IZDAVA/PUBLISHER:

ZA IZDAVAA/FOR THE PUBLISHER:

UREDNIK/EDITOR:
PRIJEVOD/TRANSLATION:
LEKTURA/PROOFING:
NASLOVNICA/ COVER
DESIGN&DTP:
TAMPA/PRINT:
TIRA/CIRCULATION:

INSTITUT ZA ISLAMSKU TRADICIJU BONJAKA /

INSTITUTE FOR ISLAMIC TRADITION OF BOSNIAKS
DR. DEVADA UKO
HIKMET KARI
HIKMET KARI, PETER LIPPMAN, ZUBEJDA KADI
ELMINA KULAI; RICHARD NEWELL
MAHIRA HADI
TARIK BEI
PRINT LINE
300

MADE IN
PORTUGAL
SARAJEVO , Maj/May 2015


Obiljeavanje genocida u Srebrenici slui
kao upozorenje za budue generacije jer bez
sjeanja nee se prevazii zlo niti e se nauiti
lekcije za budunost.

Pred Vama je druga izloba Instituta
za islamsku tradiciju Bonjaka. Ovu izlobu smo
organizirali povodom obiljeavanja 20 godina od
genocida u Srebrenici (1995-2015). Izloba nosi
naslov Masovne grobnice u Bosni i Hercegovini
autora Muhameda Mujkia koji svojim vlastitim
fotografijama svjedoi sistemsko istrebljenje
Bonjaka. Zahvaljujemo se autoru koji se sloio
da izloba bude popratni dogaaj meunarodne
naune konferencije Genocid u Srebrenici:
ka trajnom sjeanju. Smatrali smo vanim da
pored izlaganja renomiranih naunika iz Bosne
i Hercegovine kao i iz inostranstva, ponudimo
izlobu koja e vizuelno prikazati i prisjeati na
genocid u Srebrenici.

Dalekoseni je znaaj konferencije i
izlobe prepoznala i medijska kua Al Jazeera
Balkans koja je glavni medijski pokrovitelj na emu
joj se zahvaljujemo. Zahvaljujemo se takoer na
podrci Fondaciji Konrad Adenauer, Kantonu
Sarajevo na elu sa Premijerom mr. Elmedinom
Konakoviem, predsjedavajuem Opinskog
vijea Centar dr. Nedadu Ajnadiu, naelniku
Opine Stari Grad mr. Ibrahimu Hadibajriu kao i
naelniku Opine Novi Grad mr. Semiru Efendiu.
Rijei zahvale upuujemo i direktorici Muzeja
grada Sarajevo Amri Madarevi.

Marking the Srebrenica genocide will
serve as a warning for future generations, because
without its memories, it will not be possible
to overcome evil nor will it be possible to learn
lessons for the future.

Today you will see the second exhibition
from the Institute for Islamic Tradition of
Bosniaks. We organized it to mark the 20th
anniversary of the Srebrenica genocide (19952015). The exhibition is titled Mass graves in
Bosnia and Herzegovina by Muhamed Mujki
who, with his own photographs, bears witness
to the systematic extermination of Bosniaks.
We thank this artist, who agreed to create the
exhibition as an accompanying event of the
scientific international conference Genocide
in Srebrenica: Towards a long-lasting memory.
We considered it important, alongside the
presentations of renowned scientists from
Bosnia and Herzegovina and abroad, to offer an
exhibition that will visually show, and remember
the genocide in Srebrenica.

The far-reaching significance of this
conference is recognized By Al-Jazeera Balkans,
which is the main media partner for which we are
grateful. We are thankful, also, for the support
from the Konrad Adenauer Foundation, the
Canton of Sarajevo headed by its prime minister
mr. Elmedin Konakovi, to Chairman of the
Municipal Council Centar dr. Nedad Ajnadi,
the Mayor of Stari Grad municipality mr. Ibrahim
Hadibajri and to the mayor of Municipality
Novi Grad mr. Semir Efendi. We would also like
to thank the director of the Sarajevo Museum,
Amra Madarevi

dr. Devada uko

Institut za islamsku tradiciju Bonjaka,
direktorica / Institute for Islamic Tradition of
Bosniaks, director
7


Predstavnitvo u Bosni i Hercegovini
Fondacije Konrad Adenauer se raduje to je
podralo konferenciju Instituta za islamsku tradiciju
Bonjaka pod nazivom Genocid u Srebrenici: Ka
trajnom sjeanju. Budui da se pribliava 20.
godinjica genocida, smatrali smo da je vrlo bitno da
se prisjetimo tragedije koja se tamo dogodila, kao i
da odamo poast rtvama najgoreg masakra nakon
Holokausta. Nadamo se da e informacije koje e
biti prezentirane u iduim danima na konferenciji,
biti dostupne irokom krugu ljudi, kao i lokalnom
stanovnitvu.

Bez pristupa punoj istini o dogaajima koji
su se odigrali za vrijeme rata u Bosni i Hercegovini
u periodu izmeu 1992. i 1995. bit e teko mladima
i buduim generacijama onima koji nisu sami
doivjeli konflikt da surauju u naporima da sauvaju sjeanje na dogaaje i rtve i da zajedniki
rade za bolju budunost. Kultura sjeanja sprjeava
zaborav. A onaj ko ne zaboravlja, tako to je iskustvo
po sjeanju uinio dijelom sebe, nije u opasnosti da
ponovi historiju. To je snaga sjeanja u kojoj lei naa
nada.

The Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftungs Office
in Bosnia and Herzegovina is pleased to support
the Institute for Islamic Tradition of Bosniaks in the
implementation of the conference Genocide in
Srebrenica: Towards a Long-Lasting Memory. As
the 20th anniversary of the genocide approaches,
we feel that it is of critical importance to remember
the crimes that took place and honor the victims
of the worst massacre to occur on European soil
since the Holocaust. It is our hope that the information presented here over the next few days will
become widely available and accessible to the local
population.

