahr maqla, 4446; trans., Ni m Ar , Four Discourses, 2931.

31

See Qazvns comments in Ni m Ar , Chahr maqla, xivxviii.

32

Ni m Ganjav, Khusrau va Sh r n: Niazm Ganja- 2, ed. Bihrz Sirvatiy n (Tehran: Amr

Kabr, 1386/2007), 118, lines 2122.

33

Ni m Ar , Chahr maqla, 7980; trans., Ni m Ar , Four Discourses, 56.

97

34

Ni m Ganjav, Khusrau va Sh r n, 28182, lines 4142.

35

Ni m Ganjav, Iqbl-nma y khirad-nma, ed. Vad Dastgird (Tehran: Muassisa-i

mab t ilm, 1317/1938), 35.

36

Ni m Ganjav, Haft Paykar, ed. Vad Dastgird (Tehran: Armagh n, 1315/1936), 19, lines

12.
37

Fard al-Dn A r, Ilh -nma, ed. Fu d R n (Tehran: Zavv r, 1339/1960), 28687.

38

Fard al-Dn A r, Mu bat-nma, ed. Nr n Vi l (Tehran: Zavv r, 1338/1959), 36668.

39

Ni m Ar , Chahr maqla, 83; trans., Ni m Ar , Four Discourses, 59.

40

Fard al-Dn A r, Asrr-nma, ed. diq Gauharn (Tehran: Sharq, 1338/1959), 18890.

41

A r, Asrr-nma, 190.

42

Sad al-Dn Var vn, Marzbn-nma, ed. Khall Khab Rahbar (Tehran: Intish r t-i

D nishg h-i Shahd Bihisht, 1363/1984), 617. For an abridged English translation of this work
see, Var vn, The Tales of Marzuban, trans. Reuben Levy (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University
Press, 1959). Var vns introduction to the work is not included in the translation.
43

Var vn, Marzbn-nma, 13.

44

Var vns statement may be verified by Jurf diq ns concluding verses at the end of his

translation, where he complains about his poverty and mentions that he was not rewarded for his
work. See Ab al-Sharaf N i b. afar Jurf diq n, Tarjuma-i Tr kh-i Yam n , ed. Jafar Shi r
(Tehran: Bung h-i tarjuma va nashr-i kit b, 1345/1966), 439.
45

For example, see Farrukh Sst n, D vn-i ak m Farrukh S stn , ed. Muammad

Dabrsiy q (Tehran: Iqb l, 1335/1956), 66 and 174; and Unur Balkh, Divn-i ustd Un ur
Balkh , ed. Muammad Dabrsiy q (Tehran: San , 1342/1963), 120, lines 133740, and p. 313,
line 2969.

98

46

Both Kh liq Mulaq and Omidsalar maintain that Mamds court poets refer to other

shhnmas than Firdauss work. See Kh liq Mulaq, Az Shhnma t Khudynma: Just r
darb ra-i ma khiz-i mustaqm va ghayr-i mustaqm-i Shhnma, unpublished article, posted on
the internet in January 2009 at
http://www.noufe.com/persish/Khaleghi/pdf/azshahnametakhodayname.pdf (accessed September
20, 2009.), 16; and Omidsalar, Nukta- dar Shhnma-shin s, 123.
47

On other shhnmas, see below, pp. 13234.

48

Firdaus, Shhnma, 8:259, line 3391.

49

Muammad b. Abd al-Malik Nish br Amr Muizz, D vn-i Am r Muizz , ed. Abb s Iqb l

Ashtiy n (Tehran: Kit bfursh-i isl miyya, 1318/1939), 268:

50

Ni m Ar , Chahr maqla, 8182; trans., Ni m Ar , Four Discourses, 58.

51

Jal l Kh liq Mulaq, Yik mihtar bd gardan-far z, Majjalla-i dnishkada-i adabiyt va

ul m-i insn -i Dnishgh-i Firdaus 2 (2536/1977), repr. ed., in Kh liq Mulaq, Sukhan-h-yi
d r na, 5973; and Jal l Kh liq Mulaq, Jav n bd va az gauhar-i pahlav n, in Nmvra-i
duktur Ma m d Afshr, 1364/1985, repr. ed., in Kh liq Mulaq, Sukhan-h-yi d r na, 7592.
Also see Shahbazi, Ferdows : A Critical Biography, 7175.
52

Abu al-Fa l Khab, Ab Manr Muammad b. Abd al-Razz q, In Dirat al-marif-i

buzurg-i islm , 6:29093; Encyclopaedia Iranica., s.v. Ab Manr Abd-al-Razz q; V.

Minorsky, The Older Preface to the Shh-nma, in Studi orientalistici in onore di Giorgio Levi
Della Vida, 2 vols. (Rome: Instituto per lOriente: 1956), 2:162166; and Parvaneh Pourshariati,
The Parthians and the Production of the Canonical Sh hn mas: Of Pahlav, Pahlav n and the
Pahlav, in Commutatio et contentio: Studies in the Late Roman, Sasanian, and Early Islamic

99

Near East; In Memory of Zeev Rubin, ed. Henning Brm and Josef Wiesehfer (Dusseldorf:
Wellem Verlag, 2010), 35860.
53

Pourshariati, Parthians and the Production of the Canonical Sh hn mas, 362; and

Pourshariati, Decline and Fall of the Sasanian Empire, 263.

54

Muammad b. Abd al-Vahh b Qazvn, Muqaddama-i qadm-i Shhnma, in Qzvn,

Daura-i kmil-i b st maqla-i Qazv n , 2 vols. in 1, vol. 2, ed. Abb s Iqb l, 2nd ed. (Tehran:
Ch pkh na-i sharq, 1332/1953), 8990; Minorsky, Older Preface, 179.
55

Pourshariati, Iranian Tradition in s and the Arab Presence in Khur s n, (PhD diss.,

Columbia University, 1995), 23985. Also see Pourshariati, Parthians and the Production of the
Canonical Sh hn mas, 36467.
56

Qazvn, Muqaddama-i qadm, 3334; Minorsky, Older Preface, 168.

57

Qazvn, Muqaddama-i qadm, 3036; Minorsky, Older Preface, 16769.

58

Ab Sad Abd al-ayy b. al-a k b. Mamd Gardz, Zayn al-akhbr, ed. Abd al-ayy

abb (Tehran: Intish r t-i buny d-i farhang-i r n, 1347/1968), 167; Ab Sad Abd al-ayy
Gardz, The Ornament of Histories: A History of the Eastern Islamic Lands, AD 6501041; The
Original Text of Ab Sa d Abd al- ayy Gard z , ed. and trans. Clifford Edmund Bosworth
(London: I. B. Tauris, 2011), 73; Ab al-Nar Muammad b. Abd al-Jabb r al-Utb, al-Ym n :
F shar akhbr al-suln yam n al-daula wa am n al-milla Ma m d al-ghaznaw , ed. Is n
Dhunn al-Th mir (Beirut: D r al-ala, 1424/2004), 7687; and Jurf diq n, Tarjuma-i Tr khi Yam n , 7175.
59

Qazvn, Muqaddama-i qadm, 3537; Minorsky, Older Preface, 169.

60

Qazvn, Muqaddama-i qadm, 3940; Minorsky, Older Preface, 171.

61

For a comprehensive annotated list of medieval Persian biographies, see Amad Gulchn-i

Ma n, Tr kh-i tazkira-h-yi frs , 2 vols. (Tehran: D nishg h-i Tihr n, 134850/196971).

100

62

Ni m Ar , Chahr maqla, 7576; trans., Ni m Ar , Four Discourses, 54.

63

Ni m Ar , Chahr maqla, 76; trans., Ni m Ar , Four Discourses, 55.

64

For Aufs words on the eminence of Firdaus and his work see Muammad Auf, Lubb al-

albb, ed. Edward Browne and Muammad Qazvn, ed. Sad Nafs (Tehran: Ibn Sna,
1335/1956), 269.
65

Auf, Lubb al-albb, 269.

...
....

66

Mahmoud Omidsalar, Masd-i Sad-i Salm n va Shhnma-i Firdaus, in Omidsalar,

Justrh-yi Shhnma-shins , 21425; de Blois, Persian Literature, 5:132; and Sunil Sharma,
Persian Poetry at the Indian Frontier: Masd-i Sad-i Salmn of Lahore (Delhi: Permanent
Black, 2000), 129. Sharma considers Aufs claim to be false, but he refers to the work that Auf
attributes to Masd-i Sad as a prose rendering of the Shhnmah. See Sharma, Persian
Poetry at the Indian Frontier, 129. Similarly, in his article in Encyclopaedia Iranica, Sharma
refers to the wok as an abridged prose h-n ma. See Encyclopaedia Iranica, s.v. Masd-e
Sad-e Salm n. But, Auf clearly refers to a selection (ikhtiyrt) compiled (jam karda) from
the verses of the Shhnma, not a prose rendering of the poem as Sharma suggests.
67

See below for more on the selections from the Shhnma.

68

Auf, Lubb al-albb, 26970.

69

amdull h b. Ab Bakr b. Amad b. Nar Mustauf Qazvn Tr kh-i guz da, ed. Abd al-

usayn Nav (Tehran: Amr Kabr, 1960), 743; amdull h Mustauf, Tarkh-i-Guzda or
Select History, trans. Edward Browne (London: Luzac, 1913). The translations of the Persian
verses are not provided though. Firdauss other poems have been collected by H. Eth. See H.
Eth, Firds als Lyriker, pt. 1, Sitzungsberichte der philosophisch-philologischen und

101

historicshen Classe der Kniglich Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Mnchen 2

(1872): 275304; and H. Eth, Firds als Lyriker, pt. 2, Sitzungsberichte der philosophischphilologischen und historicshen Classe der Kniglich Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften
zu Mnchen 3 (1873): 623659. Taqz da rejects the attribution to Firdaus of some of the verses
cited in Eths articles. See Taqz da, Mash hr-i shuar -yi r n, 27475.
70

For the account in the preface to the B ysunghur Shhnma, see Riy , Sarchishma-h-yi

Firdaus -shins , 37576; and Dabrsiy q, Zindig nma-i Firdaus , 16465.

71

Fa Amad b. Jal l al-Dn Muammad Khv f, Mujmal-i Fa

, ed. Mamd Farrukh, 3

vols. (Mashhad: Kit bfursh-i B st n, 133941/196062), 2:129.

72

Fa Khv f, Mujmal-i Fa

73

Daulatsh h b. Al al-Daula Bakhtsh h al-Gh z al-Samarqand, Tazkirat al-shuar, ed.

, 2:12930.

Edward G. Browne (London: Luzac, 1901), repr. ed. (Tehran: As r, 1382/2003), 49.
74

Daulatsh h Samarqand, Tazkira al-shuar, 4950.

75

Daulatsh h Samarqand, Tazkira al-shuar, 50.

76

Nr al-Dn Abd al-Ram n b. Amad J m, Bahristn, ed. Ism l km (Tehran: Iil t,

1367/1988), 93.
77

Cf. Meisami, Persian Historiography, 5253; Meisami, h-nma as a Mirror for Princes,

266; and Meisami, The Past in Service of the Present, 26263, where she argues that the
archaic language, style, and content of the Shhnma was the reason for its unenthusiastic
reception by sultan Mamd.
78

Angelo Michele Piemontese, Tarf-i Firdaus dar dast-nivishta-h -yi kuhan-i Shhnma, in

Sukhanvra: Panjh guftr-i pazh hish bi yd-i duktur Parv z Ntil Khnlar , ed. Iraj Afsh r
and Hans Robert Roemer (Tehran: Ts, 1376/1997), 28283.
79

Piemontese, Tarf-i Firdaus, 283.

102

80

Piemontese, Tarf-i Firdaus, 283.

81

Piemontese, Tarf-i Firdaus, 28283.

82

Piemontese, Tarf-i Firdaus, 282.

83

Auad al-Dn Anvar Abvard, D vn-i Anvar , ed. Mummad Taq Mudarris Ra av, 2 vols.

(Tehran: Bung h-i tarjuma va nashr-i kit b, 1337/1958), 2:659.

84

iy al-Dn Ibn al-Athr, al-Mathal al-sir f adab al-ktib wa al-shir, ed. Amad al-f

and Badaw ab na, 4 vols. (Cairo: Maktabat Nihat Mir, 195965), 4:12:




.
85

In his brief review of the Persian classical works on rhetoric that were written before the

thirteenth century, Qazvn refers to eight works, five of which were composed during the reign
of the Ghaznavids. But unfortunately, except for Tarjumn al-balgha, we only know the titles
and names of the authors of these works. See Shams-i Qays, al-Mujam f may r ashr alajam, ed. Muammad Qazvn, ed. Mudarris Ra av (Tehran: Kit bfursh-i Tihr n,
1338/1959), iiiv.
86

For example, see Omidsalar, Masd-i Sad-i Salm n, 217.

87

Muammad b. Umar al-R dy n, Tarjumn al-balgha, ed. Ahmed Ate (Istanbul: Ibrahim

Horoz Basimevi, 1949).

88

Muammad b. Umar al-R dy n, Tarjumn al-balgha, ed. Al Qavm (Tehran: Ch pkh na

Muammad Al Fardn, 1339/1960), 8.

103

89

Cf. R dy n, Tarjumn al-balgha, ed. Ate, 130 and 47 (Persian text); and R dy n,

Tarjumn al-balgha, ed. Qavm, 8789 and 16163.

90

R dy n, Tarjumn al-balgha, ed. Qavm, 8788. Cf. R dy n, Tarjumn al-balgha, ed.

Ate, 7, line 3, (Persian text).

91

Cf. Firdaus, Shhnma, 3:194, line 1474.

92

R dy n, Tarjumn al-balgha, ed. Qavm, 69.

93

Auf, Lubb al-albb, 270. In Ates edition of the Tarjumn al-balgha, these two verses are

attributed to Muammad Abduh, a scribe (dab r/ktib) at the court of Bughr kh n the
Qarakhanid ruler. See R dy n, Tarjumn al-balgha, ed. Ate, 103104.
94

Shams-i Qays, al-Mujam, 178, 419.

95

Shams-i Qays, al-Mujam, 178.

96

Shams-i Qays, al-Mujam, 41819. The verses are quoted as they appear in al-Mujam.

97

Cf. Firdaus, Shhnma, 7:230, line 1702.

98

Cf. Firdaus, Shhnma, 7:241, line 1870.

99

Cf. Firdaus, Shhnma, 7:231, line 171011.

100

Cf. Firdaus, Shhnma, 7:231, line 1715.

101

Cf. Al b. Amad, Ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma: Matn guz da az qarn-i panjum-i hijr , ed. Muaf

Jayn and Muammad Fish rak (Mashhad: st n-i Quds-i ra av, Markaz-i Khur s n-shin s,
1379/2000), 12526, lines 116567, 1169, and 1176. For more on this work, see above pp. 51
53.
102

af , amsa-sary dar rn, 283342.

103

Ab Nar Al b. Amad Asad s, Garshsb-nma, ed. abb Yaghm (Tehran: Brkhm,

1317/1938), 1314.

104

104

af s survey of Persian epics published in 1954 still remains the most comprehensive work

on the subject. For other studies of post-Shhnma epics see Franois de Bloiss article in
Encyclopaedia Iranica, s.v. Epics; Marijan Mol, Lpope iranienne aprs Firds, La
Nouvelle Clio 5 (1953): 37793; Hanaway, Iranian Epics, 8993; Henri Mass, Les popes
persanes: Firdousi et lpope nationale (Paris: Librairie Acadmique Perrin, 1935), 263-91, and
Firdaus, Le livre des rois, livlxxvii. For information on the date, location, and authorship of the
manuscripts, and information on edited works see de Blois, Persian Literature 5:46575.
105

Mol, Lpope iranienne aprs Firds, 386. The work was not edited at the time of Mols

research. For a critical edition of K sh-nma, see r nsh n b. Ab al-Khayr, K sh-nma, ed. Jal l
Matn (Tehran: Ilm, 1377/1998). For more information on this work and a summary of the
story, see Encyclopaedia Iranica, s.v. Ku-n ma.
106

Jal l Matn, Barkh az nayrang-h -yi k rz r dar ksh-n ma, rnshins 11, no. 3

(1378/1999): 65152.
107

Matn, Barkh az nayrang-h -yi k rz r dar K sh-nma, 652.

108

Matn, Barkh az nayrang-h -yi k rz r dar K sh-nma, 65466.

109

For example, see Chapters 1229 of the twelfth-century db al- arb va al-shuja (The

manners of war and gallantry) in Muammad b. Manr b. Sad Mub raksh h, db al- arb va
al-shuja, ed. Amad Suhayl Khv ns r (Tehran: Iqb l, 1346/1967). This work is written as a
mirror for princes and contains moral and political advice for rulers, but a good part of it is on
how to be victorious in war. For more on this work, see below, p. 303.
110

Jal l Matn, Tarjuma-i man m-i dgar az Ydgr-i Buzurgmihr, rn-nma 5, no. 1

(1365): 11542. The Pahlavi text of Aydgr-i Wuzurgmihr was first edited and published by
Jamaspji Minocheherji Jamasp-Asana in Pahlavi Texts (Bombay, 18971913), 85101. For the
Pahlavi text of Aydgr-i Wuzurgmihr and its transliteration and translation in Persian and

105

English see Andarz-nma-i Buzurgmihr-i ak m, ed. and trans., Farh d b d n (Ifah n:

Intish r t-i D nishg h-i Ifah n, 1350/1971). Also see Shaul Shakeds edition and translation of
the text published on the website of Middle Persian Dictionary Project at
http://micro5.mscc.huji.ac.il/~msshaul/mpdp (accessed June 12, 2011). For a Russian translation
of the text, along with its transliteration and a commentary, see Aydgr Wuzurgmihr, in
Izvedat dorogi i puti pravednykh: Pekhlevijskie nazidatelnye teksty, ed. and trans. O. M.
Chunakova, (Moscow: Nauka, 1991), 4956 (transliteration), 8693 (translation), and 11720
(commentary). For the text in the K sh-nma, see r nsh n, K sh-nma, 37984.
111

Firdaus, Shhnma, 7:286303.

112

Matn, Tarjuma-i man m-i dgar az Ydgr-i Buzurgmihr, 11926.

113

r nsh n, K sh-nma, 151, lines 10809.

114

r nsh h b. Ab al-Khayr, Bahman-nma, ed. Ram Aff (Tehran: Shirkat-i intish r t-i ilm

va farhang, 1370/1991). As remarked by Jal l Matn in the introduction to his edition of K shnma, the correct name of the poet is r nsh n, not r nsh h. See r nsh n, K sh-nma, 25
30.
115

For some examples, see r nsh h, Bahman-nma, xxiiixxx, and lilv.

116

Asad s, Garshsb-nma, ii. Rashd Y sam has collected and published the aphorisms of

Garshsb-nma. See Rashd Y sam, ed., Andarz-nma-i Asad (Tehran: Sharq, 1307/1928).
117

Jal l Kh liq Mulaq, Gardish dar Garsh spn ma, pt. 2, rn-nma 1, no. 4 (1362/1983):

55259; and Gardish dar Garsh spn ma, pt.3, rn-nma 2, no. 1 (1362/1983): 94147.
118

Farmarz-nma, ed., Majd Sarmad (Tehran: Anjuman-i s r va maf khir-i farhang,

1382/2003).
119

Jal l Kh liq Mulaq, Farmarz-nma, rn-nma 1, no. 1 (1361/1982): 2256; and Jal l

Kh liq Mulaq, Mu li t-i am s 2: Farmarz-nma, Nashriya-i dnishkada-i adabiyt va

106

ul m-i insn -i Dnishgh-i Tabr z 12829 (1362/1983): 85121, repr. ed., in Farmarz-nma,
831. I was not able to consult Marjolijn van Zutphen, Faramarz, the Sistani Hero (PhD diss.,
Leiden University, 2011).
120

Kh liq Mulaq, Farmarz-nma, 3031.

121

See Kh liq Mulaqs summary of the poem in his Farmarz-nma, 2627. For the verses,

see Farmarz-nma, 5562.

122

Kh liq Mulaq, Farmarz-nma, 27.

123

Al -nma: Man ma kuhan, ed. Re

Bay t and Ab al-Fa l Ghul m (Tehran: Mr s-i

Maktb, 2010). References are to this edition of Al -nma. For a general review of the work, see
Muammad Re

Shaf Kadkan, am sa- sh az qarn-i panjum, Majalla-i dnishkada-i

adabiyt va ul m-i insn -i Dnishgh-i Firdaus -i Mashhad 33, nos. 34 (1379/2000): 42594,
repr. ed., in Al -nma: Man ma kuhan, a facsimile edition of the Konya Museum Library MS
no. 2562 (Tehran: Mr s-i Maktb, 1388/ 2009), xilxxv.
124

Al -nma, 5, line 94:

125

Al -nma, 135, lines 298188. On the Karramites, see The Encyclopaedia of Islam, s.v.

Karr miya (by C. E. Bosworth).

126

Al -nma, 5, lines 95; and Al -nma, 303, line 6759.

127

For a general review of this work and relevant bibliography, see Charles Melville, Ibn

us ms varn-nma and the h-nma of Firdaws, in Liber amicorum: tudes sur lIran
mdival et moderne offertes Jean Calmard, ed. Michele Bernardini, Mashashi Haneda, Maria
Szuppe, special issue, Eurasian Studies 5, nos. 12 (2006): 21934.

107

128

Ibn us m, Khvarn-nma, ed. amdull h Mur d (MA thesis, Firdaus University,

Mashhad, 1378/1999), 49, as quoted in Parvn-Dukht Mashhr, Ruy -yi diq va b zt b-i n
dar Khvarn-nma, Fa l-nma-i Prs 4, no. 4 (1378/1999): 9596.
129

Mashhr, Ruy -yi diq, 96.

130

Zabull h af , am sa-h -yi t rkh va dn dar ahd-i afav, rn-nma 1, no. 1

(1361/1982): 521. Also see af , amsa-sary dar rn, 7990; and Hossein Esmali,
Lpope chiite persane, in Feuillebois-Pierunek, popes du monde, 20326.
131

Shaf Kadkan provides some examples of moral advices contained in Al -nma. See Al -

nma, xxxviixxxviii.
132

On Persian historical epics and particularly Iskandar-nmas, see af , amsa-sary dar

rn, 34376. On Ni ms Iskandar-nma see Encyclopaedia Iranica, s.v. Eskandar-n ma of

Ne m; Encyclopaedia Iranica., s.v. Eskandar-n ma; and de Blois, Persian Literature,
5:36670.
133

de Blois, Persian Literature, 5:36667; and Encyclopaedia Iranica, s.v. Eskandar-n ma of

Ne m.
134

Ni m Ganjav, Sharaf-nma: Ni m Ganja- 5, ed. Bihrz Sarvatiy n (Tehran: Ts,

1368/1989), 91, lines 11719.

135

Ni m Ganjav, Sharaf-nma, 91, lines 12021.

136

For a study of these works as mirrors for princes, see Julie Scott Meisami, Medieval Persian

Court Poetry (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1987), 192236.

137

Ni m Ganjav, Khusrau va Sh r n, 137, lines 4648.

138

Ni m Ganjav, Khusrau va Sh r n, 137, lines 4950.

139

Ni m Ganjav, Haft Paykar, 16, lines 89.

140

Ni m Ganjav, Haft Paykar, 16, lines, 10.

108

141

Ni m Ganjav, Haft Paykar, 16, lines, 1011.

142

amdull h Mustauf, afar-nma bi-inimm-i Shhnma-i Ab al-Qsim Firdaus , bi

-i amdullh Mustauf , a facsimile edition of the British Library MS Or. 2833, supervised

ta

by Narull h Prjav d and Nuratull h Rastg r, 2 vols. (Tehran: Markaz-i nashr-i d nishg h,
1377/1999). A critical edition of the work is in progress. See amdull h Mustauf, afar-nma,
ed. Mahd Mad yin and others (Tehran: Pazhhishg h-i ulm-i ins n va mu li t-i farhang),
1380/2001.
143

amdull h Mustauf, afar-nma, 1:78; amdull h Mustauf, afar-nma, ed. Mad yin,

1:p nzdahhifdah, lines 294346. amdull h Mustaufs edition of the Shhnma appears on the
margins of the British Library MS Or. 2833, copied in 807/1405, and published in facsimile
edition noted above.
144

amdull h Mustauf, afar-nma, 1:6; amdull h Mustauf, afar-nma, ed. Mad yin,

1:chah rdahp nzdah, lines 25891.

145

amdull h Mustaufs imitation of the Shhnma is to the extent that he even begins his

afar-nma in the same style as the Shhnma, that is, he starts with the praise of God followed
by the praise of wisdom (khirad) and the myth of creation. Most other classical Persian authors
begin their works with the praise of God followed by the praise of the prophet Muammad. See
amdull h Mustauf, afar-nma, 1:25; amdull h Mustauf, afar-nma, yikshish, lines 1
110.
146

amdull h Mustauf, afar-nma, ed. Mad yin, 1:chah rdah, lines 26264.

147

amdull h Mustauf, afar-nma, ed. Mad yin, 1:chah rdah, line 266.

148

Mad yin edits ryash (meaning his intention) in line 265 to r bas, adding in the

footnote that the word reads as ryash in the manuscript. He does not explain why he edited
ryash to r bas, which does not seem to bear meaning in the verse.

109

149

amdull h Mustauf, afar-nma, ed. Mad yin, 1:chah rdah, line 273:

150

For the titles and brief reviews of some of these works, see Melville, The Mongol and

Timurid Periods, 12501500, in Persian Historiography, 19397; and af , amsa-sary dar

rn, 35476.
151

For example, see Michele Bernardini, Mmoire et propagande lpoque timouride (Paris:

Association pour lAvancement des tudes Iraniennes, 2008), 12754; Charles Melville,
History and Myth: The Persianisation of Ghazan Khan, in Irano-Turkic Cultural Contacts in
the 11th17th Centuries, ed. M. Jeremis (Piliscaba: The Avicenna Institute of Middle Eastern
Studies, 2003), 13360; and Melville, Mongol and Timurid Periods, 197.
152

Charles Melville, Between Firdaus and Rashd al-Dn: Persian Verse Chronicles of the

Mongol Period, Studia Islamica, nos. 104105 (2007): 4565.

153

Melville, Between Firdaus and Rashd al-Dn, 63.

154

Firdaus, Shhnma, 7:286303.

155

Firdaus, Shhnma, 7:177219.

156

amdull h Mustauf, afar-nma, 136886.

157

Melville, History and Myth, 13739 and 14144.

158

Muammad b. Al b. Sulaym n al-R vand, R at al- ud r va yat al-sur r, ed. Muammad

Iqb l (London: Luzac, 1921), 5758:

... "
".
159

For a facsimile edition of the manuscript of this work, see Ab al-Majd Muammad b.

Masd Tabrz, Saf na-i Tabr z (Tehran: Markaz-i nashr-i d nishg h, 1381/2002).

110

160

For a study of the Shhnma verses in Saf na-i Tabr z, see Sajj d ydinl, Shhnma dar

Saf na-i Tabr z, Nma-i Bahristn 6, nos. 12 (138485/20056): 23342.

161

Al b. Amad, Ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma. According to the information provided at the end of

one of the Shhnma manuscripts copied at the court of the Timurid prince B ysunghur (d.
1434), the compilers name was Al b. Amad Q yin. See Mahmoud Omidsalar, Kit b-i
Ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma, rnshins 14, no. 4 (1381/2002): 850855, repr. ed., in Omidsalar, S
va dau maqla dar naqd va ta

h-i mut n-i adab (Tehran: Buny d-i mauqf t-i duktur

Mamd Afsh r, 1389/2010), 17172. The compilers name is also given as Ali b. Amad alQ in in the colophon of Tehran Gulist n/t b y II 352. See de Blois, Persian Literature,
5:132n1.
162

According to the information provided at the end of one of the Shhnma manuscripts copied

at the court of B ysunghur, the number of verses compiled by Al b. Amad was five to six
thousand. See Omidsalar, Kit b-i Ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma, 17374.
163

For the patrons name and his identity as a Saljq ruler, see the compliers panegyric to him

in Al b. Amad, Ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma, 2630, lines 65, 108, and 129. Also see Omidsalar,
Kit b-i Ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma, 17576, where he draws attention to other epithets of the
Saljq ruler Malikhsh h rendered in different forms in order to fit the metre of the poem.
164

Al b. Amad, Ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma, 228, line 58.

165

Muammad Amn Riy maintains that this work was dedicated to a member of the

Suldqiy n family, who ruled in Erzurum (eastern Anatolia) in the twelfth century and therefore
suggests that the date 474 be emended to 574. See Riy , Sarchishma-h-yi Firdaus -shins ,
245. But, Musin Z rkir al-usayn points out that Malik-sh h of Ban Sulduq ruled from 580
590 and did not have the epithet Ab al-Fat, thus rejecting Riy s suggestion, and arguing that
the compiler was Al b. Amad Asad s, the author of Garshsb-nma. See Musin Z rkir

111

al-usayn , Sukhan chand az ikhtiy r t-i Shhnma, Nma-i farhangistn-i zabn va adab-i
frs 5, no. 3 (1381/2002): 88, and 9091.
166

Al b. Amad, Ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma, 229.

167

Al b. Amad, Ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma, 227, lines 2932:

[]

168

Al b. Amad, Ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma, 24, line 17 ( ;) 228, line 52;

and 227, line 26 () .

169

Muammad b. Badr al-J jarm, Munis al-a rr f daqiq al-ashr, ed. Mr lih abb, 2

vols. (Vol. 1, Tehran: Itti d, 1337/1959; Vol. 2, Tehran: Anjuman-i s r-i mill, 1350/1971),
2:841860.
170

de Blois, Persian Literature, 5:13237.

171

Charles Melville, Firdawsis Shahnama and Its Reception in India (paper presented at the

Seventh Iranian Studies Biennial, Toronto, August 2, 2008). For a recent edition of this work, see
Tavakkul Beg, Tr kh-i dilgush-yi Shamsh r-Khn , ed., hira Parvn Akram (Islam Abad,
Pakistan: Markaz-i taqq t-i f rs-i r n va P kist n, 2005). Also see de Blois, Persian
Literature, 5:133134.
172

Kh liq Mulaq, Ahammiyat va khaar-i ma khiz-i janb, 728. On problems concerning

critical editions of the Shhnma and suggestions for future editions of the poem, see Amin
Mahdavi, Genetically Modified Text or Critical Edition: The Shhnma Genome Project,
Persica 19 (2003): 131.
173

For example, as shall be pointed out below, two verses from Asad ss Garshsb-nma

appear in three of the works reviewed here.

174

Meisami, h-nma as a Mirror for Princes, 265273; Julie Scott Meisami, R vands

R at al- ud r: History or Hybrid? Edebiyat 5, no. 2 (1994): 183215; and Julie Scott

112

Meisami, Mixed Prose and Verse in Medieval Persian Literature, in Prosimetrum:

Crosscultural Perspectives on Narrative in Prose and Verse, ed. Joseph Harris and Karl Reichl
(Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1997), 3049.
175

R vand, R at al- ud r, xxii.

176

For these verses in the order in which they appear in the R at al- ud r, see Appendix A (1),

and in the order in which they appear in the Shhnma, see Appendix A (2). Appendix A (2)
demonstrates which parts of the Shhnma were mostly used by R vand.
177

R vand, R at al- ud r, xxii.

178

Meisami, h-nma as a Mirror for Princes, 268 and 273; and Meisami, R vands R at

al- ud r, 187.
179

Meisami, h-nma as a Mirror for Princes, 269n13; Meisami, R vands R at al- ud r,

204n14.
180

R vand, R at al- ud r, 29, lines 15.

181

R vand, R at al- ud r, 29, line 6. Cf. Firdaus, Shhnma, 5:283, line 771:

182

Firdaus, Shhnma, 5:8182, lines 6063.

183

Firdaus, Shhnma, 5:8283, lines 6473.

184

Firdaus, Shhnma, 5:83, line 75.

185

Firdaus, Shhnma, 5:8384, lines 7485.

186

According to Meisami, the tree for Firdaws was his poem, but this is not borne out by the

context. See Meisami, Mixed Prose and Verse, 306; and Meisami, R vands R at alud r, 189.
187

R vand, R at al- ud r, 29, lines 716. Cf. Firdaus, Shhnma, 3:34, lines 112. Also see

Appendix B.

113

188

Al b. Amad, Ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma, 99100, lines 83141.

189

R vand, R at al- ud r, 29, line 66. Cf. Firdaus, Shhnma, 3:4, line 11. Also see Appendix

B.
190

Al b. Amad, Ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma, 100, line 841. Cf. Firdaus, Shhnma, 3:4, line 11.

Also see Appendix B. For more examples of the difference in the sequence of verses in the two
works, see Appendix C.
191

R vand, R at al- ud r, 29, line 67. Cf. Firdaus, Shhnma, 7:467, line 29. Also see

Appendix B.
192

Al b. Amad, Ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma, 145, line 1420; and Appendix B.

193

R vand, R at al- ud r, 59, lines 1516.

194

Meisami, h-nma as a Mirror for Princes, 26573; Meisami, R vands R at al- ud r,

201203.
195

For R vands citations form other Arabic and Persian sources, see R vand, R at al- ud r,

xxii.
196

For a discussion of R vands borrowings, especially from Firdaus and Ni m Ganjav, see

Meisami, R vands R at al- ud r, 186203.

197

On Khusrau va Sh r n as a mirror for princes, see Meisami, Medieval Persian Court Poetry,

19298.
198

Ab al-Fa l Ysuf b. Al Mustauf, Khirad-nma, ed. Adb Burmand (Tehran: Anjuman-i

s r-i mill, 1347/1968).

199

Ysuf b. Al, Khirad-nma, 1:

200

See Muammad Dabrsiy q, Ash r-i Firdaus dar Khirad-nma va mav i-i nh dar

Shhnma, Fa lnma-i anjuman-i sr va mafkhir-i farhang 2, no. 1 (1381/2002): 418.

114

201

Farid al-sul k, ed. Nr n Vis l (Tehran: P zhang, 1368/1989). According to the editor of

the work, the identification of the author who refers to himself only with the pen-name Shams
is unknown. See Farid al-sul k, xxivxxv. But, Muammad Amn Riy opines that this
Shams is the famous early thirteenth-century poet Shams-i Saj s. See Jam l Khall Shirv n,
Nuzhat al-Majlis, ed. Muammad Amn Riy (Tehran: Zavv r, 1366/1987), 7273.
According to de Fouchcour, the author is Is q b. Ibr hm Q nim al- of Saj s, a district of
Zanjan in north-western Iran. See de Fouchcour, Moralia, 288.
202

For a review and analysis of the narratives of this work, see Alri

Nabl, Barras va

tall-i an ur-i d st n-i Farid al-sul k, Majjala-i dnishkada-i adabiyt va ul m-i insn -i
Dnishgh-i I fahn, n.s., 2, no. 3 (1389/2010): 97116.
203

de Fouchcour, Moralia, 288.

204

Farid al-sul k, 4963.

205

Farid al-sul k, 82.

206

Farid al-sul k, 71.

207

On Sindbd-nma, see above, pp. 7374.

208

Farid al-sul k, 42: .

209

Farid al-sul k, 42.

210

Farid al-sul k, 42. Cf. Firdaus, Shhnma, 8:458, line 552. This verse is attributed to

Firdaus in the Chahr maqla as well. See Ni m Ar , Chahr maqla, 18; trans., Ni m
Ar , Four Discourses, 11.
211

Farid al-sul k 4351.

212

Farid al-sul k, 51. Cf. Firdaus, Shhnma, 1:85, lines 48990.

213

For the verses and their location in the Shhnma, see Appendix D. For the authors

acknowledgement of Firdaus, see Farid al-sul k, 20, 594.

115

214

Farid al-sul k, 7, 11, 13, 20, 21, 42, 51, 52, 594.

215

For the authors acknowledgement of Firdaus in the prologue, see Farid al-sul k, 51, and

in the epilogue, see Farid al-sul k, 594.

216

Farid al-sul k, 537. Interestingly, Kh liq Mulaq considered this verse to be an

interpolation and removed it from the main text. For quick reference, see Appendix D, line 65.
217

Farid al-sul k, 330.

218

Farid al-sul k, 351 and 353.

219

Farid al-sul k, 51:

Do not bring him to the point, where he would have no choice but to give up his life.
Cf. Asad s, Garshsb-nma, 360, lines 7374:

220

Jurf diq n, Tarjuma-i Tr kh-i Yam n , 30.

221

Najm-i R z (Najm al-Dn Ab Bakr b. Muammad b. Sh h var b. Anshirv n R z), Mir d

al-ibd, ed. Muammad Amn Riy (Tehran: Bung h-i tarjuma va nashr-i kit b, 1352/1973),
454; Najm al-Dn R z, The Path of Gods Bondsmen from Origin to Return (Mer d al-ebd
men al-mabd ell-mad), trans. Hamid Algar (Delmar, NY: Caravan Books, 1982), 426.
222

Var vn, Marzbn-nma, 23, and 73839. Var vns introduction and epilogue, which

contain the name of the dedicatee, and chapter 9 of the work are not included in Levys
translation of Marzbn-nma.
223

Var vn, Marzbn-nma, 20:

.

224

Var vn, Marzbn-nma, 2021.

116

225

Var vn, Marzbn-nma, 39; trans., Var vn, Tales of Marzuban, 13. In his Qb s-nma

(475/1082), Unur al-Ma l Kayk s states that his mother was the daughter of Prince
Marzb n b. Rustam b. Sharvn, who composed the Marzbn-nma. See Unur al-Ma l
Kayk s b. Iskandar b. Q bs, Qb s-nma, ed. Ghul m usayn Ysuf, 14th ed. (Tehran:
Intish r t-i ilm va farhang, 1385/2006), 5.
226

Var vn, Marzbn-nma, 3992.; trans., Var vn, Tales of Marzuban, 1331.

227

See Appendix E for Var vns citations from the Shhnma.

228

Var vn, Marzbn-nma, 173. Cf. Firdaus, Shhnma, 7:180, line 1108. For quick

references to the verses cited from Marzbn-nma and their locations in the Shhnma, see
Appendix E. Levys translation of Marzbn-nma does not include this verse, but for its context,
see Var vn, Tales of Marzuban, 63.
229

Var vn, Marzbn-nma, 206. Cf. Firdaus, Shhnma, 2:419, line 8. The passage containing

this verse does not appear in Levys translation.

230

The verses are not included in Levys translation, but for their context, see Var vn, Tales of

Marzuban, 9496, where the wisdom of a sage is put on display for a demon (d v) who has no
wisdom. The second verse is also cited in Farid al-sul k in the chapter that concerns the virtue
of wisdom, see Farid al-sul k, 114.
231

Var vn, Marzbn-nma, 268. Cf. Firdaus, Shhnma, 5:323, line 383; and Firdaus,

Shhnma, 1:4, line 18.

232

Var vn, Marzbn-nma, 273. Cf. Firdaus, Shhnma, 1:4, line 14.

233

Var vn, Marzbn-nma, 278347; trans., Var vn, Tales of Marzuban, 99125.

234

Cf. Firdaus, Shhnma, 7:37481. Also see the editors extensive comments on this story in

Jal l Kh liq Mulaq, Yddsht-h-yi Shhnma (b i l t va afz da-h), 4 pts. in 4 vols., pt. 1
in 2 vols., pts. 34 in vol. 4, pt. 3 with the cooperation of Mamd mds lar and Ab al-Fa l

117

Khab (New York: Persian Heritage Foundation, 20019), repr. ed., 4 pts. in 3 vols., pts. 23 in
1 vol. (Tehran: Markaz-i d irat al-ma rif-i buzurg-i isl m, 1389/2011), pt. 3, 34448, 423.
Pagination is the same in both editions. All references are to the reprint edition.
235

Var vn, Marzbn-nma, 27885; trans., Var vn, Tales of Marzuban, 99105.

236

Var vn, Marzbn-nma, 285. The wording of the first verse is slightly different in the

Shhnma. See Firdaus, Shhnma, 7:219, lines 157576. Levys translation does not include
these verses, but for their context, see Var vn, Tales of Marzuban, 101.
237

Var vn, Marzbn-nma, 28892; trans.,Var vn, Tales of Marzuban, 1024.

238

Var vn, Marzbn-nma, 293. Cf. Firdaus, Shhnma, 7:179, line 1094, and Firdaus,

Shhnma, 7:180, line 1104.

239

Var vn, Marzbn-nma, 31520; trans., Var vn, Tales of Marzuban, 11416.

240

Var vn, Marzbn-nma, 45770; trans., Var vn, Tales of Marzuban,17377.

241

Var vn, Marzbn-nma, 470.

242

Firdaus, Shhnma, 4:3, line 5.

243

On Firdauss preambles to his tales, see below, pp. 13738.

244

Firdaus, Shhnma, 4:3, lines 115.

245

See Muammad b. Al b. Muammad al-ahr Samarqand, Sindbd-nma, ed. Amad Ate

(Istanbul: Milli e itim basimevi, 1949), 126, line 10. For a more recent edition of this work, see
Muammad b. Al ahr Samarqand, Sindbd-nma, ed. Muammad B qir Kam l al-Dn
(Tehran: Mr s-i Maktb, 2002). Subsequent references to this work are to Ates edition.
246

Var vn, Marzbn-nma, 482536; trans., Var vn, Tales of Marzuban, 18398.

247

Var vn, Marzbn-nma, 536.

248

For the first verse in the Shhnma, see Firdaus, Shhnma, 5:326, line 411:

118

Do not say what no one has ever said

Do not [try] to put the wind in a cage, [relying] on your manliness (that is, do not try to
do something impossible).
The second verse is not modified. See Firdaus, Shhnma, 5:326, line 417. In the third verse,
only one word is changed. See Firdaus, Shhnma, 5:330, line 467:

For a translation of this tale and the above-mentioned verses, see Jerome W. Clinton, trans., In
the Dragons Claws: The Story of Rostam and Esfandiyar from the Persian Book of Kings by
Abolqasem Ferdowsi (Washington, DC: Mage, 1999), 56, 59.
249

Var vn, Marzbn-nma, 620; and Firdaus, Shhnma, 4:248, line 1220.

250

Var vn, Marzbn-nma, 2324:

and 73637:

.
Levys translation does not include these passages.
251

Farid al-sul k, 593:

252

For commentaries on the Persian and Arabic verses and proverbs used in this work, as well as

a glossary of its terms, see Almuammd Hunar, Yddsht-h-yi Sindbd-nma (Tehran:

Buny d-i mauqf t-i duktur Mamd Afsh r, 1386/2007).

119

253

On Sindbd-nma as a symbolic account of the Zurvanite cosmogony, see Mohsen Zakeri,

Sindbdnma: A Zurvanite Cosmogonic Legend? in Early Islamic Iran, ed. Edmund Herzig
and Sarah Stewart (London: I. B. Tauris, 2011), 4258.
254

The work also contains six more verses in the meter of the Shhnma, which I could not

identify. For all fifteen verses, see Appendix F.

255

For a list of poets whose works are cited in Sindbd-nma, see ahr Samarqand, Sindbd-

nma, 41214. Under the entry Firdaus, Ate refers the reader to four verses cited in the text,
but one of them (p. 120, line 17) is in Arabic. Also, the reference to p. 116, line 5, should be
amended to p. 116, line 13.
256

For the four verses, see ahr Samarqand, Sindbd-nma, p. 36, lines 79 and p. 252, line

10.
257

Auf, Lubb al-albb, 12021.

258

ahr Samarqand, Aghr al-siysa f ar al-riysa: Matn az qarn-i shishum-i hijr , ed.

Jafar Shi r (Tehran: Intish r t-i D nishg h-i Tehran, 1349/1970).

259

ahr Samarqand, Aghr al-siysa, vvii, and 45.

260

The author states that he selected seventy-five men, but the work contains seventy-four

chapters on seventy-four men. See ahr Samarqand, Aghr al-siysa, 1819. It is possible
that he counted his own patron as one of the seventy-five men; although, no chapter is devoted to
his aphorisms.
261

See Appendix G for the Shhnma verses cited in Aghr al-siysa.

262

ahr Samarqand, Aghr al-siysa, 21011; and Appendix G, lines 35.

263

Najm-i R z, Mir d al-ibd, 41279; trans., Najm-i R z, Path of Gods Bondsmen, 394

444.

120

264

Najm-i R z, Mir d al-ibd, 451, 542; and Appendix H, lines 610; trans., Najm-i R z,

Path of Gods Bondsmen, 423, 490.

265

Kh liq Mulaq, Ahammiyat va khaar-i ma khiz-i janb, 738.

266

Najm-i R z, Mir d al-ibd, 2 and 66; trans., Najm-i R z, Path of Gods Bondsmen, 26 and

95. Appendix H, lines 12.

267

Fakhr al-Dn Ir q (d. 688/1289), who was contemporaneous with Najm-i R z, cites this

verse in his address to God without any reference to Firdausi. See Fakhr al-Dn Ibr hm
Hamad n Ir q, Kulliyt-i Irq , ed. Sad Nafs (Tehran: Kit bkh na-i San , 1335/1956),
338, (lama no. 8). A r alludes to Gods forgiveness of Firdausi because of the verse he
composed on the oneness of God, but he does not quote the verse. See A r, Asrr-nma, 188
190. We find a verse with similar wording and addressed to God in Ni m Ganjavs Sharafnma. See Ni m Ganjav, Sharaf-nma, 53, lines 12:

Another version of this verse that is addressed to God, appears in J ms Khirad-nma-i

Iskandar . See J m, Masnav -i haft aurang, ed. Murti

Murdarris Gl n (Tehran: Sad,

1337/1958912), lines 14:

This verse and the account associated with it (that is, Firdaus composed it on the oneness of God
and, in return, God forgave all his sins and sent him to heaven) appears in Dabrsiy qs edition
of the prose preface to B ysunghur Shhnma (completed in 833/1430), but Riy s edition of

121

the same preface does not include it. Cf. Dabrsiy q, Zindig nma-i Firdaus , 198; and Riy ,
Sarchishma-h-yi Firdaus -shins , 416. Daulatsh h Samarqand too includes this verse and the
account associated with it in his work. See Daulatsh h Samarqand, Tazkirat al-shuar, 54.
268

Cf. Firdaus, Shah Nameh: An Heroic Poem; Containing the History of Persia from Kioomurs

to Yesdejird, ed. Turner Macan, 4 vols. (Calcutta, 1829), 2:714; Firdaus, Le livre des rois, ed.
Mohl, 3:200, line 731; Firdaus, Shhnma-i Firdaus , ed. E. . Bertels and others, 9 vols.
(Moscow: Nauka, 196071), 4:254n11; Firdaus, Shhnma, ed. Kh liq Mulaq, 3:238.
269

Cf. Najm-i R z, Mir d al-ibd, 82; trans., Najm-i R z, Path of Gods Bondsmen, 109;

Firdaus, Shhnma, 1:7, lines 6566. Appendix H, lines 34.

270

Najm-i R z, Mir d al-ibd, 9394; trans., Najm-i R z, Path of Gods Bondsmen, 120.

271

Najm-i R z, Mir d al-ibd, 94; trans., Najm-i R z, Path of Gods Bondsmen, 12021.

272

Najm-i R z, Mir d al-ibd, 9596; trans., Najm-i R z, Path of Gods Bondsmen, 121.

273

Najm-i R z, Mir d al-ibd, 96; trans., Najm-i R z, Path of Gods Bondsmen, 121. Cf.

Firdaus, Shhnma, 1:151, line 993.

274

Najm-i R z, Mir d al-ibd, 444:

trans., Najm-i R z, Path of Gods Bondsmen, 419:

Alexander took the world from Darius, then lost it,
For Darius would yet be king, were rule everlasting!
Where now are all the kings of Iran and Turan
From the awe of whose swords Gemini stood girded to serve?
275

This study is not concerned with references of later medieval (post-Mongol and beyond)

historians to Firdaus and his work.

122

276

Al al-Dn A Malik b. Bah al-Dn Muammad b. Muammad Juvayn, Tr kh-i

jahngushy, 3 pts., ed. Muammad b. Abd al-Vahh b Qazvn (Leiden: Brill, 191237); Al
al-Dn A Malik Juvayn, The History of the World-Conqueror, trans. John Andrew Boyle, 2
vols. (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1958).
277

For the verses that contain aphorisms, see Appendix I, lines 2, 3, 7, 8, 13, 29, 30, 31, 32, 34,

47, 48, 49, 5354, 64, 70, 71, 74, 7577.

278

For some examples, see Appendix I, lines 78, 1920, 4446, 6263.

279

Cf. Juvayn, Tr kh-i jahngushy, 2:139, line 15; trans., Juvayn, History of the World-

Conqueror, 2:408; and Firdaus, Shhnma, 1:347, line 125. For quick reference, see Appendix
I, line 59.
280

Cf. Juvayn, Tr kh-i jahngushy, 2:116, line 15; trans., Juvayn, History of the World-

Conqueror, 2:386; and Firdaus, Shhnma, 2:186, line 866. For quick reference, see Appendix
I, line 50.
281

For some examples, see iy al-Dn Sajj d, Shhnma dar Tr kh-i jahngushy-i

Juvayn, in Shhnma-shinsi 1, 24345. On Juvayns use of the Shhnma, also see

Assadullah Souren Melikian-Chirvani, Le livre des rois: Miroir du destin II; Takht-e Soleym n
et la symbolique du Shh-nme. Studia Iranica 20, no. 1 (1991): 5474.
282

Juvayn, Tr kh-i jahngushy, 2:31, line 7; trans., Juvayn, History of the World-Conqueror,

1:302.
283

Juvayn, Tr kh-i jahngushy, 1:103, line 56; trans., Juvayn, History of the World-

Conqueror, 1:130.
284

Rashd al-Dn Fa lull h amad n, Jmi al-tavr kh, ed. Muammad Raushan and Muaf

Msav, 4 vols. (Tehran: Alburz, 1373/1994); [Rashd al-Dn Fa lull h] Rashiduddin Fazlullah,
Jamiut-tawarikh (Compendium of Chronicles): A History of the Mongols, trans. W. M.

123

Thackston, 3 pts. ([Cambridge, MA]: Harvard University, Department of Near Eastern

Languages and Civilizations, 199899.
285

See Appendix J.

286

The same may be observed in the works of later historians whose citations from the

Shhnma point to intermediary sources and not the Shhnma itself. For example, Tr kh-i
guz da contains three verses from the Shhnma in a passage that is clearly taken from the works
of earlier historians. Cf. Mustauf, Tr kh-i guz da, 46970; Juvayn, Tr kh-i jahngushy, 2:31;
trans., Juvayn, History of the World-Conqueror, 1:302; Rashd al-Dn, Jmi al-tavr kh, 1:349;
trans., Rashd al-Dn, Compendium of Chronicles, 1:170.
287

Cf. Tr kh-i jahngushy, 2:163; trans., Juvayn, History of the World-Conqueror, 2:431;

Rashd al-Dn, Jmi al-tavr kh, 1:265; trans., Rashd al-Dn, Compendium of Chronicles,
1:131. Also cf. Juvayn, Tr kh-i jahngushy, 1:143; trans., Juvayn, History of the WorldConqueror, 1:182; Rashd al-Dn, Jmi al-tavr kh, 2:1085; trans., Rashd al-Dn, Compendium
of Chronicles, 530.
288

For a list of Persian verses cited in Jmi al-tavr kh, see Rashd al-Dn, Jmi al-tavr kh,

4:244556.
289

For example, see Rashd al-Dn, Jmi al-tavr kh, 1:474, where two consecutive verses are

cited, one of which is from the Shhnma and the other one is not. Also see Rashd al-Dn, Jmi
al-tavr kh, 2:1103, where three consecutive verses are cited, in which the first and third verses
are from two different parts of the Shhnma, and the second verse is not from the Shhnma.
For the location of the verses in the Shhnma, see Appendix J.
290

Rashd al-Dn, Jmi al-tavr kh, lxi.

291

Charles Melville, Rashd al-Dn and the Shhnma (paper presented at the Shahnama

Millennium Conference: Firdausi; The Next Thousand Years, Cambridge, December 1315,

124

2010). For Bay vs particular treatment of Iranian history, see Charles Melville, From Adam
to Abaqa: Q Bai ws Rearrangement of History, Studia Iranica 30, no. 1 (2001): 6786;
and Charles Melville, From Adam to Abaqa: Q Bai ws Rearrangement of History (Part
II), Studia Iranica 36, no. 1 (2007): 764. For a Persian translation of these two articles, see
Charles Melville, Az Adam t Abaqa: Barqarr -i tart b-i tza dar tr kh tavassu-i Q
Bayv , trans. Muammad Ri

ahm sb, yina-i M rs: Fa lnma-i v zha-i naqd-i kitb,

kitbshins , va iil-risa n dar auzh-i mut n 6, no. 14 (1387/2009).

292

Rashd al-Dn, Jmi al-tavr kh, 22; trans., Rashd al-Dn, Compendium of Chronicles, 1:13.

293

Mujmal al-tavr kh va al-qi as, ed. Malik al-Shuar Bah r (Tehran: Kul la Kh var,

1318/1939).
294

Mujmal al-tavr kh, xxxvxxxvi.

295

Mujmal al-tavr kh, 2:

296

As noted by Malik al-Shuar Bah r, the style of the prose in certain passages seems to be

older than that of the author. These changes in style made him suspect that the author quoted
directly from the prose Shhnma of Ab al-Muayyad. See Mujmal al-tavr kh, vvi.
297

Mujmal al-tavr kh, 3031; and Appendix K, lines 45.

298

Mujmal al-tavr kh, 41; and Appendix K, lines 3 and 6.

299

Mujmal al-tavr kh, 28 and 58.

300

Mujmal al-tavr kh, 28.

301

Mujmal al-tavr kh, 65.

302

Mujmal al-tavr kh, 63.

303

Mujmal al-tavr kh, 29.

304

Mujmal al-tavr kh, 8; and Appendix K, line 2. Cf. Firdaus, Shhnma, 5:175, line 1036.

305

Mujmal al-tavr kh, 3; and Appendix K, line 1. Cf. Firdaus, Shhnma, 3:192, line 1436.

125

306

Mujmal al-tavr kh, 3.

307

Mujmal al-tavr kh, 2.

308

Ibn Isfandiy r, Tr kh-i abaristn, 1:58; and Appendix L, line 1. The Persian verses are not

translated in the abridged translation of the work.

309

Ibn Isfandiy r, Tr kh-i abaristn, 1:60; Firdaus, Shhnma, 1:85, lines 48990; and

Appendix L, lines 23.

310

Cf. Farid al-sul k, 51; and Firdaus, Shhnma, 1:85, lines 48990.

311

Ibn Isfandiy r, Tr kh-i abaristn, 1:155; and Appendix L, lines 58. For the context of

these verses in the abridged translation of the work, see Ibn Isfandiy r, History of abaristn, 98.
312

Ibn Isfandiy r, Tr kh-i abaristn, 1:60, 1:82, 1:135; trans., Ibn Isfandiy r, History of

abaristn, 18, 85. The reference to Firdauss Shhnma in Tr kh-i abaristn, 1:82 does not
appear in the translation of the work.
313

On Utbs work and its translation by Jurf diq n, see Meisami, Persian Historiography, 53

66, and 25961.

314

Jurf diq n, Tarjuma-i Tr kh-i Yam n , 30:

If they seek forgiveness, forgive them, because forgiving is better than fighting.
Do not bring them to the point where they would give up their lives altogether.
Cf. Asad s, Garshsb-nma 360, lines 7374.
315

The verse in Tarjuma-i Tr kh-i Yam n reads:

Cf. Firdaus, Shhnma, 1:348n 34. For the other verse that might be from the Shhnma, see
Jurf diq n, Tarjuma-i Tr kh-i Yam n , 179 and 182.

126

316

Muli b. Abudull h Sad, Gulistn, ed. Khall Khab Rahbar, 19th ed. (Tehran: af Al-

Sh h, 1386/2007), 6870.
317

Izz al-Dn Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil f al-tr kh, ed. Umar Abd al-Sal m Tadmur. 11 vols.

(Beirut: D r al-kit b al-arab, 1997), 7:710:

:
! :
: . : : ! : :
.
318

Sad, Kulliyt-i Sad : Gulistn, B stn, Ghazaliyt, Qa id, Qaat, va rasil, ed.

Muammad Al Furgh, 12th ed. (Tehran: Amr Kabr, 1381/2002), 724:

319

al-Fat b. Al al-Bund r, trans., al-Shhnma, 2 vols. in 1, ed. Abd al-Vahh b Azz m,

1932; repr. ed. (Tehran: Asad, 1970).

320

Bund r, al-Shhnma, 1:3 and 2:277.

Chapter Two
The Portrayal of Ardashr in the Shhnma
In order to illustrate how the Shhnma functions as a mirror for princes, I have selected the
cycle of accounts about the reign of Ardashr (r. 224241), the founder of the Sasanian dynasty
(224651).1 Firdauss account about the Sasanian dynasty is commonly known as the
historical part of the Shhnma because the main characters and events of this part can
generally be identified with historical figures and events. The Ardashr cycle would therefore
serve as a good example to show how little historical information can be gleaned from the
historical part of the work, and how history only constitutes a framework in the Shhnma to
present lessons on kingship. In addition, the Ardashr cycle contains both heroic and mythical
materials, and these make the cycle comparable to the other two parts of the Shhnma that are
generally known as heroic and mythical. A further reason why I chose Ardashr is that he
plays an important role in both the Middle Persian literature and the Perso-Islamic literature of
advice for rulers. Like other usurpers in history, the Sasanians, who supplanted the Parthians by
forceful seizure of power, had to construct a foundation myth to legitimate their rule. The
attributes of a legitimate king, as formulated by the Sasanians, were recorded in Sasanian
historical writing, preserved in the Shhnma, and later adopted by authors of Islamic mirrors for
princes with certain modifications. In the Middle Persian, Arabic, and Persian literature, Ardashr
is depicted as a wise and powerful ruler with a noble lineage, who rebelled against his overlord
and established a new dynasty. He is portrayed as a king who was granted farr (divine
glory/fortune), charismatic power, which enabled him to rule over an empire. According to the
extant sources, Ardashr restored Zoroastrianism, which had been neglected under the reign of
127

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the Parthians, and he centralized power, which had previously been divided among local rulers.
He is described as establishing new laws, building new cities, promoting agricultural
development, and securing peace and prosperity for people by maintaining order and justice in
society. More important, his name is always associated with the idea of the union of kingship and
religion, as he reportedly proclaimed that religion and kingship are twin brothers, an idea that
formed the basis of almost all Perso-Islamic mirrors for princes. Through my textual analysis of
the Ardashr cycle in the Shhnma, in which I compare it to the available Middle Persian,
Persian, and Arabic historical sources, I aim to demonstrate how in the Shhnma history is
turned into a series of symbolic tales the aim of which is to promote ideas and ideals of kingship.
Although our knowledge of Ardashrs life before he came to power is very limited, the
available sources describe him as a rebel who became a successful king. The historicity of the
portrayal of Ardashr in the sources, however, has been questioned by modern scholars who
argue that it was a later Sasanian invention.2 Various reasons have been offered for this, but the
general supposition is that by representing their ideal ruler through the figure of Ardashr, the
revered founder of their dynasty, later Sasanian political propagandists validated and legitimized
their ideas and claimed an historical precedent for their ideals.3 But even if the portrayal of
Ardashr is an idealized one, studying it is still important because it represents what was
understood in late antique and medieval Iran to represent an ideal ruler. Therefore, the present
study will not be concerned with the historical accuracy of Ardashrs portrayal in the available
sources; rather, it will focus on how Ardashr is portrayed in Firdauss Shhnma. An analysis
of Firdauss treatment of the accounts about Ardashr will reveal how he composed a versified
history that functioned primarily as a book of wisdom and advice for kings. In this study, I will
also examine other medieval Arabic and Persian sources that contain accounts about Ardashr to
demonstrate how Firdauss presentation of similar accounts differs from them.

