German Lute Concertos of The Galant Era From B-BR MS II 4089

GERMAN LUTE CONCERTOS OF THE GALANT ERA
FROM B-Br MS I I 4089
by
Zak Ozmo
A Thesis Presented to the

FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
MASTER OF ARTS
(MUSICEARLY MUSIC PERFORMANCE)
December 2003
Copyright 2003
Zak Ozmo
R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f th e copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout perm ission.
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA

THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY PARK
LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA 90089-1695
This thesis, written by
Z ak Ozmo
under the direction of h
thesis committee, and
approved by all its members, has been presented to and

accepted by the Director o f Graduate and Professional
Programs, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the
degree of
x o f A rts
Director
Date
Dec*
1 8 s 2003
Thesis Committee
Chair
fi
DEDICATION
FOR MY PARENTS
GORDANA AND ELUAS OZMO
Ill
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank first of all Professor James Tyler and

Joyce Tyler for all of their mentoring and support during my studies
here at the University of Southern California. They have been
instrumental in my growth as both a performer and scholar, and Jims
help with completing this thesis has been invaluable. I would also
like to thank Professor Bryan Simms and Professor Giulio Ongaro for
their assistance in editing and in making many helpful suggestions.
Special thanks go to Professor Stephan Haas, a wonderful friend who
has been kind enough to assist in many of the German translations
needed for the completion of this work. I would also like to thank
Vanessa Rogers for her help in editorial work and for her endless
words of encouragement and support.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Dedication.
...........
Acknowledgements.
..ii
........
List of Figures.
iii
.........
..vi
Abstract............................
vii
PARTI
1
1
5
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION...................
The Concerto.....
...................
The Lute and the Stile Galant.
....................
CHAPTER2: THE ORIGINS OF B-Br MS I I 4089.........
The Genesis of B-Br MS I I 4089.......
Dating and Attributions
..................
.....14
....14
19
CHAPTER 3: COMPOSERS INCLUDED IN B-Br MS I I 4089........ ...22

Overview.
.......
22
.......
23
Corigniani.
Gottfried M eusel.
.........
.23
Johann Michael Kuhnel. ..........
....24
Wolff Jacob Lauffensteiner. ...............
.26
Silvius Leopold W eiss.
........
.27
CHAPTER 4: THE MUSIC OF B-Br MS I I 4089..
Style and Structure.
.........
Instrumentation
........
Performance Issues. ..............
...........31
31
.35
..37
PART II
CHAPTER 5: EDITORIAL METHOD
...............
CHAPTER 6: LIST OF CO RRECTION S.........

CHAPTER 7: TRANSCRIPTIONS
...41
............ 42
............... ............4 6
Concerto a Due Liuti Obligati & Basso (Corigniani).......................4 6

Lute linTablature...
.............................................6 9
Lute II in Tablature.
...........................
79
Concerto a 4. Liuto Viola da Gamba, Hautbois overo Violino
e Violoncello (Meusel). ......
.........87
.....133
Lute in Tablature. .................
Concerto.a Liuto, Viola di Gamba et Basso (Kiihnel)............................ 147
Lute in Tablature.
...................165
Concerto a IV. Liuto, Violino Imo, Violino lido e Violoncello
(Lauffensteiner)
..................................
..........174
Lute in Tablature........................... ......................................194
......
206
BIBLIOGRAPHY
VI
LIST OF FIGURES
FIGURE:
1.) The tuning of the D minor lute
2.) Renaissance tuning in G
.36
..................................
3.) Ornamentation symbols used by composers in B-Br MS II

4089..................................................
R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout perm ission.
37
ABSTRACT
This study examines galant-style German lute concertos of the