Without access to full information about
the war-time events that occurred in Bosnia and
Herzegovina between 1992 and 1995, it will be
difficult for todays youth and future generations
those who have no personal memories of the
conflict to come together in an effort to remember
and honor the victims and work jointly towards a
better future. The culture of memory prevents us from
forgetting, and those who dont forget because
theyve internalized such memories are not in danger
of repeating history, and the events of Srebrenica.
That is the power of memory - and the power upon
which our hope rests.

Dr. Karsten Duemmel

Fondacija Konrad Adenauer Predstavnitvo u
BiH/ The Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftungs Office in
Bosnia and Herzegovina

Pismo iz Srebrenice/
Made in Portugal
LETTER FROM SREBRENICA/
MADE IN PORTUGAL
Hasan Nuhanovi


Danas sam identificirao brata po njegovim patikama.

Jesenas mi javili za mater. Nali je, ono to je ostalo od nje, u jednom potoku, selo Jarovlje, dva
kilometra od Vlasenice. Ovi Srbi to tu ive bacali etrnaest godina smee na nju. Nije bila sama. Jo estero su
ubili na istom mjestu. Spaljeni. Rekoh, nadam se da su spaljeni nakon to su izdahnuli. Jesenas, isto, odem na
sud da vidim Predraga Bastaha Cara. Rekao mi jedan Srbin u Vlasenici, dao mu ja poslije sto maraka, da ih je
Car polio benzinom i zapalio. Kad sam ga u sudnici vidio, a sude mu to je klao devedeset i druge, ne imadoh
ta ni vidjeti. Nekakav zakrljali odbacak. Valjda je cio ivot ekao svojih pet minuta da bude neko.I dobio ih
je devedeset i druge. Pa onda nije bilo muslimana vie ivih za klanje do pada Srebrenice. ekao je on vie
od dvije godine a onda mu opet zapadoe aka u mene mati i jo neki. Naredbodavac njegov, evo ga radi u
Sarajevu, tako mi rekao jedan drugi Srbin, a njemu sam dao tristo maraka.

Pripremih se da je ukopam ove godine pored oca. Oca identificirae prije etiri godine, a jedanaest godina nakon smaknua. Malo vie od pola kostiju, kau, nali. Lubanja smrskana odzada. Ne znade
mi rei doktor je l i to nakon smrti. Sekundarna grobnica - anari 5. Zvornika Kamenica. Trinaest je tu
grobnica a sve tijela to su ih etnici, iz primarne grobnice kod Pilice, farma Branjevo, malo prije Daytona,
buldoerima zgrnuli, natovarili na kamione i odvezli etrdeset kilometara dalje, tu ih istresli i ponovo zatrpali.

Bilo ih je tu oko hiljadu i pet stotina. Tako kau oni iz Tribunala. itao sam izjavu jednog od krvnika
koji kae: Nisam vie mogao pucati, kaiprst mi bio utrnuo koliko sam ih pobio. Ubijao sam ih satima.
Neko im, kae, bio obeao po pet maraka za svakog muslimana kojeg ubiju tog dana. Ree i da su natjerali
vozae autobusa da izau i ubiju barem nekoliko muslimana kako ne bi poslije nikad o tome priali. Eto, jadni
vozai. Jadan Erdemovi to kae da je morao ubijati ili bi on bio ubijen. Svi su morali, eto, a samo je Mladi
kriv jer on je to, kau, sve naredio. I kad uhvate Mladia, jednoga dana, on e rei, kao pravi srpski junak: Ja
preuzimam odgovornost za sve Srbe i za cijeli srpski narod.Samo sam ja kriv, sudite meni a njih sve pustite.
I onda emo svi, i mi i Srbi i ostali, biti sretni i zadovoljni. Skinut emo gae i izljubit emo se. Nee nam vie
trebati stranci ni za ta.

Prole godine napravie im svima kamene niane, lijepe, bijele. Svi isti, pod konac. Do oca dva prazna
mjesta. eka on ve tri godine moju majku i svog sina, Muhameda, da ih polegnu kraj njega. I rekoe mi za
majku.Spremih se da je sahranim kod oca ovog 11. jula 2010. A onda me neki dan zovnue telefonom - kau
imamo podudaranje DNK ali nismo sto posto sigurni. Rekoe da doem u Tuzlu. I danas ja odem.

12

Today I identified my brother by his tennis
shoes.

In the fall they got in touch with me about
my mother. They found her, or what was left of her,
in a creek, in thevillageofJarovlje, two kilometers
from Vlasenica. My home town. The Serbs who live
there threw garbage on her for fourteen years. She
wasnt alone. They killed another six in the same
place. Burned. I hope they were burned after they
died.

Last fall, also, I went to court to see Predrag
Czar Bastah. A Serb in Vlasenica told me I gave
him a hundred marks that Czar had poured gas
on them and lit them on fire. When I saw him in the
courtroom, they were trying him for slaughtering
people in 92, there was nothing for me to see. Just
some stunted piece of trash. Probably he waited
all his life for his chance to be somebody for five
minutes. And he got his chance in 92. After that
there were no more Muslims around to slaughter
until Srebrenica fell. He waited more than two more
years and then my mother and a few others fell into
his hands. His commander, who ordered the killings,
now works here in Sarajevo. Thats what another
Serb told me I gave him three hundred marks. Im
preparing to bury them this year next to my father.
They identified my father four years ago, eleven years
after his execution. They found a little more than half
his bones, they say. His skull smashed from behind.
The doctor couldnt tell me whether that happened
after he died. They found him in a secondary mass
grave, Cancari. Kamenica near Zvornik. There are thirteen mass grave sites there. The Chetniks dug them
up with bulldozers from the primary grave at Pilica,
the Branjevo farm, a little before the time of Dayton,
piled them on trucks and took them there, forty

kilometers away, to dump them and bury them

again.

There were around 1500 of them killed
there. Thats what they say at the Tribunal. I read
the statement of one of the murderers who says,
I couldnt shoot anymore, my index finger was starting to get numb from so much killing. I was killing
them for hours. Someone, he says, had promised
them five marks for each Muslim that they kill that
day. And he says that they made the bus drivers get
out and kill at least a few of the Muslims so that they
wouldnt talk about this to anyone later.