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Before discussing the image of Ardashr in the Shhnma, it would be instructive to
explain where the Shhnma stands in relation to the available historical sources that contain
accounts about Ardashr. In this connection, I will also attempt to explain why these sources,
which were written in different languages, do not always agree.
All indications point to the fact that the ancient Persian dynasties kept historical records.
According to the Greek historian Diodorus (first century BCE), Ctesias, who wrote a history of
Persia in the fourth century BCE, had stated that he had access to the Persian royal archives
(basilikai anagraphai and basilikai diphtheria).4 Also, as may be inferred from the writings of
the Persian-period Biblical authors, the kings of the Medes and Persians preserved in their royal
archives the historical records of previous kings and had these chronicles read to them for
entertainment, or consulted them when making decisions about contemporary issues.5 The fact
that ancient Persian monarchs kept records of important events of their reigns is confirmed by
the many remaining royal rock-reliefs and inscriptionsnot only from the Sasanian era, but also
from earlier periods such as those of the Parthians, Achaemenids, and Elamiteswhich depicted
the king and his courtiers at various occasions, such as victories in battle, royal investitures,
ritual ceremonies, and the hunt. The inscriptions of Sh pr I (r. 24070) and the Sasanian chief
priest Kerdr at Naqsh-i Rustam in southern Iran, for example, attest to the fact that both royal
and religious records were kept at the Sasanian courts.6
The archaeological evidence on keeping historical records in ancient Iran in turn confirms
the reports of medieval historians about the existence of such records. For example, one of the
most erudite historians of pre-Islamic Iran, amza Ifah n (b. ca. 280/893d. after 350/961),
refers to the Persians houses of wisdom (buy t al- ikma), that is, libraries/archives, where
they kept their histories (akhbr), accounts about wars, and love stories.7 Also, the celebrated
medieval historian Masd (d. 345/956) writes that in 303/91516 he had seen a large book on

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Persian sciences, accounts of their kings, buildings, and government policies that contained
twenty-seven portraits of Sasanian rulers (twenty-five men and two women), accompanied by
full accounts of their reigns. Masd states that the book was copied in mid-Jamd al-khir of
113 (August 731) from the records of Persian royal archives, and that it was translated from
Persian into Arabic for the caliph Hish m b. Abd al-Malik. He explains that when Persian kings
died, their portraits were drawn and submitted to the treasury along with detailed accounts of
their reigns, so that future generations would know what their former rulers looked like and how
they ruled.8 Masds description of this book is supported by amza, who describes the
portraits of all Sasanian monarchs contained in the book that he calls a kitb uwar mul k ban
Ssn (the book of portraits of the Sasanian monarchs).9 In fact, amza Ifah ns description of
Khusrau I appears to be confirmed by the portrait of this king found on a Sasanian bowl.10
Further evidence for the ancient Persian practice of keeping historical records is found in
the Histories of the Byzantine historian Agathias (d. ca. 582). Agathias mentions that a friend of
his working at the court of the Sasanian king Khusrau I (r. 53179) provided him with a
summary of the annals kept in the royal archives.11 Furthermore, medieval Persian epics
frequently refer to the existence of historical records at the courts of ancient Persian kings and
state that histories were read to kings and courtly lites as a form of entertainment.12
Despite all the evidence for the existence of ancient Persian historical writing, however,
no historical text from the Sasanian era has survived (except for inscriptions on coins, artefacts,
and rock-reliefs). The only extant Middle Persian text that contains an account about a Sasanian
king is Krnmag Arda r Pbagn (The book of feats of Ardashr, son of B bak), a
legendary account about Ardashr, the earliest manuscript of which dates from 1322.13 Moreover,
the date of the composition of the Krnmag Arda r has been questioned by modern scholars.
Whereas some maintain that the work was originally written during, or shortly after, the reign of

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Ardashr and was revised and expanded under Khusrau I, others argue that it was written during
the reign of Khusrau I or later.14 We also know that the extant Krnmag Arda r is a redaction
of a more comprehensive work, as its opening sentence reads: It is written in the Krnmag
Arda r Pbagn that ....15 These are, in fact, common problems with the extant Middle
Persian texts, because they all date from the early Islamic era and, most probably, were also
subjected to changes during the long period of Sasanian rule. The extant Krnmag Arda r is
nevertheless important for the present study because, despite some minor differences, it closely
corresponds to Firdauss account about Ardashr.
With the fall of the Sasanian dynasty and the Arab conquest of Iran, the official language
eventually changed from Middle Persian to Arabic. As a result, during the early Islamic era in
Iran, the Sasanian historical records were apparently translated into Arabic.16 At the same time,
as Middle Persian gradually evolved into New Persian, New Persian translations of the accounts
about ancient Persian kings were made either directly from Middle Persian or from Arabic
translations.17 Regrettably, none of these early Arabic and New Persian translations of ancient
Persian histories has survived. Consequently, we only know about these translations through
excerpts from them included in the works of later authors or through sporadic references to them
in later literature.
The best-known of these now-lost works is Ibn al-Muqaffas (ca.102/720ca.139/756)
Arabic translation of ancient Persian history, which is commonly referred to by such titles as
Siyar mul k al-furs (The history of the kings of the Persians), Siyar al-ajam (The history of the
Persians), and Siyar mul k al-ajam (The history of the kings of the Persians).18 The names of
other less well-known Arabic and Persian translators, compilers, and editors of ancient Persian
histories, as well as some information about their works, may be gleaned from the works of
medieval Muslim historians and scholars.19 For example, we learn from these later works that the

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early Muslim historians used the title Khudynma (The book of lords) to refer to the ancient
Persian histories.20 When Persian Muslims began to use the term khudy (lord) as a translation
for All h, the title Khudynma was gradually replaced by the title Shhnma (The book of
kings).21 It is interesting to note that, in his translation of abars history (352/963), Balam
refers to Ibn al-Muqaffas translation of ancient Persian histories with the title Shhnma-i
buzurg (the great Shhnma) not with the above-mentioned Arabic titles.22 This would indicate
that early medieval Persian authors used the terms khudynma, shhnma, and siyar al-mul k
interchangeably in reference to ancient Persian histories.
Referring to the profusion of historical works on ancient Persia in the early Islamic era,
asan Taqz da suggests that we may aptly refer to this period as the era of the shhnmas
(ahd-i shhnma-h).23 By the tenth century, historians complained about inconsistencies in
Persian historical sources due to their transmission through various languages and scripts.24
amza Ifah n states that the information available on the regnal years of Persian kings were
erroneous and confused because they were transmitted 150 years later from one language to
another and from a script that looked like numbers (ruq m al-add) to another script that looked
like strings of necklaces (ruq m al-uq d). So, he adds, he had no choice but to compare eight
works on the topic in order to provide the correct information in his own work.25 He also reports
that Ms b. s al-Kasraw, one of the early translators of ancient Persian histories into Arabic,
could not find two identical works on the history of Persian kings due to erroneous translations.26
amza further states that the Zoroastrian priest Bahr m b. Mard n-sh h collated more than
twenty copies of Khudynma in order to write his history of ancient Persian kings ( atta
a la tu minh tawr kh mul k al-furs).27
With respect to Persian translations of Khudynmas, we know of four works, none of
which has survived. The earliest of these is Masd Marvazs composition in verse. The Arab

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historian Muqaddas (fl. 355/965), quotes three verses from Masd Marvaz and refers to the
Persians high regard for that work.28 Considering the time that was needed for the work to
become popular, we may surmise that it was written much earlier than Masds work. Another
medieval author who refers to Masd Marvaz is Tha lib (350/961429/1038).29 But, neither
Muqaddas nor Tha lib refer to the title of Masd Marvazs work. From their citations,
however, we know that the work was on Persian history, and that it was composed in the form of
a masnav , which is usually used for long tales, and in the hazaj metre.
The prose Shhnma of Ab al-Muayyad Balkha well-known poet at the court of the
Samanidsis another Persian work on the history of Persian kings. The earliest source that
refers to Ab al-Muayyads Shhnma is Balams adaptation (352/963) of abars (d.
310/923) history.30 Ab al-Muayyads prose Shhnma seems to have been recognized as an
authoritative work on ancient Persian history, as it was referenced by several medieval authors.31
The third lost Shhnma is the well-known Ab Manr Shhnma commissioned by
Ab Manr Muammad b. Abd al-Razz q in 346/957. We know more about this work because
its preface has survived, thanks to later copyists of Firdauss Shhnma who preserved it by
appending it to the work.32 The information contained in the preface to the Ab Manr
Shhnma, as well as Firdauss own statements, have led Shhnma scholars to opine that
Firdaus used this prose Shhnma as his source.33
The fourth Shhnma, which was only cited by Brn (b. 362/973d. after 442/1050), is
that of the poet Ab Al Muammad b. Amad Balkh.34 The identity of this poet has been the
subject of debate among modern scholars, but, as convincingly argued by Kh liq Mulaq, he
must be identical with Ab al-Muayyad Balkh just mentioned above.35 Irrespective of who the
actual author of this Shhnma might have been, Brns citation from it, which differs from

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other contemporary and near contemporary sources of ancient Persian history, points to the
inconsistent information available on the topic in the early Islamic era.36
As may be deduced from Masds reports, inconsistencies in historical accounts were
not just the result of the transmission of texts in different languages and scripts, as disagreements
seem to have existed in the original sources as well. Masd claims to reveal a secret kept by
Persian kings and Zoroastrian priests that explains the reason for a major discrepancy in Persian
historical sources. According to him, when Ardashr assumed power, he realized that no more
than two hundred years were left in the Zoroastrian calendar until the end of the millennium.
Since the end of the millennium was to bring destruction to Persian kingship and religion, in
order to guarantee the support of the faithful who expecting defeat would probably surrender to
enemies, Ardashr altered history by reducing the length of the Parthian era, which was about
500 years, by almost half, thereby securing the future of his newly-established kingship for
another 250 years.37 Although Masds claim cannot be verified, his report points to the issue
of inconsistency in the original sources.
By examining the excerpts from earlier translations of Khudynmas, which have
survived in later sources, modern scholars have hypothesized that different types of historical
works were available during the Sasanian era and this is what gave rise to incongruities in later
historical writings.38 For example, Kh liq Mulaq argues that Sasanian chronicles consisted of
two distinct types, royal and religious.39 The royal chronicles were recorded by the scribes who
accompanied the king during historically significant events, such as wars and special ceremonies,
while the religious chronicles were written by Zoroastrian priests, who related their accounts of
history based on the Avestan myths.40 In Kh liq Mulaqs opinion, the early translators of the
Khudynmas used different types of Sasanian chronicles as their source, and later medieval
historians combined the materials from these translations, creating in the process a convoluted

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body of accounts about ancient Persian history.41 He further postulates that the process of
compiling Khudynmas during the Sasanian era caused discrepancies in historical sources as
well. Basing his argument on amza Ifah ns and Brns references to al-siyar al-kab r (large
chronicles) and al-siyar al- agh r (small chronicles), Kh liq Mulaq maintains that, during the
reign of each Sasanian king, detailed accounts of contemporary events, court decrees, official
letters, and the kings throne speech and testament were recorded in separate books.42 Later,
these individual books were assembled and incorporated into large chronicles (al-siyar al-kab r)
that contained historical records of previous kings, a process that most likely entailed the
redaction of the original works.43 Kh liq Mulaqs suppositions appear to be confirmed by the
extant sources on Ardashr and help to explain why these are not in agreement.
The conflation of different versions of Khudynmas can be seen in the Arabic and
Persian accounts about Ardashr in later medieval histories. A case in point is two reports about
Ardashrs son, Sh pr, in abars history, Tar kh al-rusul wa al-mul k (The history of
prophets and kings). According to abar, Sh pr fought alongside his father in the decisive
battle against Ardav n (the last Parthian king), a battle which marked the beginning of
Ardashrs kingship.44 abar also provides an account of Sh prs birth and upbringing in secret
in the household of Ardashrs minister, an account which contains motifs similar to those
connected with the birth and upbringing of such ancient Persian kings as Cyrus, Fardn, and
Kay-Khusrau.45 abars description of Sh prs bravery in the battle against Ardav n (before
his father became king), and his account of Sh prs birth after Ardashrs accession to the
throne indicate that he recorded these two reports from two different types of Khudynmas.
abars report about Sh pr in the battle against Ardav n is supported by a rock-relief (without
inscription) in Frz b d, which depicts Ardashr and two young men assaulting Ardav n and
two others in attendance.46 If one of the young men fighting alongside Ardashr is Sh pr, as

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suggested by Ghirshman and other archaeologists,47 then it may be surmised abar took this part
of Ardashrs account from the royal chronicles, because this was how the Sasanian monarch
depicted his victory and announced it to the public. Subsequently, the account of Sh prs birth,
which borrows motifs from the legends about great kings in the Zoroastrian tradition, might have
been taken from the religious version of chronicles, which emphasized the divine protection of
the infant king, which granted him the divine right of kingship. These two accounts somehow
found their way into abars history and, from there, to Bal ms expanded translation of
abars work.48 Other medieval historians seem to have avoided the confusion of depicting
Sh pr both as a young man before Ardashrs kingship and a new-born after Ardashr became
king. Similar discrepancies of this type, caused by the conflation of materials from different
versions of Khudynmas, can be found in the sources on Ardashr.
Kh liq Mulaqs hypothesis about inconsistencies created in the process of
incorporating separate small works into the large chronicles is also helpful for understanding the
state of the extant sources on Ardashr. The Arabic and Persian sources available for the study of
Ardashr consist of the accounts of his reign and the political treatises attributed to him. One of
the political treatises attributed to Ardashr is his testament (ahd).49 The text of Ardashrs
testament has been preserved in Arabic translation in three works that present it as an
independent political treatise.50 This text is also preserved as part of the account about Ardashrs
reign in three other works. One of these is Firdauss Shhnma. The second is the early
medieval Arabic work Nihyat al-arab f tr kh al-furs wa al-arab (The utmost proficiency in
the history of the Persians and the Arabs).51 The third is Tajrib al-umam f akhbr mul k alarab va al-ajam (The experiences of peoples in the history of the kings of the Arabs and the
Persians), which is a twelfth-century Persian translation/adaptation of the Nihyat al-arab.52
When the texts of Ardashrs testament (ahd) in the Shhnma, the Nihyat al-arab, and the

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Tajrib al-umam are compared with those works that present it as an independent treatise, the
omissions and changes that occurred in the process of incorporating this treatise into large
chronicles become apparent.53 Obviously, we cannot determine whether Firdaus or the
anonymous authors of the Nihyat al-arab and Tajrib al-umam worked from large chronicles
that contained already abridged treatises or whether they summarized the text of Ardashrs
testament themselves, but we can see the kinds of changes and omissions that could have taken
place when these treatises were incorporated into large chronicles. Not surprisingly, the abridged
treatises in the Shhnma, Nihyat al-arab and Tajrib al-umam do not exactly correspond
either.
In addition to the above-mentioned explanations for the discrepancies in the sources,
another reason for the variations in accounts about Ardashr may be the intended audience of the
authors. For example, Muslim historians adapted certain parts of the account about Ardashr for a
Muslim readership. Similarly, as will be demonstrated in this chapter, Firdaus, or his sources,
adjusted certain parts of the account to make them suitable for conveying lessons on kingship.
The Structure of the rd sh r Cycle in the Shhnma

Firdaus divides his accounts about Ardashr into two parts. The first part deals with
Ardashrs birth and upbringing as well as his campaigns against the Parthians.54 The episodes in
this first part aim to establish the legitimacy of Ardashrs rule on the basis of ancient Persian
criteria for kingship. The second part is concerned with Ardashrs wisdom with respect to the
maintenance of kingship.55 These two parts are preceded by a prologue in the form of a
conversation between the poet and Fate, in which Fate declares that mans success is determined
by his own wisdom and Gods will, not by fate.56 Thus, the prologue prepares the reader for the
general theme of the Ardashr cycle, that is, divine intervention and Ardashrs wisdom are the
main contributors to his success. Firdauss technique of using prologues to encapsulate the

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central message of his tales can be found in other parts of the Shhnma, a practice which
demonstrates that he carefully planned the details of his narratives.57 Firdauss method of setting
the stage for the reader does not seem to have been used by other medieval Persian historians.
Firdauss use of this technique indicates that he was more concerned with the concepts he aimed
to present in his tales than with recording historical events. These prologues also demonstrate
that he wanted to help his readers understand the lessons he aimed to convey.
The prologue is followed by a panegyric to the Ghaznavid ruler sultan Mamd (r.
388/421998/1030) that seems to be designed to do more than simply praise the ruler. Like
Ardashr, Mamd was originally an underling who challenged his master and established his
own rule. This common background shared by the two rulers might have been why Firdaus
included a panegyric to sultan Mamd at the beginning of his account about Ardashr. The poet
probably aimed to draw Mamds attention to the story about Ardashr by praising the sultan at
the beginning of the account.
Part I rd sh r s Eligibility for Kingship
Noble Lineage and Protection of Religion

According to ancient Persian tradition, the ruler had to be of royal blood in order to be
considered eligible for kingship.58 Therefore, rulers who were not of royal descent usually
fabricated a noble genealogy for themselves. Royal descent, however, was not enough to
legitimate power; the ruler had to demonstrate that he intended to protect the right religion as
well. Thus, Ardashrs fictitious lineage traced his roots back to Isfandiy r and Gusht sp, two
prominent religio-political figures in Zoroastrian history and myth.59 Gusht sp was believed to
have been the first king to convert to Zoroastrianism and promote the new religion. Isfandiy r
was Gusht sps son and the champion of Zoroastrianism on account of the many battles he

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fought for the propagation of the religion.60 By connecting Ardashr to these highly revered
figures, the Sasanian political propagandists not only claimed a noble lineage for Ardashr, but
also associated his campaigns with those of Gusht sp and Isfandiy r, thereby superimposing the
image of these defenders of Zoroastrianism onto Ardashr. Firdauss emphasis on Ardashrs
relationship with Isfandiy r in particular is evident in his frequent references to Isfandiy r as
Ardashrs ancestor,61 as well as in his explanation of Ardashrs name. According to the
Shhnma, because he looked like Isfandiy rs son Bahman, who was also called Ardashr,
Ardashr was named after him.62 This statement, which does not seem to have been reported
anywhere else, served to assert Ardashrs kinship to Isfandiy r. Moreover, Firdaus describes
Ardashrs background at great length. First, he introduces Ardashrs father, S s n, whom he
calls a descendant of the ancient Persian king D r who was defeated by Alexander of
Macedon.63 He then lets S s n proudly talk about his forefathers:

][

I am the son of S s n,64 O hero!

I am the great great-grandson of the ruler of the world, king Ardashr,
Whom the intelligent man calls Bahman,
The honourable son of hero Isfandiy r,
A memorial left to the world from Gusht sp.65

By using titles such as jahndr (ruler of the world), shh (king), sarafrz (honourable),
and yal (hero) in reference to Ardashrs forefathers, Firdaus highlights Ardashrs nobility.
Firdauss particular concern with the genealogy of Ardashr becomes more prominent when the

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Shhnma is compared to other historical sources: There is no mention of Isfandiy r or Gusht sp
in the Krnmag Arda r, which only refers to Ardashrs father, S s n; although, it does call
him a descendant of the ancient Persian king D r .66 In the Arabic and Persian sources,
references to Ardashrs genealogy are limited to a list of names which, although they often
include Isfandiy r and Gusht sp, place no particular emphasis on them.67 To Firdaus, however,
who understood the political implications of Ardashrs genealogy, Isfandiy r was not just a
name in Ardashrs lineage; rather, he was a symbol of nobility and protection of religion, a
symbol that Firdaus frequently used to underline the two essential criteria for legitimate
kingship. To stress further Ardashrs right to rule as a protector of religion, Firdaus comments
that Ardashrs construction of fire temples in honour of his major victories renewed ancient
Persian traditions.68
Divine Election

Another criterion for legitimate kingship was divine sanction of the rulers power.
Influenced by ancient Near Eastern traditions and Indo-European ideas of leadership, ancient
Iranian societies considered legitimate rulers to be representatives of God on earth, who
maintained order, peace, and prosperity.69 Throughout history and across cultures, whenever
divine affirmation of religio-political matters was required, concocted dream narratives served
the purpose best because dreams were understood to be a medium of communication between
human and divine realms.70 Thus, according to the Krnmag Arda r, the emergence of a new
ruler from the house of S s n was foreseen in a series of dreams experienced by Ardashrs
maternal grandfather, B bak. This type of dream narrative, which announces the coming of a
great ruler, is a recurrent topos that appears in the legends of other ancient Persian kings such as
Cyrus, Fardn and Kay-Khusrau and persists into the later Islamic period.71

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According to the Krnmag Arda r, S s nwhose family had kept its noble lineage
secret from the time of the death of its putative ancestor D r worked as a shepherd in the
service of B bak, a vassal of the Parthian king Ardav n.72 One night, B bak dreamed that the sun
was shining from S s ns head, illuminating the entire world.73 The second night, B bak
dreamed of S s n sitting on a decorated white elephant while everyone praised him.74 And on the
third night, he dreamed that the three sacred fires of Zoroastrianism, representing the three social
classes of priests, warriors, and peasants, were seen shining from S s ns house, again
illuminating the entire world.75 The dream interpreters told B bak that his dreams meant that
either S s n or one of his sons would become the king of the world. 76 B bak therefore married
his daughter to S s n, and Ardashr was born of their union.77
A similar account is related in the Shhnma, except that the dream of the first night is
not described and the other two dreams are described with minor differences.78 In Firdauss
version, S s n was sitting on a formidable elephant, holding an Indian sword in his hand.79 This
depiction of S s n, which more effectively conveys the idea of a world conqueror, seems to be
an allusion to sultan Mamd, who was known for his use of royal elephants in battles and
ceremonies.80 Given that the poet had just praised the sultan in his introduction, he may have
used this allusion as another means to attract the sultans attention. Firdauss version of the third
dream may be interpreted as an allusion to the poets time as well. According to the Shhnma,
the Zoroastrian symbols of the three holy fireswhich were cleverly used by Sasanian political
propagandists to demonstrate the support of Ardashr by all classes of societyare carried to
S s ns house.81 The act of carrying fires to S s n by representatives of the three classes of
society may be understood as a symbolic representation of the shift of the peoples allegiance
from one ruler to another, which could also refer to the political shift from the Samanids to the
Ghaznavids. Even if these subtle variations in the dream narratives were not introduced by

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Firdaus himself but were in the sources available to him, we may assume that the poet chose the
version that best reflected the political circumstances of his own time.
To further reinforce Ardashrs legitimacy, Sasanian political propagandists also took
advantage of astrology, a science that was highly regarded during the Sasanian period and used
at royal courts.82 According to the Krnmag Arda r, the astrologers at the court of Ardav n
predicted that his kingship would be terminated by an underling (bandag) who would run away
from his master (xwaty).83 Firdaus relates the same account regarding the astrologers
predictions with respect to Ardav ns kingship, but he is careful not to give the impression that
the renegade, i.e. Ardashr, was a mere underling by adding that the underling (kihtar) was
descended from a commander (sipahbud-nizhd) and was a hero (gund-var).84
As with the dream interpreters at the court of B bak, the astrologers at the court of
Ardav n merely predicted the upcoming change of kingship. Neither the dream interpreters nor
the astrologers could determine who the new king would be. In other words, the Sasanian
literature does not suggest that Ardashrs kingship was pre-determined; what was predetermined was the rise of a new king. Who that individual would be depended on who proved to
be most qualified for the position. Any wise, knowledgeable, and courageous nobleman who
aspired to protect religion and restore legitimate authority could be helped to win the throne by
divine intervention. Thus, in both the Krnmag Arda r and the Shhnma, Ardashrs
eligibility as a qualified candidate for kingship is depicted in a series of tales that precede his
eventual coronation as king of kings.
Whereas Ardashrs efforts to prove worthy of divine support are taken into consideration
in the Krnmag Arda r and the Shhnma, in abars account, and following him, in the
histories of Bal m and Ibn al-Athr, the narratives are presented in a way that suggest
Ardashrs kingship was predetermined. According to these Muslim historians, astrologers told

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Ardashr that he would become king.85 In addition, Ardashr himself dreamed that an angel
brought him the news and asked him to be prepared for kingship.86 This modification of the
dream narrative reflects a frequently quoted prophetic Tradition ( ad s) which states that in the
absence of the prophet Muammad, God sends His messages to Muslims through an angel, who
appears to them in their dreams.87 In a variation of the account related in the Tajrib al-umam, it
is Ardashrs father who appears to him in a dream and tells him that God will bestow kingship
upon him.88 Interestingly, the Tajrib al-umam, which is a twelfth-century Persian translation of
the Nihyat al-arab, does not follow its source in this part of the account, as it contains no
mention of dreams predicting Ardashrs kingship. According to the Nihyat al-arab, when
B bakwho is introduced as Ardashrs fatherdied, the people of F rs expressed their
allegiance to Ardashr on account of his wisdom, zeal, and beauty, even though he had elder
brothers who expected to succeed their father.89 The author of the Tajrib al-umam, who
probably took the dream narrative from another source, perhaps decided that, as a non-Muslim,
Ardashr could not have received Gods message through an angel. In any case, the exact
predictions about Ardashrs kingship in the works of these historians seem to point to the
Quranic verses that state that God bestows sovereignty on whomever He wills.90 In short,
according to the Islamic versions of the accounts about Ardashr, it was Gods will that Ardashr
should be king. Although these Muslim historians do refer to Ardashrs competence in
leadership, their references to this are very brief. To Firdaus, however, the concept of
demonstrated aptitude for kingship seems to have been of great significance and he deals
extensively with it in his narrative.
Divine Support of rd sh r

In addition to being of royal descent, Ardashr had to acquire the knowledge and skills
required for kingship. According to the Shhnma, Ardashr received such a thorough education

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that the repute of his excellence reached Ardav n, who asked for his service at the royal court.91
It is at the court of Ardav n that Ardashrs aptitude for kingship begins to manifest itself. As
Ardashrs prowess becomes more and more evident, he receives more and more support from
the Divine. Consequently, divine support results in Ardashrs victory and accession to the throne
as king of kings.
Like their ancient Near Eastern predecessors, the Sasanian kings ability to protect their
subjects against enemies was demonstrated in the sport of hunting, because similar techniques,
skills, and courage were required for fighting on the battlefield.92 Thus, the first sign of
Ardashrs capability for kingship is displayed in his hunting skills. During a hunting expedition
with Ardav n and his entourage, Ardashr shoots an arrow at an onager in such a skilful manner
that the arrow together with its shaft passes right through the animals buttock.93 Astonished by
the scene, Ardav n exclaims:

Who is the one who shot an onager with a single arrow?

The swift (ravn) wind (bd) is paired (juft) with the hand of that person.94

As Frantz Grenet points out, Ardav n immediately realizes the supernatural power of the
hunter and attributes it to the deity Wind (Middle Persian, V d).95 In addition to being an ancient
divinity,96 the wind was also associated with Verethraghna (Middle Persian, Warahr n/Wahr m;
New Persian, Bahr m), the deity Victory, who manifests itself in the material world in many
different forms, one of them being a powerful wind.97 Irrespective of whether Ardav n meant
that Ardashr was helped by the wind, or that his extraordinary skill was comparable to the wind,
his remark contains an allusion to the fact that Ardashr received divine favour. This allusion,
which is not mentioned in the Krnmag Arda r, is invoked by Firdaus who paid close

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attention to the symbolic representation of the concepts he found in his sources. As shall be seen,
wind and other avatars of Verethraghna will appear again in the tale to support Ardashr.
Ardashr responds to Ardav ns question of who shot the onager by stating that it was he.
However, Ardav ns son claims that it was he who shot the onager and says that he is seeking its
pair (hamn juft) as well, a response which conveys a double meaning of both seeking the pair
of the onager and the support of the deity.98 Ardashr challenges Ardav ns son by asking him to
shoot another onager in the same manner if he is telling the truth and adds that lying is a sin.99
Ardashrs fearless confrontation of Ardav ns son demonstrates his courage in defending the
truth in spite of his own inferior status. Truth and falsehood are two important concepts in
Zoroastrianism connected with both moral virtue and the natural order of the world. In order to
maintain order and peace in the world, Zoroastrians were urged to protect the principle of Truth.
As the story evolves, we realize that Ardashr is rewarded for his righteousness and for
upholding the principle of Truth.
Furious with Ardashr for his lack of respect, Ardav n imprisons him in the royal
stables.100 Ardashr spends his time in prison playing music, drinking, and eating, the means for
which are provided by B bak, who advises him to be obedient to his overlord and stay in
prison.101 Ardashrs greatest joy in prison, however, is Guln r, Ardav ns favourite concubine.
She falls in love with Ardashr and visits him in the stables every night.102 As Ardav ns
confidante, Guln r hears the astrologers prediction of the possible defeat of the king by a
renegade and she shares this information with Ardashr.103 This news encourages Ardashr to
consider escaping from prison, and subsequently, they decide to escape together.104 The
following night, Guln r collects Ardav ns jewels from the treasury and brings them to Ardashr,
who had prepared Ardav ns best horses for their flight.105

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Guln rs willingness to endanger her own life to help Ardashr does not make sense when
we consider her high status at Ardav ns court and note that her role in the tale ends after she
escapes with Ardashr. Her descriptions in the Shhnma, however, help us to understand the
short but important role that she plays. According to the Shhnma, Guln r was like a minister
(dast r) to Ardav n (bar-i Ardavn hamch dast r b d), and she also functioned as his treasurer
(bar n khvsta n z ganj r b d).106 Furthermore, when Ardav n invited the astrologers to his
palace to predict the future of his kingship, he sent them to Guln rs residence to work.107 These
references indicate that she was the most trusted person at the royal court. Moreover, Ardav n
would only wake up to her beautiful face in the morning, because he believed her beauty would
bring good omen to him throughout the day.108 Besides the Krnmag Arda r, none of the
available historical sources contain any reference to such an important figure at the court of
Ardav n. Hence, we may consider Guln r to represent a symbolic, rather than historical,
figure.109
As noted above with regard to the deity Wind, and as will be further discussed in this
chapter, divine support of Ardashr in this tale is represented through symbols. According to
Zoroastrian sources, the deity Ashi protects the treasure of the pious.110 This responsibility of
Ashi corresponds to Guln rs position as protector of Ardav ns treasure (ganj r). Furthermore,
Guln rs extreme beauty and her tremendous help to Ardashr seem to correspond to the
descriptions of Ashis splendour and her rewards to the pious, as described in Zoroastrian
literature. According to the Avesta, Ashi endows the upholders of truth with all the good things
of life, such as wealth and abundance, beautiful women, jewellery, and swift horses.111 Thus, we
might interpret Ardashrs pleasures in prison, that is, abundant food, drink, and music, Guln rs
night visits, as well as the jewels and swift horses that they stole from the palace as signs of
Ashis rewards to him. Guln rs turning away from Ardav n and her love for and support of

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Ardashr might also be interpreted as a symbolic representation of Ardav ns loss of divine
support in favour of Ardashr. The significance of Ashis support of Ardashr, if we consider
Guln r as a symbolic representation of her, is that Ashi also helps the righteous to defeat their
enemies.112
As soon as Ardav n is informed of Ardashrs escape, he gathers an army and sets out in
pursuit of him.113 Along the way, Ardav n is told by villagers that they saw two riders galloping
away, followed by a mountain sheep.114 In response to Ardav n, who asks his minister why a
mountain sheep would follow Ardashr, the minister says:

... It is [a sign of] his farr,

It is his wings/feathers (parr) in (achieving) kingship (shh ) and good fortune (n kakhtar ).115

Ardav ns minister warns that if the mountain sheep reaches Ardashr, he must not try to
catch him; otherwise, he warns, he will get into a serious battle with Ardashr.116 The ministers
references to farr (divine glory/fortune), parr (wings/feathers), and a serious battle, in his
interpretation of the mountain sheep, might be an allusion to Verethraghnas support of Ardashr.
As mentioned in the Avestan hymn dedicated to him, Verethraghna, who is praised as a deity
most endowed with farr,117 appeared to Zoroaster in ten different forms, one of them being a
beautiful mountain sheep.118 All avatars of Verethraghna, that is, a swift wind, a bull, a horse, a
camel in rut, a wild boar, a young man, a bird of prey, a beautiful mountain sheep, a mountain
goat, and an armed hero, represent the virility of this deity and reflect the meaning of his name,
that is, smiting resistance.119 If the mountain sheep is a sign of Verethraghnas support of
Ardashr, its supernatural power of smashing the resistance of the opponent must be what

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concerns Ardav ns minister when he advises Ardav n to stop trying to catch Ardashr if the
mountain sheep reaches him. The ministers reference to wings/feathers (parr) also seems to
allude to another avatar of Verethraghna, that is, a bird of prey. The feathers of the bird that
represents Verethraghna, as described in the hymn dedicated to him, have the magical power of
bestowing victory upon warriors who seek his support.120 Thus, when Ardav ns minister
mentions that the mountain sheep is Ardashrs parr (wings/feathers) in achieving kingship and
good fortune, he might be alluding to the extraordinary power of the feathers of the bird of prey
that represents Verethraghna. Verethraghna is also worshipped as a deity who protects
voyagers,121 and Ardashr is clearly in need of protection on his dangerous journey from
Ardav ns prison. Moreover, the allusion to Verethraghna has important ideological
implications. As will be discussed in detail later in this chapter, the Sasanian political
propagandists represented Ardashr as a Saviour of the world and a number of parallels can be
drawn between his character in the Shhnma and those of the Saviours of the world in
Zoroastrian apocalyptic literature.122 According to Zoroastrian eschatological beliefs,
Verethraghna will be a mighty helper of Petan, one of the world Saviours at the end of time.123
Thus, the references to the avatars of Verethraghna might also be understood as an attempt on
the part of Sasanian political propagandists to represent Ardashr as a Saviour of the world who,
like his counterpart Petan, was helped by Verethraghna in renovating the world order and
restoring Zoroastrianism.
Although one would expect Ardav n to have pressed harder to catch Ardashr on hearing
his ministers adviceas is the case in the Krnmag Arda rin the account in the
Shhnma, Ardav n stops to rest.124 It is possible that Firdaus wanted to contrast the efforts of
Ardav n with those of Ardashr in trying to achieve victory, as we learn that Ardashr does not
spare a moment along the way.

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As narrated in the Shhnma, when Ardashr and Guln r stop at a spring to refresh
themselves, they see two young men, who advise them not to stop but to continue riding.125
Ardashr tells Guln r that they should take their advice, and they dash away.126 The theme of two
young men advising Ardashr is repeated later in the tale, when Ardashr struggles to overcome a
formidable enemy. The sudden appearance of these young helpers in the tale, their advice, and
how they are represented in the Krnmag Arda r and the Shhnma indicate that they are of
supernatural nature. According to the Krnmag Arda r, Ardashr and Guln r arrive at a
village and fear to pass through it lest they be recognized and captured by its inhabitants. As they
decide to avoid the village, they see two women, one of whom calls out to Ardashr:
Do not be afraid, Kay Ardashr, son of B bak, of the seed of S s n, descendant of D r !
You have escaped from all evil. No one can catch you. You are to rule Iran for many
years. Hasten towards the sea. When the sea comes into your sight, do not delay until you
reach it. When you reach the sea, you will have no fear of the enemy.127

The womans knowledge of Ardashrs genealogy, his future, and his fear of being
captured, as well as her insistence that he reach the sea, all indicate that she is not an ordinary
villager but someone with knowledge of the unknown. Although the episode, as narrated in the
Krnmag Arda r, differs from that narrated in the Shhnma, the advice given to Ardashr
occurs in both versions. In the Shhnma, Ardashrs helpers are two young men and they do not
mention anything about the sea, but the significance of Ardashrs eventual arrival at the sea
becomes clear, for as soon as he reaches it, he praises God for His help along the way.128 Also,
the meaning of a verse that immediately precedes the episode in the Shhnma supports the idea
that the two young men are of the same nature as the two women in the Krnmag Arda r:

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He who is befriended by the lofty Sphere/fortune (sipihr),
Is not harmed by the enemy.129

The term sipihr often refers to the firmament containing the constellation of stars that
determine ones destiny or fortune. It also denotes sky, which according to Zoroastrian
literature is the realm of the Zoroastrian supreme deity, Ohrmazd, and other divine entities.130 In
Zoroastrian mythology, the sky is itself a divine entity that is often depicted as an invincible
warrior protecting Ohrmazds creations.131 These connotations of the term sipihr convey the idea
that Ardashr was helped by a supernatural force, be it the force of fortune or that of a divine
entity. Thus, the episode immediately following the above-mentioned verse might be understood
as an illustration of how Ardashr was protected by this force. Since one of the ten avatars of
Verethraghna was a young man, we may suppose that the young man advising Ardashr not to
stop and continue riding represents Verethraghna.
The significance of arriving at the sea, which is mentioned in both the Krnmag
Arda r and the Shhnma, might be interpreted in the context of Zoroastrian apocalyptic
literature as well. As will be further discussed later in this chapter, the Zoroastrian prophetic
literature introduces Ardashr in the same way that it introduces other Saviours of the Good
Religion.132 As described in the Avesta, the last Saviour of the world will emerge at the shore of
a lake.133 Thus, the motif of the sea in the Krnmag Arda r and the Shhnma, which marks
the starting point of Ardashrs long journey in restoring the Good Religion, might be understood
as parallel with the motif of the lake in the descriptions of the coming of the last Saviour of the
world. Furthermore, according to the Avesta, the Saviours of the world, Saoyants, are endowed
with farr, a divine power, that helps them renovate the world and restore the Good Religion.134
As may be inferred from a statement made by Ardav ns minister, Ardashr too receives the farr.

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As related in both the Krnmag Arda r and the Shhnma, when Ardav n stops at another
village to inquire, he is told that two dusty and thirsty riders passed by their village, and that an
exceptionally beautiful mountain sheep was sitting on the rump of the horse of one of the
riders.135 On hearing this, Ardav ns minister tells him that it is now useless to pursue Ardashr
because the mountain sheep has already reached him.136 He advises Ardav n to send a letter to
his son Bahman, who was the governor of P rs, to find Ardashr there and stop him from milking
the mountain sheep.137 According to the Middle Persian text of Wiz dag h Zdspram,
Ohrmazd, who had created the farr of Zoroaster before he was even conceived, transferred the
farr of the prophet to the bodies of his parents through cows milk.138 When the prophets
parents drank the milk that contained the farr of the prophet, they transferred it to their son when
he was conceived. And according to the Middle Persian text of the Dnkard, the material essence
(tan-gohr) and soul (fravahar) of Zoroaster, which were also created before he was conceived,
were transferred to the bodies of the prophets parents through the milk that they drank on the
night that Zoroaster was conceived.139 Milk in these texts functions as a vehicle for the
transmission of divine gifts. Similarly, the milk of the mountain sheep in the Shhnma account
about Ardashr might be interpreted as a vehicle for the transmission of farr to him. Thus, the
advice of Ardav ns minster might mean that he wanted Bahman to try one last time to find
Ardashr and stop him from receiving that divine gift/power. But, Ardav ns efforts will be in
vain, as Ardashr will triumph over him and his son.
The Support of the Military and the Priesthood

Another requirement for an individual who aspires to challenge the ruling power and
become king is the support of the military and the priesthood. Thus, the Shhnma relates that,
on his arrival at the seashore, Ardashr is welcomed by a large crowd of warriors (shamsh r-zan)
and wise men/priests (ry-zan) who had gathered there to express their allegiance to him.140

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Since Firdaus refers to this idea immediately after his depiction of the divine support Ardashr
received, this indicates that a would-be ruler also needs the support of the military and the
priesthood in addition to the support of the divine. In a speech delivered to the assembly,
Ardashr asserts his right to rule on the basis of his being a descendant of Isfandiy r.141 As
already mentioned above, Ardashrs alleged kinship to Isfandiy r secures for him a noble
lineage and justifies his wars. Claiming his right to the throne, Ardashr asks those assembled for
their support in his restoring religion and legitimate authority. By inserting Ardashrs speech
just before his account of Ardashrs battles, Firdaus lends legitimacy to Ardashrs seizure of
power. This speech, which is not found either in the Krnmag Arda r or in any other
historical sources, demonstrates how meticulously Firdaus dealt with the details of the narrative
in order to present the concepts that characterized an ideal king.
rd sh r s Battles: The Stages of Founding a New Empire

According to the Shhnma, Ardashr fought four major battles before ascending to the
throne as king of kings.142 These battles, however, are not reported in the way that the accounts
of Ardashrs wars are recorded in other sources.143 Compared to other works, Firdauss
accounts are dramatic descriptions of battlefields, heroic acts, and legends rather than accurate
historical records. Whereas historians like abar and others report on Ardashrs numerous
battles, Firdauss account is limited to four battles. Furthermore, according to several medieval
historians, Ardashr received the title king of kings after he killed Ardav n, but this is not the
case in the Shhnma.144 Why do the accounts of Ardashrs battles in the Shhnma differ from
those in other medieval sources? The answer to this question may be sought in the purport of the
work. As a work written to convey ethico-political concepts within an historical framework, the
accounts in the Shhnma are presented in an entertaining manner so as not to bore the reader

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with a dry record of historical events. Firdaus certainly knew that his account of Ardashrs
battle against a giant worm, for example, would not be understood as historical fact, for he urges
the reader to look for the lesson that can be learned from that extraordinary tale.145 The poets
advice to learn lessons from his tales is an indication that he wanted his reader to focus on the
concepts presented in them not on their historicity. Therefore, rather than attempting to
determine how Firdauss account of Ardashrs battles might correspond with actual historical
events, the following analysis aims to reveal the message that it conveys.146
Each of the four battles described in the Shhnma seems to represent a different stage in
the process of Ardashrs founding of a new dynasty. In his first battle, which is against
Ardav ns son, Ardashr aims to take control of his homeland, an endeavour in which he has the
support of the military and the priesthood. Ardashrs second battle is against Ardav n himself,
the chief Parthian ruler in Iran. He embarks on this battle only after achieving victory in his local
territory and receiving the support of its inhabitants. In his third battle, which is against the
Kurds, Ardashr restores peace and order in his realm. In the fourth and final battle, which deals
with Ardashrs slaying of a giant worm, Ardashr is portrayed as a Saviour of the world, who
defeats Ahriman (Evil) and restores the Good Religion (Zoroastrianism). In this fourth battle,
Ardashrs efforts to expand his territories and promote Zoroastrianism is also displayed. Only
after the fourth battle is Ardashr proclaimed king of kings. This victory marks the end of the
first part of the Ardashr cycle in the Shhnma, which is concerned with establishing Ardashrs
legitimacy and qualifications for kingship.
Battles nos. 1 and 2. When Ardashr sets out to defeat the Parthians, a Zoroastrian priest

(m bad) advises him that if he wishes to re-establish kingship (sar-i shahriyr ham nau kun ),
he should first clear his homeland, P rs, of enemies.147 Next, he should challenge Ardav n
because he is the most powerful ruler, and once he is defeated, other rulers will not offer

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resistance.148 It was obviously wise to start with P rs, where Ardashr already had the support of
his own people. We know that Ardav ns appointment of his son Bahman as governor of Pars
had caused discontent in the region because the nobility had expected one of their own to be
assigned to the position.149 Before Ardav ns son, B bak had ruled over P rs, but B bak died
when Ardashr was in Ardav ns captivity.150 So, when the people of P rs heard the news of
Ardashrs escape from Ardav n, they gathered at the seashore to show him their support in
restoring P rs to B baks family.151 Ardashr also had the support of S s ns family, the putative
descendants of the ancient Persian king D r .152 In addition to these, Bun k, a vassal of Ardav n
in Jahrum, and his large army also allied with Ardashr.153
Confident in the strength of his army, Ardashr heads for Istakhr, the seat of Bahman, and
wins the battle against him.154 Ardashrs victory against Bahman increases the number of his
supporters; thus, he will have an even larger army when he sets out to fight against Ardav n. It is
noteworthy that in both battles with Bahman and Ardav n, Ardashr prevails over the enemy
right after the occurrence of a powerful wind.155 In the battle against Ardav n, the forceful wind
frightens Ardav ns troops, and everyone in his army comes to understand that the war against
Ardav n is being waged by the Divine (ki n kr bar Ardavn zad st).156 References to the wind
in these two battles, especially in the second battle, where the wind is associated with the Divine,
may be understood as allusions to Verethraghna, the deity Victory, one of whose avatars, as
mentioned above, is a powerful wind. So, Ardashrs wise planning and divine support of him are
presented as main contributors to his success.
As related in the Krnmag Arda r, having failed to catch Ardashr, Ardav n and his
son jointly wage war against Ardashr.157 In this version of the account, in which Ardav n
initiates the war, Ardashr is not represented as a courageous man who arises to restore faith and
order; nor can he (or his advisor) be credited with a well-planned war. So, the depiction of

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Ardashrs proactive role in the Shhnma is absent in the Krnmag Arda r. Furthermore,
whereas in the Shhnma Ardashrs victories over Bahman and Ardav n are attributed to both
his wisdom and divine intervention, according to the Krnmag Arda r, Ardashr wins the
battle because of his royal farr (xwarrah Kayn).158 Firdauss emphasis on Ardashrs wisdom
and divine support harks back to the prologue to the Ardashr cycle, where Fate asserts that
mans success is due to his own wisdom as well as to Gods help.
Battle no. 3. The purpose of Ardashrs next battle, which is against the Kurds, is to

eliminate them because they are thieves (duzd).159 As clearly stated in the Shhnma, Ardashrs
aim is not to subjugate a local ruler or to conquer a new territory; but rather, to punish the Kurds
who were disturbing peace and order. This is evident from the end of the account, where it is
stated that Ardashrs victory made the region so safe that if an old man with a tray of gold coins
on his head passed through the area, no one would even dare to look at him.160 In the Krnmag
Arda r, however, the purpose of this battle is different from that stated in Shhnma. In the
Krnmag Arda r, Ardashrs opponent is the Median king of the Kurds, and there is no
mention of thieves at all.161 The outcome of the war is the capture of the Median king and his
noblemen and the confiscation of all their properties.162 In other words, Ardashrs battle against
the Kurds, according to the Krnmag Arda r, is a typical conquest war. The difference
between the two versions demonstrates how Firdaus utilizes the framework of an historical
account to illustrate a political conceptin this case, the restoration of peace and order after the
collapse of a major power.
Firdauss account of this battle contains two additional notions that are not included in
the Krnmag Arda r. One of these is the importance of using spies, and the other concerns
the role of good fortune in achieving victory versus mans wisdom. According to both versions
of the account, Ardashr fails in his first assault on the Kurds. He escapes from the battlefield in

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the dark of night and gets lost in the mountains.163 Ardashrs underestimation of the power of
the Kurds and his getting lost in the dark clearly point to his unfamiliarity with the region he
invaded. According to the Shhnma, Ardashr prepares himself for his second assault by
sending spies into the region.164 The spies report that the Kurds are not alarmed by him anymore
because they believe that his good fortune (bakht) has become old (kahun gashta), meaning
that he is not as fortunate and powerful as he used to be.165 Based on this information, Ardashr
makes a night raid on the Kurds and triumphs over them.166 By providing the detail of Ardashrs
strategy in his second assault, Firdaus points to several important issues: First, he demonstrates
that Ardashr wisely responded to his mistake of engaging in a battle without sufficient
knowledge of the opponent. Second, he illustrates the benefits of espionage.167 As we shall see in
the next chapter, the political literature attributed to Ardashr makes a point about his use of spies
in all areas of government.168 And third, he confirms that Ardashrs success was due to wise
planning not good fortune. As related in the Krnmag Arda r, the Kurds assumed that
Ardashr conceded defeat and returned to P rs. Instead, he prepared a large army and invaded
them again.169 So, the general story line in both accounts is the same, but the details provided in
the Shhnma demonstrate, once again, Firdauss desire to illustrate the characteristics of an
ideal ruler.
Battle no. 4. As noted above, throughout the Ardashr cycle in the Shhnma, references

are made to Ardashrs endeavour to restore the Good Religion, which had allegedly become
corrupted under the Parthians. But it is in the symbolic tale of Haftv ds worm that Ardashrs
role as a Saviour of the Good Religion is represented in full relief. The full account of this battle
is provided only in the Shhnma; the Krnmag Arda r does not contain the details, and
historians like abar and others either strip the account of its legendary content or refer to it
only very briefly.170 The details of this account, however, are indispensable for understanding its

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symbolic significance. Firdaus certainly understood the meaning of this fantastic tale and did not
omit the details that help the reader to grasp it.
Firdaus begins his account by describing how the daughter of a man named Haftv d
finds a worm in an apple and discovers its power to bring good luck to those who believe in it.171
According to the Shhnma, the name of this man was Haftv d because supposedly he had seven
(haft) sons.172 Modern scholars, however, have offered different opinions about the meaning of
this name.173 But, irrespective of its meaning, the esoteric number seven (haft) in the name points
to the symbolic meaning of the character that Haftv d represents in the tale.
Haftv ds daughter nurtures the worm, and the worm in turn generates income for her
family.174 Soon, the number of worm worshippers increases, the worm grows as large as an
elephant, and Haftv d becomes a very powerful man in the region.175 Eventually, Haftv d builds
a castle on top of a mountain to protect the worm and its caretakers, and he himself becomes the
chief of the castle.176 When the news of Haftv d and the worm reaches Ardashr, he is not
pleased with the idea of a worm being worshipped.177 Therefore, he undertakes the challenging
task of eliminating it.
Based on the etymology and meaning that he suggests for the name Haftv d, Walter
Bruno Henning offered an interpretation of the historical background of this tale.178 In his
opinion, Haftv d is the New Persian form of an Old Aramaic word meaning the protector of
the seventh realm. He adds that this term was used by the Achaemenids to refer to the governor
of a specific region of the empire. Based on this interpretation and the location of the story on the
coasts of the Persian Gulf, Henning postulates that Haftv d was probably a pirate chief who
controlled the southern regions of Persia after the collapse of the Parthians, and that his
association with the giant worm might be connected with his pirate activities along the Indian
coasts and his close contacts with the Indian cult of snake-gods (N ga).179 In Hennings opinion,

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Ardashrs slaying of the worm represents his effort to promote Zoroastrianism and abolish the
cults in southern Persia. This interpretation, however, does not explain the symbolism of the
worm in the apple and how it becomes a snake-god. A different interpretation has been offered
by Grenet, who, based on the association between the worm and spinning, suggests that this tale
might have been connected with a Khotanese belief regarding the deity of silk-worm.180 But the
story takes place on the shores of the Persian Gulf far from Khotan in Central Asia.181 Jules
Mohl, too, had already suggested that the story has to do with the introduction of silk worm
industry to Iran and the prosperity it brought.182 But, Firdaus clearly states that the girl finds the
worm in an apple, and that she spins cotton (panba) not silk. Other scholars, such as James
Darmesteter, pointed to parallels between this story and the ancient Indo-European epics of
dragon-slaying heroes.183 But there is certainly more to this long tale than just the killing of a
worm/dragon by a hero.
When interpreted within the context of Zoroastrian beliefs regarding the Saviours of the
world, the contours of the tale become more meaningful. As it turns out, the themes of the tale
closely correspond with the themes of Zoroastrian apocalyptic literature, which describe the acts
of the Saviours of the world. The parallel themes between this tale and the relevant Zoroastrian
literature will demonstrate that the account of Ardashrs slaying of the giant worm depicts him
as a Saviour of the Good Religion and destroyer of Ahriman (Evil). Before discussing these
themes, it will be helpful to review briefly the Zoroastrian ideas concerning the world and its
Saviours.
According to the Zoroastrian worldview, the world was in a state of pure goodness when
Ohrmazd first created it, but later, Ahriman and his helpers attacked Ohrmazds good creation
and destroyed it. Nevertheless, Ohrmazd and his helpers fought back and restored the world.
Since then, the world has undergone several periods of destruction by Ahriman and restoration

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by its Saviours. These alternating periods of destruction and renovation will continue until the
end of time, when the last Saviour will come and eliminate Ahriman and all his helpers
forever.184 The destruction of the world by Ahriman manifests itself in different ways.
Widespread disease, the death of humans, domestic animals, and crops, and even harsh winters
are considered to be the result of Ahrimans attacks on the world, but more importantly, the signs
of Ahrimans success are tyrannical rule and Bad Religion. Detailed accounts of the past and
future periods of world history are related in the Zoroastrian prophetic literature. The fact that
some of these texts praise Ardashr as one of the restorers of the Good Religion and of order in
the world appears to confirm the idea that in his battle against the worm, Ardashr is represented
as one of the Saviours of the Good Religion.185
The motif of the worm. According to Zoroastrian teachings, the worm was a khrafstra, a
noxious creature of evil nature that harms people, domestic animals, and crops. Hence, Haftv ds
daughter should have killed it because khrafstras were considered to be helpers of Ahriman in
the cosmic battle against Ohrmazd.186 Instead, she put the worm in her spindle-case, fed it, and
even pleaded with it to give her good luck. In other words, by nurturing a khrafstra, the girl took
the side of Ahriman in the battle between Ohrmazd and Ahriman. The Shhnma clearly states
that the worm of the tale is to be considered a demon (d v) and an opponent of the Creator:

You call that worm, which is of the very essence of Ahriman (az maghz-i Ahr man)
[And] the enemy of the Creator of the world (jahn-far nanda),
[Just] a worm inside a leather[-sheath]?
It is a warring demon (d v-i jang ) that sheds blood (r zanda-kh n).187

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Ridding the world of khrafstras is one of the tasks of the Saviours of the world.
According to the Bundahishn, all khrafstras will perish when shdarm h (one of the great
Saviours of the world) will arise to renew the Good Religion.188 As mentioned in another
Zoroastrian text, when shdarm h comes, all members of the serpent species will go to one
place and merge into one extremely large serpent.189 shdarm h will then form an army of the
righteous to combat that colossal serpent. The description of shdarm hs battle against a
monstrous serpent strikingly resembles Ardashrs battle against the worm that is described as
being as large as an elephant. Thus, like the colossal serpent of shdarm hs epoch, Haftv ds
gigantic worm may be understood as the symbol of all khrafstras (noxious creatures) of
Ardashrs time, and thus, Ardashrs killing of the worm represents his victory over Ahriman
and the re-establishment of the Good Religion.
A reference to the destruction of khrafstras during the glorious periods of world history is
made in the Dnkard, which states that one of the miracles of the prophet Zoroaster was that,
during his epoch, people learned how to get rid of khrafstras.190
Further evidence that Ardashrs slaying of the worm represents his triumph over
Ahriman comes from the sphere of archaeology. In a rock-carving at Naqsh-i Rustam in southern
Iran, which depicts Ardashrs investiture scene, Ardashr and Ohrmazd are shown facing each
other on horseback and trampling two human figures.191 The figure beneath Ohrmazds horse is
depicted with a snake (or perhaps a giant worm) on his head. That the snake-crowned figure is
crushed by the horse of Ohrmazd indicates that Ardashrs victory in the material world equalled
Ohrmazds triumph over Ahriman on the cosmic level.
The theme of greed. It may be argued that it was greed on the part of Haftv ds daughter
that instigated the worms response. Later, Haftv ds greed for possessions and power turns the
worm into a monster. In other words, it is greed that fuels evil. Similarly, in the Zoroastrian

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apocalyptic texts, the demon Greed (z) is represented as one of the mighty helpers of Ahriman,
who will be removed from the world when Ahriman is vanquished.192 As described in the Zand
Wahman Yasn, during periods of evil rule, people become worshippers of z and of the religion
of wealth, and their greedy eyes will never be satisfied by wealth.193 Furthermore, according
to a passage in the Bundahishn, along with the khrafstras, shdarm h will destroy the evil that
is from the seed of Greed (z) and is a snake.194 shdarm hs destroying of a snake that has its
origin in greed represents another remarkable parallel with our tale, as Ardashr likewise kills a
giant worm/snake that is generated by greed.
Although Firdaus does not explicitly refer to greed as a demon in the tale, he implicitly
associates the girl with its demonic power. When the girls parents notice how much cotton their
daughter was spinning in one day, they ask her in astonishment whether she had become sister to
a par (magar b par giriftast ay pk-tan khvhar ).195 According to ancient Iranian traditions,
par s (Avestan, pairik; Middle Persian, par g) were female demons who appeared to people in
the form of beautiful women in order to deceive them.196 In addition to this, Firdaus refers to the
girl by means of such terms as par -r y (fairy-face) and pur-fus n (deceitful), which may be
understood as allusions to the girls association with demonic powers.197 Furthermore, as argued
by R. C. Zaehner, the demon z is a female companion of Ahriman.198 As a female caretaker
(nigahdr) of the worm associated with demonic powers, Haftv ds daughter may be considered
to represent the demon z, the chief companion of Ahrman, whom Ardashr will eliminate in
order to renew the world.199
The motif of molten metal. Ardashrs method of killing the worm with molten metal is
another theme that finds parallels in the Zoroastrian apocalyptic texts.200 According to these, at
the end of time, all creatures will be submerged in a river of molten metal, which will only burn
the wicked, and thus, the world will be cleansed of all evil-doers.201 Aradshrs use of molten

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metal to slay the worm may be interpreted as an act of removing evil from the world in the same
manner that the last Saviour of the Good Religion will uproot evil.
But, this part of the tale seems to represent another idea as well. As prophesied in the
Zand Wahman Yasn, during the reign of Ardashrs son, Sh pr, the ordeal of molten metal
would be undergone by a Zoroastrian priest named drb d, whose survival would prove the
authenticity of the Good Religion practised in Sh prs reign.202 This prophecy indicates that the
ordeal of molten metal was performed to distinguish liars from those who spoke the truth.
Therefore, Ardashrs pouring molten metal on the worm may be understood as an ordeal that
proves the falsehood of the worm and its believers and the truthfulness of Ardashrs claim
regarding his restoration of the true faith. We know from the Letter of Tansar that Ardashr was
accused of introducing innovations to the ancient faith, and that his minister defended him by
arguing that he restored the Good Religion, which had become corrupted.203 Thus, the theme of
molten metal in this tale also alludes to Ardashrs effort to prove the authenticity of the faith he
was restoring.
The motif of two friendly hosts. The role of Ardashrs two companions in his battle
against Haftv ds worm in the Shhnma may be compared with the two deities who help
Sayant, the last Saviour of the Good Religion. When Ardashr withdraws from the battle
against Haftv d to return to P rs to take care of a matter there, he arrives at a town where two
friendly and hospitable young men invite him to their home.204 Ardashr first hides his identity
from his hosts, but after he realizes how wise they are, he reveals who he is and asks them for
guidance in his battle against the worm.205 The two young men give Ardashr a piece of good
advice, which helps him to overcome Haftv d and the worm.206 These young men will later
accompany Ardashr to the worms castle and help Ardashr to melt the metal that will be poured
on the worm.207 Similarly, the two divine entities that help the Zoroastrian Saviour Sayant,

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namely, tar (fire) and Airyaman, will help him by melting metals for the ordeal of the Last
Day.208 The names of Ardashrs hosts are not mentioned in the Shhnma, but Firdaus
repeatedly refers to them as m zbn (host) and d st (friend).209 It has been suggested that
Airyaman personifies the Spirit of hospitality, or friendship towards a guest, a notion that
exactly reflects the terms Firdaus uses to refer to them.210 Moreover, Sayant is said to recite
the prayer Airyem iy, which invokes Airyaman for victory over Ahriman.211 In this
connection, one might speculate that Ardashrs appeal to the two young men for guidance and
help is analogous to Sayants invocation of Airyaman for victory in battle.
The motif of seven helpers. As narrated in the Shhnma, Ardashr enters Haftv ds
impregnable castle disguised as a merchant and takes with him, as his associates, seven noble
men from his army.212 Similarly, according to the Zand-i Wahman Yasn, Petan, another one of
the Saviours of the Good Religion, will be helped by seven divine entities, namely, Nrysang,
Sr, Mihr, Ran, Wahr m (Verethraghna), At d, and Xwarenah.213 The role of Ardashrs
seven helpers in the Shhnma is unclear; only one line of the poem tells us that Ardashr
selected seven noble and courageous men to help him, but we do not hear about them anymore.
This single verse of the poem, which does not seem to add much meaning to the tale by itself,
becomes meaningful when the motif of Petans seven helpers are taken into account.
The theme of replacing idol-temples by fire temples. One last theme that is shared by the
tale and Zoroastrian literature is the destruction of idol-temples and the building of fire-temples
in their stead. According to the Bundahishn and the Zand-i Wahman Yasn, Petan will destroy
the abode of evil and establish the Warahr n fire in its place.214 In the same manner, Ardashr
renews the ancient traditions by building a fire temple on the same spot where he destroyed the
worms castle.215

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The striking similarities between the motifs in the tale of Ardashrs battle against the
monstrous worm and Zoroastrian apocalyptic literature leave little doubt about the symbolic
meaning of this tale, in which Ardashr is represented as a Saviour of the ancient faith and
restorer of order in the world. It is noteworthy that the account of Ardashrs act of saving the
world is related not in the Zoroastrian apocalyptic texts but in the book of acts of Ardashr. This
points to the intention of political propagandists who aimed to present an idealized image of
Ardashr by comparing him to such great figures of Zoroastrianism as Petan, shdarm h, and
Sayant. 216 To determine how much of this idealized figure of Ardashr was recognized by
Firdauss contemporary readers would require a study of the religious and social culture of the
time, but we know that the poet repeatedly asks his readers not to treat his tales as legends and
even advises them to find their meaning through symbols (ramz).217 If Firdaus expected his
readers to perceive the symbolic meaning of his fabulous accounts, then we may assume that
they were able to grasp the ideas presented in them.
On the surface, the tale of Ardashrs fight against Haftv d represents his efforts to
expand his realm and promote the Good Religion. As related in the Shhnma, when Ardashrs
army is besieged by Haftv d, he receives the news from P rs that Mihrak-i Nshz d, one of his
generals, has taken over his palace.218 On hearing this news, Ardashr says:

... with an unfinished [battle at] home,

Why did I start a combat with strangers?219

Along the same lines, when Ardashr seeks the advice of his generals in this regard, they
respond:

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Since Mihrak [has turned out to] be a covert enemy,
Why should [we] take pains to conquer the world?220

As clearly expressed in these lines, Ardashrs fight against Haftv d takes place outside
his homeland. In other words, his battle against Haftv d is part of his effort to expand his
territories by promoting the Good Religion. But he soon realizes that political stability at home
takes priority over expansion of territory. Thus, he withdraws from the battle and returns to P rs
to settle the problem there. After he secures peace and order in P rs, he returns to Haftv ds
castle to complete his task. This episode also depicts Ardashrs wise handling of a problem that
could have led to his complete loss of power.
Part II rd sh r s Successful Kingship

Ardashrs success in maintaining his kingship is portrayed in the second part of the
Ardashr cycle in the Shhnma. Several important concepts concerning the maintenance of
kingship are presented in this part of the work in the form of a long and entertaining tale. These
concepts include the importance of having an heir to the crown and a wise minister, as well as
avoiding vengeance against old powers.221 In addition to these, this part of the cycle contains
three pieces of wisdom literature attributed to Ardashr that demonstrate his wisdom in
organizing and maintaining his kingship. They are his y n (custom and practice) in governing
the state,222 his andarz (advice) to high officials (referred to as khuba throne speech in the
medieval Arabic and Persian sources),223 and his ahd (testament) addressed to his son,
Sh pr.224 The tale will be analysed here and the three pieces of wisdom literature will be
examined in the next chapter.