eighteenth century, which are often overlooked by scholars, by
focusing primarily on the repertoire contained in B-Br MS I I 4089
(formerly Fetis 2914) currently in the Bibliotheque Royale Albert La
in Brussels, Belgium. The author looks into the possible origins of
this important manuscript, and discusses issues of style and
performance. Included in this study are transcriptions of four of the
complete concertos, including works by Wolff Jacob Lauffensteiner,
Johann Michael Kiihnel, Gottfried Meusel, and a previously unknown
composer titled only Corigniani.
PARTI
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
THE CONCERTO
The modem use of the word concerto was solidified in the late eighteenth
century. Today, music dictionaries define the concerto in three ways: as a work for
an instrumental ensemble ripieno alone (ripieno concerto), as the juxtaposition of a
smaller group of instruments with a larger one {concerto grosso), or as a piece that
contrasts a solo instrument with a group (solo concerto)}
However, many different types of vocal and instrumental works titled
concerti are found throughout the history of Western music-even before these three
definitions were ever utilized. The oldest surviving printed source to have used the
term concerto described both vocal and mixed vocal and instrumental forms.
Concerti di Andrea, et di Gio. Gabrieli (Venice, 1587) by the celebrated Venetian
masters Andrea and Giovanni Gabrieli contains church music and madrigals in six to
sixteen parts while combinations of instruments and voices are implied in the
preface.2 Some years later Adriano Banchieris collection Concerti
1 See, for instance, Don Michael Randel, ed., The New Harvard Dictionary o f Music, ninth printing.
(Cambridge, Massachusetts and London: The Belknap Press o f Harvard University Press, 1999), 1867.
2 Howard Mayer Brown, Instrumental Music Printed Before 1600: A Bibliography, 2nd ed.
(Cambridge, Massachusetts and London: Harvard University Press, 2000), 347.
ecclesiastici...(Venice, 1595) was published containing works for similar forces.3

The title Concerti thus was simply a part of a tradition that used the term to designate
works in which voices or instruments performed together. Another example is
Gabriel Fattorinis Sacri concerti a due voci...(Venice, 1600) whose second edition
from 1602 contains added four-part ripieni sections, thus creating an opposition of
sonorities in the pieces.4 Regardless of this, the title includes the label concerti in
both editions.5
The term concerto continued to be associated with vocal music throughout
the first half o f the seventeenth century, and it soon became a common designation
for Italian vocal and especially church music accompanied by instruments. Works in
this style titled Concerti were published by composers such as Claudio Monteverdi
(1567-1643), Simon Molinaro (c.1570-1633), Ercole Porta (1585-1630), and
Giovanni Paolo Cima (c.1517-1630).
The usage of the term concerto, denoting an ensemble of voices or voices and
instruments, spread around Europe at the turn of the seventeenth century. The
English term consort, which appears to have originated as an appropriation and
consequent linguistic modification of concerto, at first implied a mixed group of
3Ibid 400-1.
4 The title of the book is RIPIENI DI NOVO AGIUNTI/A LI SEGUENTIMOTTETTI/A DUE
VOCI./DI GABRIEL FA TTORINI DA FAENZA. Listed in Gabriel(e) Fattorini I Sacri Concerti a
due Voci (1600), ed. Murray C. Bradshaw (Neuhausen-Stuttgart, Germany: Hanssler-Verlag, 1986),
XIX.
5 The title of the first edition is DI GABRIEL FA TTORINI/DA FAENZA./I SACRI CONCERTI A DUE
VOCI/, Ibid.
3
instruments. By the early seventeenth century consort became even more general,
and the term now simply refers to a group of musicians making music together. John
Bullokars English Expositor (London, 1616) contains an entry that defined
consort as A company: or a company of Musicians together.6
In France, the term concert was an incarnation of concerto, and Randle
Cotgraves Dictionarie o f the French and English Tongues (London, 1611) equated
the concert de musique with the English consort of musicke.7
German usage of the word concerto at the turn of the seventeenth century
chiefly corresponded to the Italian one. Michael Praetorius (1575-1618) in his
Syntagma musicum, iii (Wolfenbtittel, 1619) gives the following definition:
Italian vocal Concetto or Concerto is in Latin called Concertatio and [is a kind of
composition where] voices and instruments create [music] together.. .in German it is called
Concert.8
However, it is clear that in Germany the term was also applied to instrumental
ensembles.9
6 John Bullokar, An English Expositor... (London, 1616), E2. Published in facsimile by Hildesheim
and New York: Georg Olms Verlag , 1971.
7 Randle Cotgrave, A Dictionarie o f the French and English Tongues. Compiled by Randle Cotgrave
(London: Adam Islip, 1611), n.p.
8 Italis vocatur Concetto vel Concerto, quod Latinisest Concertatio, qua Varire Voces aut Instrumenta
Musica ad concertum faciendumcommittuntur...Germanice ein Concert. Michael Praetorius,
Syntagma musicum, Band III, Termini musici, trans. Zak Ozmo (Wolfenbiittel, 1619), 4-5. F acsim ile
edition by Wilibald Gurlitt (Basel, London and New York: Barenreiter Kassel, 1958).
9 n
See Ernst Gottlieb Baron, Untersuchung des Instruments der Lauten (Nvimberg: Johann Friederich
Rudiger, 1727), trans. Douglas Alton Smith (Redondo Beach: Instrumenta Antiqua Publications,
1976), 64.
The emergence of the concerto grosso and solo concerto in the first half of
the eighteenth century made the use of the term concerto even more ambiguous.
Johann Gottfried Walthers Musikalisches Lexicon (Leipzig, 1732) lists the possible
meanings that the term carried at that time:
Concerto.. .means 1. a musical ensemble or get-together.
2. a piece o f chamber music, either vocal or instrumental, i.e. a piece whose name is
concerto.
3. Violin pieces which are arranged in a way that each part abounds at a
certain time, and plays in competition with the other parts. Also, in such
pieces where the first part dominates, and in which among other violin parts
one protrudes with exceptional speed, this first part is called violino
concertino. 10
In the general context of early eighteenth-century lute music, however, the