Oh yes, poor drivers. Poor Drazen Erdemovic,
who says that he had to kill or he would be killed.
They all had to do it, you see, and only Mladic is
guilty because, they say, he ordered it all. And when
they catch Mladic, some day, hell say, like a real Serb
hero, I am taking the responsibility for all Serbs and
for the whole Serb nation. Only I am guilty, judge me
and let everyone else go. And then all of us, we and
the Serbs and the rest of them, well be satisfied and
happy. Well rip off our clothes and jump into bed
together. We will no longer need the foreigners for
anything.

Last year they put up headstones for
everyone, nice ones, white in color, all the same,
lined up in rows. Two empty spaces by my father.
Hes waiting three years for my mother and his son,
Muhamed, for them to be laid next to him.

Then they told me about my mother. I was
preparing to bury her by my father this July 11th, 2010.
And then the other day they called me on the phone
they said they had a DNA identification for my
brother, but they werent a hundred percent sure.
They said to come toTuzla, and I went today.

TuzlaPodrinjski indetifiacioni projekat (PIP) je mrtvanica u kojoj se

provodi sudskomedicinska obrada posmrtnih ostataka i identifiacija rtava
stradalih 1995. godine prilikom pada Srebrenice.
TuzlaPodrinje Identifiation Project (PIP) is a morgue in which forensic
processing and identifiation of the remains of victims
killed in 1995 during the fall of Srebrenica are conducted

14

15


Kupio ja Braci devedeset i pete u proljee nove patike, Adidaske, preko nekog stranca.Donio ih on iz
Beograda kad se vraao u Srebrenicu s odmora.Nije ih Braco nosio ni mjesec-dva kad se ono sve desilo.Kupio
mu ja i Leviske, 501. Imao je to na sebi. Znam tano i koju je majicu imao na sebi i koju koulju. I pokaza mi
danas doktor fotografije - odjee.Kae - nema puno, vrlo malo, ali imaju patike. Kad je stavio sliku pred mene
na sto - ugledam patike, Bracine Adidaske, kao da ih je neki dan skinuo sa sebe. Nisu ni odvezane.


Donese doktor vreu preda me i istrese na jedan karton sve to su na njegovim posmrtnim ostacima
nali.I nakon petnaest godina ekanja uzeh Bracine patike u ruke. Pored njih i kai, velika metalna toka, i ostaci
Leviski. Imaju i arape, obje.


Traio sam onu poznatu etiketu od Leviski 501 - kako bi nam i to potvrdilo Bracin identitet. Uzeh u
ruke ostatke Bracinih farmerki, nakon petnaest godina. Metalna dugmad. Ostaci od unutranjih depova. Sve
od pamuka se raspalo. Nema ga vie. Ostala samo sintetika. Etiketa neka, drugaija, visi itava, samo malo
zaprljana, zapetljana u tim koncima, nitima, ostacima. Proitam traei znak Leviski. Pie: Made inPortugal.


Cijeli dan mi pred oima to Made in Portugal. I cijeli ivot e mi, mislim, biti to pred oima.
Zamrzit u sve to je Made inPortugal, kao to sam zamrzio Heineken pivo koje su holandski vojnici lokali u
Potoarima, u bazi, nepunih sat nakon to su sve muslimane istjerali iz nje - pravo etnicima u ruke. Ili u
moda zavoljeti sve na emu pie Made inPortugal, sve to e me, do kraja ivota, podsjeati na mog
ubijenog brata.


In the spring of 95, I bought my brother new tennis shoes, Adidas, from some foreigner. He brought
them fromBelgradeon his way back to Srebrenica from vacation. My brother hadnt been wearing them
more than a month or two, when that all happened. And I bought him Levi 501s, he was wearing those. I know
exactly what T-shirt he was wearing and what overshirt. And today the doctor showed me a photograph
the clothes. He said, there isnt much, very little, but there are tennis shoes. When he put the picture on the
table in front of me, I looked at the sneakers, my brothers Adidas, as if he had just taken them off the other
day. They werent even untied.

The doctor brings in a bag and shakes out everything that they found on his remains into a box in
front of me. And after waiting for fifteen years I take my brothers sneakers in my hands. And besides that a
belt, with a big metal buckle, and whats left of hisLevis. And his socks, both of them.

I looked for that well-known slogan on theLevis, that would also confirm my brothers identity. I took the
remains of my brothers jeans into my hands, after fifteen years. Metal buttons. Part of the inside of the pockets.
Everything that was made of cotton had fallen apart. Only the synthetic material was left. Some other tag
hangs untouched, just a little dirty, stuck in those threads, in the strands, the fragments.

I read it, looking for theLevistrade mark. It says, Made inPortugal. All day I see that Made inPortugal before my eyes. And for my whole life, I think, I will see that. Im going to hate everything that was Made
in Portugal, just like I hated Heineken beer that the Dutch UN soldiers had guzzled in Potocari, on the base,
less than an hour after they drove all the Muslims off it handing them over, right into the Serbs hands. Or
maybe I will love everything that has Made inPortugal written on it, everything that will remind me, until
the end of my life, of my murdered brother.


Prie mi, tad, jedan holandski vojnik, malo mlai, i nudi mi karton piva, i Marlboro. Ja odmahnem
glavom. On samo slee ramenima i ode. I ja, kao i svi ostali, petnaest godina sam molio Boga da, kad jednom
saznamo ta se dogodilo, bude da nisu dugo patili, da nisu umirali u mukama.

Oni su mrtvi ve petnaest godina. Te godine neka nova djeca su se rodila.I danas ta djeca imaju
petnaest godina. Nekome je 11. jula ove godine petnaesti roendan.
Ja neu nikada, niim, uiniti nita to bi toj djeci ugrozilo budunost.Neu to ni pomisliti. Da Bog da da se ovo
vie nikome nikada ne dogodi. Samo, nema amnestije, jarane. Za krvnike nema amnestije.