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A Wise and Conscientious Minister

The tale focuses on the benefits of having a wise and conscientious minister by
portraying the important role Ardashrs minister played in saving the life of the crown prince
and ensuring the continuation of the dynasty after Ardashrs death. As related in the Shhnma,
after Ardashr kills Ardav n, he marries Ardav ns daughter.225 Later on, provoked by her
brother, Ardav ns daughter attempts to take revenge on Ardashr on behalf of the family by
poisoning him, but her plot is discovered and Ardashr orders his minister to execute her.226 The
minister finds out that the queen is pregnant and advises Ardashr not to kill his own child by
executing the queen, but Ardashr insists.227 The minister refuses to implement Ardashrs order
and hides the queen in his own home, so that she can give birth to the kings legitimate
successor.228 Whereas other historical sources either do not explain why the minister refused to
kill the pregnant queen, or simply state the he did not want to uproot the seed that the king had
planted, the Shhnma implies that the minister had a political purpose in mind, for if the queen
and her unborn child were killed, the king would not have had an heir to the throne:229

Even if he (Ardashr) should live countless years,

When he passes away, his throne will go to the enemy.230

When the minister decides to save the life of the pregnant queen and hides her in his own
house, he castrates himself in order to protect himself against possible accusations. He then puts
his testicles and a note explaining the situation in a sealed box and takes the box to Ardashr and
asks him to keep it for him in the treasury.231 Later on, when Ardashr realizes how his minster
endangered his own life in order to protect his kingship, he orders his ministers name to be

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inscribed on coins.232 Ardashrs order highlights the importance of wise ministers at royal
courts. This point seem to have been understood by the Ilkhanid historian amdull h Mustauf,
who provides a summary of the account related in the Shhnma and adds that the Barmakid
family (a reputable family of ministers and court officials serving the early Abbasid caliphs)
were descendants of Ardashrs minister.233
A Rightful Heir to the Crown

The tale emphasizes that Ardashrs kingship could continue to exist only if he had a son
to succeed him. According to the Shhnma, as he gets older, Ardashr starts to worry about the
future of his kingship, because he does not have a son of his own to continue his legacy. A
comparison between this part of the tale and the Krnmag Arda r demonstrates how Firdaus
highlights the necessity of having an heir apparent for the continued existence of kingship.
According to the Krnmag Arda r, during a hunting expedition, when he witnesses wild
animals protecting their young and their mates, Ardashr feels ashamed for having ordered the
murder of his own wife and innocent child. Remembering what he did to his wife and child,
Ardashr starts sobbing in front of his entourage.234 The Shhnma, however, does not mention
anything about Ardashrs regret, nor does it describe an emotional scene; rather, it merely
relates that as Ardashr approached the end of his life, he became concerned about not having an
heir to the throne.235 It seems that Firdaus avoids the emotional aspect of the account in order to
underscore Ardashrs rational thinking about the future of his kingship. Firdauss deliberate
attempt to highlight rational, as opposed to emotional, decisions of his characters can be seen in
the account of the ministers decision not to kill the queen. According to the Shhnma, when he
realizes he has a son, Ardashr interprets this to mean that God wanted his kingship to continue
and therefore saved the life of his son.236

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The characteristics of a crown prince, such as noble lineage, valour, and proper education
are among other concepts that feature in this tale. Once again, Firdauss desire to underline these
concepts becomes evident when his narrative is compared to other sources that relate the same
account.
Noble lineage. According to the Shhnma, Ardashr marries Ardav ns daughter

because as a princess, she possesses farr (royal glory/fortune) and also because, through
marriage with her, he could take hold of all the wealth of Ardav n.237 According to historians
like abar and others, however, Ardashr falls in love with a girl who he thinks is a former
servant of the Parthians, and only after making love to her, does he realize that she is of Parthian
descent. Because he had earlier pledged not to leave a single Parthian alive, Ardashr orders her
execution despite her being pregnant.238 Whereas the Shhnma explicitly refers to Ardashrs
purposeful decision to marry Ardav ns daughter, other writers represent Ardashr as unaware of
the background of the woman he married, and even relate that the womans Parthian origin was
the reason why Ardashr ordered her execution.239 Interestingly, we encounter exactly the same
difference between Firdauss account about the marriage of Ardashrs son, Sh pr, and the
accounts of abar, Balam, and Ibn al-Athr. According to these historians, Sh pr falls in love
with a beautiful girl who he thinks is a shepherds daughter, and only after marrying her, does
the girl reveal her noble background.240 In the Shhnma, however, Sh pr notices the noble
manners of the girl and therefore asks her about her background.241 When the girl tells Sh pr
who she is, Sh pr asks for her hand in marriage.242 The outcome of Sh prs marriage to this
noble girl is the crown prince, rmazd.243 Both Ardashrs and Sh prs conscious decisions to
marry noblewomen point to the importance of the nobility of women who would give birth to
future crown princes, a concept that is taken into consideration in both the Shhnma and the

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Krnmag Arda r, but ignored by the Muslim historians who present both Ardashrs and
Sh prs marriages to noblewomen as being incidental.
Kingly aura and courage. According to the Krnmag Arda r, as soon as the minister

reveals the truth about the kings son being alive, Sh pr is brought into Ardashrs presence.244
In the Shhnma, on the other hand, Ardashr asks the minister to bring Sh pr and a hundred
boys of Sh prs age and appearance to a polo field to play, so that he might test his fatherly
instinct by recognizing his son among them.245 When the boys are brought to the field, Sh pr
stands out and Ardashr recognizes him, but he decides to confirm his sons identity by testing
his courage.246 To do so, he asks his men to shoot the ball in such a way as to have it fall right in
front of him. The boys would then have to come near him to get the ball.247 As Ardashr had
expected, the only boy who is not afraid to approach him is his son.248A similar episode is
narrated in the account about Sh prs son, rmazd, except that in his case the incident is not
pre-arranged.249 The point of both these episodes is that the crown prince stands out in the crowd
on account of his royal aura and courage.250
Education. Compared to other historical sources that relate the accounts about Ardashr,

Sh pr, and rmazd, the Shhnma is the only work that emphasizes the importance of the
education of prospective kings by describing Ardashrs, Sh prs, and rmazds educations.
The Krnmag Arda r and other historical works only refer to the education of Ardashr and
do not mention anything about the schooling of Sh pr or rmazd, but the Shhnma both refers
to the tutoring of rmazd and provides detailed information on how Sh pr learned all the skills
of the time, such as writing, hunting, fighting, and royal etiquette.251 The importance of this
concept in the Shhnma becomes evident when we note that Firdaus refers three times to the
education of princes in his account about Ardashr, whereas other historians do not deal with it as
prominently.

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Reconciliation with Former Enemies

Another concept that is presented in this tale teaches new rulers that they can avoid
perpetual wars and revolts by avoiding vengeance. As related in the Shhnma, Ardashr had not
seen peace since he ascended the throne, because local rulers, who had lost their semiautonomous power, kept revolting against him.252 So, he decided to seek the advice of an Indian
sage and inquire whether he could ever rule over the entire realm without any worries.253 The
Indian sage tells Ardashr that peace will prevail in his realm only if a marital union is made
between his house and that of Mihrak, the general who had rebelled against him when he was at
war with Haftv d.254 What the Indian sage suggests is that peace can only be achieved through
reconciliation between the new and old powers. Unable to imagine making peace with his
enemy, Ardashr rejects the advice of the Indian sage and makes every effort to destroy Mihraks
family, but Mihraks daughter somehow survives.255 Later on, irrespective of their families old
vengeance, Sh pr marries Mihraks daughter, and as a result, peace prevails in Ardashrs
kingdom.256
The symbolic meaning of this episode is lost in the reports of abar, Balam and Ibn alAthr. According to these historians, the astrologers had predicted that a descendant of Mihrak
would succeed Ardashr; therefore, fearing that his kingship would fall into the hands of
enemies, Ardashr killed all members of Mihraks family except for one girl who fled and sought
refuge with some shepherds. Later, assuming that she is a shepherds daughter, Sh pr marries
her and rmazd is born of their union.257 When Ardashr finds out that rmazd is a descendant
of Mihrak, he is relieved to know that the prophecy of the astrologers had come true but without
ending his kingship.258 The important concept of the recognition of old powers by new rulers
does not stand out in the accounts of these historians. Firdaus, however, who paid attention to

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the political concepts he found in his sources, did not miss the fine point of this episode and
clearly presented it in his work.259
According to the Shhnma, after peace prevails in his realm, Ardashr is officially
recognized as king of kings by all local governors in his kingdom. As mentioned above, Ardashr
also received the title king of kings after his victory over Haftv d and the giant worm. But his
first designation as king of kings seems to have been limited to his own court. This is yet another
fine point that is only found in the Shhnma. As mentioned above, other historians report that
Ardashr was called king of kings after he killed Ardav n. Apparently, for Firdaus, simply
defeat of former powers would not make a new ruler worthy of the title king of kings.
****
Although Firdauss accounts about the Sasanian kings are generally regarded as
constituting the historical or semi-historical parts of the Shhnma, there is little historical
information that can be gleaned from his account about Ardashr, the founder of the dynasty.
This account has little to do with history. It is presented only within an historical framework that
informs us that Ardashr revolted against the Parthians, established a new empire, and set new
policies. Ardashrs accomplishments are narrated through symbolic episodes and tales that are
based on ancient Persian mythology, and that aimed at promoting Sasanian political ideology.
Firdauss history of Ardashr does not provide any information about the dates or precise
locations of significant events, which are typically provided in historical accounts. More
important, unlike many historians who avoided legends to increase the credibility of their
reports, Firdaus did not hesitate to include legends in his historical accounts. True to his
sobriquet ak m (sage), however, he insists that everything in the Shhnma accords with
wisdom and he emphasizes the symbolic (ramz) meaning of his fabulous accounts.260
Interestingly, despite the fact that it contains more legends than historical facts, the Shhnma

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presents the most comprehensive account about Ardashr as an ideal king. Through a series of
entertaining tales, the Shhnma depicts in detail Ardashrs eligibility for kingship, his
legitimation of power, and his success in maintaining his kingship.
These characteristics of the Shhnma set it apart from other historical writings of the
period. Modern scholars who have approached the Shhnma as history have noted the
distinctiveness of the work and proposed divergent views about it. Julie Scott Meisami, for
example, refers to the Shhnma as an anomaly in Persian medieval historiography.261 She
maintains that, although Firdaus considered his primary purpose to be historical, his work
was not taken seriously as history.262 She argues that, at a time when writers and rulers
favoured Islamic traditions and current events, the Shhnma, with its focus on ancient Persian
traditions and legends, was too archaic and outmoded for contemporary tastes.263 But, as shown
in the previous chapter, the Shhnma enjoyed continuous perusal and was highly admired by
the literati for centuries after its completion. If the language and content of the Shhnma were
outdated by the time Firdaus composed his work, why would it have received such enduring
attention over the centuries? Ehsan Yarshater, on the other hand, maintains that the myths and
legends of the Shhnma were conceived as history and that in the hands of Firdaus, who
understood the character and direction of Persian historical writing, Iranian history developed
into a literary masterpiece.264 If legends and myths were conceived as history, why would the
poet need to emphasize that the meaning of his tales should be understood through symbols?
And why would medieval historians seek to distance themselves from fantastic materials and
refer to works that contain them as fit only for night-time entertainment?265
A further difference between Firdausis Shhnma and other medieval Persian historical
writings is Firdauss inclusion of throne speeches, testaments, letters, and similar materials that
contain ethico-political wisdom and advice. These are not usually included in other historical

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writings, and when they are, they are not presented as part of the narrative. As will be shown in
the following chapter, Firdaus presents the wisdom literature attributed to Ardashr, that is, his
y n (custom and practice), andarz (advice to dignitaries/throne speech), and ahd (testament to
his son, Sh pr) as part of his narrative and in a way that would keep the attention and interest of
the reader. Firdauss inclusion of these types of texts in his work and his particular form of
presenting them constitutes a notable difference between his work and other historical writings.
The following chapter deals with Firdauss presentation of the political literature attributed to
Ardashr.

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Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:133238.

Arthur Emanuel Christensen, Les gestes des rois dans les traditions de lIran antique (Paris: P.

Geuthner, 1936), 75105; Geo Widengren, Sources of Parthian and Sassanian History, in
Yarshater, Cambridge History of Iran, vol. 3, pt. 2, 1272; J. de Menasce, Zoroastrian Pahlav
Writings, in Yarshater, Cambridge History of Iran, vol. 3, pt. 2, 1184; Touraj Daryaee, The
Ideal King in the Sasanian World: Ardaxr Pabag n or Xusr Anag-ruw n? Nme-ye Irn-e
Bstn: The International Journal of Ancient Iranian Studies 34 (2003): 3345; and Jamsheed
K. Choksy, Sacral Kingship in Sasanian Iran, Bulletin of the Asia Institute, n.s., 2 (1988): 40;
and Sara Mashayekh, Epic of K rnamag and the Late Sasanian Period, e-Sasanika 17 (2007):
137, URL: http://www.humanities.uci.edu/sasanika/pdf/e-sasanika17-Mashayekh.pdf.
3

Philippe Gignoux, Church-State Relations in the Sasanian Period, in Monarchies and Socio-

Religious Traditions in the Ancient Near East: Papers Read at the 31st International Congress of
Human Sciences in Asia and North Africa, ed. Mikasa No Miya Takahito (Wiesbaden:
Harrasswotiz, 1984), 7280; Gherardo Gnoli, The Idea of Iran: An Essay on Its Origin (Rome:
Istituto Italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente, 1989), 16474.
4

Diodorus 2.32.45. This statement has been contested by modern scholars who maintain such

archives never existed. But, as aptly argued by Jan P. Stronk, absence of proof does not equal
proof of absence. See Stronk, ed. and trans., Ctesias Persian History, Pt. 1, Introduction, Text,
and Translation (Dusseldorf: Wellem Verlag, 2010), 1525.
5

Esther, 6:1 and 10:2; Ezra, 4:14, 4:15, and 4:19.

Shapur Shahbazi, Iranian Notes 713, Archologische Mitteilungen aus Iran (1986): 16566;

and Yarshater, Iranian National History, 39193.

175

amza b. al-asan al-Ifah n, al-Amthl al- dira an buy t al-shir, ed. Amad b.

Muhammad al-ubayb (Beirut, D r al-mad r al-Isl m, 2009), 64:

.
8

al-Masd (Ab al-asan Al b. al-usayn al-Masd), al-Tanb h wa al-ishrf, ed. M. J. de

Goeje. 1894, repr. ed. (Beirut: Maktaba khayy , 1965), 106:

...
...
.
9

amza Ifah n, Tr kh sin mul k al-ar wa al-anbiy, ed. and trans. I. M. E. Gottwaldt, 2

vols. in 1, Vol. 1, Arabic text, Vol. 2, Latin translation (Petropoli: Sumtibus editoris, 1844
1848), 1:4863.
10

amza Ifah n, Tr kh sin , 1:49. Cf. Friedrich Sarre, Die Kunst des alten Persien (Berlin: B.

Cassirer, 1922), 144; and Arthur Emanuel Christensen, LIran sous les Sassanides, 2nd ed.
(Copenhagen: E. Munksgaard, 1944), 39899.
11

Agathias, Histories 2.27.4 and 4.30. For a detailed study of Agathiass use of Sasanian

chronicles see Averil Cameron, Agathias on the Sassanians. Dumbarton Oaks Papers 2324
(196970): 67183.
12

For example, see Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:442, line 319; Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:445, line 357;

Firdaus, Shhnma, 8:6, lines 3132; and Asad s, Garshsb-nma, 13, line 16.
13

All other existing manuscripts of the Krnmag Arda r have been derived from this

fourteenth-century manuscript (known as MK), which was copied in Gujarat and assumed for a
long time to have been lost. As indicated in its colophon, this manuscript was copied from

176

another manuscript that was copied in 1255. See Frantz Grenet, ed. and trans., La geste
dArdash r fils de Pbag: Krnmag Ardaxr Pbagn (Die, France: ditions A Die, 2003),
26 and 47. Grenet provides the transliteration of the Pahlavi text along with a French translation
and a comprehensive introduction. Also see Bahr m Farahvash, ed. and trans., Krnma-i
Ardash r-i Bbakn, 3rd ed. (Tehran: Intish r t-i D nishg h-i Tihr n, 1382/2003). Farahvash
provides the transcription and transliteration of the Pahlavi text along with a Persian translation
of the text and a glossary. He also provides the edition of the text by Edalji Kers sji Anti
(Bomby, 1900) and the excerpts from the Shhnma and other Persian and Arabic sources that
contain an account about Ardashr. For an English translation of the work, see Rah m Asha, ed.
and trans., The Book of the Acts of Ardair Son of Pbag: Krnmag Ardair Pbagn
(Vincennes: Erm n, 1999).
14

Cf. Christensen, Les gestes des rois, 8283; Ahmad Tafazzoli [Amad Tafa ul], Tr kh-i

adabiyt-i rn p sh az Islm, ed. Zh la mzg r (Tehran: Sukhan, 1997), 26364; Grenet, La

geste dArdash r, 32, 35, 45; Daryaee, The Ideal King in the Sasanian World, 3738.
15

Farahvash, Krnma-i Ardash r, 3, 1.1; and Grenet, La geste dArdash r, 53, 1.1.

16

Clifford Edmund Bosworth, The Persian Impact on Arabic Literature, in Arabic Literature

to the End of the Umayyad Period, ed. A. F. L. Beeston and others (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1983), 48396. For an extensive study of one of the less-known early
translators of Persian texts into Arabic, see Mohsen Zakeri, ed. and trans, Persian Wisdom in
Arabic Garb: Al b. Ubayda al-Ray n (d. 219/834) and his Jawhir al-kilam wa-farid alikam, 2 vols. (Leiden: Brill, 2007), especially 1:100150. Also see Dimitri Gutas, Greek
Thought, Arabic Culture: The Graeco-Arabic Translation Movement in Baghdad and Early
Abbsid Society (2nd4th/8th10th centuries), 2nd ed. (New York: Routledge, 1999), 2527;
Qazvn, Muqaddama-i qadm, 710; af , amsa-sary dar rn, 6872; Taqz da,

177

Mash hr-i shuar -yi r n, 96106; and Kh liq Mulaq, Az Shhnma t Khudynma, 70
71.
17

Qazvn, Muqaddama-i qadm, 1016; af , amsa-sary dar rn, 88.

18

Copious citations from Ibn al-Muqaffas work and frequent references to him are found in

[Pseudo-Ama], Nihyat al-arab f tr kh al-furs wa al-arab, ed. Muammad-Taq

D nishpazhh (Tehran: Anjuman-i s r va maf khir-i farhang, 1374/1995), 82, 85, 89, 99, 110,
159, 203, 208, 212, 213, 216, 256, 277, 324, 328, 336. Also see Ab al-Faraj Muammad b. Ab
Yaqb Is q b. al-Nadm, al-Fihrist, ed. Ysif Al awl (Beirut: D r al-kutub al-ilmiyya,
1416/1996), 190; amza Ifah n, Tr kh sin , 1:8 and 64; and Mujmal al-tavr kh, 2, 8, 521.
19

For example, see Ibn al-Nadm, al-Fihrist, 47577; amza Ifah n, Tr kh sin , 1:89; Ab

al-Ray n Muammad b. Amad al-Brn al-Khv razm, al-thr al-bqiya an al-qur n alkhliya, ed. Eduard Sachau, 1878, repr. ed. (Leipzig: Brockhaus, 1923), 99; Mujmal al-tavr kh,
2 and 521; Kayk s, Qb s-nma, 4; Ab Al Muammad b. Muammad b. Balam, Tr kh-i
Balam : Takmila va tarjuma-i Tr kh-i abar , ed. Muammad Taq Bah r Malik al-Shuar
and Muammad Parvn Gun b d, 3rd ed. (Tehran: Zavv r, 1385/2006), 90; and Masd, Mur j
al-dhahab wa madin al-jauhar, ed. Barbier de Meynard and Pavet de Courteille, rev. ed.,
Charles Pellat, 7 vols. (Beirut: Manshr t al-j miat al-lubn niyya, 196574), 1:1216; for a
French translation of Mur j, see Masd, Les prairies dor, trans. Barbier de Meynard and Pavet
de Courteille, rev. ed., Charles Pellat, 5 vols (Paris: Socit Asiatique, 19621997), 1:48. Also
see Taqz da, Mash hr-i shuar -yi r n, 98106.
20

amza Ifah n, Tr kh sin , 1:16, 24, and 64; Masd, al-Tanb h, 106; Mujmal al-tavr kh,

85; and Ibn al-Nadm, al-Fihrist, 190.

21

af , amsa-sary dar rn, 6466; Shapur Shahbazi, On the Xwad y-N mag, in Iranica

Varia: Papers in Honour of Professor Ehsan Yarshater (Leiden: Brill, 1990), 2089; M. Rahim

178

Shayegan, The Evolution of the Concept of Xwad y God, Acta Orientalia Academiae
Scientiarum Hungaricae 51, nos. 12 (1998): 3154; and Qazvn, Muqaddama-i qadm, 10n1.
22

Balam, Tr kh-i Balam , 34.

23

Taqz da, Mash hr-i shuar -yi r n, 105.

24

amza Ifah n, Tr kh sin , 1:812 and 1:1617.

25

amza Ifah n, Tr kh sin , 1:89.

26

amza Ifah n, Tr kh sin , 1:1617. Based on J i s (d. 255/868 or 869) citations from the

works of Kasraw (Khusrav), as well as other medieval references to this translator, Taqz da
opines that Kasraw probably wrote his history of ancient Persia around 253/867. See Taqzada,
Mash hr-i shuar -yi r n, 102n2.
27

amza Ifah n, Tr kh sin , 1:2324. We do not have any information on Bahr m b.

Mard nsh h, but he seems to have been recognized by medieval authors as an authority on
ancient Persian history. amza refers to Bahr m b. Mard nsh hs Tr kh-i mul k-i ban Ssn
(the history of Sasanian kings) as one of his eight sources. See amza Ifah n, Tr kh sin , 1:9.
The author of Mujmal al-tavr kh frequently cites him and refers to him as Bahram-i mbad
(Bahr m, the priest) and Bahr m, m bad-i Sh pr (Bahr m, the m bad of the city of Sh pr).
See Mujmal al-tavr kh, 21, 32, 39, 58, 65, 83. Taqz da identifies a Mard nsh h who was the
son of Z d n Farrukh b. Pr Kaskar (d. 82/7012), a scribe at the court of ajj j b. Ysif (d.
95/714). See Taqzada, Mash hr-i shuar -yi r n, 102n1.
28

Muahhar b. hir al-Muqaddas (Maqdis), al-Bad wa al-tr kh, ed. Clement Huart, 6 vols.

(Paris: Ernest Leroux, 18991919), 3:138.

29

Ab Manr Abd al-Malik b. Muammad b. Ismal Tha lib, Ghurar akhbr mul k al-furs

wa siyarihim: Histoire des rois des Perses, ed. and trans. Hermann Zotenberg (Paris: Imprimerie
nationale, 1900), repr. ed. (Amsterdam: Academic Publishers Associated, 1979), 10 and 388.

179

30

Balam, Tr kh-i Balam , 90.

31

Kayk s, Qb s-nma, 4; Mujmal al-tavr kh, 2 and 3; Ibn Isfandiy r, Tr kh-i abaristn,

60; and Tr kh-i S stn, 13, 16, 17, 35.

32

For the text of the preface, see Qazvn, Muqaddama-i qadm, 3090; Minorsky, Older

Preface, 16679.
33

Kh liq Mulaq, Az Shhnma t Khudynma, 211; Kh liq Mulaq, Yik mihtar bd

gardan-far z, 5973; and Kh liq Mulaq, Jav n bd, 7592; Omidsalar, Poetics and Politics,
6369; Taqz da, Mash hr-i shuar -yi r n, 15859; Qazvn, Muqaddama-i qadm, 22.
Despite compelling arguments set forth in support of this opinion, some scholars maintain that
Firdaus used oral sources in the composition of his oeuvre. See Olga M. Davidson, Poet and
Hero in the Persian Book of Kings, 2nd ed. (Costa Mesa, CA: Mazda Publishers, 2006); Olga M.
Davidson, The Text of Ferdowsis Shhnma and the Burden of the Past, Journal of the
American Oriental Society 118, no. 1 (1998): 6368; and Dick Davis, The Problem of
Ferdowsis Sources, Journal of the American Oriental Society 116, no. 1 (1996): 4858. Also
see Mahmoud Omidsalar, Unburdening Firdausi, Review of Poet and Hero in the Persian
Book of Kings, by Olga M. Davidson, Journal of the American Oriental Society 116, no. 2
(1996): 23542; and Michael Wickens, review of Poet and Hero in the Persian Book of Kings,
by Olga Davidson, International Journal of Middle East Studies 27, no. 4 (1995): 52830.
34

Brn, thr al-bqiya, 99100.

35

For a review of different opinions about the identity of Ab Al Balkh, and Kh liq Mulaqs

argument, see Jal l Kh liq Mulaq, Ab Al Balkh, in Dnishnma-i rn va Islm (Tehran:

Bung h-i tarjuma va nashr-i kit b, 2537/1979), 8:107377.
36

According Ab Als account, Kaymars was the first man not the first king. He lived for

3000 years in heaven and for another 3000 years on earth. The details of this account closely

180

correspond with the myth of creation related in the Zoroastrian literature. Other medieval
sources, however, report that Kaymars was the first king who ruled for thirty years. For Ab
Als account about Kaymars, see Brn, thr al-bqiya, 99100.
37

Masd, al-Tanb h, 9798.

38

Nldeke, Iranische Nationalepos, 1319; Christensen, Les gestes des rois, 3341. Shahbazi,

On the Xwad y-n mag, 21518; Kh liq Mulaq, Ab Al Balkh, 107475; Kh liq Mulaq,
Az Shhnma t Khudynma, 2728; and Taqz da, Mash hr-i shuar -yi r n, 91.
39

Kh liq Mulaq, Ab Al Balkh, 107475. Shahbazi considers a third type for the

Khudynmas and refers to them as heroic chronicles. See Shahbazi, On the Xwad y-n mag,
21718. According to Christensen, Sasanian chronicles were of two types of national and
religious. See Christensen, Les gestes des rois, 33.
40

Kh liq Mulaq, Ab Al Balkh, 107475.

41

For a diagram of the relationships between early translations of Khudynmas and later

historical writings, see Kh liq Mulaq, Az Shhnma t Khudynma, 48. Also see
Pourshariati, Decline and Fall of the Sasanian Empire, 45863, where she points to the Sasanian
and Parthian versions of the Khudynmas.
42

Kh liq Mulaq, Az Shhnma t Khudynma, 2728 and 40. For amza Ifah n and

Brns references, see amza Ifah n, Tr kh sin , 1:21; and Brn, thr al-bqiya, 123.
43

Kh liq Mulaq, Az Shhnma t Khudynma, 2728.

44

Ab Jafar Muammad b. Jarr al-abar, Tar kh al-rusul wa al-mul k, ed. M. J. de Goeje, 15

vols. (Leiden: Brill, 18791901), 2:819; abar, The History of al- abar (Tar kh al-rusul walmul k), ed. Ehsan Yarshater, vol. 5, The Ssnids, The Byzantines, The Lakhmids, and Yemen,
trans. C. E. Bosworth (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1999), 1314.

181

45

abar, Tar kh, 2:82324; trans., abar, History, 5:2325. For the legend of Cyrus, see

Herodotus, Histories 1.108122; for the legends of Fardn and Kay-Khusrau, see Firdaus,
Shhnma, 1:62, lines 108147; and Firdaus, Shhnma 2:365, lines 23692435 respectively.
46

Roman Ghirshman, Iran: Parthes et Sassanides, (Paris: Gallimard, 1962), 125, pl. 163; and

Hubertus von Gall, Das Reiterkampfbild in der iranischen und iranisch beeinflussten Kunst
parthischer und sasanidischer Zeit (Berlin: Gebr. Mann, 1990), 20, fig. 3, and pls. 5 and 6.
47

Ghirshman, Iran: Parthes et Sassanides, 12728; Gall, Reiterkampfbild, 20; and Walter Hinz,

Altiranische Funde und Forschungen (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1969), 11518.

48

Balam, Tr kh-i Balam , 616 and 620.

49

The other political treatises attributed to Ardashr are his customs and practice (y n), his

throne speech (khuba/andarz), and a political letter attributed to his chief priest and minister,
Tansar. On his y n, see below, pp. 20313; and on his khuba/andarz, see below, pp. 21423.
The letter has been preserved in Persian translation in Tr kh-i abaristn (written during
603/12067 to ca. 613/121617) by Ibn Isfandiy r, who claims to have translated it from Ibn alMuqaffas Arabic translation of the original Pahlavi text. In the letter, Tansar justifies
Ardashrs new policies in response to the complaints of the ruler of abarist n. See Nma-i
Tansar bi Gushnasp, ed. Mujtab Mnuv and Muammad Ism l Ri v n, 2nd ed. (Tehran:
Khv razm, 1354/1975). For an English translation of the letter and an informative introduction
to it, see Mary Boyce, trans., The Letter of Tansar (Rome: Istituto Italiano per il Medio ed
Estremo Oriente, 1968).
50

On the sources that contain Ardashrs testament as an independent political treatise, see Ahd-

i Ardash r, ed. Is n Abb s (Beirut: D r dir, 1387/1967), 3945.

51

Nihyat al-arab, 177200. The exact date of the Nihyat al-arab is unknown. Whereas some

attribute it to early eleventh century, others argue it was written in the seventh century. See the

182

editors introduction to a twelfth-century translation/adaptation of this work in Tajrib al-umam

f akhbr mul k al-arab wa al-ajam, ed. Ri

Anz b-nizh d and Yay Kal ntar (Mashhad:

Intish r t-i D nishg h-i Firdaus, 1373/1994), 1119.

52

Tajrib al-umam, 17695.

53

Cf. Ahd-i Ardash r, 4984; Nihyat al-arab, 196200; Tajrib al-umam, 19295; and

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:22936.

54

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:133189, lines 1781.

55

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:193238, lines 1654.

56

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:13335, lines 122.

57

For more examples of Firdauss use of prologues see Jal l Kh liq Mulaq, Nig h kt h bi

fann-i d st n-sar -i Firdaus (paper presented at the Shhnma Conference, Cologne,

Germany, 1990), in Kh liq Mulaq, Sukhan-h-yi d r na, 11922.
58

Choksy, Sacral Kingship in Sasanian Iran, 3637.

59

For Ardashrs lineage in Zoroastrian literature, see Zand-ks h: Iranian or Greater

Bundahin, ed. and trans. Behramgore Tehmuras Anklesaria (Bombay, 1956), 297, chap. 35.36;
and Bundahish, ed. and trans. Mihrd d Bah r, 2nd ed. (Tehran: Ts, 1380/2001), 151, sec. 232.
60

For references to Gusht sp (Avestan, Vt spa) in the Avesta, see Yasnas 28.7, 46.14, 51.16,

53.2, 12.7, 23.2, 26.5, and Yashts 19.8487, 9.2931, 5.99100, 5.1089, and 5.132. Various
Pahlavi texts such as Dnkard, bk. 7, chaps. 4.6489 and 5.112; Dnkard, bk. 5, chaps. 2.811
and 3.1; Wiz dag h Zdspram, chap. 24.6; and the Pahlav Rivyat of the Ddestn Dn g,
chap. 47 provide information about Vt spas conversion to Zoroastrianism. For Persian
translations of these passages, see Zh la mzg r and Amad Tafa ul, ed. and trans., Us ra-i
zindig -i Zardusht, 3rd ed. (Tehran: Chishma, 1375/1996), 95105, 11012, and 14749.
Isfandiy r (Avestan, Spentdh ta) is portrayed more prominently in the Shhnma than in the

183

Avestan and Pahlavi texts. On Spentdh ta in the Avesta, see Yasht 13.103 and Vt sp
Yasht.25. On Gusht sp and Isfandiy r in the Shhnma, see Firdaus, Shhnma, 5:76438.
61

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:157, line 353; Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:183, line 706; and Firdaus,

Shhnma, 6:210, line 246.

62

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:143, lines 13738.

63

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:13940, lines 8798.

64

According to the Shhnma, D r s son and four generations of sons after him, including

Ardashrs father, were all named S s n. See Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:139, lines 8792.
65

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:142, lines 12628.

66

Farahvash, Krnma-i Ardash r, 5, 1.6 and 33, 2.17; and Grenet, La geste dArdash r, 55, 1.6

and 69, 3.19. Although the names of Isfandiy r and Gusht sp are not mentioned in the
Krnmag Arda r, they are included in Ardashrs genealogy in the Bundahishn. See Zandks h, 297, chap. 35.36; and Bundahish, 151, sec. 232.
67

Cf. abar, Tar kh, 2:813; trans., abar, History, 5:23; Balam, Tr kh-i Balam , 610;

Masd, Mur j, 1:285, sec. 576; trans., Masd, Prairies dor, 1:217, sec. 576; Masd, alTanb h, 99; Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil f al-tr kh, 1:348; Ab anfa Amad b. Dad al-Dnawar,
al-Akhbr al-iwl, ed. Vladimir Theodorovich Guirgas (Leiden: Brill, 1888), 44; Mujmal altavr kh, 3233; amdull h Mustauf, Tr kh-i guz da, 102; trans., amdull h Mustauf,
Tarkh-i-Guzda or Select History, 36. amza Ifah n does not provide any genealogy for
Ardashr.
68

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:165, line 460; and Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:188, 773.

69

Richard Frye, The Charisma of Kingship in Ancient Iran, Iranica Antiqua 4 (1964): 3640;

Choksy, Sacral Kingship in Sasanian Iran, 3536. For a general study of the Mesopotamian
view of the world power structure see Thorkild Jacobsen, Mesopotamia, chaps. 57 in The

184

Intellectual Adventure of Ancient Man (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1946), 125
219; see especially chap. 6, The Function of the State, 185201.
70

Across different cultures, certain types of dreams are recognized as having been caused by a

divine force with especial regard for kings. See John C. Lamoreaux, The Early Muslim Tradition
of Dream Interpretation (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 2002), 71.
71

For the case of Cyrus, see Herodotus, Histories, 1.107108. For Fardn and Kay-Khusrau see

Firdaus, Shhnma, 1:5861, lines 43106; and Firdaus, Shhnma, 2:365, lines 236977
respectively. For the use of dreams in political propaganda in the Islamic period see Toufy Fahd,
The Dream in Medieval Islamic Society, in The Dream and Human Societies, ed. G. E. Von
Grunebaum and Roger Caillois (Berkely, CA: University of California Press, 1966), 35163;
Sholeh A. Quinn, The Dreams of Shaykh af al-Dn in Late Safavid Chronicles, in Dreaming
across Boundaries: The Interpretation of Dreams in Islamic Lands, ed. Louise Marlow (Boston:
Ilex Foundation, 2008), 22132; and Caroline Finkel, Osmans Dream: The Story of the Ottoman
Empire, 13001923 (New York: Basic Books, 2005), 2 and 1112.
72

Farahvash, Krnma-i Ardash r, 5, 1.67; and Grenet, La geste dArdash r, 55, 1.6.

73

Farahvash, Krnma-i Ardash r, 5, 1.9; and Grenet, La geste dArdash r, 55, 1.8.

74

Farahvash, Krnma-i Ardash r, 57, 1.10; and Grenet, La geste dArdash r, 57, 1.9.

75

Farahvash, Krnma-i Ardash r, 7, 1.11; and Grenet, La geste dArdash r, 57, 1.11.

76

Farahvash, Krnma-i Ardash r, 7, 1.13; and Grenet, La geste dArdash r, 57, 1.13.

77

Farahvash, Krnma-i Ardash r, 11, 1.20; and Grenet, La geste dArdash r, 59, 1.202.1.

78

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:13943, lines 87138.

79

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:140, line 100.

185

80

For the significance of elephants for sultan Mamd, see Clifford Edmund Bosworth, The

Ghaznavids: Their Empire in Afghanistan and Eastern Iran (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University
Press, 1963), 11519.
81

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:14041, lines 1046.

82

Antonio Panaino, The Two Astrological Reports of the Karnamag i Ardaxshir i Pabagan (III,

47; IV, 67), Die Sprache 36, no. 2 (1994): 18198; and Enrico G. Raffaelli, Loroscopo del
mondo: Il tema di nascita del mondo e del primo uomo secondo lastrologia zoroastriana
(Milan: Mimesis, 2001), 184.
83

Farahvash, Krnma-i Ardash r, 2527, 2.56; and Grenet, La geste dArdash r, 6567, 3.5

6.
84

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6: 150, line 251.

85

abar, Tar kh, 2:815; trans., abar, History, 5:7; Balam, Tr kh-i Balam , 612; Ibn al-

Athr, al-Kmil f al-tr kh, 1:349.

86

abar, Tar kh, 2:815; trans., abar, History, 5:7; Balam, Tr kh-i Balam , 612; Ibn al-

Athr, al-Kmil f al-tr kh, 1:349. The authors of Tr kh-i guz da and Mujmal al-tavr kh, who
seem to have followed Firdauss account, attribute the dreams to B bak not Ardashr. See
Mujmal al-tavr kh, 3233; and amdull h Mustauf, Tr kh-i guz da, 102; trans., amdull h
Mustauf, Tarkh-i-Guzda or Select History, 36. In Tha libs version, both B bak and S s n
dream that light was shining from S s ns head and body. See Tha lib, Ghurar, 474.
87

Lamoreaux, Early Muslim Tradition, 4, 28, 35, 58, 82. Also see Pierre Lory, Le rve et ses

interprtations en Islam (Paris: Albin Michel, 2003), 14549.

88

Tajrib al-umam, 177.

89

Nihyat al-arab, 177.

90

Quran 2:247 and 3:26.

186

91

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:143, lines 14150.

92

Philippe Gignoux, La chasse dans lIran sasanide, in Orientalia Romana: Essays and

Lectures 5; Iranian Studies, ed. Gherardo Gnoli (Rome: Istituto Italiano per il Medio ed Estremo
Oriente, 1983), 10118; William L. Hanaway, The Concept of the Hunt in Persian Literature,
Boston Museum Bulletin 69, nos. 35556 (1971): 2527; and Encyclopaedia Iranica, s.v.
Hunting in Iran, i. In the Pre-Islamic Period.
93

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:145, lines 18182.

94

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:145, line 184.

95

Grenet, La geste dArdash r, 41.

96

Mary Boyce, A History of Zoroastrianism, 3 vols. (Leiden: Brill, 1989), 1:79n384.

97

Yasht 14.2.

98

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:146, line 186.

99

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:146, lines 18788.

100

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:146, lines 18995.

101

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:148, lines 21314; and Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:147, lines 200208.

102

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:149, lines 21430.

103

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:15051, lines 24256.

104

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:151, lines 25862.

105

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:15152, lines 26774.

106

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:148, line 216.

107

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:150, line 242.

108

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:153, lines 28081.

187

109

In his Tr kh-i guz da, amdull h Mustauf mentions in passing that Ardashr and one of

Ardav ns concubines got together and escaped from the palace. See amdull h Mustauf,
Tr kh-i guz da, 103. This passage is not included in the translation of Tr kh-i guz da.
110

Zand-ks h, 229, chap. 26.96; and Bundahish, 115, sec. 176. The Middle Persian translation

of the S h-rzag, too, contains a passage (1.25) on Ashis protection of the property of the pious.
For this text and its English translation, see Enrico Raffaelli, The Sh-rzag and its Middle
Persian Version (forthcoming). For a study of Ashi, see ric Pirart, LAphrodite iranienne:
tude de la desse rti; Traduction annote et dition critique des textes avestiques la
concernant (Paris: LHarmattan, 2006).
111

For example, see Yashts 17.614 and 13.107.

112

Yasht 13.107.

113

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:153, lines 29193.

114

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:154, lines 29798.

115

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:654, line 033.

116

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:154, lines 300301.

117

Yasht 14.3

118

Yasht 14.23.

119

Boyce, History of Zoroastrianism, 1:63. Given the ancient proto-Aryan roots of Verethraghna

[see Paul Thieme, The Aryan Gods of the Mitanni Treaties, Journal of the American Oriental
Society 80, no.4 (1960): 312-14)], we might suppose that the recurrent motifs of rams, mountain
goats, wild boars, and birds of prey (or just their wings) in the art of ancient Iran from prehistoric times to the Sasanian era represent the ancient warrior-god Verethraghna. For some
images of these motifs from pre-historic times to Sasanian era, see Ghirshman, Perse: Protoiraniens, Mdes, Achmnides (Paris: Gallimard, 1963), 25, pl. 25; 32, pl. 34; 33, 34, pl. 37; 35,

188

pl. 40; 36, pl. 43; 40; 58; 67; 78; 94, pl. 124; 97, pl. 128; 96, pl. 125; 107, pl. 138; 113, pl. 148;
115; 116; 249; 251; 254; 255; and Ghirshman, Iran: Parthes et Sassanides, 1, pl. 2; 31; 101; pl.
114; 111; 187; 189, pls. 23132; 19495; 200; 2067; 255; 218; 221; 22829. In her article on
the representation of Verethraghna in Iranian art, Parivash Jamzadeh only refers to the forms of
hero, eagle (falcon), wild boar, and fire (which is not included in the ten avatars of Verethraghna
mentioned in the hymn dedicated to this deity) as avatars of Verethraghna in Seleucid, Parthian,
and Sasanian arts. See Encyclopaedia Iranica, s.v. Bahr m, ii., Representation in Iranian Art.
120

Yashts 14.3440 and 16.4246.

121

Boyce, History of Zoroastrianism, 1:62n267. Another allusion to Verethraghnas help to

voyagers in the Shhnma may be found in the story of Rustams second trial, in which Rustam,
extremely hot and thirsty in the middle of the desert and unable to find water, asks God for help.
At this point, a mountain sheep suddenly appears and leads Rustam to a water spring. See
Firdaus, Shhnma, 2:2324, lines 30217.
122

See below, pp. 15864.

123

For the role of Verethraghna (Middle Persian, Wahr m; New Persian, Bahr m) at the end of

time, see Carlo G. Cereti, ed. and trans., The Zand Wahman Yasn: A Zoroastrian Apocalypse
(Rome: Istituto Italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente, 1995), 165, chap. 8.1. For the names of
deities whom Ahura Mazda sends to help Petan, see Cereti, Zand Wahman Yasn, 164, chap.
7.28.
124

Cf. Farahvash, Krnma-i Ardash r, 41, 3.16; Grenet, La geste dArdash r, 73, 4.18; and

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:154, line 302.

125

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:15455, lines 30614

126

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:155, lines 31516.

127

Farahvash, Krnma-i Ardash r, 3335, 2.1618; Grenet, La geste dArdash r, 69, 3.1619.

189

128

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:156, lines 33738.

129

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:154, line 305.

130

Harold Walter Bailey, Zoroastrian Problems in the Ninth-Century Books, rev. ed. (Oxford:

Clarendon, 1971), 13941.

131

Bailey, Zoroastrian Problems, 14147.

132

See below, pp. 15864.

133

Yasht 19.66 and 19.92.

134

Yasht 19.2223. The meaning of farr has been the subject of much discussion in modern

scholarship. For a general study and review of different opinions, see Gherardo Gnolis article in
Encyclopaedia Iranica, s.v. Farr(ah). For a chronological study of the concept of farr, see
Abolala Soudavar, The Aura of Kings: Legitimacy and Divine Sanction in Iranian Kingship
(Costa Mesa, CA: Mazda Publishers, 2003).
135

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:155, lines 32324.

136

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:15556, lines 32527.

137

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:656, line 029. Ardav ns ministers concern about Ardashrs milking

the sheep is not mentioned in the Krnmag Arda r.

138

Philippe Gignoux and Ahmad Tafazzoli, eds. and trans. Anthologie de Zdspram: dition

critique du texte pehlevi traduit et comment (Paris: Association pour lAvancement des tudes
Iraniennes, 1993), 6061, chap. 6.1; Persian trans., Muammad-Taq R shid-Muail, Guz dah-yi Zdspram (Tehran: Muassisa-i mu li t va taqq t-i farhang, 1366/1987), chap. 6.1.
139

Dnkard 7, 2.4647, as cited in mzgar, Us ra-i zindig -i Zardusht, 67. For the Pahlavi text

and French translation of this passage, see Marijan Mol, La lgende de Zoroastre selon les
textes pehlevis (Paris: Librairie C. Klincksieck, 1967), 2223.
140

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:157, lines 34448; and Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:158, line 357.

190

141

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:157, lines 353.

142

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:16089, lines 398781.

143

Cf. abar, Tar kh, 2:81522; trans., abar, History, 5:722; Balam, Tr kh-i Balam ,

61218; Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil f al-tr kh, 1:349 52; Dnawar, Akhbr al-iwl, 4445; Ibn alBalkh, Frs-nma, 60; Tha lib, Ghurar, 47880; Nihyat al-arab, 17783; Tajrib al-umam,
17780.
144

abar, Tar kh, 2:819; trans., abar, History, 5:14; Balam, Tr kh-i Balam , 616; Ibn al-

Athr, al-Kmil f al-tr kh, 1:351; Tha lib, Ghurar, 480; and Mujmal al-tavr kh, 60.
145

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:169, line 516:

146

Firdauss accounts of Ardashrs battles correspond closely (but not exactly) with the

Krnmag Arda r.
147

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:158, lines 36768.

148

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:158, lines 36971.

149

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:149, line 234; Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:157, lines 34345; and Firdaus,

Shhnma, 6:158, lines 35960.

150

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:149, line 232.

151

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:157, lines 34348; and Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:158, lines 35963.

152

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:157, line 345; and Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:158, line 360.

153

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:159, lines 37682.

154

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:160, line 398.

155

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:161, lines 40410; and Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:163, lines 42631.

156

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:163, lines 42829.

157

Farahvash, Krnma-i Ardash r, 43, 3.22; Grenet, La geste dArdash r, 7375, 5.12.

158

Farahvash, Krnma-i Ardash r, 49, 4.14; Grenet, La geste dArdash r, 77, 5.13.

191

159

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:166, line 468.

160

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:169, lines 51011.

161

Farahvash, Krnma-i Ardash r, 51, 5.1; Grenet, La geste dArdash r, 79, 6.1.

162

Farahvash, Krnma-i Ardash r, 53 55, 5.11; Grenet, La geste dArdash r, 81, 6.9.

163

Cf. Farahvash, Krnma-i Ardash r, 5153, 5.26; Grenet, La geste dArdash r, 7981, 25;

and Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:16667, lines 47090.

164

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:168, line 495.

165

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:168, lines 49698.

166

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:16869, lines 5039.

167

In classical Persian literature, the metaphor the kings eyes and ears is often used to refer to

the kings spies, a metaphor which might be connected with the hymn to the Zoroastrian divinity
Mithra, who, with his one thousand eyes and one thousand ears, watches over the pact made
between Ahura Mazda and Ahriman. See Yasht 10.7.
168

According to the Letter of Tansar, Gushnasp the ruler of abarist n criticized Ardashr for his

excessive use of spies. See Nma-i Tansar, 71; trans., Boyce, Letter of Tansar, 4950.
169

Farahvash, Krnma-i Ardash r, 53, 910; Grenet, La geste dArdash r, 81, 89.

170

Cf. Farahvash, Krnma-i Ardash r, 5587; Grenet, Lat geste dArdash r, 8195; abar,

Tar kh, 2:817 and 820; trans., abar, History, 5:9 10 and 5:16; Balam, Tr kh-i Balam , 614
and 617; Mujmal al-tavr kh, 60; and amdull h Mustauf, Tr kh-i guz da, 103; trans.,
amdull h Mustauf, Tarkh-i-Guzda or Select History, 36.
171

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:17071, lines 528539.

172

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:170, line 528. Cf. Farahvash, Krnma-i Ardash r, 54, 6.1; and

Grenet, La geste dArdash r, 81, 7.1. Farahvash reads this name as haft n buxt, but Grenet
reads it as Haftow d. The Krnmag Arda r does not offer any meaning for this name.

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173

For a review of different opinions and references, see Encyclopaedia Iranica, s.v. Haftv d.

174

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:172, lines 54956.

175

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:17275, lines 55789.

176

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:17374, lines 57179.

177

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:175, line 590.

178

Walter Bruno Henning, Ein persischer Titel im altaramischen, in Memoriam Paul Kahle,

(Berlin: Alfred Tpelmann, 1968), 13845, repr. ed., in W. B. Henning Selected Papers, ed.
Mary Boyce, Vol. 2 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1977).
179

Henning, Ein persischer Title im altaramischen, 14042.

180

Grenet, La geste dArdash r, 34.

181

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:170, line 518.

182

Mohl, Le livre des rois, 5:ivv. Recent studies too refer to the connection between this tale

and the introduction of sericulture to Iran. See Sara Kuehn, The Dragon in Medieval East
Christian and Islamic Art (Leiden: Brill, 2011), 7.
183

James Darmesteter, tudes iraniennes, vol. 2, tudes sur la langue, la littrature, les

croyances de la Perse ancienne (Paris: F. Vieweg, 1883), 83. For other interpretations and
suggested historical backgrounds for this tale see Encyclopaedia Iranica, s.v. Haftv d. Also
see Abbas Daneshvari, Of Serpents and Dragons in Islamic Art: An Iconographical Study (Costa
Mesa, CA: Mazda, 2011), 4950.
184

For a study of the development of the concept of world Saviours in Zoroastrianism, see Almut

Hinze, The Rise of the Saviour in the Avesta, in Iran und Turfan: Beitrge Berliner
Wissenschaftler, Werner Sundermann zum 60. Geburtstag gewidmet, ed. Christiane Reck and
Peter Zieme (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1995), 7790. For the periods of world history in
Zoroastrianism, see Andres Hultgrd, Mythe et histoire dans lIran ancien: tude de quelques

193

thmes dans le Bahman Yat, in Apocalyptique iranienne et dualism qoumrnien, ed. Geo
Widengren, Andres Hultgrd, and Marc Philonenko (Paris: Librairie Adrien Maisonneuve,
1995), 8596; Boyce, History of Zoroastrianism, 1:28593; Mary Boyce, On the Antiquity of
Zoroastrian Apocalyptic, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of
London 47, no. 1 (1984): 5775; and Mahnaz Moazami, Millennialism, Eschatology, and
Messianic Figures in Iranian Tradition, Journal of Millennial Studies 2, no. 2 (2000): 116.
185

For example, see Zand-ks h, 277, chap. 33.15; Bundahish, 140, sec. 215; Cereti, Zand

Wahman Yasn, 152, chap. 3.25; and Dnkard, bk. 4, as cited in Cereti, Zand Wahman Yasn,
182.
186

Zand-ks h, 183, chap. 22.4; and Bundahish, 98, sec. 143. Also see Boyce, History of

Zoroastrianism, 1:90; and Mahnaz Moazami, Evil Animals in Zoroastrian Religion, History of
Religions 44, no. 4 (May 2005): 300317.
187

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:186, line 68283.

188

Zand-ks h, 281, chap. 33.32; and Bundahish, 142, sec. 219.

189

A. V. Williams, trans., The Pahlavi Rivyat Accompanying the Ddestn Dn g, 2 pts.

(Copenhagen: Munksgard, 1990), 2:81, chap. 48.26.

190

Dnkard 7, 5.9, as cited in mzgar, Us ra-i zindig -i Zardusht, 104. For the Pahlavi text

and its French translation, see Mol, La lgende de Zoroastre, 64 and 65, sec. 9.
191

Hinz, Altiranische Funde und Forschungen, 126, 127, pl. 60, and 131, pl. 64.

192

Zand-ks h, 291, chap. 34.28, 30; Bundahish, 148, sec. 227; Cereti, Zand Wahman Yasn,

166, chap. 8.2; and Williams, Pahlavi Rivyat, 2:87, chap. 48.94; Gignoux, Anthologie de
Zdspram, 120121, chap. 34.34; Persian trans., R shid-Muail, Guz da-h-yi Zdspram,
chap. 34.34.
193

Cereti, Zand Wahman Yasn, 156, chap. 4.41; and 157, chap. 4.62.

194

194

Bah rs Persian translation of this line reads: n dur j-i z-tukhma r ki mr ast, b

khrafstarn nb d kunad (... will destroy that dr j that is from the seed of Greed and is a snake,
along with the khrafstras). See Bundahishn, 142, sec. 219. Anklesaria, however, reads aztkhma instead of z-tkhma and translates the line as the druj of the race-of-the-dragon
will-perish. See Zand-ks h, 281, chap. 33.32.
195

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:172, lines 55051.

196

Boyce, History of Zoroastrianism, 1:6263.

197

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:172, lines 548, 549, and 551.

198

R. C. Zaehner, The Dawn and Twilight of Zoroastrianism (New York: G. P. Putnams Sons,

1961), 23031.
199

For the term nigahdr in reference to the girl, see Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:174, line 581.

200

For this part of the tale in the Shhnma, see Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:186, lines 74448.

201

Zand-ks h, 289, chap. 34.1819; Bundahish, 147, sec. 225; Williams, Pahlavi Rivyat,

2:84, chap. 48.7072.

202

Cereti, Zand Wahman Yasn, 152, chap. 3.25. Also mentioned in Dnkard, bk. 4, as cited in

Cereti, Zand Wahman Yasn, 183. That the ordeal of molten metal was performed on Adrb d
Mahrspand n is also mentioned in the Pahlavi text of Ardv rf-nma, but with no reference to
Sh pr. See Zh la mzg r, ed. and trans., Ardv rf-nma (Ardv rz-nma) (Tehran: Mun
and Institut Franais de Rechereche en Iran, 1382/2003), chap. 1, sec. 10. Ardv rf-nma is the
account about the journey to the other world of a Zoroastrian priest, known as the righteous
Vr f/Vr z. According to the narrative, Vr f travelled to the other world in order to find out
whether the religion practised at the time was right or wrong and in order to remove any doubts
about religious duties. Although there is no mention of Ardashr in the Pahlavi text of Ardv rfnma, according to the extant New Persian versions of the account, which are available in both

195

prose and verse, it was Ardashr who wanted to ensure that the religion he promoted was right,
and it was him who ordered that the most righteous man be selected for the task of traveling to
the other world to confirm the authenticity of the religion practised under his reign. The New
Persian versions of Ardv rf-nma, which portray Ardashr as doubtful about the religion of the
time, do not conform to the portrayal of Ardashr in the Pahlavi texts, which represent him as a
king who rose to restore the Good Religion. Modern scholars have drawn attention to the
differences between the Pahlavi and New Persian versions of Ardv rf-nma, suggesting that
they represent different strands of Zoroastrianism. For Ardv rf-nma in New Persian prose, see
Dariush Kargar, Ardy-V rf Nma: Iranian Conceptions of the Other World (Uppsala: Uppsala
Universitet, 2009), 366 (Persian text); for a study on an extended New Persian version of the
text in verse, see Olga Yastrebova, The Influence of the Shahnama in the Extended Version of
Arday Virafnama by Zartusht Bahram, in Shahnama Studies II: The Reception of Firdausis
Shahnama, ed. Charles Melville and Gabrielle van den Berg (Leiden: Brill, 2012), 79100. For
differences between the Pahlavi and New Persian versions of Ardv rf-nma, see Bijan Gheiby,
Ard Vr z N mag: Some Critical Remarks, Nme-ye Irn-e Bstn: The International
Journal of Ancient Iranian Studies 1, no. 1 (2001): 316; and Kargar, Ardy-V rf Nma, 169
83.
203

Nma-i Tansar, 55, 68; trans., Boyce, Letter of Tansar, 36, 47.

