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ARTICLES

PRECARITY AS ACTIVISM
BySarahCharalambides ,1July2015
Politics/Activism/AntiCapitalist

Howdoweturnthenormalisationofprecarityintoabasisforcollectiveaction?Whilethesocialcategory
precariatgraftedoverdifferences,IsabellLoreysnewbookimagineshowinterlockingdifferentialsof
insecuritycanbeharnessedasaweaponofstruggle.ReviewbySarahCharalambides
Duringthepastdecade,theuseofthetermprecariousspreadrapidlyinvarioussocial,politicalandcultural
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contexts.Becauseitrepresentsaconditionthatiscausedbyawiderangeofprocesses,extendingacrossspace
andtime,andplayedoutoverdiverseandsometimesoverlappingfields,themanylevelsofthemeaningofthe
precariousareputtouseindifferentways.Consequently,thetermflippedoverandbecameabuzzword,atrendy
thingtosayinordertoforestallratherthantodevelopanalyses.Todelayitsfurtherdecayintoanemptymemeand
togobeyondanykindofreductionistapproach,itisnecessarytoworkcloselyandmorepreciselyonthe
genealogyoftheprecarious.Weneedtoassessinwhatpreciselytheprecariousconsists,whereitbeginsand
ends,andhowweunderstanditsfullscope,mechanismsandparticularimplications.
OfallthethinkersengagedintherecentturntotheprecariousitispoliticaltheoristIsabellLorey[1]whooffersa
sustainedrethinkingoftheconceptanditsdifferentinstances.InherfirstbooktranslatedintoEnglish,Stateof
Insecurity:GovernmentofthePrecarious,Loreyunderstandstheprecariousasahistoricalformofregulationthat
developsinaspecificwayunderneoliberal,postFordistcapitalism.Todayprecariousworkingandlivingconditions
arenolongerperceivedasaphenomenonofexception,butareinsteadinthemidstofaprocessofnormalisation,
whichenablesgoverningthroughtheprivatisationofrisksandselfresponsibility.Drawinguponthinkerssuchas
JudithButler,MichelFoucault,RobertCastel,HannahArendtandPaoloVirno,Loreyexplorespossibilitiesfor
organisationandresistanceunderthebecomingnormalofprecarisation,whileanticipatingtheemergenceofa
newanddisobedientselfgovernmentoftheprecarious.Indoingso,shedevelopsapointedcritiqueofwhatitmight
meanforpeopletoidentifythemselvesandothersasprecarious.

Loreystartsherbookbytakingthreedimensionsoftheprecariousintoconsideration:precariousness,precarityand
precarisation.Insurveyingthevariouswaysinwhichthesetermshavecirculated,sheestablishesanewanduseful
frameworkinwhichquestionsoftheprecariouscanbeunderstood.Eventhoughhercomplexconfigurationisnot
alwayseasytocomprehend,Loreymanagestodeliverathoroughanalysiswithgreatclarity.FollowingJudith
Butler,shearticulatesprecariousnessasanexistentialcategoryassociatedwiththevulnerabilityofbothhumanand
nonhumanlife.Precariousnessisnotsomethingautonomousthatexistsinitselfinanontologicalsense.Itis
alwaysrelationalandthereforeasocioontologicalbeingwith,involvingotherprecariouslives.[2]Subsequently,
Loreydesignatesprecarityasthepoliticallyinducedconditionofdomination,inwhichcertainpopulationssuffer
fromfailingsocialandeconomicnetworksofsupportandbecomedifferentiallyexposedtosymbolicandmaterial
insecurities.Assuch,precarityisaconditionofstructuralinequality.Throughasystematicandviolent
categorisationandhierarchisation,social,politicalandeconomicrelationsofunevennessareproduced.[3]

Loreypositsthattherelationbetweenprecariousnessandprecaritycanbeunderstoodthroughprocessesof
subjugation.Intheattempttosafeguardcertainsubjectsfromprecariousness,privilegedprotectionisbasedona
differentialdistributionoftheprecarityofthosewhoareconsideredlessworthyofprotection.[4]Loreycallsthis
processprecarisation.Inourcontemporarysocietyprecarisationisnolongeramarginalphenomenon.InEurope
unprecedentedcutstopublicservicesandeducation,austeritymeasuresanddebtcrisismanagementarenotan
exceptionanymore,butrathertherule.Precariouslivingandworkingconditionsareincreasinglynormalisedata
structurallevelandbecomeanimportantinstrumentofgoverning.ThatiswhyLoreyspeaksofgovernmental
precarisation,problematisingtheinteractionsbetweenaninstrumentofgoverningandtheconditionsofeconomic
exploitationandmodesofsubjectivation.[5]