term concerto was still used to simply designate a piece of music written for a group
of instruments with an obligato part for one or more lutes. Prominent German
lutenist and composer Ernest Gottlieb Baron (1696-1760) clearly expresses his
understanding of the term concerto while referring to lute trios and quartets written
during the previous two centuries:
Be as it may, they nevertheless wrote concerti with three or four lutes in this manner and
marvelled at the wonders they possessed.11
10 Concerto.. .bedeutet 1. ein Collegium Musicum, oder eine musikalische Zusammenkunft. 2. Eine
sowohl Vocal- als Instrumental-Cammer-music, (d.i. ein Stuck, das Concerto heisst, und 3. ViolinSachen, die also gesezt sind, dass eine jede Partie sich zu-gewisser Zeit hervor thut, auch mit den
andem gleich in die Wette Spielet. Derowegen denn auch in solchen Sachen, worinn nur die erste
Partie dominiret, und wo unter vielen Violinen, eine mit sonderlicher Hurtigkeit hervorraget, dieselbe
Violino concertino genennet wird. Johann Gottfried Walther, Musikalisches Lexicon oder
musikalische Bibliothek, trans. Stephan Haas (Leipzig: Wolfgang Deer, 1732), 349. Facsimile edition
by Richard Schaal (Kassel and Basel: Barenreiter-Verlag, 1953).
11 .. .dem sei nun wie ihm wolle, so haben sie doch Concert emit 3. biB 4. Lauten, auf solche Art und
Weise zusammen gesezt, und wunder gemeint, was vor Raritaten sie besassen. Baron,
Untersuchung, trans. Douglas Alton Smith, 64.
5
In summary, it is well documented that the term concerto was defined loosely
until the late eighteenth century. We shall soon see that the concerti contained in the
Bibliotheque Royale Albert ler in Brussels (B-Br) MS I I 4089 all correspond to the
early definition of a group of instruments simply playing together.
THE LUTE AND THE STILE GALANT