204

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:180, lines 654664.

205

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:181, lines 67274.

206

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:181, lines 67879.

207

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:182, line 689; and Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:186, lines 74347.

196

208

Zand-ks h, 289, chap. 34.1819; and Bundahish, 147, sec. 225. According to the Pahlavi

Rivyat, the divine entity who melts the metal is Shahrwar. See Williams, Pahlavi Rivyat, 2:84,
chap. 48.70.
209

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:184, lines 71718; Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:186, line 743, and Firdaus,

Shhnma, 6:188, line 774. In the Krnmag Arda r, the names of Ardashrs hosts are Burzag
and tr Burzag. See Farahvash, Krnma-i Ardash r, 69, 7.2; and Grenet, La geste dArdash r,
87, 8.7.tr in the name of tr Burzag may refer to the deity tar (Fire), who helps to melt
metals.
210

Boyce, History of Zoroastrianism, 5556.

211

Boyce, History of Zoroastrianism, 1:261.

212

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:18384, lines 70916.

213

Cereti, Zand Wahman Yasn, 163, chap. 7.19 and 164, chap. 7.2829.

214

Cereti, Zand Wahman Yasn, 165, chap. 7.37; Zand-ks h, 279, 32.28; and Bundahishn,

142, sec. 218.

215

Firdaus, Shhnma 6:188, line 773.

216

The abridged version of this tale in the Krnmag Arda r is evidence that Firdaus did not

invent this account.

217

For example, see Firdaus, Shhnma, 1:12, lines 11314; Firdaus, Shhnma 3:289, lines

1718; and Firdaus, Shhnma, 3:296, lines 13441.

218

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:17778, lines 62126.

219

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:178, line 628.

220

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:178, line 600.

221

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:194214, lines 15294.

222

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:21423, lines 296419.

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223

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:22328, lines 423501.

224

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:23037, lines 541644.

225

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:194, lines 1516.

226

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:19496, lines 1948.

227

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:19697, lines 5155.

228

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:197, lines 5663.

229

abar, Tar kh, 2:82425; trans., abar, History, 5:2425; Balam, Tr kh-i Balam , 619

20; Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil f al-tr kh, 1:35253; Dnawar, Akhbr al-iwl, 45, Nihyat al-arab,
183; Tajrib al-umam, 180. amdull h Mustauf, who presents a summary of the account related
in the Shhnma, states that the minister did not execute the queen because Ardashr had no son.
See amdull h Mustauf, Tr kh-i guz da, 103. According to the Krnmag Arda r, the
minister thought it was inappropriate to kill a child of royal origin. See Farahvash, Krnma-i
Ardash r, 99, 9.20; Grenet, La geste dArdash r, 101, 10.14.
230

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:197, line 58.

231

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:19798, lines 6372.

232

Ardashr orders that his own name be inscribed on one side and the name of his minister on

the other side of the coins. See Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:2034, lines 15152. According to
Dnawar, Ardashr ordered that the face of the minister be engraved on coins. See Dnawar,
Akhbr al-iwl, 46. Dnawars reference provides further evidence for Michael Alram, who
argues against the commonly-held belief that the two images on a particular series of Ardashr
coinage, known as throne-successor coins, depict Ardashr and his crown prince, Sh pr.
Alram suggests that the image of the young beardless man on these coins might belong to a
eunuch priest not Sh pr, an idea that agrees with the account about Ardashrs castrated high
priest/minister related in the Shhnma and other historical sources. As mentioned by Alram,

198

scholars have not been able to decipher the name of the beardless person inscribed on the coins.
According to the Shhnma, the ministers name is Gir n-khv r, which is a rather unusual name,
as it means gluttonous (See Lughat-nma-i Dihkhud, s.v. gir n-khv r). If this name is a
corrupted form of a Middle Persian name, perhaps it could help the experts to decipher the name
on the coins. See Michael Alram, Ardashrs Eastern Campaign and the Numismatic Evidence,
Proceedings of the British Academy 133 (2007): 23637.
233

amdull h Mustauf, Tr kh-i guz da, 103; trans., amdull h Mustauf, Tarkh-i-Guzda or

Select History, 36. Ni m al-Mulk (d. 485/1092) too refers to the Barmakid family as descents of
Ardashrs minister. See Ni m al-mulk, Siyar al-mul k (Siysat-nma), ed. Hubert Darke
(Tehran: Bung h-i tarjuma va nashr-i kit b, 1340/1962), 219; Ni m al-Mulk, The Book of
Government or Rules for Kings: The Siyar al-Muluk or Siyasat-nama of Nizam al-Mulk, trans.
Hubert Darke, 2nd ed. (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1978), 174.
234

Farahvash, Krnma-i Ardash r, 1013, 10.16; Grenet, La geste dArdash r, 103, 11.15.

235

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:19899, lines 7788. The account about Ardashrs emotional

experience on the hunting field, which is related in the Krnmag Arda r, does not appear in
Bertles, Mohls, or Kh liq Mulaqs editions of the Shahnama, nor does it seem to have been
recorded in any of the manuscripts that were consulted for these editions. It does, however,
appear in a nineteenth-century illustrated manuscript of the Shhnma preserved in the
Government Museum in Alwar, India (ms. ACC 114). See my paper, A Unique Episode from
the Krnmag Arda r Ardash r i Pbagn in a Nineteenth-Century Illustrated Indian
Manuscript of the Shhnma, in Pre-Islamic Iranian Literary Heritage, ed. Enrico Raffaelli,
special issue, Iranian Studies 45, no. 2 (2012): 20316. After my article was published, I came
across a similar account in the Marzbn-nma, but with no reference to Ardashr. See below,
p. 302.

199

236

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:203, line 138.

237

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:164, lines 45253.

238

abar, Tar kh, 2:823; trans., abar, History, 5:24; Balam, Tr kh-i Balam , 619; Ibn al-

Athr, al-Kmil f al-tr kh, 1:352; Dnawar, Akhbr al-iwl, 45, Nihyat al-arab, 183; and
Tajrib al-umam, 180.
239

According to the Krnmag Arda r, Ardashr knowingly marries Ardav ns daughter, but

no reason is given for it. See Farahvash, Krnma-i Ardash r, 49, 4.16; Grenet, La geste
dArdash r, 77, 5.13.
240

abar, Tar kh, 2:832; trans., abar, History, 5:41; Balam, Tr kh-i Balam , 62627; Ibn

al-Athr, al-Kmil f al-tr kh, 1:355. abar, Balam, and Ibn al-Athr seem to be the only
historians who relate this story. The Shhnma closely corresponds with Krnmag Arda r in
relating this account except that, in the Krnmag Arda r, Sh pr appears very rude in his first
encounter with the girl. In the Shhnma, however, Sh pr behaves properly when he first meets
the girl. This difference points to Firdauss attention to details and his desire to represent the
crown prince as a young man with noble manners. Cf. Farahvash, Krnma-i Ardash r, 119,
12.124; Grenet, La geste dArdash r, 111, 13.122; and Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:208, lines 212
13.
241

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:209, lines 22930.

242

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:20910, lines 23842.

243

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:210, lines 24448.

244

See Farahvash, Krnma-i Ardash r, 109, 10.15; Grenet, La geste dArdash r, 107, 11.14.

245

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:201, lines 11115.

246

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:201, line 118; and Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:202, lines 12223.

247

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:202, lines 12428.

200

248

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:202, lines 13032.

249

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:21011, lines 25060.

250

Other historians relate similar accounts about Ardashrs recognizing Sh pr and rmazd. For

their reports on Sh pr and rmazd respectively, see abar, Tar kh, 2:825, 2:83233; trans.,
abar, History, 5:2627, 5:4142; Balam, Tr kh-i Balam , 62021, 627; Ibn al-Athr, alKmil f al-tr kh, 1:353, 1:355; and Dnawar, Akhbr al-iwl, 46.
251

For Sh prs education, see Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:203, lines 14750; and for that of rmazd,

see Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:210, line 251. The reference to rmazds schooling is implied in the
verse in which Firdaus relates that the young boy was tired of [too much] learning.
252

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:204, lines 16061.

253

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:205, lines 17074.

254

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:2056, lines 18184.

255

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:206, lines 18996.

256

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:20713, lines 20193.

257

abar Tar kh, 2:83132; trans., abar, History, 5:4041; Balam, Tr kh-i Balam , 626

27; Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil f al-tr kh, 1:355.

258

abar, Tar kh, 2:83233; trans., abar, History, 5:42; Balam, Tr kh-i Balam , 627; Ibn

al-Athr, al-Kmil f al-tr kh, 1:355.

259

Except for subtle differences, Firdauss account corresponds with the Krnmag Arda r.

See Farahvash, Krnma-i Ardash r, 11135; and Grenet, La geste dArdash r, 10715.
260

Firdaus, Shhnma, 1:12, lines 11314.

261

Meisami, Persian Historiography, 53; Meisami, h-nma as a Mirror for Princes, 266; and

Meisami, The Past in Service of the Present, 263.

262

Meisami, The Past in Service of the Present, 253 and 265.

201

263

Meisami, The Past in Service of the Present, 26265; and Meisami, Persian

Historiography, 5253.
264

Yarshater, Iranian National History, 366, 369.

265

For example, see Miskya, Tajrib al-umam, 4849.

Chapter Three
The Wisdom of Ardashr and His Advices in the Shhnma
The second part of the Ardashr cycle in the Shhnma portrays Ardashr as a wise king, who
successfully organized and maintained his kingship. This image of Ardashr is presented through
his customs and practice (y n), his throne speech or advice (andarz) to dignitaries, and his
testament (ahd) to his son, Sh pr. In what follows Ardashrs y n, andarz, and ahd as
presented in the Shhnma and other medieval sources will be examined in order to demonstrate
how Firdauss presentation of the wisdom literature attributed to Ardashr differs from that of
others, and how he uses this material to impart lessons on kingship.
Firdaus introduces this section of the Ardashr cycle, by enjoining the reader to learn
from Ardashrs wisdom:

Now hear the words of wisdom (khiradmand ) of Ardashr,

And keep each one of them in mind.1

Throughout his presentation of Ardashrs y n, andarz, and ahd, Firdaus urges the
reader to pay attention and learn, a clear indication that he intended to teach, not to merely record
historical documents. As shall be demonstrated in this chapter, this is a major point of difference
between Firdauss presentation of the advice and wisdom literature attributed to Ardashr and
that of other medieval authors.

202

203

rd sh r s Custom and Practice (y n)

The term y n is the New Persian form of the Middle Persian term wn, which means
manner, custom, form, propriety.2 As we are informed by the Pahlavi and medieval Arabic
sources, y n-nma/wn-nmag (book of customs/manners) was a generic title applied to
Pahlavi works and treatises that described a variety of customs and protocols, such as the
customs of royal courts, state administration, the rules of war, royal sports, as well as religious
customs and ceremonies.3 Unfortunately, no y n-nma has survived in its entirety in the Pahlavi
language. But, we know from the medieval Arabic sources that some of these Pahlavi works
were translated into Arabic in the early Islamic era.4 It appears that Ardashrs customs and
practice (y n) in organizing the state constituted one of these surviving works.
In addition to the Shhnma, three other medieval sources have preserved Ardashrs
y n; although, with the exception of Firdaus, who uses the term y n to refer to Ardashrs
customs and practice, other medieval writers used different terms and titles for it.5 The Nihyat
al-arab, which refers to Ardashrs y n with the title m waaa Ardash r min uss al-mulk wa
mihnat al-suln (what Ardashr established regarding the foundation of kingship and the task
of the king),6 uses the term tadb r (wisdom/management) in reference to Ardashrs specific
customs and practices in different areas of the government, for example, the tadb r in hiring
scribes.7 The Tajrib al-umam, a twelfth-century Persian translation/adaptation of the Nihyat
al-arab, uses the term dat (custom) to refer to Ardashrs customs and practice.8 The third
source, identified and introduced by Mario Grignaschi as y n li-Ardash r (Ardashrs y n),9 did
not have a title of its own, but, since its opening sentence was similar to the title of a work on
Ardashrs customs and practice listed by the medieval bibliographer Ibn al-Nadm (d. 380/990
91) in his al-Fihrist, Grignaschi entitled it y n li-Ardash r.10 The work that Ibn al-Nadm refers

204
to is Kitb m amara Ardash r bi-istikhrjih min khazin al-kutub allat waaah al- ukam
f al-tadb r (The book that Ardashr had ordered to be extracted from the treasury of books that
the sages had composed on wisdom/management).11 The opening sentence of Grignaschis text
reads: [Ardashr] amara bi-istikhrj kitb al-daa wa tadb r al-maim wa al-mashrib min
khazin al-kutub (... [Ardashr] ordered that the book of composure and the customs of
eating and drinking be extracted from the libraries ).12
According to Grignaschi, the manuscript that contains y n li-Ardash r was copied in the
sixteenth or seventeenth century from a twelfth-century work, which contained several other
treatises from the eighth or ninth century.13 y n li-Ardash r mostly deals with protocols to be
observed by different classes of society, especially the nobility. For example, what should be
done at different times of the day, what should be worn according to social rankings, how people
of different classes should interact with each other, how women and boys should be treated, and
detailed guidelines concerning the decorum to be observed at official banquets. Aside from a
short paragraph in the Nihyat al-arab, entitled Dhikr m kna min tadb r Ardash r f ta n fih
ahl al-mamlaktih (On Ardashrs wisdom regarding the classification of the people of his
kingdom),14 which briefly refers to some of the topics discussed in y n li-Ardash r, most of the
information found in this text does not appear in the other sources that contain Ardashrs y n.
This suggests that the extant y ns of Ardashr are only parts of a larger work, which has not
survived in its entirety. The evidence that supports this is a report given by the medieval
historian Masd (d. 345/95657) about an y n-nma, which he renders in Arabic as kitb alrus m (book of customs), that was in the possession of Zoroastrian priests and nobles and that
amounted to thousands of pages.15 Medieval authors such as Tha lib, Ibn al-Balkh, and Ab
Al Miskya (Miskawayh) also refer to the large size of Ardashrs wisdom and advice
literature.16

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The topics covered by Ardashrs y n in the Shhnma are presented in the following
order: Ardashrs customs and practice concerning the army, the scribal class (dab rs), the local
governors, war, the reception of foreign delegates, the construction of new cities, bankrupt
individuals, grievances, and the taxes of regions that suffer from drought and other disasters.17
These topics are discussed in the same order, but with minor differences in details, in both the
Nihyat al-arab and Tajrib al-umam. The similarity of the materials covered in these works and
the same order of their presentation point to a common source.
It must be noted, however, that one additional topic not found in the Shhnma is
discussed in both the Nihyat al-arab and Tajrib al-umam. It concerns Ardashrs effort to
protect people against oppressive local governors and tax functionaries by appointing jurists in
all provinces to settle disputes and prevent transgressions. According to the Nihyat al-arab and
Tajrib al-umam, Ardashr personally interviewed the most devout, knowledgeable, experienced,
and well-reputed scholars of religion and sent them to all districts of his realm, where he had
appointed local rulers and tax functionaries (al-jibt wa al-umar wa a b al-bard/umar va
a b-i kharj), so that they would ensure that justice was maintained and people were not
oppressed.18 The use of Islamic terms, such as qut (judges), ulam (scholars of religion), and
ahl al-fiqh (jurists), in reference to the judges selected indicates that this topic was probably a
later Islamic addition to Ardashrs y n. According to the Shhnma, prior to sending local
rulers (krdr) to provinces, Ardashr himself briefed them on proper conduct and maintaining
justice, and he inquired about their performance through local people who came to visit the
court.19 As we shall see in the discussion of Ardashrs advice (andarz) to dignitaries, Firdaus
did not include in his work concepts that did not suit a Muslim context, but it seems that he did
not add Islamic-era concepts to his work either.

206
The Army

As described in the Shhnma, in order to expand his army, Ardashr ordered that all
families educate their sons in the arts of battle, such as riding (suvr ) and using the mace (gurz),
bow (kamn), and arrow (t r-i khadang).20 After the boys mastered these skills, they were
supposed to go to the royal court (dargh-i shh) to have their names registered by the army
registrar (ari).21 When these young soldiers were sent to battle, Ardashr would assign a priest
(m bad) to every thousand soldiers to watch over them and report on their performance.22 Those
who excelled would receive great recompense and robes of honour (khilat) from Ardashr.23
These generous rewards, as stated in the Shhnma, would encourage those who did not perform
well to work harder.24 In this way, Ardashr managed to form an extremely large army.25
According to his y n, Ardashr raised the ranks of the wise (ry-zan) soldiers.26 He also offered
robes of honour (khilat-i shahriyr) to those who sought to satisfy the king (khushn d -i shh
just) and demonstrated great courage in the battlefield.27
The Scribal Class

Ardashrs y n in the Shhnma also describes the particular attention Ardashr devoted
to the position of dab rsscribal officials, such as writers of official correspondence,
accountants, judicial secretaries, chroniclers, and copyists.28 According to the y n, posts in the
d vn (government financial and administrative offices) were not given to the uneducated (b dnishn). Also, Ardashr had informers (kr-gahn) in his d vn to report to him on the
performance of the dab rs.29 Based on the reports he received, Ardashr would increase the salary
(r z ) of those who were skilful in the use of language and had good penmanship (balghat
nigah dshtand va kha).30 Those who were less qualified were sent to work for local governors
(kr-drn).31 As stated in the Shhnma, Ardashr had very high regard for his dab rs because
the prosperity of his realm, the strength of his military, and the welfare of people depended on

207
their work.32 Ardashr trusted the judgement of his dab rs and acted based on their opinion
(ry).33
Local Governors

According to the Shhnma, when Ardashr assigned a local governor (krdr) to a

province, he encouraged him to make the country prosperous (bd) by maintaining justice
(dd).34 He advised the local governors to uphold honesty (rst ) and wisdom (farznig ) and to
avoid greed (z) and evil-doing (d vnig ).35 The local governors were not allowed to take their
family and relatives (payvand va khvishn) with them, and were asked not to take any more
companions (yr) than the retinue (siph) that Ardashr had already sent along with them.36
Ardashr also advised them to give monthly alms to the poor (darv sh) and not to be benevolent
to the evil-minded (bad-and sh).37 To ensure that local governors performed their duties
properly, whenever people from the provinces came to the royal court, Ardashrs agents asked
them about the performance of their governors.38 These visitors were also asked to introduce the
knowledgeable (dn), the pious (prs), and the sages (jahn-d da p r) of their local areas, so
that they could be brought to the royal court, where their knowledge and wisdom could be put to
good use.39 As stated in the Shhnma, Ardashr not only sought the expertise of the old (p r),
but also looked for young men who were knowledgeable (dn), patient (burdbr), and eager-tolearn (dnish-paz r) for employment at his court.40
The War

Prior to sending his troops to war, Ardashr would send a wise (khiradmand) and
knowledgeable (b-dnish) scribe (dab r) along with a well-written (bih-y n) and flattering
(charb) letter to his opponent to encourage him to surrender without fightinga further purpose
of sending the envoy was to collect information on the adversary.41 If the opponent responded

208
positively, Ardashr would send him a robe of honour (khilat-i shahriyr) and official
documents (ahd va mansh r) recognizing the opponent as a new vassal. He would also send the
new vassal a pair of earrings (g shvr), which was a symbol of obedience to the king.42 But, if
the opponent did not surrender, Ardashr would wage war against him.43
Before war, Ardashr would distribute money in his army to satisfy the soldiers.44 Then,
he would assign a wise (khiradmand), courageous (pahlavn), and well-mannered (bih-y n)
scribe (dab r) to watch over the troops and ensure that they would not plunder or mistreat
innocent people.45 Ardashrs representative also took note of those who escaped from the
battlefield; those soldiers would be dismissed from the military, imprisoned, or executed.46 The
scribe would also advise the commander-in-chief (slr) to embolden the soldiers by his
provocative words.47 Another important duty of the scribe was to advise the commander-in-chief
about the proper placement and function of the vanguard (alya), the elephant infantry, the left
wing (maysara) and the right wing (maymana), the centre (qalbgh), and the supplies (buna).48
The scribe also would advise the commander-in-chief to avoid bloodshed when the enemy
withdrew or surrendered.49 The commander-in-chief was supposed to give quarter (zinhhr) and
avoid vengeance (k na); yet, he had to beware of possible surprise attacks.50 He was also
instructed to distribute the spoils of war (ghan mat) among those who fought courageously.51
According to the Nihyat al-arab and Tajrib al-umam, one-fifth (khums) of the spoils of war
was to be put aside for the king, and the rest distributed among the soldiers.52 This instruction,
which is not mentioned in the Shhnma, seems to be another Islamic-era addition.
Finally, according to Ardashrs y n in the Shhnma, a new city (shrstn) was to be
built for the accommodation of prisoners of war (as r).53

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Foreign Delegates

As may be inferred from Ardashrs y n in the Shhnma, Ardashrs custom of

receiving foreign dignitaries was designed to inspire them with awe. Frontier guards (marzbn)
were aware of the upcoming visits of foreign envoys (firistda) and never underestimated (khvr
nagzsht ) such matters.54 The envoys accommodation, food, clothing, and everything else that
he needed to make his way to the royal court were pre-arranged.55 As soon as local governors
would find out the purpose of the envoys visits (ki

bar chi mad bar-i shahriyr), a scribe

(dab r) would immediately bring the information to Ardashr, so that the court could prepare for
the visit.56 Ardashr would have his turquoise throne (takht-i p r za) and the military (siph)
prepared for the visit, and the courtiers (parastanda) would dress in golden (bi-zar zda) attire to
receive the envoy.57
The envoy would be seated near the kings throne, and Ardashr would ask him about the
customs and practice (y n), army (lashkar), justice (dd), and injustice (b dd) in his country.58
According to the Nihyat al-arab and the Tajrib al-umam, Ardashr would ask the envoys what
they thought of his kingdom, its buildings, and its people.59 These questions do not seem to fit
the portrayal of Ardashr in the medieval sources, as he is often depicted as being keen in
gathering information about others. Firdauss description of Ardashrs questions to the envoys,
which is more consistent with the depiction of Ardashr in the Shhnma, points to his attention
to detail.
As described in the Shhnma, the envoy would be seated on a golden throne (takht-i
zarr n) and served food and wine (khvn va may).60 Ardashr and his entourage would also take
their guest on the hunt (nakhch r).61 Finally, on his departure, the envoy would receive a robe of
honour (khilat-i shahriyr) as a gift.62 Ardashrs royal treatment of foreign envoys and his

210
boasting of his wealth and power would not only impress the envoys, but also intimidate their
respective rulers, who received the reports of their visits to Ardashrs empire. This point is
clearly expressed by the authors of the Nihyat al-arab and Tajrib al-umam, who mention that
the reports of the envoys inspired awe and fear (haybat/rub) in the hearts of foreign rulers and
made them obedient to Ardashr.63
Construction of New Cities

As described in the Shhnma, Ardashr sent the Zoroastrian priests (m badn) all over
the country to oversee the building of new cities for the accommodation of the poor. The poor
were provided with not only housing (jygh-i nishast) but also food (khurish). The purpose of
this custom was to increase the subject population (t farvn shavad z rdast).64 This custom of
Ardashr would encourage people to stay and work in his kingdom.
Bankrupted Individuals

According to the Shhnma, Ardashrs informers (kr-gahn) reported to him if a

wealthy man (mya-dr) went bankrupt (b -mya), so that the king might assist him to rebuild
his fortune. This would be done secretly in order to protect the reputation of the individual.65 As
part of his assistance to those who were bankrupt, Ardashr would provide for the education of
their children (k dakash r bi farhangiyn sipurd ), a custom that points to the importance of
education for the prosperity of the empire.66 As mentioned in the y n, Ardashr built schools
(dabistn) and fire temples (khn-i tash-parastn), which were also centres of religious
learning, in every district.67 As shall be discussed below, according to the Arabic texts of
Ardashrs testament, Ardashr advised his successors to help the wealthy to maintain their social
status. The rationale given for this was that if people of higher classes of society lost their fortune

211
and were moved to lower classes, they would hold grudges against their former peers, and this
could eventually threaten the ruling power.
As stated in the Shhnma, unless people kept their hardship secret (magar dsht sakht i khv sh rz), no one in Ardashrs kingdom had to live in need (niyz).68 This point highlights the
importance of providing for all groups of people in society, so that everyone might contribute to
the prosperity of the kingdom.
Addressing Grievances

According to the y n, regardless of their social status, all individuals who had grievances
were to go to the main square (maydn) to seek justice from Ardashr, who personally heard
peoples complaints every morning.69 The outcome of this custom was that Ardashrs subjects
were happy (shd) and his entire kingdom was prosperous (bd).70
Taxes

As described in the Shhnma, Ardashrs wise (khiradmand) and vigilant (b dr)

informers, whom he had sent all over his kingdom, would report to him if a particular region
suffered from drought and poor harvest. In such cases, Ardashr would abolish the taxes on that
land (kharj andar n b m bardsht ). He would also provide farmers of that region with
farming supplies and animals (lat va chr-py) in order to help them survive.71

Ardashrs y n, in general, conveys the idea that, in order to successfully organize his
state, the king must give utmost priority to the strength of the military, the wisdom and
knowledge of the government financial and administrational officers, and the satisfaction of the
subjects. To ensure that these priorities were in place, the ruler had to have accurate knowledge
about what was going on in his realm, and that knowledge could not be gained but through the

212
reports of informers. We know that Ardashr was even criticized for his excessive use of spies.72
Ardashrs custom of using spies everywhere is clearly expressed in his y n in the Shhnma:

[Ardashr] knew many secrets (sukhan dar nihn).

He had spies (kr-gahn) everywhere.73

It is noteworthy that while the Shhnma version of Ardashrs y n provides information

about his customs and practice concerning all classes of society, from the army to the scribes and
the subjects, it does not provide any information about his policy towards religious authorities.
The information given in the Nihyat al-arab and Tajrib al-umam about Ardashrs
appointment of ulam (scholars of religion) and ahl al-fiqh (jurists) does not provide much
insight into this matter. In Grignaschis opinion, the reason for the lack of information about the
Zoroastrian religious institution in Ardashrs y n might be that Muslim historians and
translators of the Sasanian chronicles intentionally did not include in their works any information
that had to with the Zoroastrian religion.74 As we shall see in the discussion of Ardashrs
testament (ahd) to his son, a religious institution does not seem to have existed during the reign
of Ardashr. This might explain the reason for the lack of any information about religious
institutions in Ardashrs y n.
In his description of Ardashrs y n, Firdaus repeatedly urges the reader to heed and
learn from Ardashrs wisdom. The first time, as noted above, is just before he starts describing
Ardashrs y n. The second time, he states:

Do not deviate from these advices (pandh) in any way,

If you want to stay [in power] without distress and pain.75

213

This verse appears at the end of the advice that Ardashrs representative (scribe) gives to
the commander-in-chief just before war. So, while it reads as part of the advice given to the
commander-in-chief, it can also be read as Firdauss own words trying to draw the attention of
the reader to what is being said. The third time, Firdaus states:

If there is a ruler like him (i.e., Ardashr) in the world,

The memory (ydgr) of him will remain after his death.76

In the above-mentioned verse, Firdaus suggests that rulers should try to leave a good
name behind just like Ardashr did. Finally, at the end of Ardashrs y n, Firdaus tells the ruler
to act like Ardashr:

Listen (bishnau) to the words of the wise (dn), O king!

Make the world prosperous (bd) in this same manner (bar ng na).77

Dn (wise/knowledgeable) in the above-mentioned verse could refer both to the poet,

who is sharing Ardashrs wisdom with the reader, and to Ardashr himself as a wise king.
Firdauss direct and indirect calls on the ruler to learn from Ardashrs wisdom indicate that he
wanted the ruler to look up to Ardashr as a model and emulate his deeds. These reminders are
not found in the Nihyat al-arab and Tajrib al-umam, which contain a similar text of Ardashrs
y n. Whereas Firdaus highlights the importance of Ardashrs y n by his calls on the ruler to
learn from it, the other two works present Ardashrs y n without any particular emphasis on its
benefits to rulers.

214

rd sh r s Throne Speech (andarz)

In the Shhnma, Ardashr delivers two throne speeches. The first one, which is his
speech on accession, is delivered after his victory in the four major battles.78 In this very short
speech, Ardashr, as a new king, promises to uphold justice. The medieval historian Masd (d.
345/956) reports that a part of Ardashrs throne speech had survived to his time and he quotes it
in his work.79 Masuds citation is very similar to Ardashrs accession speech in the Shhnma.
At the end of Masds citation, Ardashr tells the audience that his deeds will confirm his
words, that is, his promises to uphold justice will be fulfilled. This statement indicates that
Masds citation was from a speech that Ardashr had delivered at the beginning of his career,
and that Ardashrs accession speech in the Shhnma was not fabricated by Firdaus.
The second throne speech, which is analysed here, is delivered after peace prevails in
Ardashrs realm and everyone recognizes him as king of kings.80 In this speech, Ardashr shares
his experiences with his high officials and local governors and gives them moral and pragmatic
advice. Ardashrs second throne speech in the Shhnma may be divided into three parts. In the
first part, after praising God for having bestowed kingship upon him, Ardashr describes his tax
policy. In the second part of the speech, Ardashr advises his high officials on proper conduct.
Finally, in the third part, Ardashr describes the responsibilities of the king and subjects towards
each other.
The general outline and many details of Ardashrs throne speech in the Shhnma
correspond with the text of the throne speech (khuba) preserved in the Nihyat al-arab and
Tajrib al-umam.81 The first part of Ardashrs throne speech in the Shhnma is also very
similar to the short text of Ardashrs throne speech preserved in the Krnmag Arda r.82 This
would point to the likelihood of a Sasanian origin for Ardashrs throne speech. The Krnmag

215
Arda r, the Shhnma, the Nihyat al-arab, and its Persian translation, Tajrib al-umam, are the
only sources known to contain the text of Ardashrs throne speech.
Ardashrs throne speech in the Shhnma begins with his call on the audience to regard
him as a role model:

First of all, measure (andza g r) [your deeds] against mine,

Consider my past good and bad [practices] to be current (tza).83

This advice, which does not appear in the other texts of Ardashrs throne speech, seems to be
Firdauss own words addressed to the ruler of the time to compare himself to Ardashr.
To assert the legitimacy of his kingship, Ardashr continues his speech by stating that
God bestowed kingship upon him because he sought help from Him.84 Then he talks about his
justice (dd) by referring to his cancellation of the tithe (dah yik) on land and livestock (b m va
rama) and the imposition of a levy only on surpluses (n-chi yad fuz n).85 He continues that the
tithe was solely used to raise a large army (lashkar-i b -shumr) for the security ( man ) of
people and to eliminate the Ahrimanic Religion (nihn kardan-i k sh-i harman ).86
The Nihyat al-arab and Tajrib al-umam both include the information about Ardashrs
imposing a tax (kharj) on surpluses (m kna falan an al-ma sha/ncha fil az mash), but
they do not mention anything about the cancellation of the tithe.87 The term kharj used in these
two works is an Islamic term, which refers to a canonical Islamic tax. Firdaus does not use this
term to refer to Ardashrs levy on surpluses. So, here we have another Islamic-era concept
introduced into a text originating in pre-Islamic era. The Krnmag Arda r, on the other hand,
only refers to the tithe (sk ud bj az dah k) and does not mention anything about its
cancellation and the new levy on surpluses.88 The absence of information about the levy on

216
surpluses in the Krnmag Arda r might suggest that it was a later addition, but it could also
mean that Firdaus had access to a more comprehensive source.
According to the Shhnma, before proceeding to the second part of his speech, Ardashr
calls upon everyone in his realm to heed his advice:

All of you who are within my borders,

Listen (g sh dr d) to my advice (andarz).89

Two verses later, Firdaus asks his audience to pay attention to what Ardashr is about to say:

Listen (g sh dr d) to the words of the renowned (nmdr) Ardashr,

All of you, young and old.90

Two more times during the course of his speech, Ardashr urges the audience to heed his advice:

All of you, listen (g sh dr d) to my advice (pand),

[And to] my useful speech.
[My advice] is precious to all hearts,
For, owing to it, they find safety from harm. 91

All of you, keep my words in mind,

[And my] exertion in this job (that is, kingship).92

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None of these calls on the audience to listen carefully appears in the Nihhyat al-arab and
Tajrib al-umam. The recurrence of the verb g sh dr d (listen, pay attention), the use of the
verb yd dr d (keep in mind), and references to Ardashrs speech as valuable (s dmand,
arjumand) advice (pand, andarz) indicate that Firdaus aimed to do more than just record the text
of Ardashrs throne speech. By having Ardashr repeatedly ask the audience to pay attention to
his advice, which is described as valuable and useful, Firdausi not only emphasized the
importance of Ardashrs advice, but also broke the monotony of a long list of counsels and
helped the reader to be more attentive.
In the Shhnma, and also in the Nihyat al-arab and Tajrib al-umam, Ardashrs
counsels are grouped under various headings, for example, five qualities that would promote
health and happiness or five virtues that would improve faith.93 According to Shaul Shaked,
grouping lists of precepts under numerical headings is a common stylistic device used in the
Pahlavi advice and wisdom literature.94 The precepts in the extant texts of Ardashrs throne
speech, which are grouped under numerical headings, thus further point to the Pahlavi origin of
the speech.
Ardashrs first group of advices in the Shhnma is introduced as five guidelines (rh)
that are more beneficial than crowns and treasures (tj va ganj).95 These are:
1. Belief in God.96
2. Knowledge (dnish) should not be taken lightly (khvr), neither by the king (shahriyr)
nor by the subjects (z rdast).97
3. To a wise man (mard-i dn), wise words (sakhun) never become outdated (kahun).98
4. The wrongdoers fear of punishment (b m-i gunh) is worse than the punishment.99
5. Nobody respects slanderers/those who speak ill (mardum-i zisht-g y).100

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A comparison of this first group of advices in the Shhnma with the first group of advices in
the Nihyat al-arab and Tajrib al-umam reveals Firdauss (or his sources) particular attention
to detail in presenting Ardashrs throne speech. According to the Nihyat al-arab and Tajrib
al-umam, Ardashrs first group of advice consists of five virtues that improve faith.101 These
are:
1. Belief in God (yaq n bi-Allh/yaq n bi-Khud)
2. The indispensability of traditions (luz m li al-sunan/luz m-i sunan)
3. Observing religious duties (ad al-fari/ad-yi fari)
4. Respecting religious scholars (tawq r al-ulam/tauq r-i ulam)
5. Attending the circle of sages ( u r majlis al- ukam/ u r dar majlis-i ukam102).
Just like its heading, the contents of the first group of advices in the Nihyat al-arab and Tajrib
al-umam give the speech a religious tone. In the Shhnma, however, the references to crowns
and treasures in the heading of the group clarify that the speech is about those who possess
crowns and treasures, that is, rulers. Furthermore, the precepts about the importance of learning
and the validity of ancient wisdom that are included in this group of advice in the Shhnma
indicate that Firdaus (or his source) intentionally presented Ardashrs first group of advice with
such heading and contents to establish right from the beginning that Ardashrs wisdom was still
a valid model for rulers to learn from and emulate.
The second group of Ardashrs advices in the Shhnma is introduced as being better
(bihtar) than having eyes (d da), soul (jn), and property (ch z).103 These are:
1. To make the world prosperous (bd).104
2. To speak softly (vz-i narm) and pleasantly (guftr-i garm), while maintaining wisdom
(khirad) and respect (sharm).105
3. Not to spend money boastfully (az bahr-i lf) and in vain (bar gazf).106

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4. To choose the mean (miyna) between two extremes.107
As presented in the Nihyat al-arab and Tajrib al-umam, Ardashrs second group of advices
consists of three precepts that would improve ones livelihood ( al maish/ al -i
ma shat).108 The first advice in this group is on promoting agricultural development. This
advice closely corresponds with what is given in the Shhnma as the first precept in the same
group: good for those who make the world prosperous (bd).109 The other two counsels given
in this group in the Nihyat al-arab and Tajrib al-umam are on making good judgements about
financial gains and spending.110 When examined more closely, we notice that the third and fourth
precepts in the same group of advices in the Shhnma are about avoiding unreasonable
expenses and practicing moderation. Thus, although the headings and contents of the second
group of advice in the Shhnma and the other two works seem to be different, their general
themes are almost the same.
The third group of Ardashrs advices in the Shhnma consist of five precepts that are
put together under three headings: Precepts (ry) that would invigorate faith and religion (tza
gardad tur d n va k sh), promote health and happiness (tan-sn va shd afzyadat), and
whose sweetness offsets the bitterness of poison (ki b shahd-i

zahr nagzyadat).111 These are:

1. Know that by greed (bi z) and endeavour (bi k shish), you cannot surpass (nayb
guzar) the lot that God has assigned (bakhshish-i ddgar) to you; he who is contented
(khursand) becomes wealthy (tavngar).112
2. Avoid greed (z), and do not tell secrets (rz) to women.113
3. Avoid rivalry in reputation (nang) and battles (nabard).114
4. Keep sorrow (gham) from your heart, and do not worry about ills that have not come (nmada bad).115
5. Do not strive for things that are not within your reach.116

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Four of the above-mentioned injunctions appear in the third group of advices in the Nihyat alarab and Tajrib al-umam. These are advice on being content with ones own destiny,117
avoiding greed,118 avoiding rivalry,119 and not striving for what cannot be achieved
successfully.120 Also, one of the headings of this group of advices in the Shhnma, that is, five
things that promote health and happiness, is exactly the same as the heading given to the same
group in the Nihyat al-arab and Tajrib al-umam.121 Interestingly, the heading that the Nihyat
al-arab and Tajrib al-umam use for the first group of advice, that is, five virtues that improve
faith is used as a second heading for this third group in the Shhnma.
One can only speculate why Firdaus gave three headings to one group of advices, one of
which used for an entirely different group in the Nihyat al-arab and Tajrib al-umam. But the
close correspondence of this second group of advice in the Shhnma with the same group in the
other two works indicates that these texts shared the same origin. The differences we find among
them, however, might be due to the discretion of the authors who included the text of Ardashrs
throne speech in their work. We may also consider the alterations that took place in the original
text in the process of its transmission form one language and cultural sphere to another.
The precepts in the fourth group of Ardashrs advices in the Shhnma are introduced as
that which bestows safety against harm (ki yband az

man az gazand).122 These are:

1. Never take a rest (zamn maysy) from learning (m khtan) if you wish to enlighten
(afr khtan) your soul (jn).123
2. Have your children educated (bi farhang dr), and limit their play (bz ).124
3. Do not avoid socializing with one another (m zish-i yikdigar).125
The heading of this fourth group of advices is very similar to that of the same group in the
Nihyat al-arab and Tajrib al-umam.126 But, the counsels given there are different from what is
given in the Shhnma. The above-mentioned first and third precepts, that is, advice on

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education and friendship, do however appear in the fifth group of Ardashrs advices in the
Nihyat al-arab and the Tajrib al-umam.127
Finally, the fifth and last group of Ardashrs advices in the Shhnma is presented as
four precepts that comfort hearts and bring about goodness (kh b ) and benefits (s dmand ).
These are:
1. To have fear (b m) of God and show modesty (zarm va sharm) toward Him.128
2. To be ones own judge (that is, before the Day of Judgement), to keep the faith from
corruption, to obey God and the king, and to like the king just like oneself.129
3. To seek the truth (rst ) and avoid falsehood (kazhzh va kst ).130
4. To be obedient to the king.131
Neither the heading nor the precepts of this group appear in the Nihyat al-arab and Tajrib alumam.
The third part of Ardashrs throne speech in the Shhnma describes the responsibility of
the king and his subjects towards each other. The king is responsible for upholding justice and
penalizing those who oppress the people. In turn, people are supposed to be obedient to the
king.132 In the Nihyat al-arab and Tajrib al-umam, this last part of Ardashrs speech is more
extensive, although it is not quite clear whether it is still part of the speech or not, because in
both works, after his last group of advices, Ardashr states, this is all my advice to you.133
Regardless of this statement, which signals the end of the speech, the text continues in both
Nihyat al-arab and Tajrib al-umam by explaining the responsibility of people towards those
from whom they draw benefits. Thus, people are responsible toward God, toward their own
souls, toward the king, and toward each other, because they receive advantages and benefits from
God, from their own souls, from the king, and from each other. Based on whom they serve most,
people are then divided into four groups. The first group consists of those who choose to devote

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their lives to the worship of God. The second group consists of people who choose to serve the
king by helping him to maintain justice and protect people. The third group is devoted to taking
care of the financial and administrative affairs of the state, thereby serving the king and all his
subjects. Finally, the people of the fourth group busy themselves with acquiring wealth and
property, which means that they serve their own souls.134 This is a peculiar, perhaps Islamic,
form of describing the four classes of society, that is, the priests, the warriors, the scribes, and the
peasants/artisans/merchants. As pointed out by de Fouchcour, by describing the Sasanian social
class system in moral terms (that is, peoples responsibility toward those from whom they draw
benefits) and thereby making it impossible to define the functions of each class, the author of the
Nihyat al-arab adapted the Iranian concept of the division of society into four classes to an
Islamic society.135 As mentioned above, in this part of Ardashrs throne speech in the
Shhnma, Firdaus only refers to the responsibility of the king toward his people and vice versa,
and there is no mention of the four classes of society. We know that Firdaus was aware of the
class system in ancient Iranian societies, because he clearly describes it in his account about the
mythical king Jamshd.136 We might presume that Firdaus (or his source) intentionally left out
the information about Ardashrs classification of society, because it was no longer applicable to
a Muslim context. Whereas other medieval authors modified ancient Persian concepts to make
them suit the standards of a Muslim society, Firdaus seems to have only recorded concepts that
were useful and relevant without trying to change what was no longer valid. This is a further
indication that Firdauss primary goal was not to record history; rather, he intended to teach
lessons on kingship by drawing upon experiences of past rulers that were still relevant.
At the end of Ardashrs throne speech in the Shhnma, an old man named Khurr d
stands up and praises Ardashr for securing peace and prosperity in the kingdom. Khurr d also
exalts Ardashr for his wisdom:

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No king has your wisdom

Nobodys perception surpasses your insight.137

This short episode, which functions as a confirmation of Ardashrs ideas, also appears in
the Tajrib al-umam and Nihyat al-arab, where the head of the country (ra s ahl almamlaka/ra s-i mamlikat) praises Ardashr for upholding justice (madila), securing peace, and
unifying the country.138 This person does not however praise Ardashr for his wisdom. While
Firdaus begins and ends Ardashrs throne speech by highlighting Ardashrs wisdom, we do not
find any particular emphasis placed on Ardashrs wisdom in the other two works that contain his
throne speech. Moreover, Firdauss poetic narration brings the scene of Ardashrs throne
speech to life. For example, while Firdaus describes Khurr d and mentions him by name, the
Nihyat al-arab and Tajrib al-umam merely refer to him as the head of the country and do not
provide any information about him. Firdauss employment of literary techniques to bring the
scene of Ardashrs throne speech to life helps him to make his didactic text more entertaining. It
also helps him to convey his message in a more effective manner. This is something that is
absent in the Nihyat al-arab and the Tajrib al-umam.

Ardashr s Testament (ah )

In the early Islamic period, Ardashrs testament was a well-known Arabic work on
statecraft and kingship, as a number of medieval authors refer to its significance. For example,
the early medieval historians Ab Al Miskya (d. 421/1030) states that the best thing that
survived from Ardashr was his testament.139 Ibn al-Balkh (fl. 498/1105510/1116), another
medieval historian, reports that several copies of Ardashrs testament were available at the
time.140 Both Miskya and Ibn al-Balkh mention that the Sasanian king Anshrv n (r. 53179)

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perused and practiced Ardashrs testament.141 In Ibn al-Nadms list of the best books in
everyones opinion (al-kutub al-majma al j datih), Ahd-i Ardash r (Ardashrs testament)
appears at the very top.142 Ibn al-Nadm also states that Bal dhur (d. 279/892), a translator of
Persian works into Arabic, versified Ardashrs testament.143 According to the celebrated
medieval philologist Mubarrad (d. 286/899), the Abbasid caliph Mamn (r. 198/813218/833)
had asked the tutor of his son al-W thiq bi-All h (b. 199/81415) to teach him Ardashrs
testament after teaching him the Quran.144 The famous medieval Arab belletrist J i (d.
255/868), on the other hand, scorned the scribes (kuttb) who admired Ardashrs testament and
who cited it as if it were the greatest authority in organizing the state.145 This scornful
statement, nevertheless, points to the popularity of Ardashrs testament among members of the
scribal class.
The Arabic translation of Ardashrs testament has survived in several medieval sources.
The earliest work that contains a copy of it is al-Ghurra, an Arabic anthology of poems and
treatises on various topics by authors of different nationalities.146 Based on the names of poets
and writers given in al-Ghurra, Is n Abb s suggests that it must have been written in the early
tenth century.147 Miskyas Tajrib al-umam is another work that has preserved the text of
Ardashrs testament in Arabic translation.148 The third work is Nathr al-durr composed by Ab
Sad Manr b. al-usayn al-b (d. 421/1030).149 These three texts and other medieval sources
that contained excerpts from Ardashrs testament were used by Is n Abb s in his edition of
Ahd-i Ardash r (1967). Another copy of Ardashrs testament was identified and introduced by
Grignaschi in 1966.150 The manuscript that contains this fourth copy of Ardashrs testament also
contains y n li-Ardash r, which was mentioned above. According to Abb s, the Pahlavi text of
Ardashrs testament was translated into Arabic sometime in the eighth century.151 Based on the
information given in the Arabic text of Ardashrs testament, Grignaschi opines that the Pahlavi

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text of the testament was written during the reign of the last Sasanian king, Yazdgird III (r. 632
51).152 Mary Boyce and Amad Tafa ul, however, maintain that the Pahlavi text of Ardashrs
testament was written in the early Sasanian era but modified and expanded in later periods.153
Summaries of Ardashrs testament have also survived in the medieval sources.
Muntakhab min ahd Azdash r [sic.] b. Bbak al-malik (Selections from the testament of
Ardashr son of B bak the king) is a short text that contains selections from Ardashrs
testament.154 The Nihyat al-arab and its Persian translation, Tajrib al-umam, also contain a
summary of Ardashrs testament.155 In addition to these, excerpts from Ardashrs testament are
scattered in various medieval sources.156 As shall be discussed below, while the text of
Ardashrs testament in the Shhnma shares commonalities with the Arabic texts, it contains
concepts that are not found in the Arabic versions of the testament. On the other hand, some of
the concepts that are discussed at length in the Arabic texts of the testament do not appear in the
Shhnma version. Aside from differences in content, the major point of difference between
Ardashrs testament in the Shhnma and that preserved in the other works is the form of
presentation of the testament.
It must also be noted here that the addressee, and hence the precise title, of Ardashrs
testament is inconsistent in our sources. In the text of the testament in the Shhnma, Ardashr
clearly speaks to his own son, and the testament is presented under the rubric Ahd-nma-i
Ardash r-i Bbakn b Shp r (The testament of Ardashr son of B bak to Sh pr). But, the
Arabic texts of the testament refer to it as Ardashrs testament not only to his son, Sh pr, but
also to all who succeeded him.157 In the Muntakhab min Ahd, which consists of selections from
the testament, the rubric simply reads Ardashrs testament to his successors.158 Grignaschi
maintains that the testament was originally addressed to all successors of Ardashr, and that the
name of Sh pr was added to the title by later Muslim translators.159 But, the inconsistency is not

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just in the title. In the Arabic text of the testament in the Nihyat al-arab, a number of
paragraphs start with alam y bunay, in which alam (be aware) is a plural verb used
with a singular addressee, that is, y bunay (oh, my son). The Tajrib al-umam, the Persian
translation of the Nihyat al-arab, however, translates this phrase as bidn ay pisar-i man, (be
aware, oh, my son), using the singular form of the verb in Persian. Furthermore, except for the
last paragraph, the text of the testament in this Persian work only addresses Ardashrs son, and
not his successors.160 Moreover, in his al-Fihrist, Ibn al-Nadm refers to Ardashrs testament
twice with the title Ahd-i Ardash r (Ardashrs testament) and once with the title Ahd-i
Ardash r il ibnih Sb r (Ardashrs testament to his son Sh pr).161 Ibn al-Nadms use of two
titles in reference to Ardashrs testament might imply that he referred to two different works. To
determine whether the extant texts of the testament might be combinations of two different texts
would take us away from the main topic of the discussion here, but a note had to be made here
about this inconsistency in order to avoid confusion while citing from these different texts.
Ardashrs testament in the Shhnma begins with a preamble on the transient nature of
the world and advice on leaving a good legacy behind.162 This preamble contextualizes
Ardashrs testament, for the poet concludes it by stating:

There are many signs (nishn) [left behind by] king Ardashr
Learn (yd g r) [from them] as you hear [about them] from me.163

Firdaus thus presents Ardashrs testament as a legacy, which immortalized his name.
Having prepared the stage for discussing the legacy of Ardashr, Firdaus describes Ardashr
growing old and realizing that he has approached the end of his life, a state that makes him think

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about sharing his experiences of ruling the empire with his crown prince in order to have his
kingdom survive after his death. Firdaus then presents the testament as Ardashr speaks to his
son and advises him on kingship. In other medieval works, Ardashrs testament is not preceded
by any preamble; nor is it contextualized. It is not presented in the form of a conversation
between a father and son either. For example, the anonymous author of the Tajrib al-umam
simply states that when Ardashr approached the end of his life, he wrote a testament to his son.
Following this statement, the author presents the testament.164 The Nihyat al-arab does not even
provide an introductory statement before presenting Ardashrs testament and simply presents it
under the rubric A copy (nuskha) of Ardashrs testament to his son, Sh pr, and his order to
obey it, learn its contents, and not oppose it. Here is what his testament contained.165 Miskya
writes in his Tajrib al-umam the best thing Ardashr left behind is his testament to his
successors, and here is a copy of it (hdhih nuskhatuh).166
Firdauss technique of using a preamble and a narrative introduction to the testament, as
well as his way of presenting it, that is, having Ardashr speak to his son, lends immediacy to the
text. If Firdauss main goal was simply to record an historical document, he would not need to
try to keep his reader attentive by making the text as entertaining as possible. Like a teacher who
tries to keep his students engaged, Firdaus employs literary techniques to make his lessons
interesting. Moreover, as narrated in the Shhnma, Ardashr begins his lecture to Sh pr by
asking him to commit his testament to memory (bid guft n ahd-i man yd dr) and to put his
words into practice (sakhun-h-yi man ch n shin d bivarz).167 These reminders, which we find
only in the Shhnma version of the testament, might be Firdauss own words to emphasize the
importance of what is going to be saidjust like the reminders at the beginning of Ardashrs
y n and andarz, which were mentioned above. Firdauss desire to keep the reader attentive
demonstrates that he wanted to help his reader follow his work carefully.

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The Concept of Justice

According to the Shhnma, the first concept that Ardashr refers to in his advice to his
son is justice (dd). Surprisingly, this concept is not discussed in the extant texts of Ardashrs
testaments. In the Shhnma version of the testament, the issue of justice is raised again when
Ardashr enumerates three things that end kingship, one of them being an unjust king (b ddgar
shahriyr).168 But, in the other texts of Ardashrs testament, injustice is not mentioned as one of
the causes that can end kingship. It is difficult to determine whether the original text of the
testament included the concept of justice or not, but, based on the excerpts from Ardashrs
testament preserved in other medieval works, we may presume that the concept did exist in the
original text. In his al-Kmil, Mubarrad quotes the following maxim from Ardashrs testament:
adl al-suln anfa lilraya min khi b al-zamn (the kings justice is more beneficial to the
peasant than the abundance of time).169 Tha lib quotes the same maxim by Ardashr; although,
he does not mention that it is from his testament.170 The eleventh-century author, ahr
Samarqand, too attributes a similar maxim to Ardashr: Suln dil khayr min maar wbil (A
just sultan is better than torrential rain).171 In the extant texts of Ardashrs testament, this maxim
reads rishd al-wl khayr lilraya min khi b al-zamn (the integrity of the conduct of local
governors is more beneficial to the peasant than the abundance of time).172 The use of the term
adl (justice) in the citations by Mubarrad Tha lib, and ahr Samarqand indicates that, for
some reason, the authors of the extant texts of the testament, or their sources, preferred not to use
this term in the above-mentioned maxim. Moreover, while the concept of justice and the term
adl are mentioned several times in the Muntakhab min ahd (selections from the testament), no
mention of it is made in the corresponding sections of the longer versions of the testament.173
This would further corroborate the assumption that the concept of justice was included in the
original text of the testament.

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The Idea of the Union of Kingship and Religion

The most prominent theme of Ardashrs testament in the Shhnma and all other sources
that contain it is the idea of the union of kingship and religion. Firdaus highlights this idea by
explaining it in eleven consecutive lines.174 The fact that so many lines are allocated to one
particular concept demonstrates its importance. While medieval sources often ascribe this idea to
Ardashr, modern scholars argue that it could not have been proclaimed by Ardashr because
there is no historical evidence for the existence of an established religious institution or a
prominent religious figure who could be considered an ally of the institution of kingship during
the reign of Ardashr.175 However, modern scholars interpretation of this concept seems to differ
from what it actually means in the Zoroastrian literature. According to the Dnkard, every time
religion and good kingship are united in the person of a good Zoroastrian king, the world is
restored to its ideal state.176 In other words, ideally, kingship and religion are conjoined and
manifested in the person of the king. As mentioned in the previous chapter, the Zoroastrian
tradition holds that there are several alternating periods of world renovation and destruction from
the time of creation to the end of time.177 It recognizes Ardashr as one of the Saviours who
restored the world to its ideal state. Thus, we may interpret the idea of the union of kingship and
religion under Ardashr in terms of the Zoroastrian notion of an ideal world, that is, one in which
kingship and religion are conjoined in the person of a good Zoroastrian king.178 As noted
previously, the Sasanian authors of the account about Ardashr represent his acts as being
analogous to those of Sayant, shdarm h, and Petan, the Saviours of the Good Religion,
whose coming is still expected.179 According to Marijan Mol, the coming of Sayant coincides
with the reunion of kingship and religion.180 Thus, the idea of the union of religion and kingship
during Ardashrs reign draws a further parallel between the eras of Ardashr and Sayant. In

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other words, kingship and religion were conjoined and manifested in the person of Ardashr, just
as they will be in Sayants epoch.
According to Mol, however, the ideal state of the union of kingship and religion in one
person, as described in the Dnkard, reflects an eschatological concept; otherwise, according to
him, kingship and religion are normally represented by two different persons.181 But the abovementioned passage of the Dnkard specifically mentions every time not at the end of time
when describing the state of an ideal world, and we know that the Zoroastrian tradition
recognizes several periods of world restoration before the end of time.182 So, every time may
be understood to refer to the times when the world is renovated by a Saviour, one such Saviour
being Ardashr. Furthermore, we have a clear example of a time when the world was in an ideal
state and the king represented both kingship and priesthood. The reign of the mythical king
Jamshd is always represented in Zoroastrian literature as a glorious period of world history,
during which there was no disease or death, no extreme heat or cold, no drought, and no evil
activity.183 Jamshds ideal world is even compared to Zoroasters.184 The Shhnma describes
Jamshds reign in the same way and provides a further piece of information that conforms to the
Dnkard passage regarding the union of kingship and religion in an ideal world:

He (Jamshd) said, I possess the divine glory (farrah-i zad ),

I possess both kingship (shahriyr ) and priesthood (m bad ).185

Thus, as both king and priest, Jamshd exemplifies the ideal king of the Dnkard passage,
as does Ardashr, in whose person kingship and religion were conjoined. There is also a small
clue in the Shhnma that points to a link between Ardashr and priesthood. According to the
Shhnma, having victoriously escaped from Ardav ns prison, Ardashr prepares himself for

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serious battles with Ardav n and his son Bahman. Just before leaving for his decisive battles,
Ardashr goes to the fire temple of R m Khurr d to pray for guidance and victory.186 R m
Khurr d is another name of zar Farnbagh, one of the three major fire temples associated with
the class of priests. It is remarkable that Ardashr should pray at this particular fire temple that
was used by Zoroastrian priests. This brief reference might be understood as an indication that
Ardashr was not only a king but also a priest.
The Sasanian authors of Ardashrs testament aimed to depict an ideal image of Ardashr
by likening his era to the era of the mythical king Jamshd and the last Saviour of the world,
Sayant. Considering the parallel themes between the ideal world of Ardashr and those of
Jamshd and Sayant, we may suppose that the Sasanian political authors of Ardashrs
testament and the accounts about him aimed to provide an historical precedent for their ideal
world. Perhaps the mythical and eschatological worlds of Jamshd and Sayant were too far
from the real world to be used as exemplars of an ideal kingship.
A statement from Ardashrs throne speech cited by Tha lib also points to the same
meaning for the idea of the union of kingship and religion that is found in the Zoroastrian
literature. According to Tha lib, Ardashr stated that God favoured him and chose him as his
representative, so that he might redress the affairs of religion and kingship, which are like twin
brothers: .187 This statement
clearly represents Ardashr as a leader not only in the realm of kingship (mulk), but also in the
realm of religion (d n).
Ardashrs warning in his testament against the dangers of religion also supports the idea
that his proclamation of the union of religion and kingship does not refer to an alliance between
two different institutions. In the Arabic texts of the testament, Ardashr warns his son/successors
that the men of religion have the power to overthrow kingship. He admonishes them not to allow

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the men of religion (al-ubbd wa al-nussk wa al-mutabattal n) to defy their orders. As a
remedy for dealing with the men of religion who turn people against the king, Ardashr refers to
his ancestors solution, which was to defame such people by calling them heretics in religion
(al-mubtadi n). The defamation, according to Ardashr, was enough to eliminate these people
(yaqtuluhum) and rid (yuri ) the king of them.188
Ardashrs testament in the Shhnma contains similar warnings. The following verses
appear right after Ardashrs explanation of the concept of the brotherhood of religion and
kingship:

If the man of religion (d n-dr) holds grudges (k n) against the king (pdsh),
Take care not to call him pious (prs).
He who opens his mouth against a just (ddgar) king (shahriyr)
Do not consider him to be a man of religion (mard-i d n).189

As may be inferred from the above-mentioned verses, Ardashr asserts the supremacy of
the king over men of religion and avows that the king holds absolute power in both secular and
religious realms. Thus, in an ideal state, the men of religion are supposed to be obedient to the
king. The kings supreme authority is also mentioned in the Dnkard.190 The references to the
absolute power of the king in Zoroastrian literature and also in the Arabic and Persian texts of
Ardashrs testament point to the ever-present tension between royal and religious power, and
further support the idea that Ardashrs proclamation of the union of kingship and religion meant
that both political and religious power should be held by the king.

