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Tracking Transnationalism: Migrancy and its Futures

Online Publication Date: 01 March 2007
To cite this Article: Harney, Nicholas Demaria and Baldassar, Loretta (2007)
'Tracking Transnationalism: Migrancy and its Futures', Journal of Ethnic and
Migration Studies, 33:2, 189 - 198
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Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies

Vol. 33, No. 2, March 2007, pp. 189 ! 198

Tracking Transnationalism: Migrancy

and its Futures
Nicholas DeMaria Harney and Loretta Baldassar

In this introduction to the special issue we argue that a reconsideration of the notion of
migrancy can add greater emphasis to a particular methodological terrain within the
burgeoning literature on transnationalism. The legacy of anthropological work on
migrancy in southern Africa and the more recent use of the term as a trope in the
postmodern world by academics in cultural studies raise three intertwined features of a
migrancy perspective that we feel should be central to interpreting contemporary
transnational practices. First, we suggest that migrancy privileges movement and, as
such, that greater attention be paid to the interconnection between movement in both
space and time in transnational practices. Second, a focus on migrancy requires that we
decentre the nation and consider the agency of migrants. Third, migrancy forces us to
consider power inequalities, both those articulated through the state, and more subtle
forms, such as the unequal power of discourses or knowledges in the confrontation of
difference and the construction of otherness. Each of the articles in this special issue seeks
to track transnational practices with these considerations in mind.
Keywords: Migrancy; Transnationalism; Anthropology; Time/Space; Nation; Power
Background
The articles in this special issue have their origins in a symposium entitled Migrancy
and its Futures, sponsored by the Institute of Advanced Studies at the University of
Western Australia in 2003. Contributors were asked to consider what epistemological
advantage there might be in considering how the legacy of the term migrancy might
bear on the contemporary interest in transnationalism and what Clifford (1994: 303)
termed an unruly crowd of descriptive/interpretive terms employed to conceptualise
the interstices of cultures, nations, regions and states within the globalising present.
Nicholas DeMaria Harney and Loretta Baldassar are respectively Cassamarca Senior Lecturer and Associate
Professor in Anthropology and Sociology at the University of Western Australia. Correspondence to: Dr N.
Harney/Prof. L. Baldassar, Dept of Anthropology and Sociology, University of Western Australia, 35 Stirling
Highway, Crawley, Western Australia 6009. E-mails: nharney@cyllene.uwa.edu.au; loretta.baldassar@uwa.edu.au
ISSN 1369-183X print/ISSN 1469-9451 online/07/0200189-10 # 2007 Taylor & Francis
DOI: 10.1080/13691830601154088

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190 N.D. Harney and L. Baldassar

While each paper tracks what might broadly be called transnational practices, each
does so with critical attention to other ways of considering or conceptualising
practices or processes that transcend state borders. The term transnationalism has
forced researchers to consider the continual links across borders within the frame of
the nation and to reassess the ambiguous concept and process of integration; yet,
while useful in decentering the gaze of the analyst from the singular nation-state, the
focus on the national obscures relations and processes that vary in scale, social
location and form. As a result, the term both affirms and problematises the nation.
Admittedly, most of the contributions to this special issue derive their inspiration
either directly or indirectly from anthropology. All but two of the contributors are
anthropologists and all use fieldwork to develop ethnography, the sine qua non of
anthropological practice. For many anthropologists, methodologically inclined
towards local studies, which are products of larger forces and embedded in multiple
scales, there is an emergent ambivalence towards the term transnationalism since it
often seems to be conceptually one step removed from the materiality of everyday life,
the more local and particular connections and social relations of the people, places,
discourses and practices we study. That is, while many researchers use the concept of
transnationalism to name or analyse processes, patterns, and relations that connect
people or projects in different places in the world, its macroscalar associations do
have their interpretive limits, obscuring and eliding different scales, networks and
manifestations of connections, which, as a result, diminish its clarity as a conceptual
tool.
Two Views of Migrancy
To address the limitations of what, otherwise, has been an immensely influential and
productive reorientation for international migration studies over the last decade, we
considered how a cognate term, with its own history in migration studies, might
sharpen our interpretive scrutiny and add greater emphasis to a particular
methodological terrain within the burgeoning literature on transnationalism (Basch
et al. 1994; Glick-Schiller et al. 1992; Levitt et al. 2003; Smith 2001; Smith and
Guarnizo 1998; Vertovec 1999). In its simplest definition, migrancy addresses the
state or condition of being a migrant (Oxford English Dictionary). An interest in this
condition developed among scholars examining the coercive labour systems of
southern and central Africa which used migrants as temporary and disposable labour
for the physically demanding extraction of minerals. The recruitment of labour
transcended colonial and, later, postcolonial state boundaries to involve migrants in
regional economies and circuits of migratory trajectories, with short-term contracts
set by capital and seasonal demands (Crush et al. 1991; Epstein 1992; Mayer 1962;
Mitchell 1987; Schapera 1947). A virtue of this anthropological literature was its
detailed observation of cultural transformations occurring for migrants within this
regional system.