Pitae me urnalisti puno puta, a neki dan ponovo: koja je moja poruka za budue generacije. Ja im
ispriam kako sam nakon Daytona u autu prolazio kroz istonu Bosnu traei tragove nestalih, ubijenih. Znao
sam da kod Konjevi Polja, Nove Kasabe, Glogove, kuda se ide u Srebrenicu, ima masovnih grobnica, da su ih
pune livade. I kad sam se tim putem vozio u dane kad je sve cvjetalo, kad se sve zelenilo, ja tu ljepotu nisam
vidio. Ja sam samo vidio masovne grobnice koje kriju te livade. Ispod cvijea leali su nai oevi i braa, sinovi.

Njihove kosti.

Vozio sam se pored mjesta gdje ive Srbi - gledam ih kroz prozor i mislim: ko je od njih ubica? Ko je
od njih ubica? Godinama je bilo tako. Godinama. A onda, jednog dana, pored puta na livadi za koju sam uo
da krije masovnu grobnicu, igrala se jedna djevojica. Imala je pet-est godina. Ba kao moja kerka. Znao sam
da su tu srpske kue.

Trala je ta djevojica preko livade.I sve mi se pomijealo - i al, i bol, i mrnja.

A onda pomislim: jadna djevojica, kome je ona ta skrivila. Ona i ne zna ta se nalazi ispod te livade,
ispod cvijea. Bi mi ao te male djevojice koja je izgledala ba kao moja kerka. Mogle bi se zajedno igrati na
livadi - pomislim.

I poelim da ta djevojica i moja kerka nikada ne doive ono to smo mi doivjeli. Nikada. One
zasluuju ljepu budunost. Eto to sam rekao tim urnalistima. Ovi posljednji su bili iz Beograda.
I eto, potvrdi mi doktor Keetovi - bit e spremni posmrtni ostaci moga brata za denazu ovog 11. jula. Isto kao
da se Braco javio u posljednji as da bude sahranjen zajedno s majkom, pored oca koji ih eka u Potoarima.

I tako e, konano, moj otac, ubijen u Pilici, ekshumiran u Kamenici, moj brat ubijen u Pilici, ekshumiran
u Kamenici, i moja majka, ubijena u Vlasenici, ekshumirana iz potoka ispod smea, leati jedno do drugoga u
Potoarima.

18

A Dutch soldier, then, a little younger,
came up to me and offered me a beer and a
Marlboro. I shook my head. He just shrugged
and walked away.

And for fifteen years I, like all the
rest, prayed to God that when we finally find
out what happened, it will be that they didnt
suffer long, that they didnt die in torment.

They have been dead for fifteen
years. In that year some new children were
born. And now those children are fifteen years
old. This July 11th will be someones fifteenth
birthday.

I will never do anything, in any way,
that would endanger those childrens future. I
would not even think of that. May God grant
that this will never happen to anyone again.
But, there is no amnesty, my friend. For the
guilty there is no amnesty.

The reporters ask me all the time,
and again the other day: what is my message
for future generations. I tell them about how
afterDaytonI drove through easternBosniain
a car, looking for the traces of the disappeared,
the murdered. I knew that near Konjevic Polje,
Nova Kasaba, Glogova, on any of the routes
towards Srebrenica, there are mass graves,
that the meadows are full of them. And when
I drove that way when everything was blooming, when it was all green, I did not see that
beauty. I only saw the mass graves that those
meadows hid. Under the flowers our fathers
and brothers were lying, our sons. Their bones.
I drove by the places where Serbs live I look
at them through the window and think, which

of them is a murderer? Which of them is a murderer?

It was like that for years. For years. And then, one
day, by the road on a meadow where I had heard
that a mass grave was concealed, a little girl was
playing. She was five or six. Just like my daughter. I
knew those were Serb houses.

The little girl ran across the meadow. And
everything mixed together in me sorrow, and
pain, and hate.

And then I think, that poor little girl, what
is she guilty of? She doesnt even know what lies
under that meadow, under the flowers. Im sorry
for that girl who looked just like my daughter. They
could be playing together on that meadow.

And I wish that that little girl and my daughter
will never experience what we lived through. Never.
They deserve a nicer future. Thats what I said to
those journalists. Those last ones were from in
Belgrade.

And so, Dr. Kesetovic confirms the mortal
remains of my brother will be prepared for the funeral
on July 11th. It is just as if my brother had managed
to check in at the last minute, in time to be buried
together with my mother, beside my father who lies
waiting for them in Potocari.

And so my father, murdered in Pilica and
exhumed in Kamenica, my brother, murdered in
Pilica and exhumed in Kamenica, and my mother,
murdered in Vlasenica and exhumed from under the
garbage the creek at Jarovlje, will finally rest beside
each other in Potocari.

Plan genocida:
Unitenje Muslimana
Istone Bosne
Blueprint for Genocide:
The Destruction of
Muslims in
Eastern Bosnia
Hikmet Kari


Atmosfera u Bosni i Hercegovini s
poetka 1992. godine bila je prilino napeta. Srpska
Demokratska Stranka na elu sa Radovanom
Karadiem se ve naoruavala i planirala
stvaranje etniki iste srpske drave. Bosanski
Srbi su uspostavili sopstvenu skuptinu sainjenu
od srpskih politiara i proglasili Autonomnu
Pokrajinu Krajina poludravu u iji sastav su
ule optine regije Krajina u Bosni kao i srpske
autonomne oblasti Romanija, Bira i Hercegovina,
pod zajednikim nazivom Republika Srpska.
Odmah nakon proglaenja nezavisnosti Bosne
i Hercegovine 1. marta 1992. godine, pojavile
su se barikade irom zemlje. Srbi su zahtijevali
odvajanje optina, stvaranje paralelnih institucija
i ostanak ovih autonomnih oblasti u Jugoslaviji. U
aprilu, srpske specijalne formacije pod nazivom
Tigrovi i Bijeli orlovi su, zajedno sa regularnom
Jugoslovenskom Narodnom Armijom, napali
pogranine gradove Zvornik, Bijeljinu i Viegrad.
Rat je zvanino zapoeo.