LoreysanalysisfocusesonMichelFoucaultsconceptofgovernmentality,whichdesignatesthestructural
entanglementbetweenthegovernmentofastateandthetechniquesofselfgovernmentinmodernWestern
societies.[6]AccordingtoFoucault,thegovernabilityofindividualsisalwaysalsomadepossiblebythewaythat
theygovernthemselves.Inotherwords,throughselfconductpeoplebecomesocially,politicallyandeconomically
controllable.Theirsearchforautonomyandidealsofselfdeterminationareusedinordertopromotetheconditions
requiredbycurrentmodesofcapitalistregulation.[7]Especiallythosewhoworkfreelancecanbeexploitedeasily,
becausetheyseemtobeartheirselfchosenflexiblelivingandworkingconditionseternally.Duetostrongself
realisationfantasiestheyareexploitabletosuchanextremethatthestateevenpresentsthemasrolemodels.
However,practicesofselfmanagementinthereproductionofgoverningtechniquesdonotonlyimply
subordination,butcanalsohaveanemancipatoryeffect.Byallowingpeopletotakecontroloverlifeandtheway
timeisspent,thepotentialtorefusecapitalistrhythmsemerges.Heretheambiguousnatureofgovernmental
precarisationcomestothefore.Itsymbolisesacontestedfieldinwhichtheattempttostartanewcycleof
exploitationalsomeetsdesiresandsubjectivebehaviours.[8]
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Oneambivalentmomentingovernmentalprecarisationcanbefoundinthecontextofvirtuosolabour.PaoloVirno
writesthatlabourintheneoliberalpostFordisteconomyincreasinglydevelopstowardsavirtuosicperformance
withoutproducts.Throughthistypeofimmateriallabourthatisbasedoncommunication,service,knowledge,
creativityandaffect,itbecomesdifficulttodistinguishbetweenthelabourmarket,selfimprovementandsociallife.
Selfrelationsandworkingrelationsareinterlockinginsuchawaythatnewpublicrealmsareemerging.[9]Asa
consequencetheentireperson,theirwholepersonality,experiencesandrelationshipsbecomepartofthecapitalist
productionprocess.[10]Nevertheless,virtuosolabourisbynomeansexclusivelyproductiveforanewphaseof
capitalistaccumulation.Becausethevalueproducedbyvirtuosolabourcannotbeentirelymeasured(i.e.itis
difficulttoeconomise),thiskindofworkcangobeyondthetermsrequiredbythecontemporaryeconomicsystem.
Subjectivationsarisethatdonotentirelycorrespondtotheneoliberallogicofvalorisation,andwhichmayresistand
refuseitsoppression.[11]

DrawinguponHannaArendtsideasofpoliticalfreedom,Loreyexplorestheextenttowhichperformativelyvirtuoso
workerscanbecomepoliticalactors.Indoingso,shenotesthatthereisnoincreaseinpoliticisationsolelyonthe
basisoftheincreaseinvirtuosolivingandworkingconditionsthatarebasedoncommunicativeabilities,networking
andsocialrelations.[12]Loreywrites:Eventhoughitcanonlybecarriedoutinthepresenceofothersandoften
involvessocialcooperation,andthoughitissituatedamidthematerialisationofthesocial,aservilevirtuosity
concentratedinitselfhinderscommonpoliticalaction.[13]Inotherwords,onlythroughnonservileandnon
individualisticvirtuosityadisobedienceorrejectionofcapitalisableselfgovernmentcanhappen.Furthermore,
Loreystatesthatitisonlypossibletointerveneinstrugglesovergovernmentalprecarisationifpoliticalmodelsare
affectedfromwithin.TakingintoconsiderationVirnoscallforamassivedefectionfromthestateinordertoinstitute
anonstaterunpublicsphereandachievearadicallynewformofdemocracy,Loreypositsamovementofexodus
withinpowerrelationsthemselves.Insteadofmovingtowardsacompletelynewplacewherelivingtogetheris
reinvented,shesuggestsanimmanentexodustowardsaformofselfgovernmentthatisnotrunningawayfrom
precarisationbutreturnsandreactsagainstit.[14]