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191

Even so, Ferguson (1999) forcefully critiqued the anthropological literature on

labour migration in the 1950s and 1960s for what he saw as its unexamined linear
modernist narrative. It assumed a periodisation of labour regimes leading towards a
stabilisation of migrants in urbanised settings, which presumed in turn the
development of working-class lifestyles and perspectives. We find it useful to keep
in mind both the virtue and the critique of these earlier studies, as we consider some
of the potential drawbacks of using transnational(ism) today. The concepts of
situationalism and alternation (Epstein 1958: 235), introduced by scholars at the time
to understand identity code-switching, might not be viewed as evidence of stages of
transition in a linear progression towards permanent settlement in cities, but, instead,
be read as an attempt to consider the migrant in a fuller social field (Macmillan
1993). In a sense, the transnational literature has echoed Fergusons critique of work
about African labour regimes by urging scholars not to assume a straight-line
assimilation model but to consider the persistent and fluctuating ties that bind across
borders. In doing so, it has drawn vivid images of the kinds of translocal, transborder,
transnational relations that persist, develop and are elaborated between not just a
home and away but multiple heres and theres. Nevertheless, we think Fergusons
(Foucauldian) epistemic warning is worth bearing in mind here too. That is, in what
ways does the discursive power of transnational ties elide, mask and erase other kinds
of features, relations and social practices? In the rush to observe connections between
places that value national or ethnic-group-based relationships, how might we be
limiting our field of vision? Clearly, the forms, limits and features of the migration
process have not remained the same as the 1950s, let alone the specific (post)colonial
realities of southern Africa. And yet, we think migrancy forces us to bear in mind
several salient features of the globalising world in relation to the tracking of
transnationalism.
In a key article written about African migrancy, Philip Mayer (1962) foreshadowed
how migrancy would be revived and revisited in the postmodern, cultural studies
literature in the 1990s, which often focused on the subjective experiences of those in
the swirl of cultural flows attendant with feelings of displacement, exile and longing.
Migrancy commonly flows back and forth across state boundaries... and the best way
to study migrancy, he suggested, might be to begin at the study of the migrant
persons themselves, by mapping out their networks of relations from the personal or
egocentric point of view, as well as noting their parts in the various structural
systems (Mayer 1962: 577). These two features*the flow of bodies and, by
extension, culture, across assumed boundaries as well as the migrant as actor, at times
liberated from oppressive nationalist structures*became influential features of work
on migration in the 1990s. The most well-known example of this second strand of
migrancy comes from the influential 1994 book by Iain Chambers, Migrancy, Culture,
Identity, which illustrates the interconnections between language, cultures, histories
and moments. Chambers emphasises dislocation as a transcendent theme that affects
not only the migrant but also the privileged westerner whose rationale and linear
progress is disrupted by the encounter with differences. Chambers demonstrates that,

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192 N.D. Harney and L. Baldassar