At the beginning of the eighteenth century the lute was still an exclusive
instrument that was closely intertwined with the social life of high society. Already
traditionally associated with philosophical and theoretical discussions of power and
the relevance of music, the lute was found to be an ideal medium for expressing the
latest musical trends. At the beginning of the eighteenth century the new musical
fashion was the galant style.
Initially, the term stile galant defined a certain manner of behavior in French
society. At the foundation of this new style was a refinement and elegance in all
aspects of daily life, before this time restricted only to the most privileged circles in
French society. With the further weakening of autocracy and an increased societal
secularization, the middle class eagerly adopted this new manner of living.
Galanterie made accessible a new level of refinement and general education by a
segment o f the population that previously was unable to enjoy it. This trend mirrors
one that occurred three centuries earlier, when courtly life of the Renaissance era was
imitated by the newly emerging bourgeoisie. In the same way that ideas of courtly
aesthetics and chivalric qualities had once left their mark on developments in music,
literature, and the fine arts centuries earlier, the idea of galanterie became art
omnipresent element in eighteenth-century German society.
19
The stile galant emphasized social and amatory grace.13 In the introduction to
his translation of Barons Untersuchung des Instruments der Lauten (Numberg,
1727) Douglas Alton Smith writes:
For Baron, galant seems to have primarily a social and secondarily a musical significance.
To be a galant homme was to be a man of refined manners, with the well-bred nobleman as
the ideal to be emulated, and to be conversant on a wide range o f topics in the arts and
sciences-in other words, to be a man of the Enlightenment.14
Per Kjetil Farstad reminds us of the manuals which described this trend in France,
and translates von Farets L honnete homme ou L art deplaire a la cour (1630):
Conversational acuity which showed the use of fine literary phrases, compliments, flattery, as
well as behaviour which demonstrated a gracious and civil exterior, politeness to women, and
moderation in all things were important characteristics of the galant homme.15
12 Per Kjetil Farstad, German Galant Lute Music in the 18th Century (Sweden: Goteborg University,
Department of Musicology, 2000), 46.
13 Daniel Heartz and Bruce Alan Brown, Galant, in The New Grove Dictionary o f Music and
Musicians, second edition, edited by Stanley Sadie, Vol. 13, London: Macmillian Publishers Limited,
2001,430.
14Baron, Untersuchung, trans. Douglas Alton Smith,v.
15 Farstad, 50.
7
It is striking how much the preceding descriptions correspond to the maimer of
behavior and education which had been radiating from courtly circles for centuries
and promoted by various writings on courtly etiquette such as Castigliones classic
text II cortegiano (The Courtier) that dates as far back as 1528.
The cosmopolitan nature of the galant style quickly became evident in
literature, where it had become an art within the affected art of writing, which
should emulate the courtly peoples way of speaking, which is part French, part
Italian and Latin, it could even be a mix of every language, even if almost every
word could be expressed in the German language.16
Johann Mattheson (1681-1764), the prominent German theorist and music
critic, was one of the most important writers and theorists of his day. He was
instrumental in defining the galant style, and reminded his readers of the link
between the galanterie and the courtly etiquette of old. In his first publication, titled
Das neu-eroffnette Orchestre, oder Universelle und grudliche Anleitung wie ein
Galant Homme... (Hamburg, 1713), he dedicates his work to a noble lady and thus
unmistakably evokes the traditions of the Age of Chivalry.
This chivalric element closely associated with the music of galanterie was
also combined with idealized social ethics of elegance. These ideas are expressed
16 .eine Art der affectirten Schreibart, die sicfa nach den Redensarten der Hofleute richten soli,
welche halb fransosicb, italienisch raid lateinisch reden, und gem ein Mischmasch von alien Sprachen
machen, ob sie gleich die allermeisten Worter deutsch geben konnten. Johann Christoph Gottsched,
Handlexicon oder Kurzgefasstes Wortebuch der schonen Wissenschaften undfreyen Kiinste, trans. Per
Kjetil Farstad (Leipzig, 1760), 731.
8
through singable melodic phrases, short motives, and light textures and proved to be
a perfect vehicle for a rhetorical eloquence in music. The importance of rhetoric had
been actively discussed since the spread of humanist education in fifteenth-century
Europe.
Additionally, the galant style helped to liberate the melodic line in order to
re-establish the ancient alliance of music and rhetoric. Galant ornamentation,
primarily drawn from the French tradition of short embellished figures, slurred notes,
trills, and appoggiatura added a subtle but powerful rhetorical support to the music.
It is not by accident that Germany, a country which provided a fertile environment
for the blossoming o f the musical galant style, was also the same place where the
idea of rhetoric in music was most prominent in the eighteenth century. Johann
David Heinichen, in his Der Generalbass in der Composition (1728), devoted fifty
pages to drawing a parallel between the invention of music and rhetoric and showed
the nature of loci topici in music. In 1739 Mattheson went as far as to claim that
music should be analyzed in the same way as grammar and syntax. He provides a
musical example from J. S. Bach adding commas, a semicolon, and a period in order
to strengthen his point.17
The German preoccupation with the idea of musical rhetoric is closely tied
with attitudes toward the affections in music. The doctrine of affections, or
17 Brian Vickers, Figures o f Rhetoric/ Figures of Music, Rhetorica ii (1984), 18.
Affektenlehre, was a widely-held seventeenth and eighteenth-century belief in the

power o f music to move emotions, or the passions. Often, eighteenth-century
German theorists measured the value of a composition by its ability to affect the
emotions of the listener. In his Critica Musica (Hamburg, 1722-1725) Mattheson
isolates melody as the instrument of the affections and criticizes excessive
counterpoint for lessening its emotional impact.
1S
In his later publication, Der
Vollkommene Capellmeister (Hamburg, 1739) he emphasizes his convictions:

However, one must know here that even without words, in purely instrumental music, always
and with every melody, the purpose must be to present the governing affection so that the
instruments, by means of sound, present it almost verbally and perceptibly...For the fact that
not a single melody should be without meaning, without aim, or without affection, even
though without words, is established by this, and through the laws of nature.19
The 1730s brought with them theoretical writings that clearly established the
link between the ancient tradition of uniting music and rhetoric for the purpose of
moving the affections. They also discussed new ideas of naturalness, so
characteristic of this age of Enlightenment. In his Critischer Musicus
(Hamburg, 1738) Johann Adolph Scheibe writes:
So much is certain, that the closer we seek to come in music to the rules of rhetoric and
poetics, the more certainly we will reach rationality and nature: and the more we trouble
ourselves to discover what is beautiful or exceptional in a speech or a poem, the closer we
will come to good taste in music, which up to now was unknown to almost all who
understand something of music.20
18 .. .den Affect hindem, bedecken, verwirren, verdunkeln und verkeistem.. Johann Mattheson,
Critica musica, trans. Per Kjetil Farstad (Hamburg, 1722-1725), I, 306.
19 Johann Mattheson, Der Vollkommene Capellmeister (Hamburg, 1739). English trans. Ernest C.
Harris, ed., Johann Matthesons Der vollkommene Capellmeister (Ann Arbor, Michigan: UMI, 1981),
291, 326.
20 So viel ist gewiss, dafi je naher wir in der Musik den Regeln der Redekunst und Dichtkunst zu
kommen suchen, desto gewisser werden wir auch die Vemunft und die Natur erriechen: und je mehr
wir uns bemuhen werden, das Schone und das Vortreffliche einer Rede oder eines Gedichtes zu
10
It comes as no surprise then that the lute, as the instrument that had long been
identified with the lyre of Orpheus and closely associated with rhetoric in music for
centuries, was also the perfect medium for expressing the ideals of galanterie. It is
also not surprising that it was in the German lands, the center of the eighteenthcentury discussion of musical rhetoric and the affections in music, that the lute
reached a prominence that was parallel only to the Elizabethan era in England.
Mattheson, in his book Ephorus (Hamburg, 1727), quotes the famous lutenist Sylvius
Leopold Weiss (1686-1750): I am of the firm opinion that next to the keyboard
there is no other perfect instrument than [the lute], especially for Galanterie 21 The
term galanterie described pieces which were infused with the galant-style periodic
melodies and simple accompaniments.
O ')
The lute, because of its light sound and
quick articulation, was ideal for playing these galant pieces. New developments in
the tuning of the eighteenth-century lute facilitated the arpeggiations that were
popular in playing the slow-moving harmonic bass line of the stile galant.
Since the beginning of the humanist movement in Europe, the lute, partially
because o f speculations about its mythical origins, had been the primary musical
entdecken und uns niitzlich zu machen, desto naher warden wir auch in der Music dem guten
Geschmack kommen, der bisher den meisten Musikverstandigen noch fast ganzlich nnbekannt
gewesen ist. Johann Adolph Scheibe, Critischer Musicus, trans. Donald R. Boomgaarden (Hamburg,
1738), 42, 128.
21 .. .sondem ich bin der festen Meinung, das, nach dem Clavier, kein vollkommeneres Instrument als
dieses, absondexlich zur Galanterie. Theorbe und Arciliuto, welche unter sich selbst wieder ganz
differiren, sind zu Galanterie-Stiicken gar nicht gebraucht... Johann Mattheson, Der neue
Gottinische aber viel schlechter, als Die alten Laceddmonischen, urtheilende Ephorus wegen der
11
instrument for exploring the ancient idea of the power of music. Myths and stories
o f the ancients tell of musics extraordinary influence over the emotions of its
listeners. Pythagoras relates a tale of how music subdued a wild band of drunken
youths with the sounds of certain calming and temperate modes.23 In Ms Solitaire
second ouprose de la musique (Lyons, 1555) Pontus de Tyard draws on this
mythical tradition when relating an account of a performance by Francesco Canova
da Milano (1497-1543/44) as proof of musics (and the lutes) enormous power:
The tables being cleared [after the banquet], he [Francesco] chose one, and as if tuning his
strings sat on the end of a table seeking out fantasia. He had barely disturbed the air with
three strummed chords when he interrupted conversation which had started among the guests.
Having constrained them to face him, he continued with such a ravishing skill that little by
little, making the strings languish under his fingers in his sublime way, he transported all
those who were listening in to so pleasurable melancholy that-one leaning his head on his
hand supported by his elbow, and another sprawling with his limb in careless deportment,
with gaping mouth and more than half-closed eyes, glued [one would judge] to those strings
[of the instrument], and his chin fallen on his breast, concealing his countenance with the
saddest taciturnity ever seen-they remained deprived of all senses save that of hearing, as if
the spirit, having abandoned all the seats of the senses, had retired to the ears in order to
enjoy the more at its ease so ravishing a harmony; and I believe that we would be there still,
had he not himself-I know not how-changing his style of playing with a gentle force,
returned the spirit and the senses to the place from which he had stolen them, not without
leaving as much astonishment in each of us as if had been elevated by an ecstatic transport of
some divine frenzy.24
Kirchen Music, trans. Per Kjetil Farstad (Hamburg, 1727), 118.
22 Heartz and Brown, 430.
23 See Quintillian, Instiiutio oratoria 1.10.32, Boethius, De institutione musica 1.1, and St. Basil, To
Young Men (Ad adolescentes) 9.9.
24 Les tables levees il en prent un, et comme pour tater les accors, se met pres d un bout de la table a
rechercher une fantasie. II n eut esmeu Fair de trois pingades quil romt les discours commancez entre
les uns et les autres feties, et, les ayant contraint toumer visage la part ou il estoit, continue avec si
ravissante Industrie que peu a peu, faisant par une sienne divine facon de toucher mourir les cordes
souz ses dois, il transporte tous ceux qui 1escoutoient enune si gracieuse melancolie qu fun,
appuyant sa teste en la main soustenue du coude: f autre, estendu lachement en une incurieuse
contenance de ses members qui, d une bouche entrouverte et des yeux plus qua demy desclos, se
clouant [eust-onjuge] aux cordes, et qui d un menton tombe sur sa poitrine, desguisant son visage de
la plus triste tacitumite quon vit onques, demeruoient privez de tout sentiment, ormis de l ouye,
comme si fam e, ayant abandonee tous les sieges sensitifs, se fust retiree au bord des oreilles pour
jouir plus a son aise de si ravissante symphonic. Et croy quencor y fussions-nous, si luy mesmes, ne