233
Threats to Kingship

According to Ardashrs testament in the Shhnma, three things can overthrow kingship
(sar-i takht-i shh bip chad si kr).191 The first is an unjust king (b ddgar shahriyr). The
second is the kings assigning high positions to those who are incompetent (b -s d r bar
kishad). And the third is when the king endeavours to increase his own wealth (bi d nr k shad
ki b sh kunad).192 Firdaus refers to these three dangers in three verses of the Shhnma, and this
is the only occasion in Ardashrs testament in the Shhnma where threats to kingship are
mentioned. In the Arabic texts of the testament, however, threats to kingship are discussed at
length. In fact, almost half of Ardashrs testament in these texts deals with issues that lead to the
collapse of kingship. The seriousness of these issues is emphasized in these texts by the use of
terms and phrases such as al-bal (affliction), rasa m akhfu alaikum (what I fear the most for
you), akhwaf (most dreadful), aw ash (most frightening), ashadd m yuirrukum (what harms
you the most), aqw aduww (the most powerful enemy), and the recurrent use of terms and
phrases that denote the end of kingship, such as ahb al-duwal (transfer of kingship), tanaqqul
al-malik an mulkih (removal of the king from his kingship), and fasd al-mulk (disintegration of
kingship).193 These terms and phrases give an ominous tone to the entire text. The followings are
some examples of the threats discussed at length in the Arabic texts of the testament:
1. When people of lower classes surpass the king in the study of religion, secret religious
leaderships are formed. Secret religious leaders do not get along with kings, and in the
end, religious leaders will take control of power.194
2. Two things overthrow kingship. The first is defeat by the enemy, and the second is the
corruption of the kings proper conduct (fasd adabikum).195 According to the text of the
testament edited by Grignaschi, the second cause is the corruption of the kings religion

234
(fasd d nikum).196 In the Nihyhat al-arab and Tajrib al-umam, the second cause is the
corruption of judgement (fasd ray) and bad management (s tadb r).197
3. People should always be occupied. When they have no work to do, they start scrutinizing
the performance of authorities. This leads to the formation of different groups with
different agendas, who all oppose the king. The king is not able to deal with too many
opposing groups, and the chaos tempts foreign enemies to take advantage of the unstable
situation created.198
4. People should be banned from moving between different classes of society. If people of
lower classes are allowed to move to higher classes, they will eventually aspire to
become king. It is also dangerous when people of higher classes lose their social status,
because they will hold grudges against those who are above them, and this will
eventually turn into a threat to those in power. People of higher classes should therefore
be helped to remain in their own classes.199
5. Five groups of people threaten kingship: those who enjoy the excitement of opposing the
king; those who hold grudges against the king and people; those who have left the court
but keep in touch with current court officials; those who are ambitious but pretend to be
humble; those who advise the king on religious matters and pretend to be more concerned
about religion than the king.200
6. Revealing the name of the crown prince before the king has died leads to the
disintegration of kingships.201
As may be inferred from the above-mentioned examples, the Arabic texts of the testament
evince concerns about the socio-political issues that can lead to revolts. Except for the warning
against the men of religion, none of the above-mentioned issues are discussed in the Shhnma.
According to the Shhnma version of the testament, the root cause of all threats to kingship is

235
the conduct of the king himself. As mentioned above, if the king upholds justice, avoids greed,
and assigns competent men to high positions, he will be able to maintain his kingship. In other
words, the Shhnma version of Ardashrs testament holds the king himself, and not society or
ambitious court officials, responsible for what goes wrong in the kingdom. In the Arabic texts of
the testament, the king is portrayed as the target of all kinds of threats originating in society and
at the royal court, notwithstanding his proper conduct. He is therefore advised to be vigilant and
to detect any possible threat to his kingship before it is too late.
Commonalities and Differences

The common points shared by the Shhnma and the Arabic texts of Ardashrs testament
are moral and pragmatic advices for kings. For example, not telling lies, 202 avoiding fear,203 not
divulging secrets,204 and inquiring about the affairs of the state.205 Sometimes even the wording
of the injunctions in the Shhnma are similar to those in the Arabic texts. For example, in the
Shhnma, Ardashr tells his son that anger leads to regret (ch khishm var ham pash mn
shav ).206 Similarly, in the Arabic texts, the kings are advised to avoid anger (ghaab), for it
leads to regret (nidma).207 Or, in the Shhnma, Ardashr admonishes his son against allowing
whims (hav) to overcome (ch ra gardad) his wisdom (khirad).208 Similarly, in the Arabic texts,
Ardashr advises his successors to have their wisdom (ray) overcome their whims (haw).209
These commonalities point to a common source for the text of the testament, just as in the case
of the texts of Ardashrs y n and andarz.
The Shhnma version of the testament also contains a number of moral counsels that are
not found in the other texts of the testament. Similarly, some of the moral advice given in the
Arabic texts does not appear in the Shhnma. For example, in the Shhnma, Ardashr advises
his son not to feast and hunt on the same day, because the wine will make him incapable of
hunting.210 This advice is not included in the Arabic texts of the testament. Also, advice on how

236
to treat enemies appears in the Shhnma but not in the Arabic texts of the testament.211 On the
other hand, the Arabic texts of the testament advise the kings to have someone to point out their
faults to them, so that they might recognize them before other people notice them.212 This advice
is not found in Ardashrs testament in the Shhnma.
If the extant texts of Ardashrs testament have a common source, we might presume that
they contain selections from that original source. Depending on the socio-political conditions of
the time and the purpose of the authors who included Ardashrs testament in their works,
relevant parts seem to have been selected from it and, at the same time, new concepts were added
to it. Although we cannot determine the reason behind the inclusion or exclusion of certain
topics, by comparing the extant texts of Ardashrs testament, we can discern that their authors
pursued different goals. As demonstrated above, a comparison of the extant texts of Ardashrs
testament demonstrates that while proper conduct and moral integrity of the king seem to have
been Firdauss main concern, the authors of the Arabic texts of the testament seem to be more
concerned with the maintenance of kingship through vigilance and exercise of power. To
Firdaus, whose work centred on the conduct of kings, the maintenance of kingship was a
corollary of the maintenance of justice, and the maintenance of justice was the responsibility of
the king.
At the end of his counsels in the Shhnma, Ardashr once again stresses the importance
of his testament by asking his son to take care of his fathers testament like his soul (tau ahd-i
pidar b ravnat bidr), to leave it as a legacy for his own son (bi farzand mn hamchun n
ydgr), and to always remember his advices (tau pand-i pidar hamchun n yd-dr).213 The
personal tone of Ardashrs words to his son bring life to an otherwise dull text and make it more
interesting for the reader. In the Arabic texts of the testament, Ardashr tells his successors that
since he could not make his body immortal, he left them his wisdom. He states that by sharing

237
his wisdom, he did what he considered to be his duty and asks his successors to consider it their
duty to follow his advices.214
rd sh r s Prediction

In conclusion, as described in the Shhnma, Ardashr predicts that, in five hundred

years, the prosperous empire that he created will fall into ruin, and that his testament will be
destroyed (tabah gardad) and injustice (b dd) and Evil Religion (k sh-i harman ) will
prevail.215 According to the Arabic texts of the testament, however, Ardashr predicts that the
good world he created will be destroyed in one thousand years.216 In his synopsis of Ardashrs
testament, Masd states the same thing.217 Ardashrs original testament must have included
this particular length of time because, according to the Zoroastrian view of world history, it
would take one thousand years for the world to completely collapse after it had been restored by
a Saviour. This prediction of Ardashrs would have served as another indication that he was
viewed as a world Saviour. The fact that in the Shhnma version, the length of time is five
hundred not one thousand years suggests that Ardashrs prediction concerned not the end of
Zoroastrian reckoning of the period of world history, but rather the Arab conquest of Iran, or,
more precisely, about a hundred years before the collapse of the Sasanian empire. We encounter
a similar situation in Ardashrs prediction in the Nihyat al-arab and the Tajrib al-umam,
where the length of time is six hundred years, that is, precisely when the last Sasanian king was
defeated by Arab forces.218 This discrepancy in the number of years might have had to do with a
prevalent view about the imminent end of time around the turn of the millennium and the efforts
of the political and religious propagandists to convince people that the world was not going to
end any time soon.219

238

rd sh r s Cities

In the Shhnma, following his prediction, Ardashr tells his son that he ruled for forty
years and two months and that he built six prosperous cities (shrstn). He then names the cities
and describes their beautiful gardens, numerous springs, fragrant air, and dense populations.220
The first city he names is Khurrah-i Ardashr (Ardashrs glory) in the province of Khz
(kishvar-i kh ziyn). The second is rmazd Ardashr; the third is R m Ardashr en route to P rs,
and the fourth, Birka-i Ardashr (the pond of Ardashr). The fifth and sixth cities are those built
in Bm-i Msh n by the Euphrates (dau bar b m-i Mishn va r d-i Furt). These he names
Sat b d-i Sh h Ardashr.221 Here again, Firdaus uses his poetic skills to draw attention to
something important. Prosperous cities are the signs of successful kings, and, as deftly presented
in the Shhnma, Ardashr boasts about his success by describing the affluent cities he built.
Among the Arabic texts of Ardashrs testament, only the Nihyat al-arab and its Persian
translation, Tajrib al-umam, mention the names of the cities that Ardashr built. But, they do
not provides this information as part of the testament. Rather, they mark the end of the testament
by stating, then he (Ardashr) died (thumma mta/va vaft farm d), and following this, they
state that Ardashr built six cities (seven, according to the Tajrib al-umam) and provide their
names and location without describing them.222 The numbers, names, and locations of the cities
built by Ardashr are reported by several medieval historians. These reports are not consistent,
but they all point to Ardashrs reputation in the construction of new cities. But, more
importantly, when compared to the Shhnma, these reports reveal how Firdaus provides the
same information in a different way to make an impact. The reader may not pay much attention
to the hard data about Ardashrs cities, but the beauty and prosperity of these cities, as skilfully
portrayed by Firdaus, does stay in the mind.

239
To end his words with his son, Ardashr wishes him success and asks him to keep his
fathers soul happy by upholding justice. Unlike the Arabic texts of the testament, which do not
include the concept of justice, Ardashrs testament in the Shhnma begins and ends with this
concept, a further indication that for Firdaus, justice was the key to the maintenance of kingship.
****
Except for the anonymous authors of Nihyat al-arab and Tajrib al-umam, other
medieval historians who provide accounts about Ardashrs reign only refer to the significance of
his political treatises and do not include the texts of these in their accounts, or else, they only
provide a few synopses of them.223 On the other hand, the Nihyat al-arab and Tajrib al-umam,
which include the texts of Ardashrs political treatises, provide very brief accounts about
Ardashrs reign. Firdauss Shhnma is thus the only work that provides a comprehensive
account about the rise to power and reign of Ardashr, complemented by the wisdom and advice
literature attributed to him. Instead of simply stating that Ardashr established new laws and
regulations and that his books of advice were voluminous and well-known, Firdausi included
these materials in his work, so that his reader would understand what exactly was meant by the
wisdom of Ardashr. He was not satisfied with simply appending the texts of Ardashrs y n,
andarz, and ahd at the end of his account about him, but endeavoured to make these didactic
texts as interesting as possible. Also, he broke the monotony of successive injunctions by his
frequent calls to the reader at intervals throughout the text to heed the advice of Ardashr and to
learn from him. Occasionally, he even commented on Ardashrs greatness and asked the ruler of
the time to be like him.
Although medieval historical writings were in general exemplary and intended to impart
lessons on kingship by drawing upon the experiences of past rulers, it is in Firdauss work that
we see a deliberate effort to make these lessons interesting and entertaining so as to make an

240
impact on the reader. A significant difference between Firdauss work and other historical
writings, which is often ignored when they are compared, is that Firdaus took the trouble to
versify his. Indeed, presented in verse, Ardashrs testament would be more pleasant to read or
listen to. It would also be easier to commit to memory. As medieval authors often mentioned, the
ideas expressed in a prose text are like unbored pearls, whose true value and beauty transpire
when they are pierced and strung together (that is, when they are put into verse). In other words,
it is when the ideas in a prose text are versified that they make an impact. This is what Firdaus
did with the prose texts of the advice and wisdom literature attributed to Ardashr.
A further difference between Firdauss recording of these texts and other medieval
writers is that he did not include in his work those ancient Persian concepts that were no longer
applicable to a contemporary Muslim society. This is further evidence that he wanted his work to
be used as a practical guide on kingship and not merely a chronicle describing past events and
ancient traditions.
Finally, a comparison between the Shhnma version of the testament and that of the
Arabic texts reveals Firdauss particular concern for the proper conduct of kings. Whereas the
Arabic texts of Ardashrs testament consider socio-political problems to be the reasons for the
collapse of kingship, according the Shhnma, it is solely the conduct of the king that leads to
the loss of his power. As a work designed to entertain and instruct rulers, the Shhnma
concentrates on the importance of their conduct. Firdauss particular treatment of the literature
of wisdom and advice attributed to Ardashr clearly points to his desire to teach through the
experiences of past rulers.

241

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:214, line 295.

D. N. MacKenzie, A Concise Pahlavi Dictionary (London: Oxford University Press, 1971), s.v.

wn. The term wn/wnag also means mirror, and, as pointed out by Shaul Shaked, it is
close in meaning to the term andarz (advice), when it is applied to customs and protocols at royal
courts. See his article in Encyclopaedia Iranica, s.v. Andarz. This remark points to a possible
connection between wn/wnag and the title Frstenspiegel or mirrors for princes applied
to the books of advice for rulers.
3

Encyclopaedia Iranica, s.v. n-n ma; and Tafazzoli, Tr kh-i adabiyt, 24548.

For example, Ibn al-Nadm refers to Ibn al-Muqaffas Arabic translation of an n-nma. See

Ibn al-Nadm, al-Fihrist, 190. He also refers to a Kitb y n al-ramy (Book of customs of
archery) of the Sasanian king Bahr m Gr and a Kitb n al-arb bi-al- awlija (Book of
customs of playing polo) of the Persians. See Ibn al-Nadm, al-Fihrist, 490. Also, in his
discussions about the customs of battle ( arb), archery (ramy), polo ( awlajn), and
prognostication by the flight of birds (ayyfa), Ibn Qutayba frequently states I read in the y n
(qaratu f al-y n). He does not clarify, however, whether he read the y n in Pahlavi or used a
translation. See Abdull h b. Muslim b. Qutayba al-Dnawar, Uy n al-akhbr, ed. Amad Zak
al-Adaw, 4 vols., 192530, repr. ed. (Cairo: al-Muassasat al-miriyya al- mma li al-talf wa
al-ib a va al-nashr, 1964), 1:112, 1:133, and 1:151. Tha lib also refers to a Kitb al- n
(Book of customs). See Tha lib, Ghurar, 1415.
5

In the Shhnma, the opening verse of the section that describes Ardashrs customs and

practice starts with the hemistich bik sh d va y n-i n k nihd (He endeavoured to establish
good customs), but the title of the section is Guftr andar buzurg -i Ardash r-i Bbakn (On the
greatness of Ardashr-i B bak n). See Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:214, line 296.

242

Nihyat al-arab, 186.

Nihyat al-arab, 18792.

Tajrib al-umam, 18389.

Mario Grignaschi, Quelques spcimens de la littrature sassanide conservs dans les

bibliothques dIstanbul, Journal Asiatique 254 (1966): 34 (introduction), 91102 (Arabic

text), 11128 (French translation).
10

Grignaschi, Quelques spcimens, 34.

11

Ibn al-Nadm, al-Fihrist, 492.

12

Grignaschi, Quelques spcimens, 91.

13

Grignaschi, Quelques spcimens, 2. As shall be discussed below, this manuscript also

contains a copy of Ardashrs testament.

14

Nihyat al-arab, 196.

15

For Masds report, see Masd, al-Tanb h, 104:

...
.

16

Tha lib, Ghurar, 481: ; Miskya,

Tajrib al-umam, 1:122: ; Ibn al-Balkh, Frsnma, ed. G. Le

Strange and R. A. Nicholson (London: Luzac, 1921), 66.
17

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:21423, lines 296419.

18

Nihyat al-arab, 188; Tajrib al-umam, 185.

19

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:216, lines 32534. The advices that Ardashr gives to local rulers is

given to the scribes in the Nihyat al-arab and Tajrib al-umam. Cf. Nihyat al-arab, 187; and
Tajrib al-umam, 184.
20

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:214, line 29799.

243

21

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:214, line 3002. According to Dihkhud ari is the contracted form

of ri, meaning the officer who keeps record of the military personnel. See Lughat-nma
Dihkhud, s.v. ari. The term is vocalized as ara in Kh liq Mulaqs edition of this line.
22

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:214, lines 3035.

23

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:215, line 309.

24

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:215, line 310.

25

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:215, line 311.

26

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:215, line 312.

27

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:215, lines 31314.

28

On the position of scribes during the Sasanian era, see Ahmad Tafazzoli, Sasanian Society

(New York: Bibliotheca Persica Press, 2000), 2834.

29

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:215, line 316.

30

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:215, lines 31718.

31

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:21516, lines 31920.

32

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:216, lines 321, 323, and 324.

33

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:216, line 322.

34

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:216, line 330.

35

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:216, line 327.

36

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:216, line 328. In the Nihyat al-arab and the Tajrib al-umam, this

advice is given to the scribes and tax functionaries. See Nihyat al-arab, 187; and Tajrib alumam, 184.
37

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:216, line 329.

38

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:216, lines 33234.

39

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:217, lines 33536.

244

40

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:216, lines 33940.

41

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:217, lines 34144.

42

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6: lines 34546.

43

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:217, line 347. Other medieval historians too have reported on this

custom of Ardashr. For example, Masd refers to the letters of Ardashrs minister to different
rulers to ask them to submit to Ardashr. In addition to the Letter of Tansar to the ruler of
abarist n, Masd also refers to another letter by Tansar to the king of India. See Masd, alTanb h, 100. Muqaddas (Maqdis) is another historian who writes about Ardashrs letters to
rulers of far and near. See Muqaddas, al-Bad wa al-tr kh, 3:156. Dnawar refers to Ardashrs
letter to the last Parthian king, Ardav n, before engaging in war with him. See Dnawar, Akhbr
al-iwl, 44.
44

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:218, line 348.

45

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:218, lines 34955.

46

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:218, lines 35658.

47

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:21819, lines 36164.

48

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:218, line 360; and 6:219, lines 36570.

49

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:219, line 371.

50

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:219, lines 37274.

51

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:220, line 376.

52

Nihyat al-arab, 189; and Tajrib al-umam, 186.

53

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:220, lines 37778.

54

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:220, lines 38182.

55

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:220, lines 38384.

56

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:220, lines 38586.

245

57

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:220, lines 38788.

58

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:22021, lines 38991.

59

Nihyat al-arab, 190; and Tajrib al-umam, 187.

60

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:221, line 393.

61

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:221, line 394.

62

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:221, line 395.

63

Nihyat al-arab, 191; and Tajrib al-umam, 18788.

64

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:221, lines 39699.

65

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:222, lines 4037.

66

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:233, line 408.

67

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:222, line 409.

68

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:222, line 410.

69

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:222, lines 41112.

70

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:222, line 413.

71

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:223, lines 41519.

72

See Nma-i Tansar, 71; trans., Boyce, Letter of Tansar, 4950.

73

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:222, line 403.

74

Mario Grignaschi, Les Rgles dArdar b. Bbak pour le gouvernement du royaume, Islm

Tetkileri enstits dergisi (Review of the Institute of Islam Studies) 5, nos. 14 (1973): 103.
75

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:220, line 379.

76

Firdaus, Shhnma 6:221, line 401. I have followed Jal l Kh liq Mulaqs suggestion in

changing the last word of this verse from nab d to buvad. For his argument, see Kh liq
Mulaq, Yddsht-h-yi Shhnma, pt. 3, 185.
77

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:220, line 423.

246

78

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:193, lines 411.

79

See Masd, Mur j, 1:285, sec. 577; trans., Masd, Prairies dor, 1:217, sec. 577.

80

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:22328, lines 427501. As discussed in the previous chapter, Ardashr

is proclaimed king of kings twice in the Shhnma. For more on this, see above, p. 171.
81

Nihyat al-arab, 19396; and Tajrib al-umam, 18992.

82

Cf. Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:22425, lines 43849; Farahvash, Krnma-i Ardash r, 13943;

and Grenet, La geste dArdash r, 7779.

83

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:224, line 406.

84

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:224, line 437.

85

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:22425, lines 44346.

86

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:225, lines 44749.

87

Nihyat al-arab, 193, Tajrib al-umam, 190.

88

Farahvash, Krnma-i Ardash r, 141; and Grenet, La geste dArdash r, 77.

89

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:225, line 456.

90

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:225, line 458.

91

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:22627, lines 47879.

92

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:227, line 482.

93

Cf. Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:225, line 457; Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:226, lines 464 and 470;

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:227, line 484; Nihyat al-arab, 194; and Tajrib al-umam, 190.
94

Encyclopaedia Iranica, s.v. Andarz.

95

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:225, line 457:

96

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:225, line 459.

97

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:225, line 460.

98

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:226, line 461.

247

99

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:226, line 462.

100

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:226, line 463.

101

Nihyat al-arab, 194: ; Tajrib al-umam, 190: .

102

This phrase seems to have been missing from the manuscript of Tajrib al-umam, since the

editors have added it to the text from the Nihyat al-arab. See Tajrib al-umam, 190n2.
Nevertheless, the importance of frequenting the homes of sages is clearly mentioned there.
103

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:226, line 464.

104

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:226, line 465.

105

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:226, line 466.

106

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:226, line 467.

107

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:226, line 469.

108

Nihyat al-arab, 194; Tajrib al-umam, 190.

109

Cf. Nihyat al-arab, 194: ; Tajrib al-umam, 190: ; Firdaus,

Shhnma, 6:226, line 465:

110

Nihyat al-arab, 194: ; Tajrib al-

umam, 190: .
111

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:226, lines 47071.

112

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:226, lines 47273.

113

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:226, line 474.

114

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:226, line 475.

115

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:226, line 476.

116

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:226, line 477.

117

Nihyat al-arab, 194: ; Tajrib al-umam, 190: ; Firdaus,

Shhnma, 6:226, line 47273:

248

118

Cf. Nihyat al-arab, 194: ; Tajrib al-umam, 190: ; Firdaus,

Shhnma, 6:226, line 474: .

119

Cf. Nihyat al-arab, 194: ; Tajrib al-umam, 190: ;

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:226, line 475:

For the correction made to the first hemistich, see Kh liq Mulaq, Yddsht-h-yi Shhnma, pt.
3, 187.
120

Nihyat al-arab, 194: ; Tajrib al-umam, 190:

. ; Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:226, line 477:

121

Cf. Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:226, line 471: ; Nihyat al-arab, 194:

; and Tajrib al-umam, 190:

.
122

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:227, line 479.

123

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:227, line 480.

124

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:227, line 481.

125

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:227, line 483.

126

Cf. Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:227, line 479: ; Nihyat al-arab, 194:

; Tajrib al-umam, 192: .

127

For advice on education, cf. Nihyat al-arab, 194:

;Tajrib al-umam, 191: ; Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:227,

lines 48081:

249

and for advice on friendship, cf. Nihyat al-arab, 195: ; Tajrib alumam, 191: ; Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:227, line 483:

128

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:227, line 485.

129

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:227, line 48687.

130

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:227, line 488.

131

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:227, line 490.

132

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:22728, lines 493501.

133

Nihyat al-arab, 195: ; Tajrib al-umam, 191:

.
134

Nihyat al-arab, 19596; Tajrib al-umam, 19192.

135

de Fouchcour, Moralia, 97

136

Firdaus, Shhnma, 1:4243, lines 1934.

137

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:229, line 516.

138

Nihyat al-arab, 196; Tajrib al-umam, 192.

139

Miskya, Tajrib al-umam, 1:122.

140

Ibn al-Balkh, Frsnma, 60.

141

Miskya, Tajrib al-umam, 1:17980; Ibn al-Balkh, Frsnma, 88.

142

Ibn al-Nadm, al-Fihrist, 203.

143

Ibn al-Nadm, al-Fihrist, 181: . ...

144

Ab al-Abb s Muammad b. Yazd al-Mubarrad, Kitb al-fil, ed. Abd al-Azz al-

Mayman (Cairo: D r al-Kutub al-Miriyya, 1956), 4:

250

[ ]
.
145

J i , Rasil al-J i , ed. Abd A. Muhann , 2 vols. (Beirut: D r al-ad tha, 1988), 1:122:

-
. []
J i s reference to al-fr q al-akbar might also be an allusion to Umar the second Caliph,
whose epithet was al-fr q.
146

For more information on the manuscript of this work, which was copied in 584/1188, see

Ahd-i Ardash r, 3943.

147

Ahd-i Ardash r, 41.

148

Miskya, Tajrib al-umam, 1:122144.

149

Ab Sad Manr b. al-usayn al-b, Nathr al-durr, Vol. 7, ed. Munr Muammad al-

Madan and usayn Na r (Cairo: al-Haya al-miriyya al- mma li-al-kit b, 1990), 84107.
150

Grignaschi, Quelques spcimens, 23 (introduction), 4667 (Arabic text), and 6890

(French translation).
151

Ahd-i Ardash r, 3335.

152

Grignaschi, Quelques spcimens, 3 and 89.

153

Boyce, Letter of Tansar, 22n3; Tafazzoli, Tr kh-i adabiyt, 217.

154

The author of this text is unknown, and the manuscript that contains it is dated 710/131011.

For the text, see Muammad Kurd Al, ed., Rasil al-Bulagh, 3rd ed. (Cairo: Mabaa lijanna al-talf wa al-tarjama wa al-nashr, 1365/1946), 38284. This short text too was used by
Abb s in his edition of Ardashrs testament.
155

Nihyat al-arab, 196200; and Tajrib al-umam, 19294.

251

156

For example, see Tha lib, Ghurar, 48284, where he cites a few synopses from the

testament under the title Fu l min ghurar kalmih f kull fann (Synopses from the best of his
words on every topic). Also see Masd, al-Tanb h, 98; and Ab al-Abb s Muammad b. Yazd
al-Mubarrad, al-Kmil, ed. Muammad Amad al-D l, 4 vols. (Beirut: Muassasat al-ris la,
1986), 1:349.
157

Cf. Ahd-i Ardash r, 49: ; Grignaschi,

Quelques spcimens, 46: ; and Miskya,

Tajrib al-umam, 1:122: . In the Nihyat
al-arab, the rubric of the section introducing Ardashrs testament is different from the opening
sentence of the testament. The rubric presents the text as Ardashrs testament to his son:
( Ardashrs testament to his
son, Sh pr, and his order of obeying it, learning its contents, and avoiding to oppose it), but the
opening sentence of the text presents it as Ardashrs testament to his son and all his successors:

.( This is the testament of Ardashr son of B bak to his son, Sh pr, when he chose him for
kingship and dressed him in the attire of nobility, and to his descendants who succeeded him).
See Nihyat al-arab, 19697. The opening sentence of the testament in the Persian translation of
the Nihyat al-arab reads as:
.See Tajrib al-umam, 192.
158

Kurd Al, Rasil al-bulagh, 382:

159

Grignaschi, Quelques spcimens, 1112n9.

160

Tajrib al-umam, 192.

161

Ibn al-Nadm, al-Fihrist, 181, 203, and 491.

162

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:22930, 52537.

252

163

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:203, line 507.

164

Tajrib al-umam, 192.

165

Nihyat al-arab, 19697:

.
166

Miskya, Tajrib al-umam, 1:122.

167

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:230, lines 54142.

168

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:232, line 563.

169

Mubarrad, al-Kmil, 1:349:

. : :

170

Tha lib, Ghurar, 483:

171

ahr Samarqand, Aghr al-siysa, 16465.

172

Ahd-i Ardash r, 53, sec. 3; Grignaschi, Quelques spcimens, 49.

173

Cf. Ahd-i Ardash r, 70, sec. 21; and Kurd Ali, Rasil al-bulagh, 383, where

and are mentioned. Also, cf. Ahd-i Ardash r, 58, sec. 8; and Kurd Ali,
Rasil al-bulagh, 383, where and are
mentioned. The above-mentioned maxim cited by Mubarrad and Tha lib also appears in the
Muntakhab min ahd, but the term rishd is used instead ofadl. See Kurd Al, Rasil albulagh, 382: ( the integrity of the conduct of the king is better than
the abundance of time).
174

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:23132, lines 55262.

175

For example, see Gnoli, Idea of Iran, 138n13, and 16465; Richard Frye, Notes on the Early

Sassanian State and Church, in Studi orientalistici in onore di Giorgio Levi Della Vida, 2 vols.
(Rome: Istituto per lOriente, 1956), 1:32527, Gignoux, Church-State Relations in the
Sasanian Period, 7273; and Daryaee, The Ideal King in the Sasanian World, 43. Some

253

medieval authors, like Shams the author of Farid al-sul k and Fakhr-i R z attribute the idea to
the prophet Muammad. See above, p. 62, and below, p. 293 respectively.
176

J. de Menasce, ed. and trans., Le troisime livre du Dnkart (Paris: C. Klincksieck, 1973),

133, sec. 129.

177

See above, pp. 15859.

178

In his reading and interpretation of two passages from the Dnkard and Wiz dag h

Zdspram, Shaul Shaked refers to the terms ham-nf of the same womb and ham-dh of the
same village used in reference to the union of religion and kingship. These two terms further
indicate that kingship and religion are to reside in one place, that is, the person of the king. See
Shaul Shaked, From Iran to Islam: Notes on Some Themes in Transmission, Jerusalem Studies
in Arabic and Islam 4 (1984): 40, repr. ed., in Shaul Shaked, From Zoroastrian Iran to Islam:
Studies in Religious History and Intercultural Contacts (Brookfield, VT: Variorum, 1995), chap.
6.
179

See above, pp. 15964.

180

Marijan Mol, Culte, mythe et cosmologie dans lIran ancien: Le problme zoroastrien et la

tradition mazdenne (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1963), 38.

181

Mol, Culte, mythe et cosmologie, 38 and 41.

182

See above, pp. 15859.

183

For example, see Yasht 19.3233; Yasht 13.130; and Yasn 9.5.

184

de Menasce, Troisime livre du Dnkart, 317, sec. 343.

185

Firdaus, Shhnma, 1:41, line 8 and 1:44, lines 5660.

186

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:160, line 393.

187

Tha lib, Ghurar, 481. The term does not seem to bear meaning here; the correct term

must be , meaning to redress.

254

188

Ahd-i Ardash r, 5354, sec. 4; Ahd-i Ardash r, 5657, sec. 6; Grignaschi, Quelques

spcimens, 49 and 5051; Nihyat al-arab, 197. The Tajrib al-umam does not include these
warnings.
189

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:202, line 56361.

190

Mol, Culte, mythe et cosmologie, 5051; de Menasce, Troisime livre du Dnkart, 277, sec.

278.
191

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:232, line 563.

192

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:232, lines 56365.

193

Ahd-i Ardash r, 51, 53, 56, 57, 58, 60, 62, 63, 66; Grignaschi, Quelques spcimens, 47,

49, 50, 51, 53, 54; Nihyat al-arab, 197, 199.

194

Ahd-i Ardash r, 5354, sec 4; Grignaschi, Quelques spcimens, 49; The Nihyat al-arab

does not provide as many details as the other texts provide, and the Tajrib al-umam does not
include this topic. See Nihyat al-arab, 197.
195

Ahd-i Ardash r, 58, sec. 8.

196

Grignaschi, Quelques spcimens, 51.

197

Nihyat al-arab, 197; and Tajrib al-umam, 193.

198

Ahd-i Ardash r, 60, sec. 12; and Grignaschi, Quelques spcimens, 5354. The Nihyat al-

arab very briefly refers to this issue, and the Tajrib al-umam does not include it. See Nihyat
al-arab, 199.
199

Ahd-i Ardash r, 6264, sec. 13; Grignaschi, Quelques spcimens, 5455.

200

Ahd-i Ardash r, 7477, sec. 29; Grignaschi, Quelques spcimens, 6163; Nihyat al-arab,

199. The Tajrib al-umam very briefly refers to this topic. See Tajrib al-umam, 194. The idea
to help people of higher classes to remain in their own classes is also mentioned in Ardashrs
y n. See above, pp. 21011.

255

201

Ahd-i Ardash r, 6669, sec. 17; Grignaschi, Quelques spcimens, 5658; Nihyat al-arab,

199.
202

Cf. Firdausi, Shhnma, 6:232, line 567: ; and Ahd-i Ardash r, 69, sec.

18: ; Grignaschis text and the Nihyat al-arab do not include this advice.
203

Cf. Firdausi, Shhnma, 6:232, line 576:

Ahd-i Ardash r, 69, sec. 18: ; Grignaschi, Quelques spcimens, 58: ;

Nihyat al-arab, 198: ; and Tajrib al-umam, 193: .
204

Cf. Firdausi, Shhnma, 6:234, lines 59295; Ahd-i Ardash r, 72, sec. 25; Grignaschi,

Quelques spcimens, 60; Nihyat al-arab, 198; and Tajrib al-umam, 194.
205

Cf. Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:233, line 580; Ahd-i Ardash r, 5758, sec. 7; Grignaschi,

Quelques spcimens, 51. The Nihyat al-arab does not include this advice.
206

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:232, line 573.

207

Ahd-i Ardash r, 69, sec. 18; Grignaschi, Quelques spcimens, 58; Nihyat al-arab, 198;

and Tajrib al-umam, 193.

208

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:234, line 597.

209

Ahd-i Ardash r, 74, sec. 28: ; Grignaschi, Quelques spcimens, 61:

; Nihyat al-arab, 198: ; Miskya, Tajrib al-umam,

1:137: .
210

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:233, lines 58183.

211

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:234, lines 60912.

212

Ahd-i Ardash r, 66, sec 16; Grignaschi, Quelques spcimens, 56.

213

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:235, line 615 and 618.

214

Ahd-i Ardash r, 82, sec. 36; Grignaschi, Quelques spcimens, 66; Nihyat al-arab, 200;

Tajrib al-umam, 194.

256

215

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:23536, lines 62128.

216

Ahd-i Ardash r, 83, sec. 36; Grignaschi, Quelques spcimens, 66.

217

Masd, al-Tanb h, 98.

218

Nihyat al-arab, 200; and Tajrib al-umam, 194.

219

For more on this issue, see Elton Daniel, The S m nd Translations of al-abar, in Al-

abar : A Medieval Muslim Historian and His Work, ed. Hugh Kennedy (Princeton: Darwin,
2008), 29496; Elton Daniel, Manuscripts and Editions of Balams Tarjamah-i Tr kh-i
abar , Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 3rd ser., 2 (1990):
290; and Julie Scott Meisami, Why Write History in Persian? Historical Writing in the Samanid
Period, in Studies in Honour of Clifford Edmund Bosworth, vol. 2, The Sultans Turret: Studies
in Persian and Turkish Culture, ed. by Carole Hillenbrand (Leiden: Brill, 2000), 36668.
220

For the verses, see below, pp. 28687.

221

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:23637, lines 63441.

222

Nihyat al-arab, 200; Tajrib al-umam, 194.

223

In his account about Ardashr, abar only refers to Ardashrs political letters that he sent to

other rulers to ask them to submit to him. See abar, Tar kh 2:820; trans., abar, History, 5:17.
Balam and Ibn al-Athr do not mention anything about Ardashrs political treatises. For other
medieval historians references to Ardashrs political treatises, see Gardz, Zayn al-akhbr, 22;
Masd, Mur j, 1:28590; trans., Masd, Prairies dor, 1:21520; Masd, al-Tanb h, 9899;
Tha lib, Ghurar, 48184; Mujmal, 61; Mustauf, Tr kh-i guz da, 104105; and Ibn al-Balkh,
Frs-nma, 60.

Chapter Four
The Ardashr Cycle and Medieval Persian Mirrors for Princes
The second and third chapters of this study were concerned with the ethico-political advice and
wisdom presented in the Ardashr cycle in the Shhnma and they demonstrated how the
Shhnma narratives functioned as a book of wisdom and advice for rulers and courtiers. In this
final chapter, I will show how the ideas in the Ardashr cycle were reflected in later medieval
Persian mirrors for princes, and how Ardashr is represented in them. Ardashr continued to be
recognized as an ideal king and an authority on good governance by later medieval authors who
kept attributing to him various aphorisms and maxims on statecraft and kingship. It will be
demonstrated that these works reflect Firdauss portrayal of an ideal ruler. Mirrors for princes
here refers to any form of writing that provides ethico-political advice for rulers on how to
comport themselves and organize their states in order to maintain their power.
In this chapter, the ideas in the Ardashr cycle in the Shhnma will be compared with
nine medieval Persian advisory works. In order to keep the focus of the study within the
medieval Persian cultural milieu, only medieval mirrors written in Persian were selected. Also,
an effort was made to include a variety of works that were written in different styles and
structures by authors of different social status in different geographical, historical, and cultural
contexts. The authors include two rulers, one minister, two theologians, two court secretaries, a
philosopher, and a court dignitary, who wrote from different perspectives and with different
intentions in a wide geographical area from northern Iran to India. This variety will help to
demonstrate that, despite significant differences, the medieval Persian mirrors share common
ideas that are similar to those in the Ardashr cycle in the Shhnma. The result of this
257

258
comparative survey supports the argument that the Ardashr cycle in Shhnma, like other
medieval Persian works of wisdom and advice for rulers, differs in many ways from other works
of this genre, but presents the same ideas and ideals and can therefore be studied as a mirror for
princes.
A further criterion for the selection of the works reviewed here was their time of
composition. As pointed out by de Fouchcour, the authors of the advisory literature written
during the fifth/eleventh to the seventh/thirteenth centuries generally drew on earlier collections
of advice and mostly focused on the literary aspect of their writings in order to make their works
more entertaining and convincing. The authors of this earlier period employed verses, maxims,
proverbs, aphorisms, and anecdotes in their works in order to make an impact on their readers
and encourage them to adhere to the ideas and values that they promoted. The authors of later
periods, on the other hand, tended to take a more philosophical approach in their exposition of
the ideal of kingship.1 This does not mean that the ideas found in later works are different from
those of earlier periods. The fact is that, under the influence of Akhlq-i N ir (The Nasirean
ethics) of Nar al-Dn s (d. 672/1274), composed in 633/1235, which exerted a profound
influence on all subsequent literature, later authors of medieval Persian advice literature
articulated their ideas more theoretically and less by way of examples and practical advices. 2
Therefore, since the Shhnma is a literary not a philosophical work, and it better compares with
earlier medieval Persian wisdom and advice literature, only the works composed during the
fifth/eleventh to the seventh/thirteenth centuries were selected for this study. But, in order to
demonstrate the difference between the literary and philosophical approaches to the presentation
of ideas, the work of a philosopher, who wrote in the earlier period, is also included among
selected works.

259
When selecting the sources, their availability as published texts, and their general
recognition as advisory literature for rulers were also taken into consideration. To situate the
works within an historical timeline, they have been reviewed in a chronological order.

Pand-nma of Sebktegin

Considered to be one of the oldest Persian mirrors for princes, the Pand-nma (Book of
advice) of Sebktegin is a short testament on statecraft and kingship attributed to Sebktegin (d.
387/997), the father of sultan Mamd of Ghazna and true founder of the Ghaznavid dynasty.
According to later medieval historians, Sebktegin wrote this testament to his son Mamd when
he appointed him as his successor, but modern scholars maintain that it was most likely written
during the reign of sultan Mamd (r. 388/998421/1030).3 Like the Ardashr cycle in the
Shhnma, this testament consists of two parts: The first part aims to establish the legitimacy of
Ghaznavid rule, and the second part is a didactic text in plain language, giving straightforward
counsels on how to exercise and maintain kingly power.
Right at the beginning of his testament, Sebktegin establishes a connection between his
tribe and ancient Persian kingship. He states that he comes from the Barskh niy n tribe in
Turkistan, and explains that this name was given to the tribe because in olden times, a Persian
ruler known as B rs Kh n (P rs Kh n Persian Chief ?) ruled over Turkistan. The name B rs
Kh n () , according to him, eventually changed to Barskh n ().4 By providing this
etymology for the name of his Turkic tribe, Sebktegin seems to imply that he was from a region
of Turkistan that was influenced by Persian culture and ways of rulership. Sebktegin then
describes his own father as the most powerful man of the tribe and a generous person who
enjoyed having company. Having recounted the noble characteristics of his father, Sebktegin
then relates that one day, when his father was away, their encampment was raided and all the

260
women, children, and property of their tribe were carried off. Sebktegin, who was only a child
at the time, was put to work as a shepherd by his captors, and four years later, he was sold as a
slave. By making a point about his fathers noble characteristics and then describing how he
happened to become a slave, Sebktegin communicates the idea that he was of a noble origin,
even though he served as a slave for some time. It may be recalled that, according to the Ardashr
cycle, Ardashrs father, who was supposedly a descendant of ancient Persian kings, worked as a
shepherd, and that Ardashr himself was a kihtar (a person of low rank) at the court of Ardav n.
In both accounts, the authors suggest that the new ruler, though seemingly of lower social status,
is worthy of kingship on account of his noble background.
Sebktegin also states that when he was a child, an old fortune-teller (p rmard khin)
told him that he would have an amazing life with a great fortune, and that his descendants would
become kings. The words of that old diviner, asserts Sebktegin, encouraged him to strive for the
best and achieve the glorious life that was predicted for him. The divine election of the future
king and the individuals own effort to materialize it is another important concept that is dealt
with in the Ardashr cycle.5
Sebktegin recalls that his kidnappers worshipped a man-made stone statue, which
resembled a human. He stresses that, although he was only a child, he did not care for that statue,
and, in order to reassure himself that he was right and they were wrong, he once smeared dirt and
excrement on that idol to see whether anything bad would befall him, and nothing happened.
This symbolic story delineates Sebktegins contempt for the wrong religion and aims to
represent him as a wise man who could differentiate between the right and wrong religions.
This concept, which is an important element in legitimizing the power of a usurper, figures
prominently in the Ardashr cycle.6 Sebktegins testament continues with another entertaining
story that emphasizes on his own effort and wisdom in acquiring the skills required for rulership.

261
Similarly, in the Ardashr cycle, the wisdom, knowledge, and skills of Ardashr are depicted
through entertaining tales in order to represent him as qualified for kingship.
Having established his right to rule on account of his noble background, wisdom, and
skills, Sebktegin begins to advise his son on how to exercise and maintain power. The
followings are some of the advices of Sebktegin to Mamd that find parallels in the Ardashr
cycle in the Shhnma:
1. Inquire about the [conduct] of tax functionaries who have held their positions for two
to three years () .7 Inquiring about the performance
of local governors, who were in charge of tax collection, is one of the customs and practices of
Ardashr described in his y n in the Shhnma:

Anyone who went to the court of the king

Whether to praise or seek justice,
His (Ardashrs) confidants would go to him (the visitor)
To inquire about his (the kings) local governors
[They would ask] whether they uphold justice or have greed for property
[And whether] anyone sleeps in fear of them (local governors).8

2. Honour and reward those who display manliness () .9

According to Ardashrs y n in the Shhnma, Ardashr promised robes of honour to those who
showed great courage on the battlefield:

262

Anyone who sought to please the king

And washed the earth with the blood of heroes (killed many heroes [of the enemy])
Will receive from me (Ardashr) a robe of honour
[And] his name will be remembered in the world.10

3. Secure roads, as it is the most important thing to do (

).11 As narrated in the Ardashr cycle, Ardashr fought against thieves and bandits in a
particular region of his realm and made the area so safe that if an old man with a tray of gold
coins on his head passed through that region, no one dared to even look at him.12 Also, the
elderly man who praises Ardashr at the end of his throne speech, makes a point about Ardashrs
providing a safe place for people to live.13
4. Listen to peoples grievances yourself () .14 According to
Ardashrs y n, Ardashr listened to peoples grievances himself:

He (Ardashr) would go to the square early in the morning

Everyone who sought justice went [there too].15

5. Forgiveness is better than anything. () .16 In his advices to his

son, Ardashr exhorts him to forgive those who seek pardon and to avoid vengeance:

Accept the apology of those who apologize for their wrongdoings

Do not seek vengeance for [what is] past.17

263
6. Be generous, but avoid excess ( ... ) .18
In his throne speech in the Shhnma, Ardashr admonishes against lavish spending and advises
his audience to keep moderation.

Thirdly, not to spend money excessively and in vain for the sake of boasting
[As] there will neither be a recompense for it, nor anyone would appreciate it
Nor is that approved by the believer in God
[If] you choose the mean, you will keep your status
[And] the wise will call you [a man of] sound mind.19

7. You should assign spies and informers all over your realm, so that, day and night,
they keep you informed about the state of affairs(
) .20 Throughout the Ardashr cycle in the Shhnma, Ardashrs use
of spies is presented as a key to his success.21
b-i salanat va vizrat

As opined by Charles Schefer and Charles-Henri de Fouchcour, db-i salanat va

vizrat was written around the end of the fourth/tenth or early fifth/eleventh century.22 The name
of the author, the title, and the addressee of the work are unknown, but in the introduction to his
work, the author refers to it as a treatise on the rules and customs (db) of kingship (salanat)
and viziership (vizrat); hence the title db-i salanat va vizrat given to it by Schefer.23
The author divides his treatise into two parts, the first dealing with the proper conduct
and duties of kings, and the second with those of ministers. This treatise, which is devoid of any

264
anecdotes, symbolic tales, or exemplary accounts about past kings and ministers, very formally
and systematically deals with its subject. The author divides each part of the work into several
chapters, each devoted to a specific topic. The frequent citations from the Quran and sayings of
the prophet Muammad and the absence of any reference to the ancient Persian kings, whose
famous maxims are cited without any acknowledgement, as well as the authors choice of words
(e.g., mub religiously permissible) and emphasis on Islamic law (shar a), suggest that he
was a religious scholar.24 Despite its religious tone, however, this treatise contains ideas and
advices that we also find in the Ardashr cycle. To begin with, the author views justice as the
foremost quality that a king should possess and asserts that the kings extreme piety would not
save him on the Day of Judgement if a subject suffered from his injustice.25 The concept of
justice is of great importance in Ardashrs testament in the Shhnma. But, according to
Ardashrs testament in the Shhnma, the purpose to maintain justice is to maintain kingship not
to be saved on the Day of Judgement.26 This is indeed a fine point of difference between the
Shhnma and later medieval Persian mirrors for princes. Whereas the Shhnma promises a
prosperous realm, a long-lasting kingship, and a good name after death to a just king, most later
medieval mirrors for princes warn the ruler about punishments on the Day of Judgement. In other
words, the promises of great achievements in this world, which we find in the Shhnma, are
generally replaced in later medieval mirrors for princes by the threat of punishment in the
hereafter in order to encourage the ruler to maintain justice. Nonetheless, despite their different
approaches, we find similar advices given to the ruler in the Shhnma and in later medieval
mirrors. The following concepts from db-i salanat va vizrat are some examples of the
common points shared by this treatise and the Ardashr cycle in the Shhnma:

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1. The king is chosen by the favour (fal) of God.27 As demonstrated above, the divine
election of Ardashr as a future king is dealt with at length in the first part of the Ardashr cycle
in the Shhnma in order to establish the legitimacy of his rule.28
2. The king should not follow his whims () .29 In his testament in the
Shhnma, Ardashr asks his son not to let his whims (hav) overcome his wisdom:

If whims prevail over your wisdom

The sage will not consider you a [true] man.30

3. The king should endeavour to protect kingship by means of religion (

) .31 The significant role of religion in the maintenance of kingship is stressed in
ten consecutive verses devoted to this concept in Ardashrs testament in the Shhnma.32 The
following two verses, which clearly make the point, may be cited here as representative of the
rest:

No religion survives without the royal throne

Nor any kingship lasts without religion.33

When the king is the protector of religion

Do not call these two other than brothers.34

4. The king should consider it his duty to stop the oppressors and corrupt men (
) who exploit his subjects.35 According to Ardashrs throne speech, a king

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who is aware of the injustice that his local governors and military bring upon people and does
not punish them, is not worthy of kingship and will lose his divine right to rule (farr):

If he (the king) is aware that his local governors and the military
Afflict his country with suffering
[Yet] he does not [bring] justice [to people], he is not king of the world
He is not worthy of the royal crown
[Such a king] nullifies the decree of kingship
[And] henceforth, he will have no farr (right to rule). 36

5. The king should not accept the words of those who are known for slander and
wrongdoing without any evidence and the testimony of trustworthy witnesses (
) .37 In his testament in the
Shhnma, Ardashr advises his son not to trust the words of slanderers (bad-g y), commoners
(miyn), and ill-minded (bad-nihn) people:

Do not look for truth in the heart of commoners

For [this] search will bring upon you indignity

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And if they bring you bad news
You do not listen to [these] slanderers and do not worry
They worship neither the king nor God
If you reach [for their] feet, you will find [their] heads (that is, they reverse the truth)
This is the measure of the commoners of the realm
May you be endowed with wisdom forever
Be afraid of the harm of ill-minded people
May the world (life) be difficult for the ill-minded.38

The anonymous author of db-i salanat va vizrat devotes two of the four chapters of
the first part of his treatise, which is on the proper conduct and duties of kings, to the topics of
who the king should listen to (istim-i kalamt) and who he should consult with (dar
mashvirat), a clear indication that these two matters were of great relevance to his addressee.39 In
the Ardashr cycle, this concept is featured on several occasions where Ardashr either seeks
advice from the wise men or listens to those who approach him with their wise suggestions.40
Qb s-nma

Although not specifically designed to educate a king on the maintenance of kingship,

Qb s-nma contains the same concepts that we find in most medieval Persian works of advice
for rulers.41 This work was written in 475/108283 (or 457/106465) by Unur al-Ma l
Kayk s b. Iskandar b. Q bs b. Vushmgr b. Ziy r, a prince of the Ziyarid family, who was a
son-in-law of sultan Mamd of Ghazna and who probably ruled over Gurg n and abarist n in
northern Iran. In his work, Kayk s addresses his son, Gl nsh h, to educate him on a wide
range of customs and practices, from bathing to eating and drinking, from holding banquets to
hunting and playing games, and from farming the land and fighting in the army to ruling as a

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king. The content of the work and the titles of a number of its chapters that begin with the phrase
dar y n-i (on the customs of), point to its affinity with the Sasanian y n-nmas books of
customs and practices, none of which have survived in the original language.42 Some of
Kayk ss instructions on the y n of war and military, court administration, and kingship share
common points with the Ardashr cycle, particularly his y n, in the Shhnma. The followings
are a few examples:
In the chapter on the y n and requirements of the commander-in-chief (dar y n va
shar-i sipahslr ), Kayk s gives the following advices to his son, which we also find in the
Ardashrs y n in the Shhnma:
1. To ensure that he has accurate information about the enemy by regularly sending out
spies (js s) and vanguards (alya) to collect information for him (

) .43 Likewise, according to Ardashrs
y n in the Shhnma, the commander-in-chief is advised to dispatch vanguards from the army
)) .44
2. To show high spirit and embolden the troops when the two armies face each other:

: On the day of battle, as you lay eyes on the
troops of the enemy, and as both armies face each other, keep laughing and tell your troops, who
the hell are these dogs? In one hour, we will get rid of them. 45 A similar advice is given to the
commander-in-chief in Ardashrs y n:

Tell the troops, who the hell are these [people]?

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Why the hell are they on this battlefield?
One hundred of their cavalrymen [equals] one of us
Even that one hundred is petty before one [of us]
For everyone of you, young and old,
I will get a robe of honour from Ardashr.46

3. To reward competent soldiers, so that others may be encouraged to work harder:

... ...

Reward those who fight well by

robes of honour and increasing their salary all your troops will look at that and wish to fight,
and so, there will be no negligence and a desirable victory will be achieved.47 As already noted
in the discussion about the Pand-nma of Sebktegin, the advice about rewarding courageous
men is given in the Ardashrs y n in the Shhnma.48 The point of this advice, according to
Qb s-nma, is to encourage others. We find the same reasoning in Ardashrs y n:

He (Ardashr) invested the competent with robes of honour

He asked from the treasury that which was more valuable [to reward them with]
When the incompetent looked at that [honouring of the competent]
He girded his belt (that is, became determined) to fight harder.49

4. Not to follow a defeated enemy, as it may return with a surprise attack:

.
When you achieve
victory, do not go after a large defeated army, as blunders can occur on retreat, and it is not

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possible to know the state of affairs.50 A similar advice is given to the commander-in-chief in
Ardashrs y n:

When you see the back of the enemy, do not seek more,
And do not empty your spot [on the battlefield].
You should not feel secure from surprise attacks
[As] the troops are in a plain of vengeance.51

5. To eat and drink with the army, for it is very effective in keeping their loyalty:
Never eat a piece of bread
or drink a cup of wine without your army, for a piece of bread does things that gold and silver
cannot do.52 In the Ardashr cycle in the Shhnma, this advice is not given directly, but in the
tale of Ardashrs battle with Haftv d, Firdaus depicts Ardashr having dinner and wine with his
military officials.53
On the topic of secretaryship and the requirements of scribes (dar db va y n-i dab r
va shar-i ktib), Kayk s advises that a secretary with good penmanship should also know how
to speak () [ ] .54 As stated in Ardashrs y n in the
Shhnma, eloquence and good penmanship were two requirements of the scribes who worked at
the royal court:

Those (scribes) who were more experienced,

Maintained eloquence and penmanship.55

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Those who were weaker in penmanship and intelligence
Did not go to the court of king Ardashr.56

In the chapter on the y n and requirements of kingship (dar y n va shar-i pdshh ),

Kayk s exhorts his son, among other things, to be pious (prs), consult his wisdom (khirad),
be patient (burdbr), uphold justice (dd), speak the truth (rst-g y), speak little (kam-g y), be
compassionate (ra m), and be completely aware of what is going on in his realm.57 We find
these advices in Ardashrs testament to his son in the Shhnma and in most medieval Persian
mirrors for princes.
Siyar al-mul k of Ni m al-Mulk

Siyar al-mul k (The conduct of kings), also known as the Siysat-nma (The book of
statecraft), is generally recognized as the most representative of the medieval Persian mirrors for
princes, 58 and was written during the period 479/1086484/1091 by the vizier Ni m al-Mulk (d.
485/1092), who served the two Saljq rulers Alp Arsl n (r. 455/1063465/1072) and Maliksh h
(r. 465/1072485/1092).59 The directness and immediacy of the text demonstrate that the
authors intention was not so much to create a literary piece, but rather to write a straightforward
manual on how to rule. It is interesting to note that although the work is clearly a manual on
kingship and not history, its author refers to it as a kitb-i siyar book of conduct (of kings), a
generic title given to the early Islamic Arabic translations of the Khudynmas, histories of
ancient Persian kings, which were changed to shhnmas in New Persian. 60 Ni m al-Mulks
reference to his own work as a kitb-i siyar suggests that he considered the function of his work
to be like that of the Khudynmas, that is, teaching lessons on kingship and statecraft through
exemplary accounts of past kings. In other words, he considered histories of ancient Persian
kings to be manuals on kingship like his own work.

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Dividing his work into fifty chapters, each on a different aspect of statecraft and kingship,
Ni m al-Mulk draws upon both ancient and recent history to provide models for good
governance. He starts each chapter with a precept, which is often followed by an historical
account to illustrate the point. The followings are some of the advices of Ni m al-Mulk that
correspond to the concepts presented in the Ardashr cycle in the Shhnma:
1. Ni m al-mulk advises the ruler to dedicate two days of the week to listening to
peoples grievances in person. He states that he had read in the books of the past (kutub-i
p sh nign) that most Persian kings built a high platform (dukkn buland) in a field, from atop
of which they listened to the grievances of people. He further explains that if the king stays at his
palace, he will not learn the problems of people, because the court officials and guards will not
allow people to enter the palace and have their complaints heard by the king.61 According to
Ardashrs y n in the Shhnma, Ardashr listened to peoples grievances in person in the main
square.62 This custom of Ardashr is also mentioned in the Nihyat al-arab and Tajrib al-umam,
where it is stated that Ardashr built a high platform adjacent to his palace and named it dukkn
al-ma l m n (edited as makn al-ma l m n in the Tajrib al-umam), and listened to peoples
complaints in person twice a month from atop this platform.63
2. Ni m al-Mulk advises the ruler to instruct tax functionaries, when assigning them
their posts, to treat people considerately, not oppress them with extortionate taxes and/or prepayments of their taxes, and provide them with farming supplies (gv va tukhm) and loans (vm)
if need be, so that they stay and not emigrate.64 According to Ardashrs y n in the Shhnma,
Ardashr gave detailed instructions to local governors/tax functionaries when he appointed them
to provinces.65 It also describes Ardashrs custom of providing farming supplies and animals
(lat va chrpy) to the farmers who suffered from poor harvest in order to help them survive.66

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3. Throughout his work, Ni m al-Mulk refers to the importance of collecting accurate
information about the conduct of tax functionaries, ministers, and other trusted government
officials through spies (krgahn).67 As discussed above, the importance of using spies
(krgahn) everywhere is mentioned throughout the Ardashr cycle in the Shhnma.68
4. On the importance of religion for the king, Ni m al-Mulk states that kingship and
religion are like two brothers ( ) who influence each other.69 He
advises the king to educate himself in all matters related to religion, so that his kingship will not
be influenced by wrong religion.70 As already mentioned above, the idea of the brotherhood of
kingship and religion is the most prominent theme in Ardashrs testament in the Shhnma.71
Ni m al-Mulk cites this maxim without attributing it to Ardashr, but he continues the
discussion by citing a saying, which he attributes to Ardashr: A sultan who cannot lead his
entourage (khv agiyn) to righteousness ( al ) can never lead the common people (mma)
and peasants (rayat) to the right path (
) .72 This saying is not in the Shhnma, but is found in the
Arabic texts of Ardashrs testament.73 Ni m al-Mulks use of this aphorism to expound on the
meaning of the maxim kingship and religion are twin brothers, indicates that he understood
this maxim to mean that the king should function not only as a secular leader ordering the affairs
of his realm, but also as a religious leader leading his subjects to the right path. At the end of his
discussion about the importance of religion for the king, Ni m al-mulk states that if the king is
invested with the divine farr (right to rule) and his kingship is befriended with knowledge (that
is, the knowledge of religion, as this is the topic of discussion), he will find felicity in both
worlds ( ) . He then
provides a list of the past kings, caliphs, emirs, and sultans who were knowledgeable (in

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religion), which includes Ardashrs name.74 Thus, he considered Ardashr as a king with
knowledge of both kingship and religion.
5. A separate chapter of Siyar al-mul k deals with the importance of the visits of foreign
delegates. Ni m al-Mulk gives detailed instructions about receiving the envoys at the border,
immediately informing the king about the arrival of foreign delegates and the purpose of their
visit, arranging for their transfer to the palace, and presenting the palace and its guards to foreign
envoys in the most magnificent way in order to impress them.75 These instructions closely
correspond with those found in Ardashrs y n in the Shhnma.76
6. Ni m al-Mulk advises the ruler to avoid anger and be forgiving if a high ranking
official makes a mistake. He then cites an aphorism, which he attributes to Al b. Ab lib, the
fourth caliph and the cousin and son-in-law of the prophet Muammad, indicating that he who
can control his anger is the most competent fighter, and that anger leads to regret (

.) .77 The aphorism that Ni m al-Mulk
attributes to Al is similar to one of Ardashrs advices to his son in his testament in the
Shhnma:

Endeavour to stay away from anger

Be a true man and close your eyes to the wrongdoer
When you become angry, you will [become] regretful withal
[And] by [making] apology, you will look for a remedy.78

If you wish to be praised by the pious

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Put down anger and vengeance, when you become king.79

Advice on avoiding anger, which appears in almost every medieval Persian mirror for
princes, may seem to be a commonplace counsel at first sight, but it has roots in Zoroastrian
beliefs, which hold that anger is a demon in the service of Ahriman. Fighting against anger,
according to Zoroastrianism, means fighting against demon Anger, a mighty helper of Ahriman.
As mentioned in the Bundahishn, most kings and heroes were killed by the demon Anger, whose
seven-part strength was reduced to one by the ancient kings (kayn) and heroes (yaln), who
fought against it.80 As we shall see below, the celebrated theologian Ab mid Ghaz l (d.
505/1111) states that anger is a monster (gh l) in the service of Satan (ibl s), when he urges the
ruler to avoid anger. And according to the Shhnma, demons praise a man whose wisdom is
replaced by anger.81 Also, in the above-mentioned verse from the Shhnma, where it is stated
that he who controls his anger is praised by the pious, the connection drawn between piety and
controlling ones anger points to the religious (Zoroastrian) connotation of this idea. When read
against the backdrop of Zoroastrian beliefs concerning anger, Als statement regarding the
most competent fighter becomes more meaningful; as do Ghaz ls analogy and the abovementioned verses from the Shhnma. The advice on avoiding anger appearing in these different
works shows how ancient Persian concepts that are reflected in the Shhnma also found their
way in later medieval Persian mirrors for princes. As a matter of fact, it is not uncommon to find
ancient Persian wisdom presented in Islamic grab and/or attributed to Muslim religious figures in
the medieval Arabic and Persian works.82 The attribution of ancient Persian ideas to Muslim
religious figures obviously granted them definite approval.
Ni m al-Mulk further advises the ruler that, in order to be able to control his anger, the
king should not allow his whims to prevail over his wisdom. This is another advice that is given

276
in Ardashrs testament and was already noted above in the review of db-i salanat va
vizrat.83 As we shall see below, the idea of using wisdom in controlling anger reflects a
Zoroastrian concept as well.
7. Ni m al-Mulk advises that, in addition to sending courageous conquerors as military
commanders to the battlefield, the troops must be accompanied by experienced wise men to
oversee their conduct and avert any wrongdoings.84 According to Ardashrs y n in the
Shhnma, Ardashr assigned a wise (khiradmand), courageous (pahlavn), and well-mannered
(bih-y n) scribe (dab r) to watch over the troops and ensure that they would not plunder or
mistreat innocent people.85 This representative of Ardashr also advised the army commander
(slr) on how to behave and reminded him of his duties.86
8. Avoiding excessive generosity is another advice that Ni m al-Mulk gives to the
ruler.87 As already noted in the review of the Pand-nma of Sebktegin, we find the same
precept in Ardashrs throne speech (andarz) in the Shhnma.88

According to Ni m al-Mulk, good customs of kingship and statecraft were practised

from the time of Ardashr to Yazdgird the last Sasanian king, who failed to adhere to his
ancestors traditions, brought injustice upon people, and destroyed his kingship.89 This statement
indicates that in Ni m al-Mulks view, the success of the Sasanian kings was due to the good
customs and practices that were initiated by Ardashr and followed by later Sasanian kings.
Na at al-mul k of Ghazl

Ghaz ls Na

at al-mul k, which means advice for kings, is another medieval mirror

for princes, the content of which is comparable to the concepts presented in the Ardashr cycle in
the Shhnma. Modern scholars are not in agreement as to whether the great theologian Ab
mid Muammad Ghaz l (d. 505/1111) was the author of this work or not, but they agree that

277
the content of the first part of the work closely corresponds to Ghaz ls ideas expressed in his
other works, particularly his K miy-yi sadat, which is a Persian translation and abridgement of
his celebrated I y ul m al-d n.90 Although it is the second part of the Na

at al-mul k that

contains many anecdotes about ancient Persian kings and sages and numerous aphorisms
attributed to them, and therefore shares more in common with the Shhnma, the first part of the
work too contains concepts that are similar to the ideas presented in the Ardashr cycle in the
Shhnma.91
In the first part of the Na

at al-mul k, Ghaz l advises the rulersultan Muammad b.