in one form or another, migrancy is the central metaphor of the contemporary world,
both in its physical form and its intellectual implications. It thus should provide us
with a contemporary cultural trope to examine our existence; as Chambers notes
(1994: 2), [m]igration, together with the enunciation of cultural borders and
crossings, is deeply inscribed in the itineraries of much contemporary reasoning. The
mobility, circulation and reproduction of ideas, tastes and commodities have taken
on new dimensions in the advent of technological and communication transformations in the last quarter-century and the current neoliberal globalisation regime.
These transformations, however fluid or rapidly changing, are embodied or made
material through specific bodies (such as migrants) or through institutions or ideas
that manifest themselves in local sites.
In our view, transnationalism, considered through the legacy associated with the
term migrancy, would emphasise three key features. These three features are not new
but we believe an emphasis on them offers a more precise engagement with the key
processes emerging in the contemporary world. We take each feature in turn.
Spatial/Temporal Movement
Migrancy explicitly privileges the notion of movement and process rather than
stability and fixity across both space and time. Substantial consideration in the
transnational literature is given to a reconsideration of space, but, as Grillo points out
in his article in this special issue, less attention is given to changes over time. It might
well be argued that a discussion of time is inherent also in much of the transnational
literature. Transnational work accomplishes this by an implicit critique of the
modernist, nation-time assumptions embedded in concepts such as integration and
assimilation. The two concepts assume a linear progressive change in the migrant as
object, structurally and culturally, towards assimilation (Kivisto 2001). In contrast to
this assumption of wider participation in the host society, the concept of migrancy
forces us to consider time or the trajectory of experiences because, following the
Chamberian strand, it focuses on the postmodern subjects transformation and the
creativity of the migrant subject, even within structures that limit the social field.
Grillos paper illustrates the contemporary issue of movement through time, in his
exegesis of the betwixt and between states of migrant trajectories. Migrant
trajectories or projects may change over time but may also be implicated in temporal
rhythms that confound people and institutions in both the host society and the
sending one. In his paper, Harney asks us to consider the migrant projects as central
to their engagement with receiving-society institutions. The temporal requirements
embedded in programmes to integrate migrants may conflict with the trajectories,
hopes and imaginative possibilities the migrants themselves might entertain and
which influence their everyday actions with respect to settlement. The contribution
by Hannerz requires us to expand the horizon of our research sites in transnationalism by his focus on the trajectories of foreign correspondents as forms of
cosmopolitanism. One of the key dimensions in Hannerzs conceptualisation of

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different types of foreign correspondent is, in fact, mobility through time. The more
these journalists stay put the more they are likely to go native. Hence, their Home
Office actively employs movement, moving employees around, to ensure they stay
fresh for the job. Time plays a crucial role not only in their personal migrant
trajectories but in their apprehension and interpretation of places and peoples for
themselves and their readership. Baldassars paper addresses movement through both
space and time across the life-course of kin relations and the obligations, pressures
and practices of long-distance caring, emphasising how they ebb and flow in response
to different demands and circumstances in the temporal realities of family life-cycles.
Decentering the Nation

In Practice and Theory

Migrancy decentres the nation from our analysis and lets us consider other scales of
analysis such as the translocal (Werbner 1999; Wimmer and Glick-Schiller 2003).
Idealised and romanticised rhetoric about the homogeneity and purity of nation is
inextricably linked to migration today. Indeed, while perhaps the balance of forces is
complex, the nation-state acts as the guarantor of goods and services to its citizens
and is the unit that has political legitimacy in global economic arrangements.
Privileging of the nation in the conceptual scheme erases different scales of
interaction, not the least of which is the way in which discourses about the nation
are refracted, destabilised and made new through local sites linked with global
networks and translocal processes. Skrbis article on religious pilgrimage by CroatianAustralians to Medjugorje, in Bosnia and Herzegovina, exemplifies ways in which the
national imagination is de-centred and fractured. In the migrants imagination,
Medjugorje, located outside Croatia, functions as a place that valorises their romantic
and abstract conception of the nation and helps them transcend the political
boundaries that rupture their imaginings of homeland. The case study shows how
travels, both secular (visits home) and sacred (religious pilgrimage), form a symbolic
continuum through which Croatian-Australians construct specific ways of imagining
the connectedness between faith, ethno-national identity and human destiny.
Hannerzs focus on cosmopolitans points to alternative transnational forms that,
though linked to national readerships or viewers*in the case of foreign
correspondents*or embedded in different national frames, offer different scales
for tracking the transnational and critiquing the national outside a homogenised
nation-time. A literal reading of migrancy reminds us to consider the process of
movement from the migrants point of view within larger structures*whether
located as working-class transmigrants or middle-class journalists. This is useful, but
we would extend our consideration of movement beyond the migrant, and suggest
that Hannerzs focus on the varieties of cosmopolitanism offers a useful anchor
towards engaging the situatedness of globally circulating ideas*cosmopolitanism.
Hannerzs paper on foreign correspondents has the relationship between homes (in
this case the correspondents home office and the foreign beat) firmly in its sights. It