12
Belief in this unquestioned magical power of music and of the lute as the
replacement of Orpheuss lyre naturally gave way to a more rational scrutiny of
music in the eighteenth century. However, these myths and the context of the lute
within them were far from being forgotten. The following anecdote about Ernst
Gottlieb Baron, especially contrasted with the above account, is very telling of both
the change of tide concerning the faith of eighteenth-century musicians in the myths
of the ancients and about the persistent presence of those myths in society:
The former Royal Prussian Chamber Musician and Lutenist Ernst Gottlieb Baron sojourned
in Jena in the years 1720-21, and made himself popular among the students there not only
with his skill on the lute, but also with his jovial demeanor. One evening when he was at a
large party where the famous and unfortunate poet [Johann Christian] Gunther was also
present, much talk was made, among other subjects, of the effects of ancient Greek music.
The question was posed, whether contemporary music was capable of achieving comparable
effects.
And why not? protested Baron.
Well then, my dear countryman and brother, said Gunther, so send for your instrument
and show us what Art can do.
Not long afterward the lute was there. Baron began to play a few ascending and descending
scales, often interrupting the heroics with all kinds of artful arpeggios. From time to time he
surprised the auditors, who had gathered around him in a circle, with unexpected enharmonic
changes. He wove languishing, pathetic melodies into the heaviest passages, nuanced his
playing with all possible gradations of forte and piano, and frequently changed the meter.
Now he appeared to caress the tones, then to treat them brusquely. Now he seemed to be
possessed by the Graces, then by the Furies. In short, Baron surpassed himself that evening,
and perhaps never again did he play with such affect.
Since he often looked around at his listeners, he noticed that in certain passages they became
restless and began to make vexatious faces. He redoubled and tripled these passages, and the
more the restless movements of Ms auditors increased, the more Baron was fired up to try all
his artistry on the audience. He had intended gradually to awaken in them the emotion of
scay-je comment se ravissant, n eust resuscite les cordes et, de peu a peu envigourant d une douce
force son jeu, nous eust remis Fame at les sentimens au lieu d ou il les avoit desrobez, non sans laisser
autant destonnement a chacun de nous que si nous fussions relevez d un transport ecstatiq de quelque
divine flsreur. Pontus de Tyard, Solitaire second ou prose de la musique, ed. Cathy M. Yandell
(Geneve, 1980), 192-93. Trans. H. Colin Slim, Francesco da Milano (1497-1543/44): A BiobibliograpMca! Study, Musica Disciplina, 18 (1964), 79-80.
13
anger to a certain degree, and as soon as it should express itself in slight disorder he would
tune down their indignation with soft modulations.
Indeed it happened at a certain spot where he preceded first with succession of sharp
dissonances, than paused on the same dissonance and repeated it very many times with strong
attacks, that all the listeners, one after the other, jumped up from their seats. They tipped
over chairs and tables, smashed tobacco pipes, shattered a mirror, worked their way into
some coffee utensils and windowpanes, and all of a sudden swords flew out o f their
scabbards and clashed in the air.
Now Baron believed it was time to pacify the angry passions. But he had scarcely begun to
modulate with gentler tones when some o f the imps of Satan fell upon the Arion of Jena
himself. He was lucky to find a chance to withdraw from the general encounter and escape
with his smashed lute. However, he was no more than ten steps away from the musical
battleground when upon it there arose a mighty roar o f laughter and cheering. Baron listened
and could tell that everyone was again in good spirits, returned out of curiosity and
discovered that he was deceived, and all that happened had been agreed upon in advance by
the frivolous children of the Muse, who wanted just once to get the best out of the gullible
Baron.
Everybody laughed, and even he could not suppress a few chuckles. The next day he was
consoled for the prank when an incomparably better lute than he had ever had was sent to his
house.25
25 Der ehemalige Konigl. Preuss. Kammermusiker und Lautenist, herr Ernst Gottlieb Baron, hielte
sich in den Jahren 1720 und 1721 in Jena auf, und machte sich sowohl wegen seiner Geschicklichkeit
auf der Laute, als wegen seiner jovialischen Laune unter den daselbst studirenden beliebt. Als er sich
an einem Abend in einer zahlreichen Gesellschaft befand, bey welcher auch der beriihmte und
ungliickliche Dichter Gunther zugegen war, so wurde unter andem vieles von den Wiirkungen der
alten griechischen Music geredet, und die Frage aufgeworfen, ob die heutige Musik wohl griechischen
Music geredet, und die Frage aufgeworfen, ob die heutige Musik wohl vergleichen hervorzubringen
vermogend ware. Und warum nicht? fragte Baron dagegen. - Wohlan, mein lieber Landsmann und
Bruder, sagte Gunther, so lass dem Instrument hohlen, und zeige uns was die Kunst vermag. Es
wahrte nicht lange, so war die Laute da. Baron fieng an verschiedne Tonleitem auf - und absteigend
durchzulaufen, unterbrach die Tiraden offers durch allehand kunstliche Arpeggios; uberraschte von
Zeit zu Zeit die in einem Zirkel urn ihn herum gelagerten Zuhorer durch unerwartete enharmonische
Ubergange; durchflochte die schwestem Passagen mit schmelzenden pathetischen Melodien,
nuanzierte sein Spiel durch alle ihm mogliche Gradationen von forte und piano, veranderte ofters die
Tactart; bald schien er die Tone zu liebkosen, bald zu briisquiren; bald von den Grazien und bald von
den Furien beseelet zu warden, kurz Baron ubertraf sich diesen Abend, und spielte villeicht in der
Folge der Zeit niemals so schon und mit solchem Affect. Da er sich ofters nach seinem Zuhoren
umsah, so bemerkte er, dass sie bey gewissen Passagen unter sich unruhig zu warden, und
verdrieeliche Gesichter zu machen anfiengen. Er verdoppelte und verdreyfachte diese Passagen, und
je mehr die unruhigen Bewegungen seiner Zuhorer zunahmen, desto mehr wurde Baron angefeuert,
alle seine Kiinste auf seine Zuhorer zu versuchen. Er hatte es sich vorgenommen, die Leidenschaft
des Zoms bis zu einem gewissen Grad nach und nach in ihnen zu erregen, und sibald sich soldier
durch gewisse Unordnungen aussem sollte, ihren Unmuth durch sanftere Modulationen wieder
herabzustimmen. In der That, geschah es bey einem gewissen Orte, da er bald mit lauter scharfen
Dissonanzen fortlief, bald in eben derselben Dissonanz stille lag, und sie sehr vielmal hintereinander
mit starken Griffen widerhohlte, dass alle Zuhorer nach einander von ihren Sitzen aufsprangen, Stilhle
und Tische umwarfen, die Tobackspfeiffen zerschmitten, einen Speigel zerschlugen, in einige
14
CHAPTER TWO: THE ORIGINS OF B-Br MS I I 4089
THE GENESIS OF THE MANUSCRIPT