The atmosphere in Bosnia and
Herzegovina at the start of 1992 was quite
tense. The Serb Democratic Party headed by
Radovan Karadi was already being armed and
plans for creating an ethnically pure Serb state
were well under way. The Bosnian Serbs had
already created their own assembly made up of
Serb politicians, established the Autonomous
Region of Krajina a semi-state consisting of
municipalities in the Krajina region of Bosnia
as well as the Serb Autonomous Regions of
Romanije, Bira and Herzegovina, collectively
known as Republika Srpska. As soon as Bosnia
and Herzegovina declared independence on 1
March 1992, barricades popped up all over the
country. The Serbs demanded the separation of
municipalities, the creation of parallel institutions
and that these Autonomous Regions remain in
Yugoslavia. In April, Serb Special Forces, named
The Tigers and The White Eagles attacked,
along with the regular Yugoslav Peoples Army,
the border towns of Zvornik, Bijelina and
Viegrad. The war had officially started.

25


Na prvoj meti su se nali intelektualci i
elite. Na stotine njih je pogubljeno a na hiljade
protjerano iz svojih domova i preputeno
traenju sklonita u podrujima pod kontrolom
bosanskih vlasti. Bosanski Srbi su bili okirani
obimom neoekivanog otpora, naroito nakon
neuspjelog pokuaja Vojske bosanskih Srba da
zauzme zgradu Predsjednitva u Sarajevu 2.
maja 1992. godine. Poto je rat ve trajao due
nego to se prvobitno oekivalo, odrana je
esnaesta sjednica Skuptine tadanje Srpske
Republike Bosne i Hercegovine u Banja Luci,
najveem gradu u Republici Srpskoj. Vodila se
duga diskusija o tome kako i ta treba uiniti da
bi se obezbijedila srpska pobjeda. Predsjednik
Republike Srpske, Radovan Karadi, najavio je
tom prilikom strateke ciljeve srpskog naroda
u Bosni i Hercegovini. Ove ciljeve je prihvatila
Srpska Skuptina kao zvaninu politiku Republike
Srpske tokom rata:

The intellectuals and elites were targeted

first. Hundreds were executed, and thousands
expelled from their homes, left to seek refuge
in Bosnian Government-controlled areas. The
Bosnian Serbs were shocked by the amount
of unexpected resistance especially after the
Bosnian Serb Armys failure to take control of the
Presidency building in Sarajevo on 2 May 1992. As
the war already seemed to be lasting longer than
had previously been assumed, on 12 May, the
16th session of the assembly of the-then Serbian
Republic of B&H was held in Banja Luka, the
largest city in the RS. There was a long discussion
on how and what should be done to bring about
a Serb victory. The President of the Republika
Srpska, Radovan Karadi then announced the
strategic goals of the Serb people in Bosnia and
Herzegovina. These goals were adopted by the
Serb Assembly and became the official policy of
Republika Srpska throughout the war:

est stratekih ciljeva srpskog naroda:

The Six Strategic Goals of the Serbian Nation

1.

State delineation from the other two national

communities.

2.

The establishment of a corridor between

Semberia and Krajina.

1.

Dravno razgranienje od druge dvije nacionalne

zajednice,

2.

Koridor izmeu Semberije i Krajine,

3.

Uspostavljanje koridora u dolini rijeke Drine,

odnosno eliminisanje Drine kao granice izmeu
srpskih drava,

3.

The establishment of a corridor in the valley of

the Drina River, meaning the elimination of the
Drina as a border between the two Serb states.

4.

Uspostavljanje granice na rijekama Uni i Neretvi,

4.

5.

Podjela grada Sarajeva na srpski i muslimanski dio

i uspostavljanje u svakom od dijelova efektivne
dravne vlasti,

The Establishment of a border on the rivers of the

Una and Neretva.

5.

The Division of the city of Sarajevo into Serb and

Muslim parts, and the establishment of a state
authority in each part.

6.

Izlaz republike Srpske na more.1

6.

Creation of outlet for Republika Srpska to the

sea.1

Lara J. Nettelfield, Courting Democracy in Bosnia and Herzegovina,

Cambridge University Press, p. 68

Lara J. Nettelfield, Courting Democracy in Bosnia and Herzegovina,

Cambridge University Press, p. 68
27

Prvi strateki cilj bio je razgranienje

srpske nacionalne zajednice od zajednica
Muslimana i Hrvata a koje bi vodilo ka stvaranju
etniki iste srpske drave na teritoriji Bosne
i Hercegovine. Drugim stratekim ciljem bi
se ostvarila teritorijalna povezanost izmeu
Republike Srpska Krajina (srpska republika u
Hrvatskoj koja je vojno poraena 1995. godine) i
Jugoslavije (koja se tada sastojala samo od Srbije,
Makedonije i Crne Gore).

The first strategic goal was the
separation of the Serb community from the
Muslim and Croats communities, leading to
the creation of an ethnically clean Serb state
on Bosnian territory. The second strategic goal
would create to a territorial connection between
the Republika Srpska Krajina (the Serb republic
in Croatia which was militarily defeated in 1995)
and Yugoslavia (which by then, comprised only
of Serbia, Macedonia and Montenegro)

Trei strateki cilj je precizno definisao
Radovan Karadi u svom obraanju Skuptini:
I s jedne i s druge strane Drine smo mi, nai
strateki interesi i na ivotni prostor. Trenutno
vidimo mogunost osnivanja nekih muslimanskih
optina uz Drinu, kao enklava, da bi oni ostvarili
svoja prava, ali taj pojas u osnovi mora da
pripadne Srpskoj Bosni i Hercegovini. Koliko god
je to od strateke koristi za nas na pozitivan nain,
toliko nam pomae u ugroavanju interesa naih
neprijatelja da otvore koridor koji bi ih povezao
sa islamskom internacionalom (zvanina
srpska propaganda je predstavljala Bonjake
kao fundamentaliste koji prieljkuju osnivanje
islamske drave i povezivanje sa drugim
Muslimanima na Balkanu, takozvane zemlje
Zelene transverzale) i tako ovaj prostor uine
trajno nestabilnim.2