Maliksh h (r. 498/1105511/1118) or possibly sultan Sanjar (r. 511/1118552/1157) when he

was still a prince92 that it is incumbent upon him to thank God for His blessings. He further
states that the most valuable blessing of God to the ruler is faith, which is the seed of eternal
felicity. He continues that God planted the seed of faith in the rulers heart and left it up to him
to grow it with the water of obedience (at), so that it may become a great tree, the branches of
which reach as high as the sky and the roots of which go deep into the ground.93 Although
Ghaz l refers to a Quranic verse for his description of the faith of the ruler,94 his metaphor of
the tree of faith is strikingly similar to the symbol used in the Shhnma to describe the strong
faith of king Gusht sp. As already discussed above, Gusht sp considered his extraordinarily tall
cypress tree to be a gift from heaven and the proof of his faith.95
The tree of faith, according to Ghaz l, has ten roots and ten branches.96 The roots of the
tree represent belief in God and other principles of faith, such as belief in the Day of Judgment.
The branches of the tree correspond to the rulers deeds, such as worshiping God and upholding
justice. According to Ghaz l, the rulers failure in the proper performance of his duties toward
God might be forgiven by Him, but his shortcomings in performing his duties toward people will
never be forgiven. Since the most important responsibility of the ruler toward people is

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maintaining justice, Ghaz l enumerates ten principles (a l) that the ruler should adhere to in
order to be just. Eight of these ten principles correspond with the concepts presented in the
Ardashr cycle in the Shhnma:
The first principle of justice is that the ruler (vl ) should appreciate the value (qadr) and
danger (khaar) of the gift of rulership (vilyat), which God has bestowed upon him.97 Ardashr
gives a similar advice to his son, when he warns him that kingship has ups and downs and that he
should expect both comfort and hardship in kingship:

Both suffering and comfort lie ahead of you

Sometimes low and sometimes high
This is the way of the revolving Sphere
Sometimes it brings upon you pain, other times compassion.98

As elaborated by Ghaz l, the danger is about Gods punishment of unjust rulers in the
next world. According to Ardashrs testament in the Shhnma, however, the hardship of
kingship is its maintenance. As mentioned above, whereas most medieval mirrors threaten the
ruler with the fear of punishment by God for failure to perform their duties, the fear expressed in
the Shhnma is about the loss of kingship. Both threats, however, are used for the same purpose
of urging the king to be just.
In describing the second principle of justice, Ghaz l urges the ruler to meet the scholars
of religion (ulam-yi d n), to be keen to hear their advice, and to avoid greedy scholars.99 We do
not find this concept in the Ardashr cycle. As argued in the third chapter of this study and will
be further discussed below, the Shhnma represents Ardashr as an ideal ruler who possessed

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knowledge of both kingship and religion.100 Therefore, he did not need to meet the scholars of
religion and listen to their advice.
According to Ghaz ls third principle of justice, the ruler should not be content only with
his own justice, but he should also endeavour to stop his men from exploiting people.101 This is
an important concept, which appears in Ardashrs throne speech and most medieval Persian
mirrors for princes.102 As noted above, Pand-nma of Sebktegin, db-i salanat va vizrat,
and Siyar al-mul k all make a point about it.103
To elaborate his point about this principle of justice, Ghaz l mentions that the ruler
cannot bring justice to people without first bringing justice to his own self. To explain the
meaning of bringing justice to oneself, he explains that one should not let his wisdom and
religion (aql va d n) be captives (as r) of tyranny ( ulm), anger (khishm), and lust (shahvat). He
expounds on this idea by stating that wisdom, which is of the essence of angels, belongs to the
army of God, but anger and lust are in the army of Satan (ibl s), and he concludes that a ruler
who lets the army of God be captured by the army of Satan can never bring justice to others. 104
These analogies are reminiscent of the Zoroastrian concept of the constant fight between the
armies of Ohrmazd and Ahriman and the demons Anger and Lust (z) serving in the army of
Ahriman. Furthermore, when Ghaz l states that one should not let wisdom and religion (aql va
d n) be captives of anger and lust, the term d n, especially in this particular context, does not
seem to carry its usual meaning as an institutional concept, but rather seems to convey its
Zoroastrian meaning as a power of the soul which was given to man by Ohrmazd for him to use
in his fight against Ahriman and his helpers. The terms aql and d n (wisdom and religion) used
by Ghaz l as a pair here correspond with the Middle Persian terms xrad and dn (wisdom and
religion), which usually appear together as a pair in Zoroastrian religious writings.105 It is

280
remarkable that we find these Zoroastrian concepts in the first part of Ghaz ls work, which is
generally considered to be in accord with Ghaz ls Islamic thoughts in his other works.
Ghaz ls point that the ruler should not allow anger to overcome his wisdom is a
common theme of most medieval Persian mirrors for princes and appears in the Ardashr cycle in
the Shhnma, as already noted above.
Ghaz ls fourth principle of justice is a continuation of his discussion about overcoming
anger. He further explains that anger is a monster (gh l) and an enemy of wisdom (aql), and the
ruler should overcome his anger by mercy (karam) and patience (burdbr ).106 On more than one
occasion in his testament, Ardashr advises his son to avoid anger, to have his wisdom overcome
his whims (hav), and to be patient (burdbr) and forgiving (bakhshanda).107 Here again,
Ghaz ls reference to anger as a monster (gh l) evokes the Zoroastrian notion of the demon
Anger. He also refers the reader to his other work I y for further discussion about the affliction
(fat) of anger and its remedy (alj).108
As a fifth principle of justice, Ghaz l exhorts the ruler not to wish for his subjects what
he does not wish for himself.109 A similar concept is presented in Ardashrs testament, where he
states it is inappropriate for the king to wish bad for anyone and adds that a wise king only wants
goodness for others:

Since it is inappropriate for the king to desire bad [for others]

[He] should adorn [his] heart with goodness. 110

Wise is the king
Who wishes well for everyone.111

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Ghaz ls sixth principle of justice is that the ruler should not belittle the expectations of
those who bring him their needs () .112 Ardashr too
advises his son not to disgrace the poor man who asks for help () .113 We
find the same advice also in the Qb s-nma.114
The seventh principle of justice is about contentment (qanat). According to Ghaz l,
there will be no justice if the ruler is not contented () .115 In his throne
speech in the Shhnma, Ardashr states he who is contented (khursand) becomes wealthy (
) .116 Contentment is a virtue highly regarded in Zoroastrianism and, as argued
by Shaul Shaked, is very characteristic of the Zoroastrian attitude to life. He maintains that
contentment, like many other concepts, entered Islamic literature from Zoroastrianism.117 This is
another instance where we have a Zoroastrian concept presented in an Islamic medieval mirror
for princes.
Through his eighth principle of justice, Ghaz l encourages the ruler to always act in a
gentle manner not in a harsh way () .118 In his throne speech,
Ardashr gives the same counsel with regard to speaking:

The other [advice] is to speak softly

To maintain wisdom, respect (shame), and warm words.119

In describing his ninth principle of justice, Ghaz l states that the ruler should endeavour
to make all his subjects satisfied with him () .120 This concept is
reflected throughout Ardashrs y n in the Shhnma, where his attention to all classes of
society is described at length.121 The idea that everyone was happy under Ardashrs reign is also

282
highlighted in the statements of the elderly who praises Ardashr at the end of his throne
speech.122
Finally, in his tenth principle of justice, Ghaz l urges the ruler to ensure that all he does
is in accordance with the Islamic law, shar a.123 This concept is obviously not included in the
Ardashr cycle in the Shhnma.
To elaborate his principles of justice, Ghaz l quotes sayings from the prophet
Muammad and relates anecdotes about the conduct of prophets, caliphs, and rulers in the early
Islamic period. In this first part of the work, there is no mention of ancient Persian kings and
sages. But, the second part of Na

at al-mul k, which has led modern scholars to doubt its

attribution to Ghaz l, is replete with Persian verses, maxims, and aphorisms attributed to ancient
Persian sages and kings, and anecdotes about their ways of governing the state.
When Ardashrs portrayal in Na

at al-mul k is compared with that of Khusrau

Anshrv n (r. 531579), another Sasanian king who is praised for his wisdom and justice not
just in Na

at al-mul k but in almost all medieval Persian mirrors for princes, two distinct types

of ideal kingship reveal themselves: one in which the king is a sage, which generally is not
promoted in the medieval Persian mirrors, and one in which the king has a sage as his advisor,
and this is the model of kingship that is favoured by most authors of medieval Persian mirrors for
princes.
Na

at al-mul k attributes seven aphorisms each to Ardashr and Anshrv n.124 But,

we find eight anecdotes about Anshrv n and only one about Ardashr in the same work.125
Thus, Ardashr is largely known through his aphorisms, and this is generally the case in the other
medieval Persian mirrors as well. For example, Ni m al-Mulk relates no anecdotes about
Ardashr in his Siyar al-mul k, but he attributes one aphorism to him and frequently mentions his
name as a wise ruler and initiator of the good customs and practices of ancient Persian kings. 126

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Ni m al-Mulk on the other hand attributes no aphorisms to Anshrv n but relates three
anecdotes and one long account about him.127 Thus, Ardashrs name in the medieval Persian
mirrors is primarily associated with wise sayings, as if he were a sage. Furthermore,
Anshrv ns success is commonly known to have been not just due to his own wisdom, but also
due to the wisdom of his famous minister and advisor, Buzurgmihr. The number of aphorisms
and maxims attributed to Buzurgmihr in Na

at al-mul k greatly exceeds those attributed to

Anshrv n, but there is no mention of such a minister for Ardashr.128 In a passage of his Siyar
al-mul k, Ni m al-Mulk states that all great kings of the past, and even prophets, had good
ministers, and then he lists the names of those great kings and prophets and their ministers
without including Ardashrs name.129 This is of course not to say that Ardashr had no minister,
but to draw attention to the fact that Ardashrs minister is never depicted as his advisor. In the
Shhnma, Ardashrs minister is portrayed as a caring and conscientious minister who saves the
kingship by saving the life of Ardashrs pregnant queen.130 In the Letter of Tansar, Ardashrs
minister only defends his master and justifies his acts in response to the complaints of the ruler
of abarist n.131 Thus, although Ardashr is known to have had a wise and competent minister,
he is never portrayed as being advised by his minister, as is often the case with Anshrv n. It is
also noteworthy that medieval historians, such as abar, Balam, Miskya, Tha lib, and Ibn
al-Balkh all make a point about Anshrv ns interest in Ardashrs literature of wisdom and
advice and his putting into practice what he learned from him.132 This particular representation of
Ardashr as a sage-king was also noted by de Fouchcour in his study of the medieval Persian
and Arabic wisdom and advice literature attributed to Ardashr. According to de Fouchcour,
Ardashrs portrayal as a sage-king points to an earlier tradition of wisdom and advice literature
that considered the ideal king to be a sage and advisor himself. The later tradition of advisory
literature, according to de Fouchcour, focused on the pair of the king and his advisor as the

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ideal, typical examples of which would be the pairs of Anshrv n-Buzurgmihr and AlexanderAristotle.133
It must also be noted that the kings advisor in the medieval Persian mirrors for princes
often refers to a religious scholar, that is, someone who could give both moral and legal advice to
the king. For example, we know from the Shhnma that Buzurgmihr was trained as a
Zoroastrian priest (m bad).134 In view of this point, Ardashrs portrayal as a sage-king in the
medieval Persian and Arabic literature corresponds with his depiction in the Shhnma and the
Zoroastrian literature as a king with knowledge of both religion and kingship. This
correspondence supports the argument set forth in the third chapter of this study that the idea of
the union of kingship and religion, often ascribed to Ardashr in the medieval sources, should be
interpreted in the context of Zoroastrian beliefs concerning the ideal state of the world, in which
religion and kingship are conjoined and manifested in the person of the king. It is only in this
context that Ardashrs not requiring an advisor makes sense.
In addition to the aphorisms and one anecdote attributed to Ardashr in Na

at al-mul k,

a number of advices of Ardashr that are found in the Shhnma are also mentioned in Na

at

al-mul k, but they are either attributed to other historical or legendary figures or cited without
any attribution. For example, the maxim kingship and religion are like two brothers (
) is mentioned without being attributed to any particular person.135 Like
Ni m al-Mulk, Ghaz l cites this maxim in a context where he stresses the importance of
knowledge of religion for the king. As demonstrated above, this maxim appears in the same
context in the testament of Ardashr in the Shhnma.136
Another example of Ardashrs aphorisms in the Shhnma that appears in Na
mul k without any attribution concerns contentment. As stated in the second part of Na
mul k, A sage was asked: What is affluence? He replied: Contentment.

at alat al-

285
( ) .137 We find exactly the same aphorism in Ardashrs
throne speech: He who is contented becomes wealthy () .138 As noted
above, Ghaz l refers to contentment as the seventh principle of justice in the first part of his
work too. The notion of contentment, as already discussed above, is a Zoroastrian concept that is
mentioned in both the Shhnma and later Perso-Islamic medieval mirrors for princes.
Here are a few more examples of the notions that are found in both Na

at al-mul k and

the Ardashr cycle in the Shhnma:

1. According to Ghaz l, people should love their kings and be obedient to them, because
God has bestowed farr, the divine right of kingship, upon them (
) .139 In his throne speech in the Shhnma, Ardashr asks
his audience to be submissive to the will of God and accept and love their king:

To give [your] heart to the command of God

To love me as your own selves.140

Fourth, not to turn your heart away, openly or secretly,

From the prudence of the king of the world.141

Three more verses reiterating the same idea follow the above-mentioned verses in
Ardashrs throne speech in the Shhnma stressing the importance of peoples love for the king
and their obedience to him.142
2. Ghaz l states that ancient Persian kings endeavoured to keep their realm prosperous,
because they knew that the more prosperous their realm was, the more subjects they would have,
and because they knew that the sages of the world were right when they said: Religion is

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dependent on kingship, kingship on the military, the military on revenue, revenue on prosperity,
and prosperity on justice. (
)[] .143 This maxim that Ghaz l attributes to the sages of the world ( ( is
known as the circle of justice, and appears in many medieval works in different variants and
attributed to various personalities, including Ardashr.144 What is significant about Ghaz ls
variant is that he seems to be the only author who cites this maxim starting with religion.145
Other variants of this maxim usually start with kingship.146 One might suggest that only a
theologian like Ghaz l would consider the ultimate goal of keeping justice in society to be the
maintenance of religion. It is remarkable that this maxim appears in the second part of the work,
which some scholars believe to have been the work of someone other than Ghaz l on account of
its admiring ancient Persian ways of kingship.
According to Ghaz l, the signs of justice of the ancient Persian kings, that is, the
prosperity of their realm, were evident until his time. These were the cities and villages, which
were named after the kings who built them, as well as the underground water channels (kr z)
and water springs.147 At the end of his testament in the Shhnma, Ardashr describes, as signs of
his prosperous realm, six great cities that he built during his reign:

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I have [built] six cities in the world
[All with] pleasant weather and nice water
I named one of them Khurra-i Ardashr
[Its] air is musk-scented, and the water in its streams is [like] milk
[A city] which revived the province of Khz
[It is] abundant with people, water, profits, and losses
The other city is rmazd-Ardashr
Whose wind makes an old man young
R m-Ardashr is another city [that I built]
Through which I passed on my way to P rs
Another city is Birka-yi Ardashr
Abundant with orchards, rose gardens, and ponds
Two [cities I built] in Bm-i Mish n and by the Euphrates river
With many springs, animals, and plants
You call [these two] Sat b d of king Ardashr
Learn, as you hear my words.148

Firdauss detailed description of Ardashrs prosperous cities indicate that he intended

not just to provide the names of the cities that Ardashr builtas other medieval historians who
merely list the names and locations of Ardashrs citiesbut also to make a point about the
prosperity of Ardashrs kingdom.149
3. Ghaz l advises the ruler to treat the wealthy and the poor as equals at the court of
justice.150 As described in Ardashrs y n in the Shhnma, when Ardashr presided over
disputes, his own son and a lowly man were regarded as equals:

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At the [court] of justice, he (Ardashr) did not seek the favour of anyone
Whether it be an underling or the son of the judge (that is, Ardashrs own son).151

4. According to Ghaz l, the ruler should provide peasants with food and supplies during
difficult times, especially at times of famine; otherwise, the peasants will emigrate and the
treasury will become empty.152 This concept is clearly expressed in Ardashrs y n as one of his
customs that was meant to increase the population of his subjects () .153
5. On the importance of keeping secrets, Ghaz l quotes an anonymous sage who said
one should keep his secrets in a way that if people knew about it, he would not mind (
) .154 In Ardashrs testament in the Shhnma, Ardashr advises his
son to never share secrets even with keepers of secrets (rz-dr) because they would have close
companions, and the chain of close companions would spread the kings secret everywhere:

Never tell your secret to the keeper of secrets

As he too will have companions and friends
You think your words are kept secret
[But then] you will hear [those words] disseminated in the world
When your secret is revealed in the town
Your wise heart will lose its compassion.155

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Aghr al-siysa f ar al-riysa

ahr Samarqand wrote his Aghr al-siysa f ar al-riysa sometime after 552/1157
(the death of the Saljq sultan Sanjar) for his patron, Ab al-Mu affar Qilij amgh j Kh q n b.
Jal l al-Dn (d. 600/12034).156 Starting with the ancient Persian mythical king Jamshd as the
first king on earth, the author follows a chronological sequence of seventy-four prominent
figures in the history of Persia and its neighbouring states, devoting a chapter to each figure.
Each chapter starts with the aphorisms that the author attributes to his selected historical and
legendary figures. These aphorisms are cited in Arabic and followed by the authors Persian
translations. One or more anecdotes or historical accounts are also related in each chapter to
illustrate the point.
In the chapter devoted to Ardashr, ahr Samarqand attributes to him six aphorisms, the
first one being the famous maxim of the circle of justice, a variant of which was just noted
above in the discussion about Ghaz ls Na

at al-mul k. The version attributed to Ardashr in

Aghr al-siysa reads:

. There is no sultan without military men (rijl), no military men without revenue
(ml), no revenue without agricultural development (imra), and no agricultural development
without justice (adl) and proper conduct ( usn al-s ra).157 The author expounds on the meaning
of this maxim by stating that kingship requires revenue, and that is not acquired but through
justice and coercive force.
ahr Samarqands second aphorism attributed to Ardashr also concerns the concept of
justice: A just sultan is better than

290
torrential rain.158 To explain this maxim, ahr Samarqand states whereas rain is beneficial
only if it pours on fertile lands, as it is wasted when poured on arid lands, the sultans justice
always benefits everyone and is never wasted. To further emphasize the importance of justice,
ahr Samarqand quotes another famous maxim in Arabic which indicates that justice is more
important than religion for the maintenance of kingship:
Kingship lasts with infidelity, but not with oppression.159
Having clarified that justice is crucial for the maintenance of kingship, the author cites a
third aphorism by Ardashr, which asserts it is better to have a tyrant king than constant revolts:

. A roaring lion is better than a tyrant king, and a tyrant king is better than
constant revolts.160 The problem of constant revolts is featured in the Ardashr cycle in the
Shhnma. It may be recalled that Ardashr sought the advice of an Indian sage to remedy this
problem, and was advised to reconcile with former enemies in order to have peace prevail in his
realm.161
The fourth wise saying that ahr Samarqand attributes to Ardashr concerns the kings
coercive force. According to the author, the kings coercive force should be implemented in a
way that would stop his high officials from exploiting the innocent people:162
.
The worst king is one whom the innocent person is afraid of and from whose punishment the
wrongdoer is safe.163 As already noted above, the concept of inquiring about the performance of
high ranking officials and protecting people transgressors appears in most medieval Persian
mirror for princes and also in Ardashrs throne speech in the Shhnma.164
Ardashrs fifth maxim cited in Aghr al-siysa is about the interdependence of kingship
and religion:

291
Religion is strengthened by kingship and kingship is maintained by religion.165 To elaborate on
this point, ahr Samarqand states that a king without religion (b -d n) is a king without
coercive force (b -siysat). As mentioned above this is an important concept featured in
Ardashrs testament in the Shhnma, and is also included in db-i salanat va vizrat, Ni m
al-Mulks Siyar al-mul k, and Ghaz ls Na

at al-mul k.166 Like the authors of the above-

mentioned works, ahr Samarqand interprets this maxim not to mean that the king needs the
support of the scholars of religion but to have knowledge of religion. As we shall see below a
different interpretation of this idea has been offered by another medieval writer.
Finally, the sixth aphorism attributed to Ardashr in Aghr al-siysa, advises that, while
one should not rely on this world as it will not last forever, one should also remember that eternal

felicity cannot be achieved without it:
[] .
Do not rely on this world because it does not last for anyone, and do not abstain from it as the
hereafter will not be achieved without it. 167 This aphorism is also attributed to Ardashr by the

medieval historian Masd:
Do not rely on the world because it does not last for
anyone, and do not worry about it, for whatever God wills will be; yet do not abandon it either,
because the hereafter will not be achieved but through it.168 According to Zoroastrian teachings,
the material world is a good creation of Ohrmazd; therefore, one should not let go of it
altogether, but at the same time, the pious man is advised not cling on to it.169 The idea of
remembering the transient nature of this world and yet striving for the best, which clearly comes
from ancient Persian traditions, is reflected throughout the Ardashr cycle in the Shhnma and,
as we can see here, is also reflected in a later medieval Persian mirror for princes.

292
A number of the concepts found in the Ardashr cycle in the Shhnma appear in the
other chapters of Aghr al-siysa attributed to other historical or mythical figures. For example,
the idea that one should not strive for things that are not within his capacity, which is found in
Ardashrs throne speech in the Shhnma, also appears in Aghr al-siysa but is attributed to
D r b-i Aghar (D r , the junior):

Do not hope to achieve everything that you hear about, that is, if you do not have the
aptitude, capacity, competence, worth, and independence for something important, do not
attempt to do it or enter into it, so that you may not become the target of the arrow of reproach
and damage.170 The corresponding advice in Ardashrs throne speech in the Shhnma reads:

Fifth, not to charge at a task that is not yours (not within your capacity)
[Not to charge at] what is not your game.171
Jmi al-ul m or Sittn

Jmi al-ul m (Compendium of sciences), which is also known as Sitt n (Of the sixty)
and adiq al-anvr f

aqyiq al-asrr (The gardens of lights on the truths of secrets), is not a

mirror for princes, but it deserves our attention because two chapters of it reflect the perspective
of a medieval philosopher regarding the ideals of kingship.172 Jmi al-ul m is an encyclopaedia
of sixty scienceshence, the title Sitt n written by Fakhr al-Dn R z (d. 606/1209), a famous
philosopher, Sh fi jurist, and theologian of the Ashar school. Fakhr al-Dn R z wrote this
work for the Khv razmsh h Al al-Dn Tekesh during his stay in Khv razm, possibly between
570/1174 to 580/1185. Of the sixty chapters of the work, each describing a particular science of
the time, one chapter is devoted to the science of statecraft (ilm al-siyst) and another to the
science of the proper conduct of kings (ilm-i db al-mul k).173 Based largely on F r bs

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theory of the ideal state and the ancient Persian model of a hierarchically structured society,
Fakhr al-Dn R z argues that man is by nature a civic being (al-insn madan bi-al-ab) and
divides society into four professional classes, whose cooperation is crucial for the maintenance
of order in society. Without a coercive force exercised by a ruler, states Fakhr al-Dn R z, there
would be no order in society, because people by nature tend to oppress each other.174 The effect
of the rulers coercive force, according to Fakhr al-Dn R z, is of three types: external (visible),
internal (invisible), or both. If the ruler possesses knowledge of religion, the effect of his
coercive force is both external and internal, for he can rule over both bodies and minds of people.
Fakhr al-Dn R z asserts that this type of coercive force is specific to prophets. In his view, the
ideal kingship belongs to prophets because they possess both knowledge of religion and
kingship.175 Fakhr al-Dn R z further states that in the absence of a person who has the
qualifications of a prophet, the ruler must consult the scholars of religion in his ordering the
affairs of the world.176 To emphasize the importance of consultation with scholars of religion,
Fakhr al-Dn R z quotes the maxim kingship and religion are twin brothers (
)and attributes it to the prophet Muammad.177
As noted above, both Ni m al-Mulk and Ghaz l cited the same maxim to stress that it is
of utmost importance for the king to have the right religion:
The best thing that a king must have is the right religion
because kingship and religion are like two brothers. 178 Similarly, ahr Samarqand quotes the
maxim Religion is strengthened by kingship and kingship is maintained by religion, which he
attributes to Ardashr, to suggest that the king needs to have knowledge of religion.179 The
anonymous author of db-i salanat va vizrat, too, advises the ruler to protect his kingship by
means of religion.180 Although these authors urge the ruler to associate with scholars of religion,
they lay great emphasis on the kings own knowledge of religion and it is in this context that they

294
refer to the brotherhood of kingship and religion. In other words, they maintain that an ideal king
is a leader in both political and religious realms. It may also be noted here that the Sufi master
Najm-i R z (d. 644/1256), who expressed his political thoughts in Sufi terms, too, considered an
ideal kingship to be that in which the leaderships of both religious and secular realms are held by
the same person. In the fifth chapter of his Mir d al-ibd (composed in 618/1221 or 620/1223),
devoted to the path to perfection for kings and courtiers, Najm-i R z states that kings are of two
types, kings of the world and kings of the realm of religion, and adds that God bestows these
kingships to whoever He wills. He further states that the supreme felicity and greatest fortune is
that a man of high aspirations is bestowed both kingships of the world and religion (
181


) . Although Najm-i

R zs examples of this ideal kingship are limited to the prophets David, Adam, and Solomon, he
does not suggest that this ideal state is specific to prophets. Fakhr al-Dn R z, who has the same
view of an ideal kingship, however, maintains that only prophets can hold the leadership of these
two worlds. Thus, in his view, in the absence of prophets, religious and temporal powers are to
be dissociated.
The maxim concerning the brotherhood/union of religion and kingship appears in
Ardashrs testament in the Shhnma, and, as I endeavoured to demonstrate in the third chapter
of this study, it has to do with the ancient Persian concept of the ideal state of the world.182 It is
remarkable that Fakhr al-Dn R zs exposition concerning ideal kingship corresponds with the
Zoroastrian notion of the ideal state of the world, in which kingship and religion are conjoined
and manifested in the person of the king, but his interpretation of the very maxim that was used
to convey this concept promotes the idea that in the absence of prophets, kingship and religious
leadership are to be held by two different persons.

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In his introduction to the chapter on the conduct of kings (ilm-i db al-mul k), Fakhr
al-Dn R z states that since the king is the shadow of God (pdshh sya-i khudst) and the
deputy of the prophet (nyib-i payghambar), he should try as much as possible to be like a
prophet at all times.183 Then he briefly describes the qualities that the king must possess in order
to be like prophets. According to his list of qualifications, the king should be patient ( al m) and
benevolent (kar m), and should employ wisdom (and sha,aql) before making any decision.184
Also, the king should delay punishment and be forgiving, the prerequisite for which is the ability
to overcome anger.185 Surprisingly, justice comes only after the above-mentioned qualities. R z
even states that it is religiously forbidden ( arm) for people to curse an unjust king, because
the advantage of having a king outweighs the suffering that his injustice brings about.186 The
great advantage of having a king, according to R z, is that he provides a safe and secure place
for people to live and worship God. Another important quality that a king must possess is to be
keen in meeting with religious scholars.187 Finally, the king should not be so fear-provoking that
experienced men would not dare to present their advice to him, nor should he be so tolerant that
anyone would dare say anything in front of him.188 Except for the advice to meet with religious
scholars, all other qualities that Fakhr al-Dn R z enumerates in his chapter on the proper
conduct of kings are found among Ardashrs advices in the Shhnma. As already noted above,
justice is of great importance in Ardashrs testament, and the concepts of patience (burdbr ),189
forgiveness,190 wisdom (khirad),191 overcoming anger (khishm),192 and accepting the advice of
the wise193 are all featured in the Ardashr cycle in the Shhnma.
Marzbn-nma

Marzbn-nma (composed between 617/122021 to 622/122526), is a mirror for princes

that contains numerous excerpts from Firdauss Shhnma.194 As demonstrated earlier, Var vn
uses the Shhnma verses, sometimes with allusions to their original contexts, to convey

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effectively the main points of the stories he narrates. This particular use of the Shhnma by
Var vn already points to the similarity of the concepts presented in these two works, but since
the focus here is on the Ardashr cycle in the Shhnma, a few examples of the concepts shared
by Marzbn-nma and the Ardashr cycle will be pointed out.
1. In the second chapter of Marzbn-nma, the narrator gives the account of a wise king
who summons his sons in order to share his experiences with them as he approaches the end of
his life.195 This scene is similar to the scene in the Ardashr cycle, where at the end of his life,
Ardashr gives advice to his son. Some of the advices given by the king in Marzbn-nma and
Ardashr in the Shhnma are the same. For example, the king in Marzbn-nma admonishes
against excessive generosity ( Do not consider lavish spending
and wastefulness to be open-handedness and generosity).196 This idea is clearly expressed in
Ardashrs throne speech.197 The king also admonishes against telling lies:
Deception is [found] where infidelity lies; it provides for going astray.198 In his
advices to his son, Ardashr warns about the consequences of telling lies:

Lies darken the face of the king

His highness will never shine with glory.199

The king in Marzbn-nma advises his sons to be their own judges, so that they will not need to
be judged later, that is, on the Day of Judgement () .200 This advice
also appears in Ardashrs throne speech: the other [advice] is to judge
your own self.201
2. Ardashr is the main character of the story narrated in the third chapter of Marzbnnma.202 The narrative does not clearly specify that the Ardashr of the story is the founder of the

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Sasanian dynasty, but it does introduce him as the foremost of ancient kings and great sultans in
justice and beneficence (adl va i sn).203 Furthermore, the portrayal of Ardashr in this story
corresponds with Masds report about him, where he states that Ardashr abdicated from the
throne later in his life and adopted an ascetic life style.204 According to the story in Marzbnnma, Ardashrs son-in-law, who is an ascetic and a sage, reminds him of the transient nature of
this world and warns him about the repercussions of indulging oneself in temporal pleasures, and
about the benefits of abstaining from worldly pleasures.205 Taking to heart what he learns from
his son-in-law, Ardashr sets his mind into following an ascetic life until he dies. Ardashrs
turning into an ascetic at the end of his career might not exactly correspond with his
representation in the Shhnma and the medieval Persian mirrors for princes, but the idea that an
ideal king appreciates the transient nature of this world and has little regard for material gains is
highlighted in Ardashrs customs and practice (y n), throne speech (andarz) and testament
(ahd) in the Shhnma. In his throne speech, Ardashr stresses that the only thing that remains
in the world is a good name, and that man should only seek refuge with God as this fickle world
is not reliable.206 Also, Ardashrs maxim He who is contented becomes wealthy,207 and his
recurrent advice on avoiding greed in his y n, andarz, and ahd in the Shhnma represent him
as a king who advocates self-discipline and condemns indulgences.208
3. The theme of the fourth chapter of Marzbn-nma is the importance of knowledge and
wisdom, a major topic in the Shhnma in general. Var vn borrows the following verses from
the Shhnma to express the point of this chapter:

He whose soul is invested with wisdom

Looks into the depth of all tasks (to see their outcome at the beginning).209

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Wisdom is the guide, wisdom opens the way
Wisdom holds [your] hand in both worlds.210

He who is knowledgeable is powerful

The heart of an old man becomes young on account of knowledge.211

As demonstrated in the second and third chapters of this study, the Shhnma draws
attention to Ardashrs wisdom and knowledge as keys to his success. It also represents Ardashr
as a king who appreciated the value of knowledge and wisdom. According to his y n in the
Shhnma, Ardashr elevated the rank of the military men who were wise:

[The rank of those military men] who had sound opinions

Was elevated [by Ardashr].212

Ardashrs y n in the Shhnma also tells us that only those who were knowledgeable worked
for him:

He had knowledgeable people [working] at his court

He did not assign posts to the uneducated.213

To highlight Ardashrs attention to the education of children, the Shhnma describes his
custom of placing in schools the children of those who were bankrupted:

He (Ardashr) put the child [of the bankrupted man] in school

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If he (the child) had the aptitude and intelligence for it (learning).214

Ardashrs advices in his throne speech in the Shhnma, too, stress the importance of education:

Do not take knowledge lightly

Whether you are an underling or a king.215

Never take a rest from learning

If you wish to enlighten your soul
If you have children, educate them
Limit their time to play.216

And finally, Ardashr urges his son to learn and practise what he learns:

Adorn your heart with knowledge, as worth is by knowledge

When you have knowledge, practise [it].217

These citations from the Shhnma demonstrate how Firdauss form of presentation of a
particular concept differs from that of another medieval author dealing with the same concept.
Whereas Var vn devotes one chapter of his work to the topic of knowledge and wisdom and
borrows a few lines from the Shhnma to clearly articulate his point, Firdaus presents this
concept through his portrayal of the figure of Ardashr as a wise and knowledgeable king who
also cared about the education of his subjects.

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4. The fifth chapter of Marzbn-nma imparts lessons to close companions of kings. The
story and anecdotes related in this chapter teach the courtiers to speak wisely and in a timely
manner and to remain silent when they are not knowledgeable about a particular subject. The
verses that Var vn selects from the Shhnma to express his point in this chapter are:

[Just] when you say, I learned everything,

[And] paid off my loan of being un-knowledgeable (that is, nothing is left to be taught to
me),
The Time will play a fine game
And seats you in front of a teacher.218

A person whose mind is rash

Is loquacious and slow to learn.
If your soul is not endowed with knowledge
No ornament is better [for you] than silence.219

Addressing not his court members but his own son, we find similar precepts in Ardashrs
testament in the Shhnma, where he admonishes Sh pr against being loquacious and advises
him to listen carefully and learn, and to speak wisely in the company of the educated men:

301
You should not be loquacious
Do not pretend to be pious
Listen and learn the best [of what you hear]
See what you find pleasant
Speak measuredly in the company of the educated men.
Be compassionate and cheerful to everyone.220

5. The story in the seventh chapter of Marzbn-nma teaches lessons on how to deal with
enemy prior to and during war. The wise king of the story forms a war council in order to seek
the opinions of his senior officials when he is informed that his kingdom is about to be attacked
by an enemy.221 The idea that a wise king consults his wise men when making important
decisions is presented in the Ardashr cycle in the Shhnma on more than one occasion.222 The
narrative in Marzbn-nma provides the discussions that take place at the war council in order to
show the different possible ways of confronting the enemy. The final decision, which is made
based on the wisest opinion proposed, is to send an astute and eloquent representative to the
enemy for two purposes: 1) to stop war through negotiations, 2) to collect strategic information
about the enemy.223 Similarly, according to Ardashrs y n in the Shhnma, before sending his
troops to war, Ardashr would send a wise secretary (dab r) along with a well-written and
flattering letter to his enemy in order to encourage him to surrender without fighting, and more
importantly, to collect information on the opponent:

302
When his army went on a battle somewhere
It would be accompanied by wisdom, sound judgement, and patience
He (Ardashr) would select a messenger
Who was a wise, knowledgeable, and intelligent scribe
He (Ardashr) would send a well-written and flattering message [to the enemy]
So that they would not fight unjustly
The messenger would go to the enemy
In order to learn about their secrets.224

6. In the course of the story narrated in the eighth chapter of Marzbn-nma, an anecdote
is related to illustrate that if a wise man looks after the interests of his master, he should not
hesitate to take any action that would benefit his master, even if he would have to endanger his
own life. This concept is presented in the Ardashr cycle in the Shhnma through the account
about Ardashrs minister, who puts his own life at risk in order to save the lives of Ardashrs
queen, whom Ardashr had ordered to be executed, and of the child she was pregnant with.225
Interestingly, the same story is related in Marzbn-nma to illustrate this point, although no
reference is made to Ardashr.226 The king in the story of Marzbn-nma is named Khusrau and
the ministers name is r jasta. There is also a slight difference between the two stories: Whereas
in the Shhnma, Ardashr had clear evidence that his wife intended to poison him, Khusrau only
suspects that his wife may seek revenge for her father and brother, who were killed by him. 227
What is remarkable about the story in Marzbn-nma is that it includes the episode about the
kings emotional experience on the hunting field, which makes him regret having ordered the
execution of his wife and child.228 As noted above, this episode is related in the Krnmag-i
Ardash r but not in the Shhnma.229

303
It is noteworthy that before relating the anecdote about Khusrau and r jasta, Var vn
draws attention to the lesson that should be learned from it.230 He also explains the points of most
other anecdotes that he relates, and, at the end of most chapters, he briefly refers to the central
theme of the following chapter to prepare the reader for what is coming up. In other words, he
helps the reader to understand the message of the stories and anecdotes narrated. As mentioned
above, Firdaus begins each major tale with a preamble in order to prepare the reader for the
central theme of the tale, and he occasionally comments on the major events and accounts
related.231 But, he rarely tells the reader what is to be learned from each account. This is another
point of difference between the Shhnma and the medieval Persian mirrors for princes. The
Shhnma presents the same concepts that other medieval Persian mirrors present to kings and
courtiers, but it is not as straightforward as other mirrors. Did Firdaus expect a higher degree of
intelligence on the part of his reader? Did he simply follow his sources? Or, did he personally
prefer to leave it to his readers to contemplate the meanings of his tales?
b al-arb va al-shuja

db al- arb va al-shuja (The manners of war and gallantry) was written by
Muammad b. Manr b. Sad who earned the title Mub raksh h and was also known as
Fakhr-i Mudabbir. Mub raksh h dedicated his work to ltutmish, the first maml k (Turkish
slave) king of India, who reigned from 626/1229 to 633/1236.232 The author traces his own
genealogy to Ab Bakr, the first caliph, and claims that sultan Mamd of Ghazna was his
maternal ancestor.233 He also states that his great grandfather, Ab al-Fa l Kh zin, was a close
companion of the Ghaznavid sultan Ibr hm b. Masd (r. 451/1059492/1099). Judging by his
honorific titles and his own claims regarding his pedigree, we might assume that he belonged to
a noble family with special status at royal courts.

304
In the first few chapters of his work, Mub raksh h calls upon the ruler to be patient and
forgiving, maintain justice, have compassion for his subjects, be completely aware of the state of
affairs in his realm, and choose an efficient, pious, knowledgeable, and wise minister.234 These
are the same concepts that appear in the Ardashr cycle and most medieval Persian mirrors for
princes. In fact, a number of anecdotes and aphorisms employed by the authors of the works
reviewed above also appear in this work. For example, like ahr Samarqand, Mub raksh h
attributes the maxim of the circle of justice to Ardashr. It must be mentioned, however, that
while in ahr Samarqands version of this maxim, the maintenance of kingship is ultimately
dependent on the justice and proper conduct ( usn-i khulq) of the ruler, according to
Mub raksh h, it is justice and coercive force (siysat), and not proper conduct, that maintains his
kingship:

. There is no kingship without military men, no military men without
revenue, no revenue without peasants, and no peasants without justice and coercive force. 235 A
further example is an aphorism that is attributed to Ardashr in Na

at al-mul k concerning the

importance of a wise and conscientious minister for the king.236 The same maxim is cited by
Mub raksh h and attributed to Ardashr:

. Ardashr son of B bak was asked, Which friend is the
best and most-needed for the king? He said, A good minister whom he can consult on issues
related to government, so that he would explain to the king where he is right or wrong; [a
minister] who recognizes whatever good happens to him is on account of whatever good happens
to the king, and whatever bad comes his way is due to whatever bad befalls the king.237

305
The major focus of db al- arb va al-shuja, however, is, as its title suggests, military
and war. In the introduction to his work, Mub raksh h states that since God has asked people to
be obedient to their prophets, kings, and local rulers, it is incumbent upon kings and local rulers
to protect their people and religion against enemies. He adds that protecting people and religion
is possible only by sword, army, and war.238 As such, his work primarily deals with topics related
to war. These include how to avoid war, how to prepare and maintain an efficient army, the
different methods of fighting, the different types of wars, the different arrangements of troops on
the battlefield, the duties of different divisions of the army, military techniques and stratagems,
the different types of weapons, the different types of horses as well as their qualities and
diseases, the wrongdoings of soldiers that require punishments, the games that prepare men for
the battlefield, and how to deal with prisoners and spoils of war. These topics share many
common points with Ardashrs y n in the Shhnma on military and war and also with other
parts of the Ardashr cycle. The followings are a few examples:
1. Before starting his topics on war and the military, Mub raksh h advises the ruler to
avoid war and bloodshed as much as possible. He states that war is a bitter thing, and he who is
boastful and arrogant about it will be disgraced (
.) .239 In his throne speech in the Shhnma, Ardashr admonishes against
boasting about ones reputation and abilities in war, as these will lead to suffering and pain:

Third, not to boast about reputation and [skills in] battle

As reputation and battles bring about suffering and pain.240

2. At the beginning of his chapter on the placement and duties of the different divisions
of the army on the battlefield, Mub raksh h states that the customs of the Persians are better than

306
those of the Turks, Romans, and Indians.241 Then, he provides the details about the customs of
the Persians and includes a diagram showing where each division of the army would be located
in a Persian military encampment.242 Mub raksh h stresses that the troops should always
endeavour to protect the kings location (sar-parda), which is at the centre (qalb) of the
army.243 To emphasize the importance of protecting the king, Mub raksh h quotes a saying,
which he attributes to the prophet Muammad, stating were it not for the [presence] of the
sultan, people would devour each other ( .
) .244 In other words, to protect themselves, they had to protect the king. To
further emphasize his point, Mub raksh h cites the famous maxim The sultan is the shadow of
God on earth, which he again attributes to the prophet Muammad, and adds that the shadow
here refers to the security and justice in which every oppressed person seeks to take refuge.245
According to Ardashrs y n in the Shhnma, the centre of the army (qalb-gh), that is, the
location of the commander-in-chief, had to be protected at all times, and the troops guarding the
centre of the army were not allowed to leave their position under any circumstances:

When the cavalrymen advance from both sides

The valiant warriors should not
Come and leave the centre [of the army] empty,
Even if the army [of the enemy] is large.
Do [battle] in a way that

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[Only] the warriors of the right and left wings fight
And the warriors of the right and left wings
Also protect the tents, equipment, and supplies.
The troops of the centre should remain in their place
Nobody should move away from the centre.246

3. In a chapter on the topic of the vanguards (alya) and the spies who collect
information for the commander-in-chief, Mub raksh h advises that these should not go too far
from the army and suggests a distance of more or less one league (farsang) for them to be
away () .247 He also recommends that the alya should not go in
groups but should be dispersed () .248 The same advice about the vanguards is given
in Ardashrs y n in the Shhnma, where Ardashrs representative advises the commander-inchief to spread out (parganda) vanguards to a distance of four m ls, which is almost one
farsang (three m ls equal one farsang) () .249
4. Mub raksh h devotes a chapter of his work to the topic of how and when to ambush
the enemy (shab kh n).250 He states that two groups of people are eligible for this task; those
who are knowledgeable about wars (dn bi-krzr) and are experienced (kr-d da va zm da),
and those who are wise (khiradmand), alert (h shyr), and execute orders (farmn-burdr). He
also suggests that ambush must be made after midnight and before dawn.251 As narrated in the
Shhnma, Ardashr, who was defeated in his first assault on the Kurds, prepared himself for a
second attack, which he decided to be a night raid.252 He selected the best of his cavalrymen and
archers, and waited for midnight to make the attack:

308

He selected from that renowned army

Three thousand cavalrymen who fought with swords
He also brought three thousand archers
With a thousand arrows and quivers
As the sun turned yellow (sat), he deployed the troops
He left behind those who were not fit [for the task]
After midnight, when it was dark,
The king approached the Kurds.253

This description of Ardashrs preparation for his assault on the Kurds indicates that night
ambush was not treated like a regular raid, and that specific types of soldiers and equipment were
to be selected for it. What Mub raksh h instructs, the Shhnma depicts in the actions of
Ardashr.
5. In his discussion about preparing the army for battle, Mub raksh h advises that a few
courageous men should embolden the troops and make them eager to fight, so that they would
gain courage and not be afraid (
) .254 According to Ardashrs y n in the Shhnma, Ardashrs
representative advised the commander-in-chief to do the same.255 The corresponding verses in
the Shhnma were already mentioned above in the review of Qb s-nma, which contains this
same counsel.256

309
6. Mub raksh h advises that if someone from the enemy defects and seeks quarter, he
should be well received and treated with kindness (
).257 Exactly the same advice is given in Ardashrs y n in the Shhnma:

If someone from the enemy seeks quarter

Give him quarter and do not take revenge on him.258

7. As stated by Mub raksh h, soldiers should be rewarded according to their deeds, so

that those who do not perform well will be encouraged to work harder for better rewards.259 As
already noted above, this counsel also appears in the Pand-nma of Sebktegin, the Qb snma, and Ardashrs y n in the Shhnma.260
8. According to Mub raksh h, retreating enemies should not be pursued, even if they
withdraw to a far distance, as there might be a surprise comeback.261 As already mentioned
above, the same warning is given in Qb s-nma and Ardashrs y n in the Shhnma.262
9. Finally, in the last chapter of his work, Mub raksh h quotes an aphorism which he
attributes to Ardashr, stating that the king and the commander-in-chief should have in their
service many vanguards and spies (
).263 The author highlights the importance of gathering intelligence by repeating this idea
throughout his work. As already noted above, Ardashrs use of spies not just for military
purposes but at all levels of his government is an important point made throughout the Ardashr
cycle in the Shhnma.
****
The comparison of the Ardashr cycle in the Shhnma with the medieval Persian
literature of advice for rulers and the reveals many areas of commonality among these works.

310
Whether the authors of such works were rulers themselves, like Sebktegin and Kayk s;
ministers, like Ni m al-Mulk; theologians, like Ghaz l; philosophers, like Fakhr al-Dn R z;
court secretaries, like ahr Samarqand and Var vn; or notables, like Mub raksh h, many of
the ideas that they express in their works find parallels in the Ardashr cycle in the Shhnma.
The issue of the legitimacy of the king; the concept of the interdependence of kingship and
religion; the importance of justice and its effect on the maintenance of kingship; the notion of the
kings coercive capacity and his duty to punish transgressors; the required virtues of a king, such
as moderate generosity, patience, forgiveness, contentment, control over anger, and truthfulness;
and the efficient ways of organizing and administrating the state, are some of the major topics
that are shared by the Ardashr cycle in the Shhnma and the mirrors for princes reviewed
above. Depending on the authors cultural background and social affiliation, the prevailing
political, religious, and social circumstances under which the work was written and presented,
and the literary tradition of the time and place, each author chose his own way of articulating
these ideas. This comparison was not concerned with the factors that contributed to the authors
different ways of articulating their ideas, but rather with the similarity of the ideas presented in
their works. Depending on their intentions, the authors also employed different styles and
applied various rhetorical techniques in their writings. These range from simple instructions (like
that of Kayk s), to addressing problems and offering solutions (like that of Ni m al-Mulk), to
seeking promotion at court (like that of ahr Samarqand, who states that he wished to become
a member of the royal court).264
This comparison also demonstrates that, although in terms of content the Shhnma
compares to the medieval Persian literature of advice for rulers, it is very different in form. The
authors of medieval Persian mirrors for princes generally treat their topics separately, sometimes
under specific chapter headings, and they illustrate each notion by the use of didactic anecdotes

311
about exemplary or flawed rulers of the past. As demonstrated in the analysis of the Ardashr
cycle in the Shhnma, Firdausi expresses the same ideas in a coherent and fully integrated
narrative about Ardashr, including his y n (customs and practice), andarz (throne speech), and
ahd (testament). This method of presenting lessons on kingship is not unique to Firdausi, as
dramatic coherence is in fact a characteristic feature of medieval Persian histories. The authors of
medieval Persian historical writings too created coherent narratives about the exemplary and
flawed rulers of the past in order to impart lessons on good governance. They also applied
stylistic and literary techniques to their texts in order to enhance their aesthetic effect and make
them more pleasant and persuasive.265 Thus, the Shhnma shares common features with
medieval Persian historical writing too, but it also differs from them considerably, as shown in
the second and third chapters of this study. A further point of difference between the Shhnma
and other historical writings is that, although medieval rulers and courtly lites were always
urged to study the history of the kings of bygone eras in order to learn from the events of the
past, it appears that it was mainly the Shhnma that served this purpose. The accounts about
reading the Shhnma at royal courts,266 the large number of surviving Shhnma manuscripts,
many of which were illustrated, and the depiction of Shhnma scenes on the walls of medieval
palaces and royal vessels, all suggest that it was the Shhnma that was the work of choice for
both entertainment and education of kings and courtly lites, and not, for example, Gardzs
general history, Zayn al-akhbr, or Bayhaqs history of the Ghaznavids, both of which were
written in the mid-eleventh century.267
In his study of two verse chronicles from the Mongol period, namely amdull h
Mustaufs afar-nma (735/1335) and Shams al-Dn K sh ns Shhnma-i Ching z (ca.
705/1306), both markedly influenced by the Shhnma, Charles Melville notes that the
transition from history to a mirror for princes is particularly obvious in these two works.268

312
If our examination of historical works written on the model of the Shhnma leads us to assess
them as mirrors for princes, then why not assess the Shhnma, which was the source of these
works, as a mirror for princes? In point of fact, in the pre-Mongol era too we can see the
influence of the Shhnma as a book of wisdom and advice on works that intended to impart
lessons on kingship. The numerous citations from Firdauss opus in the literature of advice for
rulers composed in the pre-Mongol era point to a strong connection between the Shhnma and
the literary genre of mirrors for princes. The ethico-political dimension of the heroic and
historical epics composed in imitation of the Shhnma is a further indication of the influence of
Firdauss opus. Moreover, in the sphere of art history, too, the connection between the
Shhnma and the ideals of kingship manifests itself. As noted by scholars of medieval Persian
art, the artistic depiction of figures from the Shhnma functioned as visual representations of
proper conduct for kings and courtiers.269 When viewed from the perspective of medieval authors
who used the Shhnma as their source, and when seen through the eyes of artisans who created
artwork based on its narratives, Firdausis oeuvre appears as a book of wisdom and advice for
kings and courtiers. If this is how the opus was viewed in medieval times, we ought to study it in
that light.

313

For more on the characteristics of the Persian advice literature in the earlier period, see de

Fouchcour, Moralia, 513.

2

For the significance of this work, see G. M. Wickenss introduction to his translation of it in

Nar al-Dn Muammad b. Muammad s, The Nasirean Ethics, trans. G. M. Wickens

(London: Allen and Unwin, 1964), 912. For a critical edition of the work, see Nar al-Dn s,
Akhlq-i N ir , ed. Mujtab Mnuv and Al Ri

aydar, 2nd ed. (Tehran: Khv razm,

1361/1982).
3

M. Nazim, The Pand-Nmah of Subuktign, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great

Britain and Ireland 3 (1933): 60528. Also see de Fouchcour, Moralia, 37375. Nazim
discovered this text in a manuscript of Majma al-ansb, which is now edited and published. See
Muammad b. Al b. Muammad Shab nk ra, Majma al-ansb, ed. Mr-H shim Muaddis
(Tehran: Amr Kabr, 1363/1984), 3641.
4

Shab nk ra, Majma al-ansb, 37.

See above, pp. 14043.

See above, pp. 13840.

Shab nk ra, Majma al-ansb, 39.

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:216, lines 33234.

Shab nk ra, Majma al-ansb, 40.

10

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:215, lines 31314.

11

Shab nk ra, Majma al-ansb, 40.

12

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:169, lines 51011.

13

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:229, lines 51214.

14

Shab nk ra, Majma al-ansb, 40.

314

15

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:222, line 411.

16

Shab nk ra, Majma al-ansb, 40.

17

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:234, line 607.

18

Shab nk ra, Majma al-ansb, 40.

19

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:226, lines 46769. For the correction made to line 467, see Kh liq

Mulaq, Yddsht-h-yi Shhnma, pt. 3, 187.

20

Shab nk ra, Majma al-ansb, 40.

21

See above, pp. 156, 211.

22

Charles Schefer, ed., Chrestomathie persane (Paris: Ernest Leroux, 1883), 1:7 (notes and

commentary); de Fouchcour, Moralia, 37677. For the text, see db-i salanat va vizrat, in
Chrestomathie persane, ed. Charles Schefer, 1028 (Persian text).
23

db-i salanat va vizrat, 10 (Persian text).

24

The famous maxim he who is better is superior, not he who is superior is better; he who is not

better is not superior () , which is often attributed to Anshrv n, is

cited in the text without any acknowledgement. See db-i salanat va vizrat, 21. Also, the
maxim a just king is better than heavy rainfall (suln dil khayr min maar wbil), which is
often attributed to Ardashr, appears in the text without any acknowledgement. See db-i
salanat va vizrat, 13.
25

db-i salanat va vizrat, 12.

26

See above, p. 228.

27

db-i salanat va vizrat, 11:

28

See above, pp. 14043.

29

db-i salanat va vizrat, 12.

30

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:234, line 597.

315

31

db-i salanat va vizrat, 12.

32

See above, pp. 22932; and Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:23132, lines 55359:
]

33

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:231, line 553.

34

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:232, line 559.

35

db-i salanat va vizrat, 14.

36

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:22728, lines 49496.

37

db-i salanat va vizrat, 17.

38

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:233, lines 58790.

39

db-i salanat va vizrat, 1618.

40

For example, see Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:158, lines 36772; Firdaus, Shhnma 6:164, lines

45154; Firdaus, Shhnma 6:178, lines 62930; and Firdaus, Shhnma 6:181, lines 67273.
41

This work has been translated into different languages including English, French, German,

Russian, Turkish, and Arabic. For the English translation, see Unur al-Ma l Kayk s b.
Iskandar b. Q bs, A Mirror for Princes: The Qb s Nma, trans. Reuben Levy (London:
Cresset, 1951). For bibliographical information on its translations into other languages, see

316

Kayk s, Das Qbusnme: Ein Denkmal persischer Lebensweisheit, trans. Seifeddin Najmabadi
in association with Wolfgang Knauth (Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag, 1988), 15.
42

On y n-nmas, see above, p. 203.

43

Kayk s, Qb s-nma, 223; trans., Kayk s, A Mirror for Princes, 219.

44

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:218, line 360.

45

Kayk s, Qb s-nma, 224; trans., Kayk s, A Mirror for Princes, 219.

46

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:21819, lines 36264.

47

Kayk s, Qb s-nma, 224; trans., Kayk s, A Mirror for Princes, 220.

48

See above, p. 26162.

49

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:215, lines 30910.

50

Kayk s, Qb s-nma, 225; trans., Kayk s, A Mirror for Princes, 220.

51

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:219, lines 37374.

52

Kayk s, Qb s-nma, 225; trans., Kayk s, A Mirror for Princes, 221.

53

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:178, lines 63539.

54

Kayk s, Qb s-nma, 207; trans., Kayk s, A Mirror for Princes, 200.

55

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:215, line 317.

56

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:215, line 319.

57

Kayk s, Qb s-nma, 22728, 235; trans., Kayk s, A Mirror for Princes, 22223, 231.