There is not enough evidence to determine the exact origin of B-Br MS II
4089 (formerly in the private collection of Francois-Joseph Fetis, catalogued as Fetis
2914). In order to make an educated guess in regard to this issue one has to consider
the circumstances that were most likely to lead to the creation of such a manuscript.
There are two possibilities. First, the manuscript could have been compiled for a
person o f very high standing in society, most likely a member of the nobility or
aristocracy, who had the music either written for him by musicians in his employ as a
part of their regular duties or commissioned by others of some prominence.
Secondly, B-Br MS I I 4089 could possibly be an assortment of manuscripts sold by
one of the numerous German publishing companies, hand-written to cut costs.
Caffegeratfaschaften und die Fensterscheiben faineinarbeiteten, und ehe man es sich versah, so fahren
die Degen aus den Scheiden und klirrten gegen einander in der Luft. - Nun glaubte Baron, dass es Zeit
ware die aufgebrachten Gemtither wieder herzustellen. Aber kaum hatte er mit gelindem Tonen zu
moduliren angefangen, als einige von den Teufelskindem liber denjanischen Arion selbst herfielen;
gliicklich, dass er annoch Gelegenheit fand, sich aus dem allgemein gewordnen Treffen
herauszuziehen, und sich mit seiner zerschmetterten Laute aus dem Staube zu xnachen. Er war aber
noch nicht zehn Schritte von dem musikalischen Lampfplatze entfemt, als sich auf selbigem ein
gewaltiges Lachen und Jauchzen erhob. Baron horchte und merkte, dass alle wieder bey gutter Laune
waren, gieng aus mehrer Ciiriositat zuriicke, und erfuhr - dass er hintergangen, und alles was
geschehen, unter den leichtfertigen Musenkindern, die den leichtglaubigen Baron geme einmal zum
besten haben wollten, so verabredet gewesen. Si lachten alle, er konnte sich nicht enthalten,
wenigstens mit zu schmunzeln, und trostete sich in der Folge damit, dass ihm fur den Spaass eine
ungleich bessere Laute, al ser nicht gehabt hatte, den Tag darauf ins Haus geschicket worden.
Friedrich Wilhelm Marpurg, Legende einiger Musikheiligen, trans. Per Kjetil Farstad (Cologne,
15
An argument that would support the first theory is that the fascicles
comprising B-Br MS I I 4089 (except for number fifteen, which will be discussed
later) are the only surviving copies of these particular musical compositions.
However, suspicion arises when one considers that the compositions, for the most
part, are not written by composers that represented the creme de la creme of the
eighteenth-century German school of lute playing.
When considering the likelihood of the manuscript being compiled for an
aristocratic patron one has to keep in mind that in the eighteenth century prominent
lutenists were still widely employed by European courts. Wolff Jacob Lauffensteiner
(1676-1754),Weiss, Baron, Adam Falckenhagen (1697-1754) and Johann Pfeiffer
(1697-1761) are only a few of the prominent lute players and composers who spent a
part of their careers at one or more courts. Their duties obliged them to perform at
requested times, until the King fell asleep, teach the music to the members of the
Royal family, and so forth. They could also be caretakers of the musical instruments,
and be requested to perform other non-musical duties26 Naturally, the composition
of pieces for their instrument was considered to be a part of their everyday duties:
The continuo players, who include such masters as L. S. Weiss and Pantaleon Haberstreit,
were usually also chamber or church composers and responsible for providing the musical
repertory.27
1786), 158-161.
26 Manfred Feshner, Dresden, in The New Grove Dictionary o f Music and Musicians, second edition,
edited by Stanley Sadie, Vol.7, London: Macmillian Publishers Limited, 2001, 570.
27 Ibid., 570.
16
Overall, there is clearly a possibility that this manuscript was