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194 N.D. Harney and L. Baldassar

is the movement and relations between these that constitute different types of
journalist and forms of journalism.
Herzfeld offers a more traditional research site*the neighbourhood*to
consider how local, not just national, ideas inflect behaviour, attitudes and
expressions about the presence of the other. Intrigued by the similarity of forms
of discontent in globalisation, Herzfeld nonetheless cautions us to examine and
question the apparent sameness through a fine-grained analysis of the manifestations
of these common forms in local settings. In particular, his interest in expressions of
racism, cultural intolerance and, ultimately, ideas of intimacy, through an
ethnography of a Roman neighbourhoods confrontation with difference, effectively
urges us to temper a concern about homogenisation of culture in globalisation with
an awareness of its local meanings and practices of similar forms of discontent. By
tracking the local meanings of these globalised terms, researchers may be able to
challenge a simplistic and hegemonic neoliberal, capitalist interpretation of reality.
Herzfelds paper is perhaps one riposte to Wildings article in this issue. Wilding
delves more centrally into the methodological considerations anthropologists must
make if they are to come to terms with research in a transnational, translocal,
transborder context. She explores how anthropologists grapple with the challenges of
conducting ethnography in movement. Her article implicitly addresses the two
strands of migrancy by confronting the limitations and challenges faced by the
discipline of anthropology, whose way of knowing*fieldwork and ethnography*
was developed out of more confident modernist certainties and hierarchies about
people and territory that are no longer acceptable. These disruptions to anthropological practice and knowledge caused by the mobilities of the people anthropologists study echoes Chambers (1994). Wilding examines the challenges and
tensions evident between the need for the disciplines practitioners to develop
fieldsites and write ethnographies in the face of transnational mobilities with the
methodological tools that historically developed out of research in local places. She
suggests we need to think about the role of the imagination in this mobility as
possibly one of the most exciting opportunities for an anthropology of global and
transnational processes. Like many of the papers in this issue, she is attentive to class
distinctions and their impact on mobilities. Like Mayer, she posits a solution in a
focus on sets of relations, particularly attention to kinship and to themes of
relatedness.
Of course, the concepts of migrancy and transnationalism do share much in
common. Mayer (1962: 581) argues that a focus on migrancy leads to an analysis of
both sending and receiving areas. Diaspora and transnationalism studies have a
tendency to be more heavily weighted towards host-country settings, and the sending
areas become relatively peripheral unless there is a concern with state policies
(Ostergaard-Nielsen 2003). Glick Schiller et al. (1992): ix) define transmigrants as
those who take actions, make decisions, and feel concerns within a field of social
relations that links together their country of origin and their country or countries of
settlement. For Glick Schiller and her colleagues, transmigrants, and more generally

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the identity of transnationals, tend to conjure a picture of migrants located in host

settings as the primary architects of transnational social fields. The activities of their
kin and contacts in the home settings, while clearly an important part of these
processes, are not accorded equal status. Arguably, a focus on migrancy might shift
our sights to more fully incorporate all of the actors that constitute the migrancy
field. Hannerzs article emphasises the importance of the obligations of migrants to
those stay-behinds*in his case the readership*in influencing the orientation of
their foreign correspondent.
Baldassars research on the long-distance care by families across continents
configures the transnational lens on a family unit, its politics, needs, obligations
and issues. In many ways, her research is reminiscent of the African migrants in the
Copperbelt, enmeshed in obligations across the region and engaged in migration as
part of family strategies that change with the life cycle. Baldassar grapples with this
full set of relations as she considers the stay-behinds.
Politics, Power and Inequality
Related to the decentering of the nation is the politics of the state. The migrancy
literature comes out of the stark social inequalities at the nexus of resource extraction
for the global economy: race, class and state policy in southern Africa. An advantage
that migrancy offers us as we track transnationalism is that it forces us to consider
power inequalities both in their brute form, articulated through the power of the
state, and in their more subtle form, through the unequal power of discourses or
knowledges in the confrontation of difference and the construction of otherness
(racialisation and the politics of ethnicisation). In this sense, it also readdresses the
impact of the State, an issue which is sometimes underplayed in analyses of
transnationalism, in favour of the nation. Kosers examination of the refugee/asylum
issue and the way different states have exercised power to restrict entry is pertinent
here. He considers how the unauthorised movement of asylum-seekers undermines
the power of states. Everything about this movement challenges the ability of states to
control their borders, their identities and their residents. And it is the movement of
refugees that states seek to regulate. Koser asks why studies of transnationalism have
largely ignored asylum-seekers and refugees. Part of the answer, he suggests, is that
there is far less potential for the development of transnational identities and activities
among refugees than other migrants; studies focus on the dire circumstances of
refugees in either their sending or receiving states. A focus on migrancy would
liberate analysis from the current stranglehold of disputes over definitions of refugees
and the types of migration in which they are involved (are they voluntary,
involuntary, labour, transnational?), and channel attention to some of the understudied elements in this process, including people smuggling. More importantly, this
focus ensures refugees are seen as active agents who have significant impact on states
rather than the usual view of them as totally determined by state legal processes.