58

de Fouchcour, Moralia, 38189; and Clifford Edmund Bosworth, Mirrors for Princes, in

Encyclopaedia of Arabic Literature, ed. Julie Scott Meisami and Paul Starkey (London:
Routledge, 1998), 2:528. As mentioned above, A. K. S. Lambton, does not consider the Siyar almul k as a mirror for princes. See her The Dilemma of Government in Islamic Persia: The
Siysat-nma of Ni m al-Mulk, Iran 22 (1984): 5556. In this relation, also see Marta
Simidchieva, Kingship and Legitimacy in Ni m al-Mulks Siysatnma, Fifth/Eleventh

317

Century, in Writers and Rulers: Perspectives on Their Relationship from Abbasid to Safavid
Times, ed. Louise Marlow and Beatrice Gruendler (Wiesbaden: Reichert, 2004), 97131; and
Meisami, Persian Historiography, 16162.
59

Alexey A. Khismatulin argues that Siyar al-mul k was actually written by Muizz, the

celebrated poet at the Saljq royal court. He argues that Muizz ascribed his own work to Ni m
al-Mulk. See his To Forge a Book in the Medieval Ages: Nez m al-Molks Siyar al-Moluk
(Siysat-Nma), Journal of Persianate Studies 1 (2008): 3066.
60

Ni m al-Mulk, Siyar al-mul k, 237; trans., Ni m al-Mulk, Book of Government, 189. On

Khudynmas and shhnmas, see above, pp. 13234.

61

Ni m al-Mulk, Siyar al-mul k, 19; trans., Ni m al-Mulk, Book of Government, 14.

62

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:222, line 411. For the relevant verse, see above, p. 262.

63

Nihyat al-arab, 192; Tajrib al-umam, 189.

64

Ni m al-Mulk, Siyar al-mul k, 29; trans., Ni m al-Mulk, Book of Government, 22.

65

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:216, lines 32531.

66

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:223, lines 41819.

67

Ni m al-Mulk, Siyar al-mul k, 2930, 7980, and 168; trans., Ni m al-Mulk, Book of

Government, 23, 6364, 12829.

68

See above, p. 211.

69

Ni m al-Mulk, Siyar al-mul k, 75; trans., Ni m al-Mulk, Book of Government, 60.

70

Ni m al-Mulk, Siyar al-mul k, 7475; trans., Ni m al-Mulk, Book of Government, 5960.

71

See above, pp. 22932; and Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:23132, lines 55359. For the verses, see

above, 315n32.
72

Ni m al-Mulk, Siyar al-mul k, 75; trans., Ni m al-Mulk, Book of Government, 61.

73

Cf. Ahd-i Ardash r, 71, sec. 23:

318

74

Ni m al-Mulk, Siyar al-mul k, 76; trans., Ni m al-Mulk, Book of Government, 61.

75

Ni m al-Mulk, Siyar al-mul k, 12024; trans., Ni m al-Mulk, Book of Government, 9498.

76

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:22021, lines 38195.

77

Ni m al-Mulk, Siyar al-mul k, 158; trans., Ni m al-Mulk, Book of Government, 122.

78

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:232, lines 57273.

79

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:234, line 601.

80

Zand-ks h, 235, chap. 27.1721; and Bundahish, 125, sec. 18384.

81

Firdaus, Shhnma, 8:21, line 248:

You garnered anger and vengeance instead of wisdom

[Thus], you are praised by demons.
82

For more examples, see Shaul Shaked, A Facetious Recipe and the Two Wisdoms: Iranian

Themes in Muslim Garb, Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 13 (1990): 2433, repr. ed., in
Shaked, From Zoroastrian Iran to Islam, chap. 9. Also see Zakeri, Persian Wisdom in Arabic
Garb, especially, 1:100150.
83

See above, p. 265.

84

Ni m al-Mulk, Siyar al-mul k, 188; trans., Ni m al-Mulk, Book of Government, 14748.

85

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:218, lines 34955.

86

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:218220, lines 35980.

87

Ni m al-Mulk, Siyar al-mul k, 305; trans., Ni m al-Mulk, Book of Government, 243.

88

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:226, lines 46769. For the verses, see above, p. 263.

89

Ni m al-Mulk, Siyar al-mul k, 55 and 218; trans., Ni m al-Mulk, Book of Government, 43

44 and 173.

319

90

Cf. Im m Muammad b. Muammad b. Muammad Ghaz l s, Na

at al-mul k, ed. Jal l

al-Dn Hum (Tehran: Anjuman-i s r-i mill, 1351/1972), liiilxxxiv; Ghaz l, Ghazl s Book
of Counsel for Kings (Na

at al-mul k), trans. F. R. C. Bagley (London: Oxford University

Press, 1964), xxivxxvi; Abd al-usayn Zarrnkb, Farr az madrasa: Darbra-i zindig va
and sha-i Ab

mid Ghazl (Tehran, 1353/1974), 25461; Carole Hillenbrand, Islamic

Orthodoxy or Realpolitik? Al-Ghaz ls Views on Government. Iran 26 (1988): 9192; and

Patricia Crone, Did al-Ghaz l Write a Mirror for Princes? On the Authorship of Na

at al-

mul k, Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 10 (1987): 16791. Also see an earlier study of
this work in Lambton, The Theory of Kingship in the Na

at ul-Mul k of Ghaz l, The

Islamic Quarterly 1 (1954): 4755, repr. ed., in Lambton, Theory and Practice, chap. 5.
91

For the two parts, see Ghaz l, Na

at al-mul k, 179, 81287; trans., Ghaz l, Ghazl s

Book of Counsel for Kings, 144, 45173.

92

A number of older manuscripts of Na

at al-mul k address the dedicatee of the work as the

king of the east (malik-i mashriq) which means that he was not a sultan. Other manuscripts
refer to its dedicatee with such titles as the sultan of the world (suln-i lam) and king of the
east and west (malik-i mashriq va maghrib), which means that the work was dedicated to sultan
Muammad b. Maliksh h, who was in power at the time. If Ghaz l dedicated his work to sultan
Sanjar, he must have done so when Sanjar was still a prince, because Ghaz l died before Sanjar
became sultan. See Jal l al-Dn Hum s discussion in Ghaz l, Na

at al-mul k, cxixcxxii.

93

Ghaz l, Na

94

Quran 14:24:

95

See above, p. 58.

96

Ghaz l, Na

at al-mul k, 2; trans., Ghaz l, Ghazl s Book of Counsel for Kings, 4.

at al-mul k, 3; trans., Ghaz l, Ghazl s Book of Counsel for Kings, 4.

320

97

Ghaz l, Na

at al-mul k, 1427; trans., Ghaz l, Ghazl s Book of Counsel for Kings, 14

19.
98

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:231, lines 54647. The above-mentioned verses are followed by three

more, reiterating the same idea:

99

Ghaz l, Na

at al-mul k, 2735; trans., Ghaz l, Ghazl s Book of Counsel for Kings, 19

23.
100

See above, pp. 22932 and 28284.

101

Ghaz l, Na

at al-mul k, 3639; trans., Ghaz l, Ghazl s Book of Counsel for Kings, 23

25.
102

See Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:22728, lines 49496.

103

See above, pp. 261, 26566, and 273.

104

Ghaz l, Na

105

Shaked, From Iran to Islam, 3536.

106

Ghaz l, Na

107

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:232, lines 57274; Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:234, lines 6067; Firdaus,

at al-mul k, 37; trans., Ghaz l, Ghazl s Book of Counsel for Kings, 24.

at al-mul k, 39; trans., Ghaz l, Ghazl s Book of Counsel for Kings, 25.

Shhnma, 6:235, lines 597, 602, and 608; and Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:235, line 614.
108

Ghaz l, Na

at al-mul k, 40; trans., Ghaz l, Ghazl s Book of Counsel for Kings, 25.

109

Ghaz l, Na

at al-mul k, 46; trans., Ghaz l, Ghazl s Book of Counsel for Kings, 2829.

110

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:232, line 575.

111

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:234, line 598.

112

Ghaz l, Na

at al-mul k, 4748; trans., Ghaz l, Ghazl s Book of Counsel for Kings, 29.

321

113

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:234, line 606.

114

Kayk s, Qb s-nma, 154:

[]

Trans., Kayk s, A Mirror for Princes, 142.

115

Ghaz l, Na

116

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:226, line 473.

117

Shaked, Facetious Recipe, 2429.

118

Ghaz l, Na

119

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:226, line 466.

120

Ghaz l, Na

121

See above, pp. 211.

122

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:22829, lines 50524.

123

Ghaz l, Na

124

For the aphorisms attributed to Ardashr, see Ghaz l, Na

at al-mul k, 48; trans., Ghaz l, Ghazl s Book of Counsel for Kings, 29.

at al-mul k, 49; trans., Ghaz l, Ghazl s Book of Counsel for Kings, 30.

at al-mul k, 50; trans., Ghaz l, Ghazl s Book of Counsel for Kings, 30.

at al-mul k, 5051; trans., Ghaz l, Ghazl s Book of Counsel for Kings, 31.
at al-mul k, 158, 161, 165, 176,

177, 180, 238; trans., Ghaz l, Ghazl s Book of Counsel for Kings, 95, 98, 106, 107, 109, 120,
144. For the aphorisms attributed to Anshrv n, see Ghaz l, Na

at al-mul k, 125, 126, 138,

177, 182, 25455, 255; trans., Ghaz l, Ghazl s Book of Counsel for Kings, 72, 73, 82, 107,
110, 154.
125

For the anecdote about Ardashr, see Ghaz l, Na

at al-mul k, 159; trans., Ghaz l,

Ghazl s Book of Counsel for Kings, 96. For the anecdotes about Anshrv n, see Ghaz l,
Na

at al-mul k, 99100, 1089, 110, 111, 11214, 136, 137, 13942, 205; trans., Ghaz l,

Ghazl s Book of Counsel for Kings, 5556, 6165, 8081, 8384, 12425.

322

126

For the aphorism, see Ni m al-Mulk, Siyar al-mul k, 75; trans., Ni m al-Mulk, Book of

Government, 61. For other references to Ardashr, see Ni m al-Mulk, Siyar al-mul k, 55, 76,
218, 219; trans., Ni m al-Mulk, Book of Government, 4344, 61, 173, 174.
127

Ni m al-Mulk, Siyar al-mul k, 4152, 167, 235, 23959; trans., Ni m al-Mulk, Book of

Government, 3242; 127, 187, 190206.

128

For the aphorisms attributed to Buzurgmihr, see Ghaz l, Na

at al-mul k, 129, 132, 151,

184, 22223, 226, 227, 232, 234, 240, 241, 242, 255, 354, and 398; trans., Ghaz l, Ghazl s
Book of Counsel for Kings,75,77, 90, 11112, 135, 136, 137, 138, 14041, 142, 145, 154, 155.
129

Ni m al-Mulk, Siyar al-mul k, 218; trans., Ni m al-Mulk, Book of Government, 173.

130

See above, pp. 16667.

131

On this letter, see above, p. 181n49.

132

abar, Tar kh, 2:898; trans., abar, History, 5:157; Balam, Tr kh-i Balam , 680,

Tha lib, Ghurar, 606; Miskya, Tajrib al-umam, 1:17980; and Ibn al-Balkh, Frsnma, 88.
133

de Fouchcour, Moralia, 99100.

134

Firdaus, Shhnma, 7:169, lines 10078; and Firdaus, Shhnma, 7:176, line 1066.

135

Ghaz l, Na

136

See above, pp. 22932.

137

Ghaz l, Na

138

See Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:226, line 473.

139

Ghaz l, Na

at al-mul k, 106; trans., Ghaz l, Ghazl s Book of Counsel for Kings, 59.

at al-mul k, 230; trans., Ghaz l, Ghazl s Book of Counsel for Kings, 139.

at al-mul k, 8182; trans., Ghaz l, Ghazl s Book of Counsel for Kings, 45

46.
140

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:227, line 487.

141

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:227, line 489.

142

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:227, lines 49092:

323

143

Ghaz l, Na

144

For the attribution of this maxim to Ardashr, see ahr Samarqand, Aghr al-siysa, 163;

at al-mul k, 100; trans., Ghaz l, Ghazl s Book of Counsel for Kings, 56.

Tha lib, Ghurar, 482; and Ab al-Ma l Narull h Munsh, Tarjuma-i Kal la va Dimna, ed.
Mujtab Mnuv ihr n (Tehran: Intish r t-i D nishg h-i ihr n, 1345/1966), 7. For a thorough
discussion of the concept of the circle of justice, see Maria E. Subtelny, Le monde est un
jardin: Aspects de lhistoire culturelle de lIran medieval, Studia Iranica, Cahier 28 (Paris:
Association pour lAvancement des tudes Iraniennes, 2002).
145

I would like to thank Professor Maria Subtelny for bringing this fine point to my attention.

146

For two examples, see Kayk s, Qb s-nma, 218; Mub raksh h, db al- arb va al-

shuja, 163.
147

Ghaz l, Na

148

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:23637, lines 63441.

149

See above, pp. 23839.

150

Ghaz l, Na

151

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:222, line 412.

152

Ghaz l, Na

153

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:221, lines 39699; and Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:223, lines 41519.

154

Ghaz l, Na

155

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:234, lines 592594.

156

See above, pp. 7475.

157

ahr Samarqand, Aghr al-siysa, 163.

at al-mul k, 99; trans., Ghaz l, Ghazl s Book of Counsel for Kings, 55.

at al-mul k, 121; trans., Ghaz l, Ghazl s Book of Counsel for Kings, 69.

at al-mul k, 167; trans., Ghaz l, Ghazl s Book of Counsel for Kings, 101.

at al-mul k, 237; trans., Ghaz l, Ghazl s Book of Counsel for Kings, 143.

324

158

ahr Samarqand, Aghr al-siysa, 164. Variants of this maxim are often attributed to

Ardashr in medieval sources. See above, p. 228. It is also cited in db-i salanat va vizrat,
13, but without any attribution.
159

ahr Samarqand, Aghr al-siysa, 166.

160

ahr Samarqand, Aghr al-siysa, 164.

161

See above, pp. 17071.

162

ahr Samarqand, Aghr al-siysa, 16566.

163

ahr Samarqand, Aghr al-siysa, 166.

164

See Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:22728, lines 49496. Also see above, pp. 261, 26566, and 273.

165

ahr Samarqand, Aghr al-siysa, 166.

166

See above, pp. 22932, 265, 273, 284.

167

ahr Samarqand, Aghr al-siysa, 167.

168

Masd, Mur j, 1:290, sec. 587; trans., Masd, Prairies dor, 1:220, sec. 587.

169

Shaked, A Facetious Recipe, 2930.

170

ahr Samarqand, Aghr al-siysa, 102.

171

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:226, line 477.

172

Fakhr al-Dn R z, Jmi al-ul m: Sitt n , ed. Sayyid Al l-i D d (Tehran: Buny d-i

mauqf t-i duktur Mamd Afsh r, 1382/2003).

173

See Fakhr al-Dn R z, Jmi al-ul m, 46469 and 48691.

174

Fakhr al-Dn R z, Jmi al-ul m, 46465. For a review of Fakhr al-Dn R zs theory of

kingship, see Ann K. S. Lambton, State and Government in Medieval Islam: An Introduction to
the Study of Islamic Political Theory; The Jurists (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1981), 130
37.
175

Fakhr al-Dn R z, Jmi al-ul m, 466.

325

176

Fakhr al-Dn R z, Jmi al-ul m, 468.

177

Fakhr al-Dn R z, Jmi al-ul m, 48990. This is yet again another example of attributing

ancient Persian maxims to Muslim religious figures, thereby granting them credibility.
178

Ni m al-mulk, Siyar al-mul k, 75; trans., Ni m al-Mulk, Book of Government, 60; Ghaz l,

Na

at al-mul k, 106; trans., Ghaz l, Ghazl s Book of Counsel for Kings, 59. Ghaz l further

adds that these two brothers are from the same womb ( ) , but this part of the
sentence does not appear in Bagleys translation of Na

at al-mul k.

179

See above, pp. 29091.

180

See above, p. 265.

181

Najm-i R z, Mir d al-ibd, 41118; trans., Najm-i R z, Path of Gods Bondsmen, 395

400.
182

See above, p. 22932.

183

Fakhr al-Dn R z, Jmi al-ul m, 486.

184

Fakhr al-Dn R z, Jmi al-ul m, 48687.

185

Fakhr al-Dn R z, Jmi al-ul m, 488.

186

Fakhr al-Dn R z, Jmi al-ul m, 48889.

187

Fakhr al-Dn R z, Jmi al-ul m, 48990.

188

Fakhr al-Dn R z, Jmi al-ul m, 490.

189

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:234, line 608.

190

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:234, line 607.

191

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:231, lines 551; and Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:234, line 597.

192

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:232, lines 57274.

326

193

For some examples, see Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:155, lines 31215, Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:158,

lines 36773; Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:164, lines 45154; and Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:181, lines
67374.
194

See above, pp. 6573.

195

Var vn, Marzbn-nma, 9697; trans., Var vn, Tales of Marzuban, 3536.

196

Var vn, Marzbn-nma, 9899. This part of the text is not translated in the Tales of

Marzuban.
197

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:226, lines 46769. For the verses, see above, p. 263.

198

Var vn, Marzbn-nma, 100.

199

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:232, line 567.

200

Var vn, Marzbn-nma, 98.

201

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:227, line 486.

202

Var vn, Marzbn-nma, 179209; trans., Var vn, Tales of Marzuban, 6775.

203

Var vn, Marzbn-nma, 179; trans., Var vn, Tales of Marzuban, 67.

204

Masd, Mur j, 1:28889, sec. 584; trans., Masd, Prairies dor, 1:219, sec. 584.

205

According to another tale related in a twelfth-century Arabic work by an Arab scholar of

Sicily known as Ibn afar al-Siqill, Ardashirs son B bak [sic], who is trained by a sage, tells
his father that he is not interested in the throne, and after a long discussion with his father about
the stage of self-denial in the spiritual path to perfection, leaves the palace and disappears. See
Joseph A. Kechichian and R. Hrair Dekmejian, The Just Prince: A Manual of Leadership,
Including an Authoritative English Translation of the Sulwan al-Muta fi Udwan al-Atba
(Consolation for the Ruler During the Hostility of Subjects) by Muhammad ibn Zafar al-Siqilli
(London: Saqi Books, 2003), 30435. For the possible connection between this type of account
and the vita of Buddha, see Louise Marlow, Advice Literature in Tenth and Early Eleventh-

327

Century Iran and Early Persian Prose Writing, in Herzig and Stewart, Early Islamic Iran, 90
91.
Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:22324, lines 42835:

206

and Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:225, lines 45255:

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:226, line 473:

207

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:216, lines 32527:

208

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:226, line 474:

; Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:232, lines 562

65:

328

and Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:232, lines 56869:

209

Var vn, Marzbn-nma, 268; Firdaus, Shhnma, 5:323, line 383. The translations of the

verses are not provided in the Tales of Marzuban.

210

Var vn, Marzbn-nma, 268; Firdaus, Shhnma, 1:4, line 18.

211

Var vn, Marzbn-nma, 273; Firdaus, Shhnma, 1:4, line 14.

212

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:215, line 312.

213

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:215, line 316.

214

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:215, line 408.

215

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:225, line 460. For the correction made to the first hemistich of this

verse, see Kh liq Mulaq, Yddsht-h-yi Shhnma, pt. 3, 18687.

216

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:227, lines 48086.

217

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:235, line 613.

218

Var vn, Marzbn-nma, 285; Firdaus, Shhnma, 7:219, lines 157576. The first verse is

slightly different in the Shhnma, but the meaning is the same:

Just as you say, I paid off the loan of wisdom

[And] learned everything that I was supposed to learn.
219

Var vn, Marzbn-nma, 293; Firdaus, Shhnma, 7:179, line 1094; and Firdaus,

Shhnma, 7:180, line 1104.

329

220

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:234, lines 6035. For the correction made to the second hemistich of

line 603, see Kh liq Mulaq, Yddsht-h-yi Shhnma, pt. 3, 189.

221

Var vn, Marzbn-nma, 486514; trans., Var vn, Tales of Marzuban, 18599.

222

For example, see Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:178, lines 62930; and Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:181,

lines 67374.
223

Var vn, Marzbn-nma, 51314; trans., Var vn, Tales of Marzuban, 19698.

224

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:217, lines 34144.

225

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:19498, lines 1576.

226

Var vn, Marzbn-nma, 62232; trans., Var vn, Tales of Marzuban, 24448.

227

Cf. Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:19596, lines 3141; Var vn, Marzbn-nma, 62226; trans.,

Var vn, Tales of Marzuban, 24445.

228

Var vn, Marzbn-nma, 62829; trans., Var vn, Tales of Marzuban, 24647.

229

For more on this episode, see above, p. 167. Also see my article, A Unique Episode from the

Krnmag Arda r Pbagn, 20316. I came across this episode in the Marzbn-nma only
after my article was published.
230

Var vn, Marzbn-nma, 622; trans., Var vn, Tales of Marzuban, 244.

231

See above, pp. 13738.

232

For more on ltutmish, see Encyclopaedia of Islam2, s.v. ltutmish, b. l m Kh n.

233

Mub raksh h, db al- arb va al-shuja, 15, 247.

234

Mub raksh h, db al- arb va al-shuja, 26139. Six more chapters of this work, which

describe the qualifications of high government officers, were later identified, edited, and
published. See Muammad Surr Maul , ed., n-i kishvar-dr : Shish bb-i bzyfta az db
al- arb va al-shuja (Tehran: Intish r t-i buny d-i farhang-i r n, 1354/1975).

330

235

Cf. Mub raksh h, db al- arb va al-shuja, 120; and ahr Samarqand, Aghr al-siysa,

163. Also see Ghaz ls version of this maxim cited above, pp. 28586.
236

Ghaz l, Na

237

Mub raksh h, db al- arb va al-shuja, 135.

238

Mub raksh h, db al- arb va al-shuja, 45, 1923.

239

Mub raksh h, db al- arb va al-shuja, 164.

240

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:226, line 475. For the correction made to the first hemistich, see

at al-mul k, 176; trans., Ghaz l, Ghazl s Book of Counsel for Kings, 106.

Kh liq Mulaq, Yddsht-h-yi Shhnma, pt. 3, 187.

241

Mub raksh h, db al- arb va al-shuja, 282.

242

Mub raksh h, db al- arb va al-shuja, 28285. For the customs of other peoples, he only

provides diagrams.
243

Mub raksh h, db al- arb va al-shuja, 283 and 340.

244

Mub raksh h, db al- arb va al-shuja, 283.

245

Mub raksh h, db al- arb va al-shuja, 283:

...

246

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:219, lines 36569. For the correction made to the first hemistiches of

verses 367 and 368, see Kh liq Mulaq, Yddsht-h-yi Shhnma, pt. 3, 184.
247

Mub raksh h, db al- arb va al-shuja, 292.

248

Mub raksh h, db al- arb va al-shuja, 291.

249

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:218, line 360.

250

Mub raksh h, db al- arb va al-shuja, 298302.

331

251

Mub raksh h, db al- arb va al-shuja, 298. In another chapter of the work, which is

about ambushing (kam n), Mub raksh h advises that the best time to raid is early morning in the
spring, and midday in the summer. See Mub raksh h, db al- arb va al-shuja, 306.
252

See above, p. 156.

253

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:168, lines 500503.

254

Mub raksh h, db al- arb va al-shuja, 330; and Mub raksh h, db al- arb va al-

shuja, 454:
255

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:21819, lines 36264.

256

See above, pp. 26869.

257

Mub raksh h, db al- arb va al-shuja, 344.

258

Firdaus, Shhnma, 6:219, line 372.

259

Mub raksh h, db al- arb va al-shuja, 452.

260

See above, pp. 26162, 269.

261

Mub raksh h, db al- arb va al-shuja, 453.

262

See above, pp. 26970.

263

Mub raksh h, db al- arb va al-shuja, 489.

264

ahr Samarqand, Aghr al-siysa, 11.

265

Julie Scott Meisami, History as Literature, in Melville, Persian Historiography, 155;

Melville, Historian at Work, 56100; and Julie Scott Meisami, History as Literature, Iranian
Studies 33, nos. 12 (2000): 1530.
266

For example, see above, pp. 8889.

267

On these two works, see Meisami, Persian Historiography, 6679 and 79108 respectively.

268

Melville, Between Firdaus and Rashd al-Dn, 65.

332

269

For example, see Marianna Shreve Simpson, Narrative Allusion and Metaphor in the

Decoration of Medieval Islamic Objects, in Herbert L. Kessler and Marianna Shreve Simpson,
ed., Pictorial Narrative in Antiquity and the Middle Ages (Washington, 1985), 13843;
Assadullah Souren Melikian-Chirvani, Le Shh-nme, la gnose soufie et le pouvoir mongole,
Journal Asiatique 272, nos. 34 (1984): 296317; Melikian-Chirvani Conscience du pass et
rsistance culturelle dans lIran mongol, in LIran face la Domination Mongole, ed. D. Aigle
(Tehran, 1997), 15868; Sylvia Auld, Characters Out of Context: The Case of a Bowl in the
Victoria and Albert Museum, in Shahnama: The Visual Language of the Persian Book of Kings,
ed. Robert Hillenbrand (Hants, England: Ashgate, 2004), 10611; and Tomoko Masuya,
Ilkhanid Courtly Life, in The Legacy of Genghis Khan: Courtly Art and Culture in Western
Asia, 1256-1353, ed. Linda Komaroff and Stefano Carboni (New York: Metropolitan Museum of
Art, 2002), 1023.

Conclusion
In a section of his R at al- ud r va yat al-sur r, on the duties of kings boon companions,
R vand (d. after 603/1207) states that in the course of history, any expression that has been
made by man, from humorous (hazl) to serious (jidd), contains a wisdom, which can be revealed
when looked at closely. To illustrate his point, R vand unravels the meaning of an implausible
statement that claimed some kind of medicinal herb growing in the mountains of India could
bring the dead back to life. He explains that the mountains refer to knowledgeable men (ulam),
the herbs refer to wise words (sukhan), and the dead are the ignorant people who are revived by
the knowledge they gain.1 R vand further mentions that different people have expressed their
ideas through different mediums, such as animal fables, love stories, and even games, such as
chess and backgammon. Therefore, states R vand, the kings boon companions should be very
well-read and knowledgeable in all fields in order to be able to decipher for the king the meaning
of the exempla and dicta that are read to him, and in order to explain the points of the games that
they play with him.2 These remarks provide an answer to the question of whether or not the kings
for whom sophisticated literary works were written could ever grasp the ideas contained in them.
As may be inferred from R vands statements, the kings were not even expected to get the
message of these works; rather, it was the duty of their learned companions to interpret for them
what could be learned from the works read to them. We should therefore look at the response of
the learned medieval readers to the Shhnma in order to find out how Firdauss opus was
perceived in medieval times.
As I endeavoured to demonstrate in this study, the Shhnma was understood primarily
as a book of wisdom and advice for kings and courtly lites. The most outstanding product of

333

334
this understanding of the Shhnma was the literary genre of ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma (selections
from the Shhnma), the earliest example of which dates from 474/108182. These thematically
organized compilations of selected verses from the Shhnma shed considerable light on the
reception of Firdauss opus as a book of wisdom and advice on kingship. A cursory review of
medieval Persian epics composed in imitation of the Shhnma demonstrates that the composers
of these works recognized the ethico-political dimension of the Shhnma and made sure to
include this important aspect of it in their own compositions. Further evidence pointing to the
attention of medieval writers to the ethcio-political dimension of the Shhnma are the frequent
citations from the work, with or without acknowledgement, in the medieval Persian prose
literature of advice for rulers. The insertion of selected verses from the Shhnma in these prose
texts did not just serve stylistic purposes, as these verses were intended to be taken seriously as
words of a well-known authority on the subject. This intention is quite obvious when the authors
attribute the cited verses to Firdaus. Some of these authors employed their selected verses in
contexts that echoed the original contexts of the verses in the Shhnma. In doing so, they made
associations between the characters and events of their own texts and those of the Shhnma,
thereby increasing the impact of their own words.
In contrast to the number of medieval authors who cited the Shhnma as a book of
wisdom and advice on kingship, the number of those who cited it for historical information is
very few. And when the Shhnma was cited as an historical source, the author recognized
Firdaus as a sage and admired his eloquence not his skill in writing history. Even the verse
chronicles composed on the model of the Shhnma show more affinity with the literary genre of
mirrors for princes than with history per se. Furthermore, Firdaus himself does not seem to have
expected his audience to understand his work as history, as he acknowledges the fantastic nature
of some of his accounts and stresses that their meanings should be understood through symbols.3

335
In contrast, medieval historians always make a point about the truthfulness of their own reports.
They tend to avoid legendary materials, and when they do include them, they hold their
informants or written sources responsible for their truth. If Firdaus considered his work to be a
record of history, he would not have asked his readers to decipher the symbolic meaning of the
accounts contained in it.
Appreciating ancient Persian traditional symbols and how they were presented in an
Islamic context is therefore crucial for a deeper understanding of Firdauss Shhnma. As my
textual analysis of the Ardashr cycle in the Shhnma demonstrates, it is in the context of
ancient Persian traditions that the symbolic meanings of the episodes in this tale are revealed,
and not in the context of the history of Ardashrs reign. The accounts about the rise to power
and reign of Ardashr, as narrated in Shhnma, reveal that Firdauss work is more about ideas
and ideals than about historical characters and events. The idea of the union of kingship and
religion, for example, which has often been attributed to Ardashr by medieval authors, and
which constitutes a major topic in later medieval Persian literature of advice for rulers, is dealt
with in the Ardashr cycle in the Shhnma. It is only within the context of ancient Persian
traditions that this important concept can be understood and interpreted. And so is the case with
the enigmatic tale of Ardashrs fight against the giant worm, which, I contend, aims to represent
Ardashr as a Saviour of the Good Religion and an ideal king on the basis of Zoroastrian beliefs
concerning the ideal state of the world.
My close reading of the Ardashr cycle in the Shhnma sheds light on a number of other
important concepts of kingship woven into its accounts, such as the criteria for a legitimate ruler,
the divine election of the king, the responsibilities of the king and his subjects toward each other,
the maintenance of kingship, the efficient ways of organizing the state, and dealing with revolts
and vengeance after the disintegration of a major power. These themes are reflected in later

336
medieval Persian mirrors for princes, which accord attention to the Shhnma. The examples I
provide from nine different medieval Persian mirrors for princes that share common points with
the Ardashr cycle in the Shhnma, and the consistency of the portrayal of Ardashr in these
works, support the argument that the Shhnma can be regarded as a mirror for princes.
The historical context of the original patronage of the Shhnma helps us understand the
purport of the work. Since it was eventually dedicated to the Ghaznavid sultan Mamd, the
Shhnma is often associated with his reign, but we do not even know for certain whether the
work was ever presented to him. Firdauss original patron is not well known, because he was
killed before his political aspirations could materialize. But, the available information about him
indicates that his cultural undertaking was closely linked to his political involvements. Both Ab
Manr Muammad b. Abd al-Razz q (d. 350/962), who commissioned the compilation of the
famous Ab Manr prose Shhnma, and his son Manr (d. ca. 377/987), who sponsored
Firdauss Shhnma in the first decade of its composition, challenged the Samanid rule in
Khur s n, but they were both killed before they could fulfill their ambitions. Their sponsorship
of the Shhnma in the context of their political struggles could be seen as their way of
promoting their political ideology and cultural values. In other words, they seem to have used the
Shhnma as a propaganda tool to further their political agenda. In his discussion about the use
of ideology and propaganda in Islamic history, Stephen Humphreys draws attention to the
forceful, value-laden language of ideology and the fact that it in particular, appeals to deeprooted cultural symbols to convey its message. 4 This is exactly what Ab Manr and his son
seem to have appealed to in their sponsorship of the prose and verse Shhnmas.
If the ethico-political ideas and ideals promoted in the Shhnma did not benefit its
original patron, they did benefit many others, especially the Turko-Mongolian rulers of Iran, who
not only commissioned magnificent illustrated copies of the work, but also had the walls of their

337
palaces, public buildings, and even vessels decorated with scenes from the Shhnma. No other
medieval Persian literary/historical work enjoyed such enduring popularity and recognition.
Certainly, all this recognition was not just due to Firdauss eloquence in relating accounts about
ancient Persian kings and heroes. The forceful, value-laden language of the Shhnma promoting
ancient Persian ideals of kingship through deep-seated cultural symbols became a tool for alien
rulers of Iran who sought to assert their legitimacy by presenting themselves as adhering to the
values of their indigenous subjects. These rulers, who came from a tribal tradition of ruling, had
a different background, interest, and socio-political concept of rulership from those adhered to in
the lands they sought to rule. But, shortly after they had established themselves as dynasties in
the conquered lands of Persia, they began to conform to the Perso-Islamic concept of the state.
This conformity to a new idea of the state resulted from an inevitable change in the conquerors
life style, as they made the transition from nomadic to sedentary mode of existence.5 In order to
adopt the new ideas of rulership, and to legitimize their power, these rulers needed practical
advice on the components of an ideal government and the attributes of a legitimate ruler. The
proliferation of medieval Persian books of wisdom and advice for rulers during Turkic and
Turko-Mongolian rule in Iran were the response to such needs. Remarkably, it is in the Mongol
period that we have a profusion of Shhnma manuscripts, many of which were finely
illustrated. We might therefore presume that along with those books of advice for rulers, the
Shhnma, with its detailed description of royal ceremonies, rituals, and customs of Iranian
kings and heroes, provided practical advice to the nomadic warlords who wished to rule over an
urban and agrarian society. According to Ibn al-Athr, Mamd of Ghazna once chastised an
opponent for not having learned what he had read in the Shhnma, because he did not behave
properly in front of a victorious king.6 Whether this is a true account or not, it points to the use of
the Shhnma as a manual/guide book on proper behaviour for the royal lites.

338
Framed in a symbolic representation of ancient Persian history, the Shhnma not only
entertained rulers and taught them the proper ways of governance, but also provided the symbols
of identity and legitimacy for those who sought to assert themselves as true heirs to the ancient
Persian kings. Study of the Shhnma as book of wisdom and advice on kingship reveals the
characteristics of a legitimate ruler and ideal government based on ancient Persian paradigms
that were applicable to an Islamic context. It also sheds light on the socio-political environment
of the poets lifetimethe way in which he perceived and depicted those ideals in his work. Last
but not least, it reveals the symbolic meaning of its accounts, such as those about Ardashr.

339

According to the Shhnma, Anshrv ns physician Burzya, who had read about the magical

life-giving herb in India, was sent to India in order to find and bring the herb to the king. When
Burzya realized that the magical herb was in fact the book of Kal la va Dimna, tightly secured
in the royal treasury in India, he went through immense trouble to secretly copy the work for his
master. He eventually brought a copy of it to Anshrv n, who, on reading and understanding the
wisdom contained in it, proclaimed that he was revived by it, thereby confirming its magical
effect. See Firdaus, Shhnma, 7:36171. The reference to the Kal la va Dimna as a magical
life-giving herb in India is also found in the introduction to the twelfth-century Persian
translation of the Kal la va Dimna. See Narull h Munsh, Kal la va Dimna, 1819. Also, a
modified version of the account given in the Shhnma is related in the Farid al-sul k. See
Farid al-sul k, 490512. Also see Franois de Blois, Burzys Voyage to India and the Origin
of the Book of Kal lah wa Dimnah (London: Royal Asiatic Society, 1990).
2

R vand, R at al- ud r, 407.

Firdaus, Shhnma, 1:12, lines 114.

Stephen R. Humphreys, Islamic History: A Framework for Inquiry, rev. ed. (Princeton:

Princeton University Press, 1991), 14952.

5

For example, see how the Timurids went through these transitions in Maria E. Subtelny,

Timurids in Transition: Turko-Persian Politics and Acculturation in Medieval Iran (Leiden:

Brill, 2007). Also see David Durand-Gudy, Iranian Elites and Turkish Rulers: A History of
I fahn in the Salj q Period (London: Routledge, 2010).
6

Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, 7:710.

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Appendix A (1)
Shhnma verses cited in R vands R at al- ud r va yat al-sur r
(In the order in which they appear in R at al- ud r)
Muammad b. Al b. Sulaym n al-R vand. R at al- ud r va yat al-sur r. Edited by Muammad
Iqbl. (English title p.: R at-u - udr wa yat-us-Surr: Being a History of the Saljqs by Mu ammad
ibn Al ibn Sulaymn ar-Rwand). E. J. Gibb Memorial Series, n.s., 2. London: Luzac, 1921.
[Ab al-Q sim Firdaus]. Abul-Qasem Ferdowsi. Shhnma. Edited by Jal l Kh liq Mulaq (Djalal
Khaleghi-Motlagh). (English title p.: The Shahnameh: The Book of Kings). 8 vols. Vol. 6 edited by Jal l
Kh liq Mulaq and Mamd Umds l r (Mahmoud Omidsalar). Vol. 7 edited by Jal l Kh liq Mulaq
and Abu al-Fa l Khatb (Abolfazl Khatibi). Persian Text Series, n.s., no.1. New York: Bibliotheca
Persica, 19872008. Repr. ed., Tehran: Markaz-i d irat al-ma rif-i buzurg-i isl m, 1386/2007.
Paginations are the same in both editions.
Shhnma
Vol.:P.

Shhnma
Line

R at
al- ud r
P.:Line

6:85

488

5:280

776

0:0

0:0
0:0
0:0
0:0
0:0
0:0

2
0
4
5
6
7

0:0
0:4
0:4

9
63
66

7:467
2:054

29
2209

....................

...........................






....................



....... .................

2:045

2667

2:436

047

2:436
6:563

048
6265

6:69

976

391

No.

.................. ................

....... .................

5:66

1.

29:6

2.

29:7

3.

29:8
29:9
29:63
29:66
29:62
29:60

4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.

29:64
29:65
29:66

10.
11.
12.

............. .............

...... ...................

.............. ......................

29:67
08:6

13.
14.

08:2

15.

08:0

16.

08:4
46:69

17.
18.

42:2

19.

)Appendix A (1

392

20.

42:0

21.

42:4

22.
23.
24.
25.
26.

42:5
42:6
42:7
42:8
42:9

27.

42:63

28.

42:66

29.

42:62

30.

42:60

31.

46:67

32.

46:68

.........................





... .....................

........... ...............

.................... ..............

........ .................


......................

..............................

33.

46:69

34.

46:23

35.

47:6

.............................

36.

47:2

37.
38.

47:0
47:4

39.
40.
41.

53:69
53:23
53:26

42.

59:68

43.
44.

59:69
59:23

...............................

45.

59:26

46.
47.

59:22
63:6

............................



........ ................





................. ......


....... ................











.....................

.........................

.............. ......



..................

............ ................

.............. .................

6826

6:624

6857

6:626

6899
6933
5
63
66

6:628
6:628
4:0
4:4
4:4

62

4:4

60

4:4

64

4:4

65

4:4

6492

7:260

6490

7:260

6496

7:260

6494

7:260

6495

7:260

6536

7:260

6532
6530

7:260
7:260

765
766
643

6:607
6:607
6:295

473

6:07

6620
6936

4:76
6:628

6265

6:563

6994
596

0:226
2:665

)Appendix A (1

393
48.

63:2

49.

66:6

50.
51.

66:7
66:8

52.

66:9

53.
54.
55.
56.
57.

66:63
66:66
66:62
66:60
66:64

58.

66:65

59.
60.
61.

66:66
65:5
65:6

..................





..............................

............... ..................

62.
63.
64.

66:6
66:7
66:8

65.
66.

66:9
66:63

67.

66:66

68.
69.

69:62
69:60

70.

69:64

71.
72.

69:65
69:66

....... ...............

.........................


....................

............. ................

73.

93:66

74.
75.

93:67
93:68

76.

93:69

77.

96:60

............... ...................

045

0:20

..................




............................

........... ..................

66

6:049

0
6268

2:469
6:252

6269

6:252

047
6769
6420
6425
045

5:467
6:623
5:466
5:466
5:467

................



......................



....... ...............

044

5:467

699
6768
6769

2:473
7:202
7:202

500
504
505

6:203
6:203
6:203

506
005

6:203
8:053

6260

6:563

489
493

6:85
6:85

62

6:93

4439
4478

7:452
7:459

246

4:68

247
54

4:68
6:258

55

6:258

6535

2:036

..............................

......... .................


..........................

..............................

)Appendix A (1

394
78.

96:64

79.

96:65

80.

96:66

81.

96:67

...... ...............

...............................

...................... .............

82.
83.

96:68
96:69

84.

96:23

..............................

85.

96:26

86.
87.

96:22
92:6

88.

92:2

................................


................. .....

89.
90.
91.

92:0
92:4
90:4

92.

94:65

......... ..........

93.

636:4

94.
95.

636:5
636:6

96.
97.
98.

636:7
636:8
636:9

.....................

99.

636:63

100.

636:66

101.

636:26

102.

632:65

103.
104.

632:66
639:66

.....................................

..............................

105.

639:62

48

8:7

852

7:654

850

7:654

............. .................


........................... .....

............ .............

949

7:660

866
766

7:652
7:647

839

7:656

863

7:656

866
862

7:656
7:656

......

860

7:656

864
867
609

7:656
7:652
6:295

2463

2:068

643

0:297

646
6357

0:297
0:086

0832
0834
0835

8:295
8:295
8:295

0836

8:295

695

2:469

6048

5:232

957

0:85

6408
6533

4:96
7:260

6498

7:260

..........







.......................

............................

..........................


............ .............

395

)Appendix A (1

106.

639:60

107.

662:60

..................

108.

662:64

109.

662:65

110.

662:66

111.

662:67

........... .....................

......................

112.
113.
114.

662:68
660:6
660:2

115.

668:63

116.

668:66

117.

668:62

118.

668:60

119.

668:64

........................

...............

120.

668:65

121.

668:66

............................. .......

122.
123.

668:67
668:67

124.

668:68

125.
126.
127.

623:66
623:62
623:60

128.

622:0

129.
130.

622:4
622:5

131.

622:6

.................

6547

7:267

...................... ......

............................

533

8:450

530

8:454

534

8:454

02

6:265

............................



............ .................



.............................

...............

08

6:266

85
86
2697

4:675
4:675
8:668

2685

0:208

89

6:263

2053

4:026

6273

0:096

6276

0:096

6272

0:097

6270

0:097

6274
2246

0:097
2:054

2247

2:054

6542
6540
6544

7:267
7:267
7:267

6769

6:623

1800
268

6:122
5:466

04

5:502

............ ...............


.....................




.........................



................. .........




.............................

)Appendix A (1

396
132.

622:7

133.

622:8

134.
135.

626:22
627:6

136.
137.
138.
139.

627:2
627:0
627:4
627:5

..... ........


..............

140.

627:6

141.

627:7

142.

627:8

143.

628:66

144.
145.

628:62
628:60

146.

628:64

.................................

..............

............

147.
148.
149.
150.

130:5
130:6
603:7
603:8

151.
152.
153.

603:9
603:63
603:66

154.
155.

603:62
603:60

156.
157.

603:64
603:65

158.

603:66

159.

603:67

.............................



............. .....................


................




................ .....

160.

603:68

161.

603:69

............. ..............

770

2:679

.............. ................

6200

5:096

70
68

8:466
8:465

78
94
688
693

8:466
8:468
8:426
8:426

668

8:467

706

8:470

708

8:470

6278

0:097

820
6663

4:50
2:063

.........................




..............................

6400

4:96

46
42
600
2403

7:93
7:93
4:66
4:026

6426
6473
2075

4:93
4:90
4:020

2074
2073

4:020
4:020

2069
2456

4:022
4:028

....................

... ........................

2796

4:049

2792

4:049

2790

4:049

2797

4:049

........ ...............

............

........ ......

)Appendix A (1

397

162.
163.

603:23
604:68

164.

604:23

165.
166.

605:6
605:2

167.

605:0

168.

605:4

169.
170.
171.

609:60
609:64
609:65

......... .............

.............


..............................

..........

............. ......................

172.

609:66

173.

643:6

174.

643:2

175.

643:0

176.

643:4

177.

642:7

178.

642:67

................................



.................. ......

179.

642:69

180.

642:23

181.
182.
183.
184.

642:26
644:2
644:0
644:4

185.
186.

644:5
644:6

187.

644:7

188.
189.

644:8
644:9

............. ........

2798
043

4:049
6:267

6548

7:267

6549
6553

7:267
7:267

6552

7:267

6546

7:266

.......................

..........................

..........................

0832
0834
0835

8:295
8:295
8:295

0836

8:295

695

2:469

2696

2:056

6490

2:033

2325

2:008

2698

2:056

643

0:297

6982

4:627

6980

4:627

6984
6898
6923
6926

4:627
7:626
7:628
7:628

6922
6920

7:628
7:629

6924

7:629

6925
649

7:629
8:56

.......................... .......

...................





.............

................................




...............................

)Appendix A (1

398

190.

644:63

191.

644:66

....... .............

192.

646:65

193.
194.

646:66
646:67

195.

646:68

196.

646:69

197.

646:23

............



......... .......

198.

646:26

199.

647:6

200.

648:65

201.

648:66

................

202.

648:67

203.
204.
205.

648:68
648:69
649:6

206.

649:2

207.
208.
209.

649:0
649:4
649:5

210.

649:6

211.
212.

649:7
650:26

213.

650:22

214.

654:0

215.
216.

654:4
654:5

..................

...........................

... ........ ........

...........................

............. ................




...........................

6694

8:96

6695

8:92

604

6:033

605
6609

6:033
7:563

2660

2:044

.... ................

636

4:263

62

8:465

6607

7:563

696

2:469

..........................

............... .....

................



..................... ....

.......... ......



.......................






................................

2523

4:002

2526

4:002

78

4:674

83
79
86

4:675
4:675
4:675

82

4:675

80
88
89

4:675
4:675
4:675

93

4:675

94
8

4:676
7:02

7:02

609

6:043

643
646

6:043
6:043

)Appendix A (1

399
217.

655:0

218.
219.
220.
221.
222.

655:4
655:5
655:6
655:7
655:8

223.

655:9

224.

655:63

225.

655:66

............ ...............

226.

655:62

227.

657:66

228.

657:69

229.

659:7

.........................

.........................

230.
231.

666:6
666:2

232.

666:0

233.
234.

666:4
666:5

........... ...............

235.

662:9

236.
237.

662:63
662:66

238.
239.
240.

662:62
669:65
669:66

241.

669:67

242.
243.

673:6
673:2

244.

673:0

245.

673:4

.................

....................

....................


......... ......


...... .........


...........................


.............. ...........



....... .... .......

............ ....................


.................................



.....................

.........



....................

280

8:24

284
2500
255
256
078

8:24
7:294
8:26
8:26
8:06

096

8:02

090

8:02

6832

4:286

6830

4:286

6760

7:206

22

6:256

592

6:204

6992
005

2:006
2:436

2668

2:049

6997
6998

2:006
2:006

2240

4:645

2032
2030

4:649
4:649

2423
22
6072

4:658
7:89
7:230

6070

7:230

6074
23

7:230
7:52

26

7:50

20

7:89

)Appendix A (1

400
246.

673:5

247.

673:6

248.

676:26

249.
250.

670:8
670:9

251.
252.

670:63
670:66

253.
254.
255.

670:62
675:4
675:5

256.

675:6

257.
258.

675:7
675:8

259.
260.
261.

675:9
675:63
675:66

262.

676:62

.................... ..........


............................


...... ..........................



...................... .........

..................................


.............................. ........



..................... .......

263.
264.

676:60
676:64

265.

676:65

266.
267.

676:66
677:6

..........................

268.
269.

677:2
677:63

270.

678:7

..........................

271.

678:8

272.

678:60

273.

678:64

.....................

274.

679:63

25

7:89

...........

..............................

26

7:89

29

7:89

2276
2277

4:648
4:648

2096
69

4:656
8:463

23
657
668

8:466
7:99
7:633

669

7:633

200
204

7:635
7:635

..................

................


...... ....................

205
0939
676

7:635
7:437
7:633

269

6:082

273
276

6:082
6:082

743

7:645

746
855

7:645
7:655

66
2968

7:66
7:024

86

6:94

77

6:94

n. 11

6:009

629

6:009

62

6:356

.............. ..............

..................

..........


..................
.............

)Appendix A (1

401

........... ....

.................

275.

679:66

276.

679:62

277.
278.

679:60
684:6

279.

684:7

280.

684:8

......... ...........................

...............................

281.

684:9

282.

684:63

..........................

283.

684:66

284.

684:62

285.

684:60

286.

234:8

287.

234:9

288.
289.
290.

234:63
234:66
234:62

291.

234:60

..................



......................

................

.................



... ...........

292.

234:64

293.

234:65

................ .......

294.

234:66

295.
296.

234:67
234:68

297.
298.
299.
300.

234:69
234:23
234:26
225:60

301.

225:64

...............

............................





..................... .......

...................

........... .....................






..........................

............... .....




.................... ..........


............. ................

.........................






..... .......

66

6:056

854

2:258

268
2588

6:082
6:664

25

7:5

26

7:5

09

7:04

43

7:04

068

7:82

069

7:82

03

7:89

2520

4:332

2526

4:002

0394
0395
0396

4:076
4:076
4:076

0607

4:074

6750

7:204

2404

7:287

2405

7:287

2406
2407

7:287
7:287

2408
2442
2440
2967

7:287
7:287
7:287
7:024

2925

7:025

)Appendix A (1

402
302.

225:65

303.

225:66

304.
305.
306.

225:67
226:6
226:2

.............. ..................

307.

226:0

308.

226:4

309.
310.
311.

226:5
226:6
226:7

312.
313.

227:7
228:6

...... ......... ......

...............................



............

314.

228:7

315.

228:8

316.

228:9

317.

228:63

318.
319.
320.
321.

228:66
228:62
228:60
228:64

................

322.
323.
324.

228:65
228:66
228:67

325.
326.

229:68
203:6

..........................

327.

203:2

328.

203:0

..................................

329.
330.
331.
332.

203:4
203:66
203:62
203:60

2926

7:025

.....................

2928

7:025

.....

2929
6563
6576

7:025
6:274
6:274

6572

6:274

6588

6:278

6599
6633
6632

6:286
6:286
6:286

.........................

.............................

........ ..............

..........................

83
408

6:94
6:065

409

6:065

443

6:065

557

2:660

87

6:63

88
89
93
665

6:66
6:66
6:66
6:253

666
667
06

6:253
6:253
6:266

5
876

8:439
5:657

699

5:95

6695

4:279

2666
638
28
620

4:035
8:462
7:89
8:460

.............................





................. .....


..........

)Appendix A (1

403
333.

206:7

334.

206:8

..................... .......

335.
336.
337.

205:67
205:68
205:69

338.
339.
340.

206:6
206:4
206:6

341.

206:7

342.

209:5

343.
344.
345.

209:6
209:7
209:8

346.

246:66

347.
348.

246:62
246:60

349.
350.

246:64
242:66

351.

242:67

352.

242:68

353.
354.

242:69
242:23

........................



..................... ....

.... ........................

............................



................ .........

.........


........ ............


............................

.................... ......

.............. ...............

355.

242:26

356.

240:6

357.
358.
359.
360.
361.

240:2
240:0
244:18
244:19
245:63

362.

245:66

..... ...................

........





.... ......................

.............. ................

956

0:85

..... ..............



...............................

6694

0:99

642
640
647

6:043
6:043
6:043

648
639
563

6:043
0:04
0:59

566

0:59

............ ...................

6205

7:568

946
6648
6649

8:70
7:566
7:566

604

6:009

605
607

6:009
6:043

........... .................

608
267

6:043
8:69

253

8:26

252

8:26

............ ......

257
626

2:23
2:45

622

2:45

0805

8:298

...... ..................

2285
9
09
43
628

0:244
0:288
7:93
7:93
6:009

626

6:008

)Appendix A (1

404
363.
364.
365.
366.
367.
368.

245:62
256:8
256:9
256:63
256:66
256:62

369.

256:62

370.

256:60

371.
372.
373.

256:64
256:65
263:8

374.

263:9

.........

..........................



............... ..... ...

375.
376.
377.

263:65
263:66
263:67

378.
379.

263:68
263:69

380.

263:23

381.

266:6

......... ......


................. .........

..... ................

382.

266:2

383.

266:62

384.

266:60

385.

266:64

386.
387.

266:65
262:7

...................... ...........

......

......... ...................

388.
389.

262:8
262:9

390.

260:66

391.

260:62

........

............

392.

260:60

............

......



......... ....... ........

.....................

627
66
60
66
62
459

6:009
8:433
8:435
8:435
8:435
5:565

975

7:665

0830

8:295

4637
0837
63

8:069
8:296
7:52

66

7:52

4457
4458
4459

7:457
7:457
7:457

66
584

8:463
6:466

.............. .........

67

7:4

68

7:4

586

6:466

2228

4:060

478

8:062

496

8:060

20
64

8:096
8:435

65
469

8:435
6:07

6464

4:263

8:439

2252

4:065

.........................



...

...... ....

)Appendix A (1

405
393.

260:65

394.
395.
396.

260:66
260:67
260:68

.................. ........

397.

260:69

398.

264:64

399.

264:65

400.
401.

264:66
264:67

402.
403.

265:5
265:6

............. ..........

................... ........

..............................


....

404.

265:7

405.

265:8

406.
407.

265:9
266:66

408.
409.
410.

266:62
266:60
266:64

.........

....................


..................... ..........

411.
412.

266:65
268:2

413.
414.

268:0
268:4

415.
416.

268:5
268:6

417.
418.
419.

274:64
274:65
274:66

420.

274:67

421.
422.
423.

278:6
278:7
278:8

.........................

........... ..................

........... .................



........................

2635

7:299

6093
664
6266

7:234
8:070
6:252

6267

6:252

6969

2:002

....................... .........

6967

2:002

6923
2245

2:002
2:054

... ..........................

................................

553
664

6:206
6:253

06

6:056

02

6:056

00
6047

6:056
5:232

.......... ..............





..........................


........ ......

6048
6049
6053

5:232
5:232
5:230

080
22

5:020
5:5

569
457

5:40
5:04

910
2400

5:71
7:287

856
858
947

7:655
7:655
7:662

948

7:660

703
663
72

5:279
5:270
5:298

................................

)Appendix A (1

406

424.
425.

278:9
278:63

426.

278:66

427.
428.

278:62
278:60

429.
430.

284:64
284:65

431.

285:6

432.

285:2

433.
434.

285:9
285:63

435.
436.
437.
438.

285:65
285:66
285:67
292:63

439.
440.

292:66
292:62

..................







.......................


... .....................




....................

441.

292:60

442.

292:64

443.
444.

292:65
292:66

445.
446.
447.

292:67
292:68
292:69

448.

290:7

449.

290:8

......




..................................





.....................

450.
451.

290:9
290:63

452.
453.

290:66
290:62

.................


.................

......... ...... .......

653
6897

5:453
6:628

6898

6:628

529
659

6:203
5:270

088
76

5:024
6:259

72

6:259

........................


................. ......

70

6:259

63
66

4:4
4:4

6468
6469
6535
2566

4:90
4:90
2:036
8:692

0806
0807

8:298
8:298

4343

7:468

2560

7:296

4608
4609

7:428
7:428

4068
4069
4023

7:445
7:445
7:445

n. 11

6:009

629

6:009

6366
6663

5:077
5:085

5
7

7:56
7:56

....... ......................


..... ..............






..................


..................
.............


.......

)Appendix A (1

407

454.

294:65

455.
456.
457.
458.

294:66
294:67
294:68
295:6

459.
460.

295:2
295:67

461.

295:68

462.

295:69

463.

295:23

464.

296:20

465.

296:26

................. .......




.....................


....................... ........

.............................

.............. .............

..............

466.

297:6

467.
468.
469.

297:2
297:0
297:4

470.
471.
472.
473.

297:5
297:6
004:26
004:22

474.

005:6

.............. ...



..........




..........................

475.

005:2

476.

005:69

...........

477.

005:23

478.

005:26

479.
480.

005:22
006:6

481.
482.

006:23
006:26

..........................

............. ....


...............................

.....

62

7:02

60
64
65
68

7:02
7:02
7:02
7:02

..............

............................

........... ..................

...........................

69
603

7:02
6:009

606

6:009

602

6:009

600

6:009

2364

7:255

2444

7:288

933

7:543

640
642
2445

7:476
7:476
7:288

974
6396
20
008

7:665
7:679
7:467
6:267

697

2:469

463

2:463

........ ................

......

976

6:69

6857

6:626

992

6:656

990
6685

6:656
4:246

557
558

2:209
2:209

.....................

...................................



.............




.......................

)Appendix A (1

408
483.
484.

006:22
006:20

485.
486.
487.

007:6
007:2
007:0

488.
489.

007:4
007:5

490.
491.

009:4
043:64

.............................

.......................... .....

492.
493.

043:65
043:67

494.

043:68

495.
496.

046:6
046:2

497.

046:0

............................

.....................................


................... .....

498.

042:7

499.

042:8

500.

042:9

501.

042:63

502.

042:66

503.

042:62

504.

042:64

.......................

...................

..........................

.............................

.......... ................

............. ...............

505.
506.

042:65
042:66

507.

042:67

508.
509.

042:68
047:60

510.

047:64

...........

43
09

5:295
5:295

47
206
465

2:082
0:022
5:003

...... ............


... ......................


........................

............... ........


.. .....

..... ......

466
486

5:003
6:623

27
605

7:89
6:629

252
486

6:635
4:02

487

4:00

539
629

4:04
6:236

603

6:236

2387

0:202

2706

0:274

78

0:039

79

0:039

..... ......................

.............. ........

....... ...........................


.............

................. ...............

2530

7:292

2534

7:292

1474

3:194

6494
696

0:696
6:600

697

6:600

699
6466

6:600
7:236

6462

7:236

)Appendix A (1

409
511.

047:65

512.

047:66

513.
514.

047:67
048:62

515.
516.

048:60
049:62

....................


.................. ..........

517.

049:60

518.
519.

049:64
049:65

..........................

520.

053:69

521.
522.
523.

053:23
052:2
052:0

524.
525.

052:4
052:9

526.

052:5

527.

052:6

528.

052:7

529.
530.

052:8
052:9

531.
532.

058:6
058:2

................. ............



................ .........






................... .........

.......................

533.

058:0

534.
535.

058:4
058:5

536.

058:6

.....................

537.

058:7

538.

058:8

.........................

..................

045

0:20

828

0:657

829
6366

0:657
6:207

... .............

6367
452

6:207
4:03

264

4:69

..........................

... ......................

090
602

4:27
6:629

6543

7:266

238
6648
6649

4:66
7:566
7:566

939
297

5:068
2:642

...........................

2499

6:637

2533

6:637

058

0:24

6994
646

0:226
7:40

25
26

2:4
2:4

27

2:4

28
29

2:4
2:5

03

2:5

06

2:5

02

2:5

....................

..............



................. ......


....................

)Appendix A (1

410
539.

062:67

540.

062:68

541.
542.

062:69
062:23

543.

062:26

.........................

544.

060:6

545.
546.
547.

060:2
060:0
065:64

548.
549.

065:65
065:66

.............. ...........

550.

067:6

551.
552.

067:7
067:8

553.

067:9

........ ....................

554.

067:63

555.

067:60

.........

556.

067:67

557.
558.

067:68
068:6

........... ................

559.

068:2

560.

068:0

561.

068:4

562.
563.

068:5
076:5

564.

076:6

.... .................

..............


............ ........

565.
566.