WhilstLoreycontinuestoinvestigatepossibilitiesforstruggleandagencyunderprecariouslivingandworking
conditions,FrenchsociologistssuchasPierreBourdieuandRobertCastelclaimtheimpossibilityof(collective)
resistanceinthecontextofprecarity.[15]Withtheerosionofthewelfaresystemcomesadestabilisationofwage
labourconditionsandarenewedcomprehensivesubjugationoflabourtothelawsofthemarket.[16]Thisleadsto
whatCastelcallsareturnofinsecurity.Here,precarityhasanegativeconnotationanddesignatesathreatthat
endangerstheimmunisingsocialsafeguardingofthecitizen.[17]Asmoreandmorepeoplefindthemselvesin
precariousconditions,LoreycriticisesCastelsunderstandingofprecarityasanontypicalsituation.Precarisationis
aphenomenonthatisgeneraltosocietyandcannotbesolvedbyareformulationoftraditionalsocialsecurity
systems.Castelssimplepoliticsofdeprecarisation,inwhichthethreateningsocialmarginsheavilyaffectedby
precarisationneedtointegrateintothesocalledsocialmiddle,willnotwork.[18]Insteadofhierarchising
precarisationintolowandhighsectors,Loreyproposestogobeyondstriatingclassificationsthatseparatethe
underprivilegedfromthebetteroffprecarious.[19]

Forthisreasonshedrawsattentiontosocialandpoliticalmovementswhothematiseprecarisationasthestarting
pointforcommunalsolidarityandpoliticalaction.MovementssuchasthetransnationalEuroMayDaymobilisations
aimtoturnthemultitudeofisolated,precariousworkersintoaneffectivepoliticalagent.[20]However,intryingto
bringtogetherdisparategroupsinordertopromoteaspecificargument,crucialdifferencesareerased.Thepointis
nottocollapsevarioustypesofworkersintoacompositecategory,suchasthemuchcirculatedtermprecariat.[21]
Equally,itisinsufficienttosubordinatedifferentlabourpracticestoasinglelogicofproduction.[22]Byallaccounts,
precarisationdoesnothaveamodelworkerthereisnoprecariousStakhanov.[23]Consequently,acoupleof
questionsariseconcerningcommonalitywithintheprecarisationdebate.Canprecarisationbeusedasashared
namefordiversesituations?Isitpossibletoarticulatealliancewithoutfallingbackuponidentity,withoutflattening
orhomogenisingprecarioussituations?Thesearchforcommonalitystartingfromdifferencescannotendin
uniformity.Identitaryandrepresentationistpoliticsarenotsuitablehere.Giventhis,wemightpositthereisno
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commonidentity,butonlycommonexperienceswithinprecarisation.Forthisreasonweneedtothinkaboutnew
formsoforganisation,resistanceandexodusinordertodisruptthemechanismsofgovernmentalprecarisation.

ItisherethatLoreyintroducesthepracticeoftheMadridbasedfeministcollectivePrecariasalaDeriva.[24]
Drawinguponmethodsofmilitantresearch,theyexplorepossibilitiesforselforganisationandpoliticalstruggle
underprecariousworkingandlivingconditions.ThePrecariaspracticeisinscribedintraditionsofworkerinquiries
andcoresearchassociatedwiththeItalianworkersmovementofthe1970saswellaswomensconsciousness
raisinggroupsderivingfromsecondwavefeminism.[25]Ratherthanusingresearchasatooltocategoriseand
separateknowledgefrompractice,theirresearchoperatestransversally.Itinvolvesbecomingpartoftheprocess
thatorganisesrelationshipsbetweenbodies,knowledges,socialpracticesandfieldsofpoliticalaction.Significantly,
thePrecariastakethesubjectiveexperienceofprecariouslabourasastartingpoint.Indoingso,theproductionof
knowledgesandsubjectivitiesofprecarisationconvergeintheconstructionofanewformofcommonality,onethat
involvesmany.