The third strategic goal, was well
defined by Radovan Karadi during his speech
in assembly: We are on both sides of the Drina
and our strategic interest andour living space are
there. We now see a possibility for some Muslim
municipalities to be set up along the Drina as
enclaves, in order for them to achieve their rights,
but that belt along the Drina must basically
belong to Serbian Bosnia and Herzegovina. As
much as it is strategically useful for us in a positive
way, it helps us by damaging the interests of our
enemy in establishing a corridor which would
connect them to the Muslim International
[Official Serb propaganda portrayed Bosniaks as
fundamentalist who wish to establish a Muslim
state and connect with the other Muslims in the
Balkans so-called Green Transversal]and render
this area permanently unstable.2

Transkript suenja Krajiniku, ICTY, 13 juni 2006, http://www.

ictytranscripts.org/trials/krajisnik/060613IT.htm

Krajisnik Trial Transcript, ICTY, 13 June 2006, http://www.ictytran

scripts.org/trials/krajisnik/060613IT.htm
29


U presudi Zdravku Tolimiru koji je
proglaen krivim za genocid u Srebrenici i epi
istaknuto je da je politika prisilnog iseljavanja
Bonjaka iz Istone Bosne izloena u est
stratekih ciljeva 12. maja 1992 godine. Tolimir,
pomonik zapovjednika Obavjetajne i bezbjednosne slube Armije bosanskih Srba, osuen je
2012. godine po est osnova: genocid, udruivanje
radi vrenja genocida, istrebljivanje, ubistvo,
progon zbog etnike pripadnosti i prisilno premjetanje. Osuen je na doivotnu kaznu zatvora.

Ovih est stratekih ciljeva je oznailo
poetnu taku kojom je oblikovan ostatak rata.
Najuasniji zloini su poinjeni nakon
usvajanja ciljeva u Srpskoj Skuptini. Oni su kasnije
elaborirani i nadograivani Direktivom 4 i,
konano, Direktivom 7 koju je Armiji bosanskih
Srba izdao Predsjednik Republike Srpske Radovan
Karadi nekoliko sedmica prije pada Srebrenice i epe. Direktivom 7 od 8. marta 1995.
godine izdate su sljedee naredbe Drinskom
korpusu Armije Republike Srpske: Potrebno
je to vie neprijateljskih snaga onemoguiti
diverzivnim i aktivnim borbenim operacijama na
sjeverozapadnom dijelu fronta, koristei operacione i taktike mjere kamuflae, dok se u smjeru
enklava Srebrenica i epa treba to prije obaviti
potpuno fiziko razdvajanje Srebrenice od epe,
spreavanjem bilo kakve komunikacije meu
ljudima ovih dviju enklava.

30

In the Trial Chamber judgement of
Zdravko Tolimir in which he was found guilty of
genocide in Srebrenica and epa, it was found
that the policy of forcibly removing the Bosniaks
of Eastern Bosnia was laid out within the Six
Strategic Objectives on 12th May 1992. Tolimir, an
Assistant Commander of Intelligence and Security for the Bosnian Serb Army, was convicted
in 2012, on six counts: genocide, conspiracy to
commit genocide, extermination, murder, persecution on ethnic grounds and forced transfer. The
Chamber sentenced him to life imprisonment.

The Six Strategic Objectives were the
starting points which shaped the rest of the war.
The most horrible crimes were committed after
these objectives were adopted by the Serb
Assembly. They were later further elaborated
upon and upgraded by Directive 4 and finally
Directive 7, issued by Republika Srpska President Radovan Karai to the Bosnian Serb Army
several weeks before both Srebrenica and epa
fell. Directive 7 of 8 March 1995 issued the
following commands to the Drina Corps of the
Republika Srpska Army: As many enemy forces
as possible should be tied down by diversionary and active combat operations on the N/W
part of the front, using operational and tactical
camouflage measures, while in the direction of
the Srebrenica and epa enclaves complete
physical separation of Srebrenica from epa
should be carried out as soon as possible, preventing even communication between individuals in the two enclaves.

31

Planiranim i dobro smiljenim borbenim operacijama, stvoriti nepodnoljivu situaciju apsolutne nesigurnosti bez nade za preivljavanje stanovnika
Srebrenice i epe3

By planned and well-thought out combat operations, create an unbearable situation of total insecurity with no hope of further survival or life for
the inhabitants of Srebrenica and epa. 3

Ove godine obiljeavamo dvadesetu godinjicu genocida nad Bonjacima Srebrenice i Istone Bosne. Zloini u i oko Srebrenice zbili su se
u nekoliko dana jula 1995. godine iako su zapravo poeli mnogo ranije, ve 1992. godine, ubrzo
nakon to je Karadi najavio svoje ciljeve. Skloni
smo da zaboravimo da je za izvrenje tako ogromnog i uasnog zloina kao to je ovaj potrebno
imati politiku i vojnu namjeru unitenja grupe
ljudi u cjelosti ili djelimino. est stratekih
ciljeva pokazuju, izmeu ostalog, namjeru istrebljenja Bonjaka Istone Bosne koji ive u dolini
rijeke Drine. esnaesta sjednica Skuptine Srpske
Republike Bosne i Hercegovine moe se smatrati
Vanzejskom konferencijom bosanskog genocida.
Jedina razlika je u tome to su sudionici te skuptine jo uvijek aktivni politiari suvremene Bosne
i Hercegovine.

This year we mark the 20th anniversary of
the genocide against the Bosniaks of Srebrenica
and Eastern Bosnia. The crimes in and around
Srebrenica are mostly narrowed down to a
couple of days in July 1995, though in reality they
began much earlier in 1992, soon after Karadzic
announced his goals. We tend to forget that in
order to commit such a widespread and horrible
crime such as this, it is necessary to have political
and military intent to destroy a group - in whole or
in part. The Six Strategic Objectives demonstrate
amongst other things, the intent to eliminate
those Bosniaks of Eastern Bosnia living along the
Drina valley. The 16th session of the Assembly of
the Serbian Republic of B&H could be considered
as the Bosnian Genocides Wannsee Conference.
The only difference is that the participants of this
Assembly are still active as politicians in modernday Bosnia and Herzegovina.