076:7
076:8

438

2:463

.... ...............

........... ......


.....................



.... ......................

6600

2:066

6605
6606

2:066
2:066

2463

2:068

6604

2:066

6490
528
6406

2:033
6:203
0:692

6560
6564

7:268
7:268

6873

7:244

2364
6764

7:255
7:206

6765

7:206

487

6:623

2464

7:289

596

2:665

..............................

................ ......

83
9

6:263
6:273

066

0:625

6563

7:268

6566

7:268

................ .........

.... ......................

6562
846

7:268
0:657

442

0:600

479
483

0:56
0:56

........................



..............................



........ ..........

)Appendix A (1

411
567.

076:9

568.
569.

075:65
075:66

570.
571.
572.
573.

075:67
075:68
076:5
076:6

574.
575.
576.
577.

076:7
076:8
076:9
076:63

578.

076:66

579.

076:62

580.
581.

076:60
076:64

.......... ..........


............ ...............




............... ....




......... .................

............................

...........

582.

077:7

583.
584.

077:8
077:9

585.
586.
587.
588.

077:63
077:69
077:23
078:6

589.
590.

078:2
078:9

.........


........ ............




.............................

591.

078:63

592.

078:66

593.
594.

078:67
078:68

595.

078:69

596.

078:23

.............




.............

597.

079:6

................. ............

486

0:57

9
66

6:286
6:286

8
209
2385
089

6:285
5:062
7:263
4:27

............ .....................

093
4433
4436
4475

4:27
7:452
7:452
7:458

698

2:473

463

2:463

........

699
736

2:473
2:473

604

6:009

605
607

6:009
6:043

608
645
660
53

6:043
6:055
6:056
7:469

6667
706

7:634
6:470

6645

6:509

606

7:26

089
464

5:024
7:622

0592

7:083

0590

7:083

4047

7:447

................................

.............

........ ......................

)Appendix A (1

412

.... .......................

598.

380:9

599.
600.
601.

083:63
083:66
083:62

602.

083:68

603.

083:69

604.
605.
606.

086:4
082:6
082:7

607.
608.
609.

082:8
082:9
082:63

610.

082:67

611.

080:7

612.

080:8

613.

080:9

614.
615.

080:63
080:69

616.

080:23

617.
618.

080:26
084:23

619.
620.

084:26
084:22

............... ...................



............ ..........



...................

.........................

.........

....................... ......

.............................


.... .................

.................


.............

621.
622.

084:20
084:24

623.

085:68

624.

085:69

625.

085:23

......................

....... ...............

................

..........................

..............................








...... .........


.............. ........





.............. .............




........ .............


..... .....................

... .................


...............................

63

6:053

45
6449
57

6:244
7:239
6:258

54

6:258

55

6:258

6990
0886
0888

0:226
7:436
7:436

502
500
258

6:026
6:026
2:23

6760

7:206

256

6:032

257

6:032

258

6:032

6595
589

6:283
2:665

699

4:45

593
2607

2:665
7:032

2608
2609

7:032
7:032

2643
2646

7:032
7:032

6563

5:420

6566

5:424

6562

5:424

)Appendix A (1

413
626.

086:66

627.

086:67

628.

088:6

629.

088:2

630.
631.

088:0
088:65

632.

088:66

...................

...............................



............. .....


.....

633.

096:69

634.

096:23

635.

096:26

....... ......................

636.

096:22

637.
638.

090:5
090:6

........... ...................

639.
640.
641.

090:7
090:8
090:9

642.

098:5

.......... ............

643.

098:6

644.
645.

098:7
098:8

............


.................

.............. ..................

473

6:07

6685

4:246

209

5:062

992

6:656

990
778

6:656
2:250

67

2:232

6506

7:266

6528

7:265

6569

7:265

72

6:45

6306
65

5:675
7:52

64
68
2536

7:52
7:52
7:292

62

6:273

66

6:273

478
046

0:56
0:20

..... .......................

....................................


.... ..... ................

..........................


................. ........




............

................. .......

414

Appendix A (2)
Shhnma verses cited in R vands R at al- ud r va yat al-sur r
(In the order in which they appear in the Shhnma)
Muammad b. Al b. Sulaym n al-R vand. R at al- ud r va yat al-sur r. Edited by Muammad
Iqbl. (English title p.: R at-u - udr wa yat-us-Surr: Being a History of the Saljqs by Mu ammad
ibn Al ibn Sulaymn ar-Rwand). E. J. Gibb Memorial Series, n.s., 2. London: Luzac, 1921.
[Ab al-Q sim Firdaus]. Abul-Qasem Ferdowsi. Shhnma. Edited by Jal l Kh liq Mulaq (Djalal
Khaleghi-Motlagh). (English title p.: The Shahnameh: The Book of Kings). 8 vols. Vol. 6 edited by Jal l
Kh liq Mulaq and Mamd Umds l r (Mahmoud Omidsalar). Vol. 7 edited by Jal l Kh liq Mulaq
and Abu al-Fa l Khatb (Abolfazl Khatibi). Persian Text Series, n.s., no.1. New York: Bibliotheca
Persica, 19872008. Repr. ed., Tehran: Markaz-i d irat al-ma rif-i buzurg-i isl m, 1386/2007.
Paginations are the same in both editions.
Shhnma
Vol.:P.

Shhnma
Line

6:45

72

6:63

87

..........................

6:66
6:66
6:66
6:85

88
89
93
488

6:85
6:85

489
493

6:93

62

6:94

77

6:94
6:94

83
86

6:635
6:623

252
486

6:623

487

6:629

602

6:629

605

..........


..................


............ ......



....................... ...

R at
al- ud r
P.:Line

No.

................... ...........

................




.................. ................


....................

................ .............

096:22

1.

228:63

2.

228:66
228:62
228:60
5:66

3.
4.
5.
6.

69:62
69:60

7.
8.

69:64

9.

678:8

10.

227:7
678:7

11.
12.

..... ..........................

.........

043:65
007:5

13.
14.

067:63

15.

049:65

16.

043:64

17.

)Appendix A (2

415

18.

042:66

19.

042:67

20.
21.
22.
23.

042:68
53:69
53:23
088:2

24.

005:26

25.
26.
27.

005:22
088:0
046:2

28.

046:0

......................... ....

............. ....



................... .....

29.

048:62

30.
31.

048:60
260:68

.................. ..........

32.

260:69

33.

66:8

............. ...........

34.

66:9

35.
36.

226:6
226:2

..................

37.

226:0

38.

226:4

39.
40.
41.
42.

080:63
226:5
226:6
226:7

43.

90:4

44.

53:26

...... ......... ......

...............................




............

......... ..........

45.

080:7

.........

... ......................

.............

................. ...............










.. .....

..... ......

696

6:600

697

6:600

699
765
766
992

6:600
6:607
6:607
6:656

992

6:656

990
990
629

6:656
6:656
6:236

603

6:236

6366

6:207

6367
6266

6:207
6:252

6267

6:252

............................

........... ..................


.....

6268

6:252

6269

6:252

6563
6576

6:274
6:274

6572

6:274

6588

6:278

6595
6599
6633
6632

6:283
6:286
6:286
6:286

609

6:295

............ ................

643

6:295

256

6:032

........................

)Appendix A (2

416
46.

080:8

47.

080:9

48.

228:6

....................... ......

.............................

49.

228:7

50.

228:8

51.
52.
53.

082:8
082:9
66:6

54.
55.
56.
57.

077:69
077:23
058:6
058:2

58.

058:0

59.
60.

058:4
058:5

61.

058:6

.....................

62.

058:7

63.

058:8

.........................

64.
65.

242:69
082:63

66.

242:23

...................

67.

242:26

68.

052:9

69.

228:9

..... ...................

70.

080:69

71.
72.
73.

080:26
63:6
067:67

.... .................



........... ................

257

6:032

.............. ........



.........................

.............................

........ ..............








....................

..............

258

6:032

408

6:065

409

6:065

443

6:065

502
500
66

6:026
6:026
6:049

645
660
25
26

6:055
6:056
2:4
2:4

27

2:4

28
29

2:4
2:5

03

2:5

06

2:5

....................




............ ......

02

2:5

257
258

2:23
2:23

626

2:45

622

2:45

297

2:642

..........................

557

2:660

589

2:665

593
596
596

2:665
2:665
2:665

................. ......

)Appendix A (2

417
74.

622:7

75.

088:66

76.
77.
78.

006:23
006:26
088:65

79.

679:62

.....

80.

643:0

81.
82.
83.
84.

060:2
96:60
285:67
628:60

85.

062:68

............

86.

060:6

87.
88.

062:69
062:23

89.

264:65

90.

264:64

91.
92.
93.
94.

264:66
666:6
666:4
666:5

.........................

..............................

................... ........

95.

643:4

96.

646:68

97.

08:2

98.

666:0

99.

643:2

100.

642:7

101.

08:6

.................. ......



.........................

........... ...............

................................



............. .............

770

2:679

..... .......................

67

2:232

557
558
778

2:209
2:209
2:250

854

2:258

6490

2:033

6490
6535
6535
6663

2:033
2:036
2:036
2:063

6600

2:066

6604

2:066

6605
6606

2:066
2:066

6967

2:002

6969

2:002

....... .... .......

...................

6923
6992
6997
6998

2:002
2:006
2:006
2:006

2325

2:008

2660

2:044

2667

2:045

2668

2:049

2696

2:056

2698

2:056

2209

2:054

............................

.......................... .......





........... ......

.... ......................


.....................

....................... .........

)Appendix A (2

418
102.

264:67

103.

668:67

....

104.

668:68

105.

94:65

106.

062:26

107.
108.

007:6
666:2

109.

08:0

110.
111.

08:4
062:67

.............. ......................

112.

005:2

113.

076:62

114.
115.

66:7
636:66

...........

...........

116.

643:6

117.

647:6

118.

005:6

119.

076:66

120.
121.
122.

66:66
076:60
076:64

............................

123.

29:7

124.
125.
126.
127.
128.
129.

29:8
29:9
29:63
29:66
29:62
29:60

2245

2:054

2246

2:054

.........................






.............. ...........

2247

2:054

2463

2:068

2463

2:068

47
005

2:082
2:436

047

2:436

.... ...............

048
438

2:436
2:463

463

2:463

463

2:463

..........................

..........................

0
695

2:469
2:469

695

2:469

696

2:469

697

2:469

698

2:473

699
699
736

2:473
2:473
2:473

............ .....................



........

...........................






....................

0:0

2
0
4
5
6
7

0:0
0:0
0:0
0:0
0:0
0:0

)Appendix A (2

419
130.
131.
132.

29:64
29:65
29:66

133.

098:8

134.

63:2

.................

135.

047:65

136.

052:7

137.
138.
139.
140.
141.

206:4
098:7
076:7
076:8
076:9

142.

206:6

143.

206:7

144.

206:7

145.

632:65

146.

206:8

........................





.......... ..........

..................... ....

.... ........................

..................... .......

..............................

147.

068:2

148.

076:6

149.

047:66

150.
151.

047:67
076:5

152.

065:64

153.

042:64

....................


............ ........

.............. ...........

154.
155.
156.
157.
158.

042:65
086:4
59:22
052:8
042:7

.......................

9
63
66

0:0
0:4
0:4

................. .......

046

0:20

045

0:20

045

0:20

058

0:24

................. ............

639
478
479
483
486

0:04
0:56
0:56
0:56
0:57

563

0:59

566

0:59

956

0:85

............ .............

..... ..............

................ ......

.... ......................

957

0:85

6694

0:99

066

0:625

442

0:600

828

0:657

829
846

0:657
0:657

6406

0:692

1474

3:194

6494
6990
6994
6994
2387

0:696
0:226
0:226
0:226
0:202

..................

..................

................ .........


....... ...........................

)Appendix A (2

420
159.

668:63

160.
161.

240:2
042:8

162.
163.

240:0
636:4

...................

164.

642:67

165.
166.

636:5
042:9

167.

042:63

168.
169.

007:2
636:6

170.

668:60

171.

668:64

..........................

.............................


.....................

...............

172.

668:65

173.

668:66

............................. .......

174.
175.

668:67
628:66

176.
177.
178.
179.

42:7
42:8
285:9
42:9

180.

285:63

181.

42:63

182.

42:66

183.

42:62

184.

42:60

185.
186.
187.

603:7
053:23
93:66

... .....................

... .....................

..........................

.................... ..............

........ .................


......................

2685

0:208

2285
2706

0:244
0:274

9
643

0:288
0:297

643

0:297

646
78

0:297
0:039

79

0:039

206
6357

0:022
0:086

6273

0:096

............ ...............

6276

0:096

6272

0:097

6270

0:097

6274
6278

0:097
0:097

.....................







................. ......

................. ......

5
63
63
66

4:0
4:4
4:4
4:4

66

4:4

62

4:4

....... ................

60

4:4

64

4:4

65

4:4

600
238
246

4:66
4:66
4:68

)Appendix A (2

421

188.
189.

93:67
049:60

190.

076:6

191.
192.
193.

076:7
049:64
049:62

..........................

............... ....

194.

043:67

195.

043:68

196.
197.

046:6
080:23

198.
199.
200.
201.

628:62
59:69
603:9
628:64

............................

.....................................


.................

202.
203.
204.
205.
206.

632:66
285:65
285:66
603:63
642:69

207.

642:23

208.
209.

642:26
662:9

210.
211.

670:8
670:9

212.
213.

662:63
662:66

............................

214.
215.
216.

670:63
662:62
648:67

217.
218.
219.

648:69
648:68
649:6

......... .................

247
264

4:68
4:69

089

4:27

... .............

........................

............... ........


.............. .............




.........................





.............

................................


............ ....................





.................................



................



..................... ....

093
090
452

4:27
4:27
4:03

486

4:02

487

4:00

539
699

4:04
4:45

820
6620
6426
6400

4:50
4:76
4:93
4:96

6408
6468
6469
6473
6982

4:96
4:90
4:90
4:90
4:627

6980

4:627

6984
2240

4:627
4:645

2276
2277

4:648
4:648

2032
2030

4:649
4:649

2096
2423
78

4:656
4:658
4:674

79
83
86

4:675
4:675
4:675

)Appendix A (2

422
220.

649:2

221.
222.
223.
224.
225.

649:0
662:68
660:6
649:4
649:5

226.

649:6

227.
228.

649:7
646:69

229.

006:6

230.

086:67

231.

260:66

232.

203:0

......... .......

...............................

...............................

...........

233.

655:66

234.

655:62

235.
236.

203:4
266:62

237.
238.

260:60
668:62

239.
240.

603:64
603:60

241.
242.

603:62
603:66

243.

603:8

244.

603:65

245.

648:65

246.

234:8

247.

648:66

.........................


...................... ...........


........................


................


............. .....................

.............................



................

................

.................

.......... ......





.......................




.... ................

82

4:675

80
85
86
88
89

4:675
4:675
4:675
4:675
4:675

93

4:675

94
636

4:676
4:263

6685

4:246

6685

4:246

..........

......... ......

6464

4:263

6695

4:279

6832

4:286

6830

4:286

2666
2228

4:035
4:060

...............

2252
2053

4:065
4:026

2069
2073

4:022
4:020

2074
2075

4:020
4:020

..............................

2403

4:026

2456

4:028

2523

4:002

2520

4:332

2526

4:002

..........................

..........................

............... .....

)Appendix A (2

423
248.

234:9

249.

603:66

250.

603:67

.................

................ .....

251.

603:68

252.

603:69

............. ..............

253.
254.
255.
256.

603:23
234:63
234:66
234:62

257.

234:60

... ...........

258.

268:2

259.

268:4

260.
261.
262.

268:0
268:5
203:2

263.

203:6

..................................

264.
265.

090:5
266:66

266.

636:26

267.
268.
269.

266:62
266:60
266:64

..................... ..........

.....................................

270.

278:60

271.
272.
273.

278:7
278:6
29:6

274.

006:20

275.
276.

006:22
278:8

..................



................. .......

.............................

............... .....

....................

... ........................


............. ........





.................... ..........



..........................

2526

4:002

2796

4:049

2792

4:049

2790

4:049

2797

4:049

2798
0394
0395
0396

4:049
4:076
4:076
4:076

0607

4:074

22

5:5

457

5:04

569
910
699

5:40
5:71
5:95

................. .....

876

5:657

6306
6047

5:675
5:232

6048

5:232

.......... ..............





....................

6048
6049
6053

5:232
5:232
5:230

659

5:270

663
703
776

5:270
5:279
5:280

09

5:295

43
72

5:295
5:298

.................

)Appendix A (2

424
277.

088:6

278.
279.
280.
281.
282.

075:68
266:65
284:64
078:67
007:0

283.
284.
285.
286.

007:4
052:4
290:9
290:63

287.

622:8

288.
289.
290.

66:62
66:60
085:68

291.

085:69

292.

085:23

..... ........



......................

....... ...............

293.
294.

278:9
622:5

295.

66:65

296.

66:64

297.
298.
299.

66:63
622:6
256:62

.............. ..................

..............................

300.

262:9

301.

59:68

302.

086:66

303.

42:2

........

......... ...................

................

304.

005:69

305.
306.

66:66
622:0

209

5:062

209
080
088
089
465

5:062
5:020
5:024
5:024
5:003

.......

.............. ................



... .................

466
939
6366
6663

5:003
5:068
5:077
5:085

6200

5:096

6420
6425
6563

5:466
5:466
5:420

6566

5:424

6562

5:424

653
268

5:453
5:466

044

5:467

045

5:467

047
04
459

5:467
5:502
5:565

469

6:07

473

6:07

473

6:07

976

6:69

976

6:69

6769
6769

6:623
6:623

...............................


.............................

................







.............. ...................

.............. ..................

..........................

............................

)Appendix A (2

425
307.
308.

622:4
42:0

309.

42:4

310.

005:23

311.

278:63

..........................

..........................

312.

278:66

313.
314.
315.

42:5
42:6
59:23

316.

004:22

317.

604:68

318.
319.
320.
321.
322.

060:0
278:62
66:6
66:7
66:8

..........................

......... .............

323.
324.
325.

66:9
265:5
659:7

326.
327.

083:63
265:6

328.

228:64

329.
330.
331.

228:65
228:66
657:69

332.

93:68

333.

083:68

334.

93:69

335.

083:69

336.

083:62

............... ...................

............... ...................

........ ................

........ ................

.................

......... ...... .......





.......................






....... ...............



...........................


... ..........................

.............................




..........................

..........................

..............................

..............................

1800
6826

6:122
6:624

6857

6:626

6857

6:626

6897

6:628

6898

6:628

6899
6933
6936

6:628
6:628
6:628

008

6:267

043

6:267

528
529
500
504
505

6:203
6:203
6:203
6:203
6:203

506
553
592

6:203
6:206
6:204

45
664

6:244
6:253

665

6:253

666
667
22

6:253
6:253
6:256

54

6:258

54

6:258

55

6:258

55

6:258

57

6:258

)Appendix A (2

426

337.

284:65

338.

285:6

339.

285:2

340.
341.

067:68
668:66

.......................

342.

662:66

343.

228:67

344.

662:67

......................

..........................

345.

068:6

346.

098:6

347.

098:5

............

348.
349.

075:65
075:66

350.
351.

075:67
646:65

352.
353.

646:66
245:66

354.
355.

245:62
245:63

356.

678:64

............ ...............


.................... .....


.............. ................


.... ......................

357.

290:8

358.

678:60

359.

290:7

360.

295:67

361.

295:68

362.

295:69

.....................

.....................

....................... ........

.............................

................

76

6:259

72

6:259

........................


.............................

70

6:259

83
89

6:263
6:263

02

6:265

06

6:266

............................

........... ...................

................. .......

............

08

6:266

6:273

66

6:273

62

6:273

9
66

6:286
6:286

8
604

6:285
6:033

605
626

6:033
6:008

...... ..................

..................
.............

..................
.............

627
628

6:009
6:009

629

6:009

629

6:009

n. 11

6:009

n. 11

6:009

..............

............................

603

6:009

606

6:009

602

6:009

)Appendix A (2

427

.............. .............

..............

.........

.........



........ ............

........ ............



...........................





........................




.........

....................


........... ....

.................

363.

295:23

364.

246:66

365.

077:7

366.
367.
368.

246:62
077:8
246:60

369.

077:9

370.
371.
372.

246:64
077:63
654:0

373.
374.
375.
376.
377.

654:4
654:5
205:67
205:68
205:69

378.
379.

206:6
380:9

380.

265:7

381.

265:8

382.
383.

265:9
679:63

384.

679:66

385.

676:62

386.
387.
388.

679:60
676:60
676:64

389.

263:69

390.

266:2

................. .........

391.

078:9

........... ..................

...........................

600

6:009

604

6:009

604

6:009

605
605
607

6:009
6:009
6:043

607

6:043

608
608
609

6:043
6:043
6:043

...............................





................................

643
646
642
640
647

6:043
6:043
6:043
6:043
6:043

648
63

6:043
6:053

06

6:056

02

6:056

00
62

6:056
6:356

...............

................



...... ....................

66

6:056

269

6:082

268
273
276

6:082
6:082
6:082

584

6:466

586

6:466

706

6:470

)Appendix A (2

428
392.

66:66

393.

46:69

394.

59:26

395.

078:63

396.

052:5

397.

052:6

398.

684:6

399.

263:23

400.

266:6

.........................









................... .........

......... ...........................

..... ................

401.

684:7

402.

684:8

...............................

403.
404.

677:2
078:66

405.

650:26

406.

650:22

407.

294:65

408.
409.
410.
411.

294:66
294:67
294:68
295:6

412.
413.

295:2
684:9

414.

684:63

.............



..................

................. .......




.....................


..........................

415.

052:9

416.
417.

290:66
290:62

418.

263:8

6260

6:563

...........................





.............. .........

6265

6:563

6265

6:563

6645

6:509

2499

6:637

2533

6:637

2588

6:664

67

7:4

68

7:4

25

7:5

26

7:5

66
606

7:66
7:26

................................

7:02

7:02

62

7:02

60
64
65
68

7:02
7:02
7:02
7:02

...................

........... .....................






.....

69
09

7:02
7:04

43

7:04

646

7:40

5
7

7:56
7:56

63

7:52

..................... .......

)Appendix A (2

429

419.

263:9

............... ..... ...

420.
421.

090:7
090:6

422.
423.

090:8
673:2

424.

673:0

425.

684:66

426.

684:62

427.
428.
429.

669:65
673:4
673:5

.................

....................

..................

430.

673:6

431.
432.
433.

009:4
203:62
676:26

434.

684:60

435.
436.
437.
438.
439.
440.

244:18
244:19
130:5
130:6
675:4
675:5

441.

675:6

442.

675:66

443.
444.

675:7
675:8

445.
446.

675:9
078:68

447.

676:65

448.

676:66

.................... ..........

......................

...................... .........

..................................

..................... .......


.............................. ........




..........................

......... ...... ........

.....................


................. ........

66

7:52

64
65

7:52
7:52

68
23

7:52
7:52

26

7:50

068

7:82

069

7:82

22
20
25

7:89
7:89
7:89

26

7:89

27
28
29

7:89
7:89
7:89

03

7:89

09
43
46
42
657
668

7:93
7:93
7:93
7:93
7:99
7:633

669

7:633

..................

676

7:633

200
204

7:635
7:635

................................

205
464

7:635
7:622

743

7:645

746

7:645

....................






...........

..............................

)Appendix A (2

430
449.

96:69

450.

96:23

..............................

451.

96:26

452.
453.

96:22
92:6

454.

92:2

................................


................. .....

455.
456.
457.
458.

92:0
96:68
92:4
96:65

459.

96:66

460.

677:6

...............................

...................... .............

461.
462.
463.

274:64
274:65
274:66

464.

274:67

465.

96:67

.........................

........... ..................

466.
467.

297:5
256:62

468.
469.

297:6
669:66

470.

669:67

471.
472.
473.

673:6
260:66
047:60

474.

047:64

475.
476.

083:66
46:67

477.

46:68

...........




..............................

...........................

............ .............

766

7:647

839

7:656

863

7:656

866
862

7:656
7:656

......

860

7:656

864
866
867
852

7:656
7:652
7:652
7:654

850

7:654

855

7:655

856
858
947

7:655
7:655
7:662

................................

............. .................





.....................

.........

948

7:660

949

7:660

974
975

7:665
7:665

6396
6072

7:679
7:230

6070

7:230

6074
6093
6466

7:230
7:234
7:236

6462

7:236

6449
6492

7:239
7:260

6490

7:260

431

)Appendix A (2

478.

46:23

479.

47:6

.............................

480.

46:69

481.

639:62

482.

639:66

483.

47:2

484.
485.

47:0
47:4

486.

096:26

487.

096:23

488.

096:69

....... ......................

489.

053:69

490.

605:4

491.
492.
493.

623:66
623:62
623:60

................. ............

............. ......................

494.

639:60

495.

604:23

496.
497.

605:6
605:2

498.

605:0

499.

068:0

500.

068:4

501.
502.
503.

068:5
065:65
065:66

..................

............


..............................

..........

.... .................

..............

504.

657:66

6494

7:260

.....................

.........................




.............



.............. .......



..................

.... ..... ..............

6495

7:260

6496

7:260

6498

7:260

6533

7:260

6536

7:260

6532
6530

7:260
7:260

6569

7:265

6528

7:265

6506

7:266

6543

7:266

6546

7:266

................. .........

6542
6540
6544

7:267
7:267
7:267

6547

7:267

6548

7:267

6549
6553

7:267
7:267

6552

7:267

6563

7:268

6566

7:268

6562
6560
6564

7:268
7:268
7:268

6760

7:206

....................................

... .......................

)Appendix A (2

432

.........................

.........................

........ ....................

505.

082:67

506.

067:8

507.

067:9

508.
509.

65:5
65:6

510.

234:64

511.

067:6

................ .......

512.
513.

067:7
296:20

514.
515.

076:5
268:6

516.

234:65

517.

234:66

518.
519.

234:67
234:68

520.
521.
522.
523.

234:69
234:23
234:26
296:26

524.

297:4

525.

067:60

..........

526.

042:66

527.

042:62

528.

090:9

529.
530.

655:5
292:64

531.

260:65

.......... ................

............. ...............

.......... ............




.................. ........

...... .........

...... .........


..............................


......................


........................




........ ......

............. ................

.........................






.....................

.............

........ ..........

..... ......................

.............. ........



..... ..............

........... .................

6760

7:206

6764

7:206

6765

7:206

6768
6769

7:202
7:202

6750

7:204

6873

7:244

2364
2364

7:255
7:255

2385
2400

7:263
7:287

2404

7:287

2405

7:287

2406
2407

7:287
7:287

2408
2442
2440
2444

7:287
7:287
7:287
7:288

2445

7:288

2464

7:289

2530

7:292

2534

7:292

2536

7:292

2500
2560

7:294
7:296

2635

7:299

)Appendix A (2

433
532.

084:23

533.
534.

084:26
084:22

.............

535.
536.

084:20
084:24

537.

225:60

538.

677:63

539.
540.

225:64
225:65

..........................

541.

225:66

542.
543.

225:67
078:69

544.

078:23

.............. ..................


.............

545.
546.

082:6
082:7

547.
548.

675:63
292:60

549.
550.

292:65
292:66

551.
552.
553.

292:67
292:68
292:69

554.

079:6

555.
556.
557.
558.
559.
560.

076:8
076:9
69:65
263:65
263:66
263:67

561.

076:63

562.

69:66

............ ..........


......


..................................





.... .......................






......... ......

......... .................

2607

7:032

..............


..... .....................

..... .......

.............. ..............


.....................

2608
2609

7:032
7:032

2643
2646

7:032
7:032

2967

7:024

2968

7:024

2925
2926

7:025
7:025

2928

7:025

.............

........ ......................

2929
0592

7:025
7:083

0590

7:083

0886
0888

7:436
7:436

0939
4343

7:437
7:468

..................

4608
4609

7:428
7:428

4068
4069
4023

7:445
7:445
7:445

4047

7:447

4433
4436
4439
4457
4458
4459

7:452
7:452
7:452
7:457
7:457
7:457

4475

7:458

4478

7:459

)Appendix A (2

434

563.
564.
565.

004:26
29:67
078:6

566.
567.
568.

297:0
297:2
297:6

569.

646:26

570.

646:67

571.
572.
573.

209:7
052:2
209:8

574.

052:0

575.

209:5

576.
577.
578.
579.

078:2
644:2
644:0
644:4

.............................



.............. ...



............



................ .........

................ .........

............................

580.
581.

644:5
644:6

582.

644:7

583.
584.

644:8
96:64

585.

242:66

586.

242:67

587.

242:68

588.
589.
590.

655:6
655:7
655:0

...... ...............

............................

.................... ......

.............. ...............

591.
592.

655:4
655:8

..............................

20
29
53

7:467
7:467
7:469

642
640
933

7:476
7:476
7:543

6607

7:563

...........................

6609

7:563

6648
6648
6649

7:566
7:566
7:566

6649

7:566

............ ...................




...............................

6205

7:568

6667
6898
6923
6926

7:634
7:626
7:628
7:628

6922
6920

7:628
7:629

6924

7:629

6925
48

7:629
8:7

267

8:69

253

8:26

252

8:26

255
256
280

8:26
8:26
8:24

284
078

8:24
8:06

...................................

........... .................

)Appendix A (2

435
593.

655:9

594.

655:63

595.

644:9

............ ...............

596.
597.

209:6
644:63

598.

644:66

....... .............

599.

660:2

600.

292:63

601.
602.
603.

636:7
609:60
256:60

604.
605.
606.

636:8
609:64
636:9

....................



..........................

607.

609:65

608.

636:63

609.

609:66

610.
611.

256:65
240:6

612.
613.

292:66
292:62

........

614.
615.

256:64
66:63

616.

266:60

617.

266:64

618.
619.
620.
621.
622.

260:67
266:65
256:8
256:63
256:66

....... ...............

......

......... ...................

096

8:02

....................

090

8:02

649

8:56

946
6694

8:70
8:96

6695

8:92

2697

8:668

2566

8:692

0832
0832
0830

8:295
8:295
8:295

0834
0834
0835

8:295
8:295
8:295

0835

8:295

0836

8:295

0836

8:295

0837
0805

8:296
8:298

....... ......................




.........................

0806
0807

8:298
8:298

4637
005

8:069
8:053

478

8:062

496

8:060

664
20
66
66
62

8:070
8:096
8:433
8:435
8:435

... ........ ........


...........................

............. ................

............ .................








.......................

.......................

...........................

...........................

)Appendix A (2

436
623.
624.

256:9
262:7

625.
626.

262:8
260:62

627.
628.
629.

229:68
263:68
670:66

630.
631.

670:62
646:23

...... ..........................

632.

627:6

633.
634.
635.
636.
637.

626:22
627:2
627:0
627:4
627:5

..............

638.

662:60

639.

662:64

640.

662:65

641.
642.
643.

203:66
203:60
627:6

........... .....................

644.

627:7

645.

627:8

.................................

..............

...


...... ....












............ ...............

...................... ......

............................




............

........ ......

60
64

8:435
8:435

65
4

8:435
8:439

5
66
69

8:439
8:463
8:463

23
62

8:466
8:465

68

8:465

70
78
94
688
693

8:466
8:466
8:468
8:426
8:426

533

8:450

530

8:454

534

8:454

638
620
668

8:462
8:460
8:467

706

8:470

708

8:470

437

Appendix B
To demonstrate how R vands citations differ from Al b. Amads Ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma, a
passage from R vands R at al- ud r is compared here to corresponding section in the
Ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma. For easy reference, Kh liq Mulaqs edition of the corresponding verses
is also provided. Variants in R vands and Ali b. Amads citations are shown in boldface. The
first verse of R vands passage does not seem to appear anywhere in the Ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma.
Also note where the last verse of R vands passage appears in the Ikhtiyrt-i Shhnmait is
separated from the rest of the verses by more than 600 verses. Moreover, one verse that appears
in both the Shhnma and Ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma (the eighth line in the second and third tables
below) does not appear in R vands passage.
Muammad b. Al b. Sulaym n al-R vand. R at al- ud r va yat al-sur r. Edited by
Muammad Iqbl. (English title p.: R at-u - udr wa yat-us-Surr: Being a History of the
Saljqs by Mu ammad ibn Al ibn Sulaymn ar-Rwand). E. J. Gibb Memorial Series, n.s., 2.
London: Luzac, 1921.
Page:Line

29:6
29:7
29:8
29:9
29:10
29:11
29:12
29:13
29:14
29:15
29:16
29:67

.6
.2
.0
.4
.5
.6
.7
.8
.9
.63
.66
.62

Al b. Amad. Ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma: Matn guz da az qarn-i panjum-i hijr . Edited by Muaf
Jayn and Muammad Fish rak. Mashhad: st n-i Quds-i ra av, Markaz-i Khur s n-shin s,
1379/2000.
Page:Line
No.


99:836 .6


99:802 .2


99:800 .0

[]
99:804 .4


99:805 .5


99:806 .6


99:807 .7


99:808 .8


99:809 .9


633:843 .63

633:846 .66

145:1420 .62

Appendix B

438

[Ab al-Q sim Firdaus]. Abul-Qasem Ferdowsi. Shhnma. Edited by Jal l Kh liq Mulaq
(Djalal Khaleghi-Motlagh). (English title p.: The Shahnameh: The Book of Kings). 8 vols. Vol. 6
edited by Jal l Kh liq Mulaq and Mamd Umds l r (Mahmoud Omidsalar). Vol. 7 edited by
Jal l Kh liq Mulaq and Abu al-Fa l Khatb (Abolfazl Khatibi). Persian Text Series, n.s., no.1.
New York: Bibliotheca Persica, 19872008. Repr. ed., Tehran: Markaz-i d irat al-ma rif-i
buzurg-i isl m, 1386/2007. Paginations are the same in both editions.
Vol:Page, Line

.6
.2
.0
.4
.5
.6
.7
.8
.9
.63
.66
.62
.60

3:3, 1
3:3, 2
3:3, 3
3:3, 4
3:3, 5
3:3, 6
3:3, 7
3:3, 8
3:3, 9
3:4, 10
3:4, 11
5:283, 771
7:467, 29

439

Appendix C
Here is a second passage from R vands R at al- ud r cited from non-consecutive passages of
the Shhnma, with corresponding verses in the Ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma. Note the different
sequence of verses in both works. For easy reference, Kh liq Mulaqs edition of the
corresponding verses is provided in the third table.
Al b. Amad. Ikhtiyrt-i Shhnma: Matn guz da az qarn-i panjum-i hijr . Edited by Muaf
Jayn and Muammad Fish rak. Mashhad: st n-i Quds-i ra av, Markaz-i Khur s n-shin s,
1379/2000.
Page: Line
No.
688:6952 .6


688:6950 .2


688:6954 .0


688:6955 .4


688:6956 .5


688:6957 .6


688:6958 .7


688:6959 .8


688:6963 .9


688:6966 .63


Muammad b. Al b. Sulaym n al-R vand. R at al- ud r va yat al-sur r. Edited by
Muammad Iqbl. (English title p.: R at-u - udr wa yat-us-Surr: Being a History of the
Saljqs by Mu ammad ibn Al ibn Sulaymn ar-Rwand). E. J. Gibb Memorial Series, n.s., 2.
London: Luzac, 1921.
Page: Line

256:8
256:9
256:10
256:11
256:12
256:13
256:14
256:15

No.
.6
.2
.0
.4
.5
.6
.7
.8

[Ab al-Q sim Firdaus]. Abul-Qasem Ferdowsi. Shhnma. Edited by Jal l Kh liq Mulaq
(Djalal Khaleghi-Motlagh). (English title p.: The Shahnameh: The Book of Kings). 8 vols. Vol. 6
edited by Jal l Kh liq Mulaq and Mamd Umds l r (Mahmoud Omidsalar). Vol. 7 edited by
Jal l Kh liq Mulaq and Abu al-Fa l Khatb (Abolfazl Khatibi). Persian Text Series, n.s., no.1.
New York: Bibliotheca Persica, 19872008. Repr. ed., Tehran: Markaz-i d irat al-ma rif-i
buzurg-i isl m, 1386/2007. Paginations are the same in both editions.
Vol:Page, Line
No.


5:565, 459
.6


8:296, 3807 .2

440
.0
.4
.5
.6
.7
.8

Appendix C
8:319, 4107
8:357, 419
8:400, 11
8:405, 11
8:405, 12
8:405, 13

441

Appendix D
Shhnma verses cited in Farid al-sul k
Farid al-sul k. Edited by Nr n Vis l. Tehran: P zhang, 1368/1989.
[Ab al-Q sim Firdaus]. Abul-Qasem Ferdowsi. Shhnma. Edited by Jal l Kh liq Mulaq
(Djalal Khaleghi-Motlagh). (English title p.: The Shahnameh: The Book of Kings). 8 vols. Vol. 6
edited by Jal l Kh liq Mulaq and Mamd Umds l r (Mahmoud Omidsalar). Vol. 7 edited by
Jal l Kh liq Mulaq and Abu al-Fa l Khatb (Abolfazl Khatibi). Persian Text Series, n.s., no.1.
New York: Bibliotheca Persica, 19872008. Repr. ed., Tehran: Markaz-i d irat al-ma rif-i
buzurg-i isl m, 1386/2007. Paginations are the same in both editions.
No.

Farid
Page

.6
.2

7
66

.0
.4
.5

60
23
26

.6

42

.7
.8
.9

56
56
52

.63

69

.66

636

.62

664

.60

655

.64
.65

166
170

.66

686

Line

Shhnma

Vol: Page

............. ....
...............


................ ................

............




........

........



................ .........



.................... .........



*



..........


.....................
........ .............

4
15

1:3
1:4

65
66

6:7
6:7

552

8:458

489
490
646
7

1:85
1:85
0:694

56
398
1

6:137
7:414

297

0:026

68

6:4

47

0:6

200
4
288

6:566
6:680

Appendix D

442
.67

230

.68

234

.69
.23

260
265

.26

267

.22

268

.20

268

.24

222

.25
.26
.27

231
200
260

....... ......

.......... .............

........ ........................

.28

260

.29

268

.....................

.03

296

.06

296

.02

292

...........................

.......... .....................

.00

290

.04
.05

290
290

.06

294

.07

294

.08

294

............. ....................


................................

..........

.................

.09

003

.43
.46

006
005

.42

043

.... ..

.................


.......... ...............

11

6:256

6644

6:79

58
6570

2:622
7:269

6936

6:628

608

0:064

607

0:064

6048

5:232

..........

..........................

...............................



............................

47
563
992

1:37
2:463
6:656

990

6:656

849

2:685

852

6:486

464

6:692

02

7:93

73

6:259

62
60

7:02
7:02

7:02

604

6:009

605

6:009

.......................



.................. ..............

...........................
...................

65

6:666

942
855

5:076
4:225

635

5:042

443

.40

Appendix D

056

.44
.45

050

.46

050

.47

055

.48

073

.49
.53
.56

089
089
095

.52

426

.50

426

.54

424

.55
.56

429
429

.57

429

.58

466

.59

468

.63

468

.66

469

.62

469

.60

469

.64

497

.65

507

.................................

............................


...........................
................... .......


...............................







...................
.................









....... ..............


..... .................
.............. ..................


................ ...
...............................




......... ...................
.................... ..........



............ ....................




............................


.........................
...............................


......... ...................



................


......................


.......... ............






()
........... ..............

1475

1:267

1476

1:267

633

2:625

636

2:625

6640

0:675

66

6:049

460
57
470

6:692
2:622
6:669

6926

7:628

6922

7:628

6763

4:280

139
6049

1:295
5:232

6053

5:230

836

4:52

987

6:206

988

6:206

67

7:4

68

7:4

66

7:66

229

5:535

n. 5

6:056

Appendix D

444
.66

542

.67

542

.68

542

.69

594

.73

594

.76

594

....... .. ..............
............



............... ..................





No verses from the Shhnma cited in this chapter

The author acknowledges Firdaus at the end of his work:
:


.............. ..............
.............................


.................
..................... ..............


....................... .....
.............. .......

6003

2:289

6935

0:226

6936

0:226

0738

8:288

0739

8:288

0763

8:288

* This verse does not appear in the Shhnma, but it has been attributed to Firdaus by Sad,
who was contemporaneous with the author of Farid al-sul k. See Muli b. Abudull h Sad,
B stn-i Sad : Sad -nma, ed. Ghul m-usayn Ysuf, 2nd ed. (Tehran: Khv razm,
1363/1985), 87, lines 133031.

445

Appendix E
Shhnma verses cited in Var vns Marzbn-nma
Sad al-Dn Var vn. Marzbn-nma. Edited by Khall Khab Rahbar. Tehran: D nishg h-i
Shahd Bihisht, 1363/1984.
[Ab al-Q sim Firdaus]. Abul-Qasem Ferdowsi. Shhnma. Edited by Jal l Kh liq Mulaq
(Djalal Khaleghi-Motlagh). (English title p.: The Shahnameh: The Book of Kings). 8 vols. Vol. 6
edited by Jal l Kh liq Mulaq and Mamd Umds l r (Mahmoud Omidsalar). Vol. 7 edited by
Jal l Kh liq Mulaq and Abu al-Fa l Khatb (Abolfazl Khatibi). Persian Text Series, n.s., no.1.
New York: Bibliotheca Persica, 19872008. Repr. ed., Tehran: Markaz-i d irat al-ma rif-i
buzurg-i isl m, 1386/2007. Paginations are the same in both editions.
No.

Marzbnnma Page

.6
.2

646
670

.0

683

.4

683

.5

699

.6

236

.7

268

.8
.9

268
273

.63

285

.66
.62
.60

285
290
290

.64

062

.65 062
.66

473

Line

..............................






..........................
..................................





... ...............




............ ..........





..................

.........................



.......................

Shhnma
Vol: Page

1108

7:180

58

2:622

220
544
557

2:605
8:457
2:660

2:419

080

5:020

68
14

6:4
1:4

6575

7:219

6576
6394
6634

7:219
7:679
7:683

848

6:486

206

7:635

4:0

Appendix E

446

.67

566

.68

566

.69

568

.23

568

.26

520

.22

506

.20

506

.24

506

.25

620

.26

736

.27

736

.28
.29

729
729

.03

703

.06
.02

703
703

.......................

.............................

........................

.......... ...................


.........................







.......... .............
................................











... .......................
............................


................ .......


*

......

.....



......... .................




........... .............

992

6:656

993

1:151

6660

4:74

6664

4:74

695

2:86

466

5:026

467

5:026

467

5:003

1220

4:248

6482

2:033

2862

0:279

1348

7:201

56
3981
0973

6:607
7:414
7:460

263
2697

5:68
8:668

*The second hemistich of this verse is similar to the first hemistiches of two verses in the
Shhnma, as noted. But, I could not identify the first hemistich of this verse.

447

Appendix F
Shhnma verses cited in ahr Samarqands Sindbd-nma
Muammad b. Al al-ahr al-K tib al-Samarqand. Sindbd-nma. Edited by Amad Ate.
Istanbul: Milli e itim basimevi, 1949.
[Ab al-Q sim Firdaus]. Abul-Qasem Ferdowsi. Shhnma. Edited by Jal l Kh liq Mulaq
(Djalal Khaleghi-Motlagh). (English title p.: The Shahnameh: The Book of Kings). 8 vols. Vol. 6
edited by Jal l Kh liq Mulaq and Mamd Umds l r (Mahmoud Omidsalar). Vol. 7 edited by
Jal l Kh liq Mulaq and Abu al-Fa l Khatb (Abolfazl Khatibi). Persian Text Series, n.s., no.1.
New York: Bibliotheca Persica, 19872008. Repr. ed., Tehran: Markaz-i d irat al-ma rif-i
buzurg-i isl m, 1386/2007. Paginations are the same in both editions.
Shhnma
Vol: P.

Sindbd
-nma
P: Line

Line

6:137
7:414

5:232

56
3981

6048

2:056

2699

4:0

0:030

.......................

0:034
5:502

60
00

5:453

648

.......
.......


........................ ........




.................................


.....................................

...........................

29:2

No.
.6

77:17 .2
666:60 .0
626:9

.4

626:63 .5
269:9

.6

269:63 .7
204:63 .8
334:9

.9

147:8
179:4
204:9
330:10
044:6
044:7

.6
.2
.0
.4
.5
.6

Other verses in the metre of the Shhnma, which I could not identify:

* This verse appears in the Kashf al-abyt of Dabrsiy q and is cited in the Lughat-nma of
Dihkhud as a verse by Firdaus, but I could not locate it in Kh liq Mulaqs edition of the

Appendix F

448

Shhnma. See Sayyid Muammad Dabrsiy q, Kashf al-abyt-i Shhnma-i Firdaus (Tehran:
Anjuman-i s r-i mill, 1350/1971), 2:716; and Dihkhud , Lughat-nma, s.v. angab n.

449

Appendix G
Shhnma verses cited in ahr Samarqands Aghr al-siysa f ar al-riysa
Muammad b. Al al-ahr al-K tib al-Samarqand. Aghr al-siysa f ar al-riysa: Matn
az qarn-i shishum-i hijr . Edited by Jafar Shi r. Ganjna-i mutn-i r n 68. Tehran: Intish r t-i
D nishg h-i Tehran, 1349/1970.
[Ab al-Q sim Firdaus]. Abul-Qasem Ferdowsi. Shhnma. Edited by Jal l Kh liq Mulaq
(Djalal Khaleghi-Motlagh). (English title p.: The Shahnameh: The Book of Kings). 8 vols. Vol. 6
edited by Jal l Kh liq Mulaq and Mamd Umds l r (Mahmoud Omidsalar). Vol. 7 edited by
Jal l Kh liq Mulaq and Abu al-Fa l Khatb (Abolfazl Khatibi). Persian Text Series, n.s., no.1.
New York: Bibliotheca Persica, 19872008. Repr. ed., Tehran: Markaz-i d irat al-ma rif-i
buzurg-i isl m, 1386/2007. Paginations are the same in both editions.
Shhnma

Aghr
Page

Line

Vol: Page

2:277

6648

2:277

6649

6:133

6:133

6:230

530

5:453

648

7:683

6634

2:0

2:0

............ .................


..................

....


.............


......... ..............

No.

............. ...................

........

........ .........

............................

677

.6

677

.2

263

.0

263

.4

266

.5

220

.6

264

.7

065

.8

......................

065

.9

450

Appendix H
Shhnma verses cited in Najm-i R zs Mir d al-ibd
Najm-i R z (Najm al-dn Ab Bakr b. Muammad b. Sh h var b. Anshirv n R z). Mir d alibd. Edited by Muammad Amn Riy . Majma-i mutn-i f rs 46. Tehran: Bung h-i
tarjuma va nashr-i kit b, 1352/1973.
[Ab al-Q sim Firdaus]. Abul-Qasem Ferdowsi. Shhnma. Edited by Jal l Kh liq Mulaq
(Djalal Khaleghi-Motlagh). (English title p.: The Shahnameh: The Book of Kings). 8 vols. Vol. 6
edited by Jal l Kh liq Mulaq and Mamd Umds l r (Mahmoud Omidsalar). Vol. 7 edited by
Jal l Kh liq Mulaq and Abu al-Fa l Khatb (Abolfazl Khatibi). Persian Text Series, n.s., no.1.
New York: Bibliotheca Persica, 19872008. Repr. ed., Tehran: Markaz-i d irat al-ma rif-i
buzurg-i isl m, 1386/2007. Paginations are the same in both editions.
Shhnma
Vol: Page

Mir d
Page

Line

1:7

65

1:7

66

6:656

990

*
*

..



...........................

No.

2
66
82

.6
.2
.0

......

.....................

82

.4

96

.5

456
456
456
456
542

.6
.2
.0
.4
.5

Other verses in the metre of the Shhnma, which I could not identify:

* This verse has been attributed to Firdaus by medieval authors and appears in some of the
earlier editions of the Shhnma, but it does not appear in Kh liq Mulaqs edition. See above,
p. 76, and p. 120 n. 267.

451

Appendix I
Shhnma verses cited in Juvayns Tr kh-i jahngushy
Al al-Dn A Malik b. Bah al-Dn Muammad b. Muammad Juvayn. Tr kh-i
jahngushy. Edited by Muammad b. Abd al-Vahh b Qazvn. (English title p.: The Tarkh-ijahn-gush of Alu D-Dn A Malik-i Juwayn). 3 pts. E. J. W. Gibb Memorial Series, vol.
16, pts. 13. Leiden: Brill, 191237.
[Ab al-Q sim Firdaus]. Abul-Qasem Ferdowsi. Shhnma. Edited by Jal l Kh liq Mulaq
(Djalal Khaleghi-Motlagh). (English title p.: The Shahnameh: The Book of Kings). 8 vols. Vol. 6
edited by Jal l Kh liq Mulaq and Mamd Umds l r (Mahmoud Omidsalar). Vol. 7 edited by
Jal l Kh liq Mulaq and Abu al-Fa l Khatb (Abolfazl Khatibi). Persian Text Series, n.s., no.1.
New York: Bibliotheca Persica, 19872008. Repr. ed., Tehran: Markaz-i d irat al-ma rif-i
buzurg-i isl m, 1386/2007. Paginations are the same in both editions.
Shhnma

Jahngushy
Pt.:P, Line

Line

Vol: P.

5:314
5:294

260
37

5:020

080

2:652

426

2:650

403

2:654

446

2:679

770

2:694

976

2:157

489

2:673

656

2:673

652

2:185

855

2:676

673

1:294

121

2:679

775

........................

............. ....




..... ...............

.....................

.... .......

..........


..........................





............

No.

1:11, 5
1:52, 3

.6
.2

1:61, 8

.0

1:64, 9

.4

... .......

1:64, 10

.5

1:65, 6

.6

............... .............

1:65, 19

.7

1:66, 64

.8

.....

........................ ......

1:70, 15

.9

1:70, 68

.63

1:70, 69

.66

.................... ........

............... ..............

..........

................... ....

1:74, 2

.62

1:74, 5

.60

1:79, 21

.64

1:90, 69

.65

Appendix I

452

1:107, 1 .68
1:637, 63 .69

...........................

....... ......................

.66

1:630, 5

.67

1:630, 6

1:637, 66 .23

1:637, 62 .26

1:663, 9 .22
1:663, 63 .20
1:625, 8 .24

.03

1:666, 0

...............................

.... ........ ....


...........................

.06

1:693, 7

.... ........................

.25

1:626, 6

.26
.27

1:626, 9
1:640, 9

1:645, 66 .28
1:666, 2 .29

1:201, 15 .02
1:232, 8 .00
1:232,66 .04
.05

6:238, 2

.06

1:238, 0

1:238, 9 .07
1:238, 62 .08

1:238, 64 .09

1:238, 67 .43

1:238, 68
1:260, 64
1:260, 65
2:31, 8

.46
.42
.40
.44

65

5:77

..................


....... ....

............

........................

66

5:77

1094
6679

5:181
5:096

6683

5:096

n. 23

5:096

64
65
6

5:292
5:292
0:030

80

2:624

477
280

2:656
5:066

6
653

5:296
6:207

n. 1
line 3
6406

5:430
0:692

90
993

4:676
1:151

n. 3
line 3
465

2:652
2:652

009
292

2:646
5:066

290

5:066

085

2:649

086
667
668
893

2:649
5:032
5:032
1:224

..................................








.... ..........
*
........................








........ ...........

..........................

.. ...................

453

.45

Appendix I

2:31, 9

2:31, 10 .46
2:630, 63 .47

..... ...... ...........

2:630, 64 .48

....................

........................

............ .......................

2:600, 2

2:600, 66 .50

..........................

2:133, 20 .55
2:605, 63 .56
2:606, 60 .57

2:606, 64 .58

.................. ................

..... ...........................

............. ..................

............. ......


. .................

2:173, 18 .67

............

............... ..........

.49

2:108, 3

2:666, 65 .53
2:127, 14 .56
.52

2:600, 67 .54

2:609, 65 .59
2:609, 66 .63
2:642, 62 .66
.62

2:640, 2

2:640, 0 .60
2:160, 7 .64
2:660, 66 .65
2:673, 0 .66

2:680, 63 .68
2:686, 63 .69

894

1:224

..............................

.................................

895
849

1:224
2:685

940

2:692

174

5:306

866

2:686

..........................

.................

323

2:144

234

2:600

2:667

.....................



... ..........................

...................

.............................

2:667

13
626
627

3:304
2:627
2:628

657

5:035

25

6:047

068

4:694

................. .......

003
n. 9
669

5:069
5:043
5:032

**
... ........................

626
-

5:032
-

559
932

5:008
5:689

1306

3:185

062

2:647

.................... ....

464

2:652

Appendix I
0:033
0:290

686
79

5:296
5:296

6
5

5:314

264

2:174

710

0:608

502

*
.......................
**
**
**

............ ..................

454

............

2:689, 67 .73
2:689, 68 .76

...... ....

3:637, 66 .79

3:25, 6
3:25, 7
3:43, 2

.72
.70
.74

3:49, 62
3:49, 60
3:49, 64
3:82, 6

.75
.76
.77
.78

3:603, 8 6 .83

* These verses appear in the Kashf al-abyt of Dabrsiy q and are attributed to Firdaus in the
Lughat-nma of Dihkhud , but I could not locate them in Kh liq Mulaqs edition of the
Shhnma. See Sayyid Muammad Dabrsiy q, Kashf al-abyt-i Shhnma-i Firdaus (Tehran:
Anjuman-i s r-i mill, 1350/1971), 2:937 and 2:709 respectively; and Dihkhud , Lughat-nma,
s.vv. barvardan and narm .
** These verses are from the satire (hajv-nma). See Abulkasim Firdousi, Le livre des rois, ed.
and trans. Jules Mohl, 7 vols. (Paris: Imprimerie Royale/Nationale, 183878), rerp. ed. (Paris:
Jean Maisonneuve, 1976), 1:xci, lines 1214 and 18.

455

Appendix J
Shhnma verses cited in Rashd al-Dn Fa lull hs Jmi al-tavr kh
Rashd al-Dn Fa lull h amad n. Jmi al-tavr kh. Edited by Muammad Raushan and
Muaf Msav. 4 vols. Tehran: Alburz, 1373/1994.
Al al-Dn A Malik b. Bah al-Dn Muammad b. Muammad Juvayn. Tr kh-i
jahngushy. Edited by Muammad b. Abd al-Vahh b Qazvn. (English title p.: The Tarkh-ijahn-gush of Alu D-Dn A Malik-i Juwayn). 3 pts. E. J. W. Gibb Memorial Series, vol.
16, pts. 13. Leiden: Brill, 191237.
[Ab al-Q sim Firdaus]. Abul-Qasem Ferdowsi. Shhnma. Edited by Jal l Kh liq Mulaq
(Djalal Khaleghi-Motlagh). (English title p.: The Shahnameh: The Book of Kings). 8 vols. Vol. 6
edited by Jal l Kh liq Mulaq and Mamd Umds l r (Mahmoud Omidsalar). Vol. 7 edited by
Jal l Kh liq Mulaq and Abu al-Fa l Khatb (Abolfazl Khatibi). Persian Text Series, n.s., no.1.
New York: Bibliotheca Persica, 19872008. Repr. ed., Tehran: Markaz-i d irat al-ma rif-i
buzurg-i isl m, 1386/2007. Paginations are the same in both editions.
Shhnma

Jahngushy*
Pt.:P

Jmi altavr kh
Vo.:P.

1:22
1:33

.6
.2

.......................





........... ...... .....

1:176

.0

2:163
2:31

1:177
1:265
1:049

.4
.5
.6

2:31

1:049

.7

2:31
1:61

1:049 .8
1:350 .9
1:474 .63

1:52

1:476 .66

............. .............

...... .............

1:73
1:73
1:74
2:116

1:495
1:495
1:496
1:510

2:642

1:527 .66

1:656 .67

Line

Vol: P.

3:297

141

3:183

1290

4:52
5:008
1:224

806
559
893

**

......... ...... .......

..............................

1:224

894

1:224
4:52
5:020

895
806
383

5:294

37

2:673
2:673
2:185
2:686

656
652
855
866

............. ....

........................

5:069
5:043
2:131

003
n. 9
160

....... .................

No.

.62
.60
.64
.65

Appendix J

456

1:654 .68

2:183

2:995 .69
2:1085 .23

1:143

2:1086 .26

2:1103 .22
2:1103 .20

2:1143 .24

2:1210 .25

............... ..........





............

... ......

........................

......... ..................

......... ........

..................

...............................

062

2:647

699
280

4:45
5:066

896

7:540

873
467

5:365
5:330

1264

4:251

128

2:128

* For line numbers and variants in Tr kh-i Jahngushy, see Appendix I.

** Like other medieval authors, Rashd al-Dn attributes this verse to Firdaus. The verse appears
in some of the earlier editions of the Shhnma, but it is not included in the edition consulted for
this study. See above, p. 76, and p. 120 n. 267.

457

Appendix K
Shhnma verses cited in Mujmal al-tavr kh va al-qi as
Mujmal al-tavr kh va al-qi as. Edited by Malik al-Shuar Bah r. Tehran: Kul la Kh var,
1318/1939.
[Ab al-Q sim Firdaus]. Abul-Qasem Ferdowsi. Shhnma. Edited by Jal l Kh liq Mulaq
(Djalal Khaleghi-Motlagh). (English title p.: The Shahnameh: The Book of Kings). 8 vols. Vol. 6
edited by Jal l Kh liq Mulaq and Mamd Umds l r (Mahmoud Omidsalar). Vol. 7 edited by
Jal l Kh liq Mulaq and Abu al-Fa l Khatb (Abolfazl Khatibi). Persian Text Series, n.s., no.1.
New York: Bibliotheca Persica, 19872008. Repr. ed., Tehran: Markaz-i d irat al-ma rif-i
buzurg-i isl m, 1386/2007. Paginations are the same in both editions.
Shhnma
Vol: Page

Line

3:192

1436

5:175
5:407

1036
6660

5:480

646

5:480
6:74

642
039

Mujmal
al-tavr kh
Page

.................


...............................

.............. ........

No.

.6

.....................................

... ....

8 1 .2
03
.0
06

.4

06
46

.5
.6

458

Appendix L
Shhnma verses cited in Ibn Isfandiy rs Tr kh-i abaristn
Bah al-Dn Muammad b. asan b. Isfandiy r. Tr kh-i abaristn. Vol. 1. Edited by Abb s
Iqb l shtiy n. Tehran: Kh var, 1320/1941.
[Ab al-Q sim Firdaus]. Abul-Qasem Ferdowsi. Shhnma. Edited by Jal l Kh liq Mulaq
(Djalal Khaleghi-Motlagh). (English title p.: The Shahnameh: The Book of Kings). 8 vols. Vol. 6
edited by Jal l Kh liq Mulaq and Mamd Umds l r (Mahmoud Omidsalar). Vol. 7 edited by
Jal l Kh liq Mulaq and Abu al-Fa l Khatb (Abolfazl Khatibi). Persian Text Series, n.s., no.1.
New York: Bibliotheca Persica, 19872008. Repr. ed., Tehran: Markaz-i d irat al-ma rif-i
buzurg-i isl m, 1386/2007. Paginations are the same in both editions.
Shhnma
Vol: Page

Tr kh-i
abaristn
Page

Line

1:92

44

1:85
1:85
8:439

489
490
0

8:439

8:439

8:463

66

8:463

60

................................

No.

..........................

58

.6

63
63
655

.2
.0
.4

655

.5

655

.6

............................

...........................

655

.7

655

.8