ThePrecariaspracticeconsistsinarevisionoftheSituationistdrive.Whilemaintainingamultisensoryandopen
character,theysubstitutethearbitrarywanderingofthebourgeoismaleflaneurforafeministsituateddriftmoving
throughtheeverydayspacesofwomenworkinginprecariousandhighlyfeminisedsectors.Throughinterviewsin
movement,thePrecariasinvestigatetheproblematicstatusofcareandreproductivelabourdonebywomeninthe
nonproductivesphere.Activitiesthatwerehistoricallyattributedtowomen,suchasdomesticwork,nursing,child
raising,education,aswellasworkincallcentresandsexwork,haveincreasinglybecomepartofcapitalistmodes
ofproduction.[26]Despitetheinsistenceontheaccumulationofsurplusvaluebycareandreproductionlabour,the
feminisation,devaluationandsubsequentdepoliticisationofthisworkpersistsincontemporarysociety.[27]
Notably,thefeminisationoflabourgoesbeyondtheprecarisationofjustwomen.Itdescribesthechangingnatureof
employmentwhereprecariousconditionshavebecomewidespreadforbothsexes.Nonetheless,ourmodern
societyisstillheteronormativelystructured.Womensresponsibilityforreproductionandcareremainsunchanged
andthegenderspecificdivisionoflabourisnotsuspended.[28]ForthisreasonLoreyreflectsextensivelyongender
inequalitywithinprecarisationdebates,particularlybecauseitaddressesthoseaspectsofprecarisationthatimpact
everydaylifeandsocialreproduction.

Loreywritesthatthefundamentalsocialdependencyofalivingbeingduetoitsvulnerabilityhighlightstheeminent
significanceofcare.[29]Byenhancingthestatusofcareactivities,thePrecariaschallengeheteronormativeideasof
masculineindependenceandthefeminisationoftheneedforprotection.Theyaimtogobeyondalimitedandone
sidedunderstandingofcare,inwhichdependentsarecaredforbythosewhoareindependent.[30]Asaresultthe
Precariasbreakthroughexistinglogicsofsecurityandinsecurity,andopencracksinthewallsoffearand
precarisation.Moreover,theyrethinkpoliticswithoutrejectingexistential,socioontologicalprecariousness.They
proposetheconceptofacarecommunity,anewformoflivingtogetherinwhichtherelationalitywithothersis
consideredfundamental.ForLoreytherecognitionofsocialrelationalityformsthebeginningofanentryinto
processesofbecomingcommon.[31]

Still,thequestionremainstowhatextentdispersedprecarioussubjectivitiescanactuallybecomecommon.If
generalprecariousnessdesignateswhatweallsharebutalsowhatdistinguishesandseparatesusfromothersby
precarity,howcanweimaginepracticesthatareorientednotsolelytotheselfandonesownmilieu,butratherto
livingtogetherandcommonpoliticalaction?[32]ItisherethatLoreyprovideshermostpromisingframeworkfor
thosestrugglingundergovernmentalprecarisation.Shestatesthatitispreciselyintheambivalencebetween
sharingandseparation,commonalityanddifference,conjunctionanddisjunctionthatafearsomeandconstituent
powercanbeestablished.[33]Byrejectingtheimmunisingwardingoffandnegationofincalculability,contingency
andvulnerabilityperformedbythestate,theprecarioushavethepotentialtorefusetoallowthemselvestobe
dividedfortheprotectionofsomeagainstthethreateningothers.[34]

Bymeansofpersonalandaffectiveencounterswithpeoplethatsharethesamecondition,wecangatherandact
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together,withoutnecessitatingaclearcollectiveidentity.Itisthroughthearticulationofavarietyoflived
singularitiesthatthecommonquestionoftheprecariouscanbeaddressed.Becauseasingularityneverexists
aloneandindependently,italwaysreferstoamultiplicityofmutuallyinterrelatedsingularities.Mostimportantly,a
singularityisitselfconstitutedbymultiplicity.AsLoreysays:noidentitycharacterisesasingularity,butratherthe
dynamicsofauniquemultiplicity.[35]Assuch,theprecariousisinapermanentprocessofchange,aprocessof
becoming,aprocessofconstituting.Specificallyinthisindeterminacyemergesapotentialthatcansubvertthe
discipliningofgovernmentalprecarisationtimeaftertime.Inthissense,wemightgoalongwithLoreyandbeginto
seethatthenormalisationofprecarisationisnotathreattobeprotectedfrom,butrathertheconditionsforan
insurgentformofpoliticsthatcouldactasabasisforresistanceagainsttheconditionsthatproduce(self
)precarisation.