3
Transkript suenja Popoviu, ICTY, 17 novembar 2008, http://
www.icty.org/x/cases/popovic/trans/en/081117IT.htm

3
Popovic Trial Transcript, ICTY, 17 November 2008, http://www.icty.
org/x/cases/popovic/trans/en/081117IT.htm
33

34

35


Na prostorima Bosne i Hercegovine, po
prvi put u istoriji, zabiljeen je fenomen masivnog
dislociranja rtava i/ili dijelova posmrtnih ostataka rtava iz primarnih u sekundarne , tercijarne i
kvartalne masovne grobnice.

Iako je i u ranijoj istoriji bilo primjera da se
posmrtni ostaci rtava, s namjerom skrivanja
tragova zloina, unitavaju npr. spaljivanjem ili
premjetaju sa jednog na drugo mjesto, ipak su
takvi postupci bili tek sporadinog karaktera,
sve do genocida koji su pripadnici srpske vojske
uz obimnu vojnu, logistiku, finansijsku i propagandnu pomo institucija susjedne Srbije i Crne
Gore poinili tokom jula i narednih mjeseci 1995.
godine u i oko tzv. zatienih zona Ujedinjenih
nacija - u enklavama Srebenica i epa.

Traenje nestalih
osoba
Search for Missing
Persons
Amor Maovi

U samo nekoliko dana, bez suenja,
tokom arbitrarnih egzekucija likvidirano je vie
od 8.000 djeaka, mladia, ena i mukaraca stanovnika enklava Srebenica i epa. Velika veina njih bili su nenaoruani civili lieni slobode u
kampu holandskog bataljona UNPROFOR-a u Potoarima, ili u koloni izbjeglica iz Srebenice i epe,
koji su traili spas u pokuaju da se domognu
teritorije pod kontrolom snaga Armije Republike
Bosne i Hercegovine. Samo manji broj likvidivanih
imali su pravo na status ratnih zarobljenika jer su
zarobljeni kao borci tokom napada srpskih snaga
na kolonu.

For the first time in history, it was in the
territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina that a phenomenon of massive dislocations of victims and/
or parts of their mortal remains from primary
to secondary, tertiary, quaternary mass graves
occurred.

Although history is familiar with examples
where remains of victims, with the intention of
concealing the crime, are destroyed by burning
or moving from one place to another, such
actions were only of sporadic nature, all until
the genocide orchestrated by the Serb army
with substantial military, logistical, financial and
propaganda assistance from neighboring Serbia
and Montenegro was committed in and around
the so-called UN protected zones - in enclaves
of Srebenica and Zepa in July and subsequent
months of 1995.

In only a few days, without court trials,
in arbitrary executions, more than 8,000 boys,
women, and men, inhabitants of Srebenica and
Zepa enclaves were liquidated. The vast majority
of them were unarmed civilians detained in the
camp of the Dutch battalion of UNPROFOR in Potoari, or in lines of refugees from Srebrenica and
Zepa, seeking safety in an attempt to reach the
territory under the control of the Army of Bosnia
and Herzegovina. Only a small number of the liquidated were entitled to the status of prisoners
of war because they were captured as soldiers
during an attack by Serb forces on the refugee line.

37


Suprotno Treoj enevskoj konvenciji o
zatiti ratnih zarobljenika i oni su gotovo svi do
jednog likvidirani. Neposredno nakon egzekucija
uz pomo unaprijed pripremljene mehanizacije
(kamiona, buldoera, bagera, rovokopaa ...) u
vrlo kratkom roku vri se ukop rtava u masovne
grobnice koje sadre od nekoliko desetina do
vie stotina rtava, formirane bilo na mjestima
egzekucije bilo u neposrednoj blizini tih mjesta.

No, suoeni sa saznanjima o postojanju
satelitskih snimaka lokacija na kojima je vren
primami ukup, planeri i organizatori zloina,
uz sudjelovanje samih izvrilaca, ali i onih koji
nisu bili izravno involvirani u izvrenje genocida, donose odluku i istu provode u djelo, o
izmjetanju rtava iz primarnih u novopripremljene sekundarne grobnice. Pri tome se jedanput
ve destruirana tijela rtava (destrukcije nastale
prilikom prvobitnog ukopa uz upotrebu teke
mehanizacije), iznova dekomponiraju pri iskopavanju iz primarnih, transportu i ponovnom ukopu
na sekundarnim lokalitetima.

Ovakav necivilizacijski odnos spram tijela
ubijenih, pokazat e se to znatno kasnije, ne samo
da e oteati i u nekim sluajevima potpuno
onemoguiti reasocijaciju (kompletiranje) posmrtnih ostataka rtava, ve e na dui rok odgoditi ili zauvijek onemoguiti identifikaciju tih rtava.
Na taj nain uinak genocidnih radnji i njihovih pos
ljedica produava se na neodreeno vrijeme tj.
trajat e barem onoliko dugo koliko budu ivjeli
bliski srodnici ubijenih.

38

In spite of the Third Geneva Convention
on the protection of prisoners of war, almost all
of them were executed. Immediately after executions, by use of already prepared machinery
(trucks, bulldozers, excavators, loaders ...) victims
were hurriedly buried into mass graves of several
dozens to hundreds of victims. Mass graves were
dug on or near the locations of executions.

However, being aware of satellite monitoring of the sites of primary graves, planners
and organizers of crimes, with the participation
of perpetrators themselves, but also of those
who were not directly involved in genocide,
decided to relocate victims from primary to newly
prepared secondary graves. In this way, once
destructed bodies of victims (destruction caused
by initial burial with the use of heavy equipment),
were again decomposed during excavations
from primary graves, transportation, and re-burial
on secondary locations.

Much later, it will show that such
non-civilizational attitude toward the dead shall
not only aggravate, or in some cases disenable
re-association (completing) of the remains of
victims, but prolong their identification or make
it definitely impossible. Thus the actions of genocide and their consequences are prolonged
indefinitely, i.e. they will last at least as long as
relatives of the dead are alive.