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196 N.D. Harney and L. Baldassar

The power of states to limit, control, lock up and deport asylum-seekers directly
reduces the avenues asylum-seekers might have to develop transnational connections,
and limits the perspective of researchers who, quite rightly, have focused on the
power inequalities between asylum-seekers and the policing and surveillance
structures available to states. Nevertheless, a transnational view inflected by the
legacy of migrancy in the southern African literature would help adjust the research
gaze towards the complex ways in which migrants (as asylum-seekers here) negotiate
the labyrinth of policing and controlling forces without denying the substantial power
inequalities that exist.
In the end, we do not wish to leave our discussion of politics in transnationalism at
the institutional level or assume an all-powerful state, as a recent critique seems to
suggest (Waldinger and Fitzgerald 2004: 1180). Two immediate reasons come to
mind. It might well be true that states operate legitimately only within another states
borders with permission, but that does not mean the reality on the ground is always
so clear-cut. The burgeoning literature on diaspora over the last decade would seem
to support a more complex reality of partially obscured practices, perhaps in what
Werbner (2002) calls the diasporic public sphere. For example, how many European,
American, Canadian or Australian politicians or bureaucrats have either the political
savvy or the linguistic competency to follow the political operations of diasporic
politics that they may encounter in the dinner-dances and folk festivals to which they
are frequently invited and at which they unwittingly participate in homeland politics
(Fuglerud 1999; Winland 2002).1 Similarly, a focus on transnationalism from below
or the transnational domestic sphere, evident in Baldassars contribution, reveals
that migratory moves often belie state discourses on migration as in, for example, the
non-economically rational moves motivated by the need to give or receive care and
the productive contributions of aged migration so invisible in migration statistics and
policies.
The second reason is that we believe it is useful to think of states not as things but
as processes with effects, and not as monolithic but as full of varied interests, gaps
and inconsistencies (Mitchell 1991). In fact, in this issue, Harneys article
demonstrates the benefits of following the migrants perspective in the encounter
with a broader public sector agency. This is not to suggest that migrant agency can
trump the structures within which migrants live, but instead to lay bare how the
assumptions about migrant settlement and insertion into Italian society misread
migrant mobilities since they assume a particular kind of trajectory, territorially
specific and informed by the nation-state framework for integrating or marking out
foreigners.
Each of the contributors in this special issue has grappled with the limits of the
(trans)nation(al). A reconsideration of transnationalism through the lens of migrancy
forces us to put the migrant*and her/his trajectories of movement through space
and time*squarely at the centre of analysis; but the migrancy perspective also
suggests that this movement is entangled in the demands of capital and politics,

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perhaps today even more unchecked than the past. Even so, the migrant struggles to
stay on the move.
Acknowledgements
Thanks to Terri-Ann White of the Institute of Advanced Studies at the University of
Western Australia for her exceptional organisational abilities and support of the
symposium. The preparation of this special issue was supported by ARC Linkage
Project LP0454107. We would also like to thank Russell King and Jenny Money, of
JEMS, for their patience and support.
Note
[1]

In 2000, the then Canadian Prime Minister, Paul Martin, was accused of supporting the
Tamil Tigers when he was Canadas Finance Minister because he attended a Tamil
community banquet at which proceeds were putatively linked to the purchase of arms in
the Sri Lankan civil war.

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