SarahCharalambides<s.charalambidesATgold.ac.uk>isaPhDcandidateintheDepartmentofVisual
CulturesatGoldsmiths,UniversityofLondon.

Info
IsabellLorey,StateofInsecurity:GovernmentofthePrecarious,AileenDerieg(trans.),London:VersoBooks,
2015.ISBN9781781687147.148pages.

Footnotes

[1]IsabellLoreyisapoliticaltheoristattheEuropeanInstituteofProgressiveCulturalPoliciesinBerlinandteaches
socialscience,culturalandgenderstudiesatseveraluniversitiesinEurope.
[2]Lorey,op.cit.StateofInsecurity.p.18.
[3]Ibid.p.21.
[4]Ibid.p.22.
[5]Ibid.p.13.
[6]Ibid.p.23.
[7]IsabellLorey.BecomingCommon:PrecarizationasPoliticalConstituting.(trans.AileenDerieg)eflux:
SearchingforthePostCapitalistSelf,no.17(2010):availableonlineat:http://www.eflux.com/journal/becoming
commonprecarizationaspoliticalconstituting/[18September2014].
[8]Lorey,op.cit.StateofInsecurity.p.1314.
[9]Ibid.p.73.
[10]PaoloVirno.AGrammaroftheMultitude:ForanAnalysisofContemporaryFormsofLife.NewYork:
Semiotext(e),2004:52.
[11]Lorey,op.cit.StateofInsecurity.p.103.
[12]Ibid.p.85.
[13]Ibid.p.87.

[14]Ibid.p.101102.
[15]Ibid.p.7.
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[16]Ibid.p.46.
[17]Ibid.p.5859.
[18]Ibid.p.67.
[19]Ibid.p.108.
[20]JoostdeBloois.MakingEndsMeet:Precarity,ArtandPoliticalActivism.StedelijkMuseumBureau
Amsterdam(19August2011):availableonlineat:http://project1975.smba.nl/article/lecturejoostdeblooismaking
endsmeetprecarityartandpoliticalactivismaugust132011[15April2014].
[21]Thisneologismbringstogetherthemeaningsofprecariousandproletariattosignifybothanexperienceof
exploitationandanewpoliticalsubjectivity.InhisbookThePrecariat:TheNewDangerousClass(2011)Guy
Standingarguesthatprecariousworkersformadistinctsocialclasswithseparateconditionsandinterestsfrom
otherworkers.
[22]Cf.BrettNeilsonandNedRossiter.FromPrecaritytoPrecariousnessandBackAgain:Labour,Lifeand
UnstableNetworks.TheFibrecultureJournal,vol.5(2005):availableonlineat:http://five.fibreculturejournal.org/fcj
022fromprecaritytoprecariousnessandbackagainlabourlifeandunstablenetworks/[24October2013].
[23]StakhanovitearemodelworkersintheformerSovietUnion,whowereexceptionallyhardworkingand
productive.
[24]PrecariasalaDerivaisaninitiativebetweenresearchandactivismwhicharosefromthefeministsocialcenter
LaEskaleraKarakolainMadrid,initiallyasaresponsetothegeneralstrikeinSpaininJuneof2002.
[25]Lorey,op.cit.StateofInsecurity.p.92
[26]Ibid.p.94.
[27]Ibid.p.97.
[28]Ibid.p.69.
[29]Ibid.p.19.
[30]IsabellLorey.'AutonomyandPrecarization.(trans.AileenDerieg).In:PascalGielen.Mobile
Autonomy.OrganizingOurselvesasArtistsToday.Amsterdam:Valiz,2015(forthcoming):48.
[31]Lorey,op.cit.StateofInsecurity.p.15.
[32]Ibid.p.90.
[33]Ibid.p.19.
[34]Ibid.p.110111.
[35]Lorey,op.cit.'AutonomyandPrecarization.p.49.

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