Planeri,
organizatori,
podstrekai,
izvrioci i pomagai u izvrenju zloina genocida
jednako kao i oni koji danas minimiziraju ili negiraju
genocid nisu niti svjesni da svojim djelovanjem
samo dodatno motiviraju ne samo srodnike rtava
da ustraju u svojim zahtjevima za utvrivanje
istine o sudbini nestalih u masovnim grobnicama,
ve i one koji se profesionalno bave istraivanjem
i procesuiranjem zloina i zloinaca, da sa jo
veom upornou i zalaganjem nastave otkrivati zloine. Poricatelji genocida zapravo svo to
vrijeme rade u korist vlastite tete.

Odbijanje suoavanja sa posljedicama
genocida i u krajnjem njegovo minimiziranje ili
negiranje, neotkrivanje lokacija masovnih grobnica, za izvritelje i poricatelje genocida moe
znaiti samo jedno: Pria o genocidu i masovnim
grobnicama jo dugo vremena bit e top- tema
u domaoj i meunarodnoj javnosti.Politiki lideri
sa vizijom trebaju poduzeti hrabre i odlune
korake kako bi pria o genocidu i grobnicama
prestala biti naom svakodnevicom i postala
ono to je odavno trebala biti: samo dio naeg
individualnog i kolektivnog sjeanja i tema za
istoriare.

Vodei nacistiki zloinci svojim
nepriznavanjem i poricanjem holokausta prii
o holokaustu udahnuli su vjeni ivot. Hoe li i
genocid nad Bonjacima postati i ostati vjena
tema na prostorima nae zemlje i regiona? Odluku o tome valja ekati iz Beograda i Banja Luke.

Planners, organizers, persuaders, perpetrators, and accessories in execution of a crime
of genocide, as well as those who even today try
to minimize or deny it, are not aware that they
only additionally motivate not only the relatives
of victims but also the professionals engaged
in investigation and prosecution of criminals to
persist even more in their endeavors to reveal
crimes. Deniers of genocide are actually working
against their own selves all the time

Denial or refusal to face the consequences of genocide by perpetrators or deniers
only means one thing: the story of genocide and
mass graves shall for a long time be a top subject
among the domestic and international public.
Political leaders who have a vision should take
courageous and decisive steps in order to bring
the story of genocide and graves to an end and
make it what it had to become long time ago:

a part of our individual and collective memory

and a subject of consideration by historians. By
their denial and unwillingness to admit holocaust, the Nazi criminals made the story of holocaust eternal.

Shall the Bosnian genocide become
and remain an eternal subject in our country
and in the region? The decision is awaited to
come from Belgrade and from Banja Luka.

41

42

43

44

Memorijalni centar Srebrenica-Potoari

Memorijalni centar je u septembru 2003. godine zvanino otvorio
predsjednik SAD-a Bill Clinton.
Susret sa majkama, enama srebrenice u Spomen sobi
memorijalnog Centra u Potoarima. Iste godine, u mjesecu martu,
na dan ukopa prvih 600 identifiiranih rtava genocida.
Memorial Centar Srebrenica-Potoari
The Memorial centar was offially opened in September 2003 by former
United States President Bill Clinton.
Meeting with mothers, women of Srebrenica in the Memorial Room
in the Memorial Center Srebrenica-Potoari. The same year, the first 600
identified genocide victims were buried in Potoari.

45

Masovne grobnice u
Bosni i hercegovini proces traenja i
ekshumacija
nestalih osoba
mass graves in bosnia and
herzegovina - process of
tracing and exhumation
missing persons

48

49

50


Zavirili smo samo malo u fragmete nae
stvarnosti, koja je daleko obimnija i istinski surova.
Hasanova tragedija me podsjeti na sve one nae
poetke dok smo traili nestale bosanskohercegovake rtve. Nadali smo se svaki dan da je neko koga
traimo iv, negdje.. ali e se vratiti. Nismo mogli ni
slutiti ta nas sve eka te 1996., 1997., 1998., 1999. sve
do sada, do ove 2015. godine , 20 godina od srebrenike tragedije, kada je onakva prolost identina
sadanjim skicama zasutim masovnim grobnicama.


Naa historija sada ima ovu stranu stranicu i mi se moramo nositi s tim. Moramo nauiti nae
sagovornike da sa velikom dozom potovanja biraju
rijei i ponaanje kada pominju Bosnu i Hercegovinu
u bilo kom kontekstu. Na nama je da istinu i termine
zovemo pravim imenom i prezimenom, a nae sagovornike nauimo kroz razne komunikacijske forme
da sve to pravovremeno koriste.

Ako je ovo prolost, pa evo i sadanjost, ta
je onda budunost?

Svi oni koji pokuavaju na bilo koji nain pobjei od istine, okoristiti se, preinaiti , oskrnaviti i za
boraviti je moraju se suoiti sa najstranijim mrakom kojeg ovjeanstvo pamti.
Mi smo ga ve osjetili i neemo to
zaboraviti.

We glanced only slightly into a fragment
of our reality which is far more extensive and truly harsh. Hasans tragedy reminds me of all our
begginnings while we were searching for missing
Bosnian and Herzegovinian victims. Everyday we
hoped that we would find somebody alive, somewhere... that he would come back. We never
suspected what was waiting for us those years 1996,
97, 98, 99 until today, since the Srebrenica tragedy,
when this past similar to todays sketches covered
with mass graves.

Our history now has this dreadfull page
and we must deal with it. We must teach our interlocutors to refer to Bosnia and Herzegovina with
a great deal of respect and carefuly chosen words
and behavior, when in any given context. It is up to
us to call truth with its right name and surname and
to teach our interlocutors, with diffrent communicational forms, to use it promptly.


If this is the past, and present, then what is
the future?


All those who try to evade the truth, gain
profit, diversify, desecrate and forget it must be
faced with the scariest darkness humanity has
known. We have already felt it and will not forget it.
autor:
Muhamed Mujki

51

52