compiled for an eighteenth-century aristocrat. If this was indeed the case, he or she
would have had M l control over the music, and this would explain why there are no
other surviving copies of most of the pieces included in B-Br MS I I 4089.
In order to discover which courts or cities in which the manuscript was most
likely created, one needs to focus on those that were associated with the lives of the
composers in question. The small amount of information that we have on the
composers points mostly to North Germany: the Royal Prussian court, the ducal
Saxon court at Weimar, Berlin, Dresden, Hamburg, Leipzig, Zeitz, or Gotha. The
only exception is Wolff Jacob Lauffensteiner (1676-1754), whose employment took
him to Graz, the Bavarian court, and Munich. However, so few details survive
concerning the function of these lutenists and composers at the courts that it is nearly
impossible to determine in which court B-Br MS I I 4089 would have been compiled.
A second possibility for the origin of B-Br MS I I 4089 is more likely. The
manuscript could perhaps be one of the many compiled by eighteenth-century
German publishing companies who, in order to cut costs, sold hand-written copies of
lute music. The inclusion of a piece by Lauffensteiner among the compositions of
his lesser-known colleagues would fit well with this theory, considering that the
inclusion of a very famous name in a music publication comprised m ain ly of
17
compositions by lesser-known composers had been a marketing strategy used by

music publishers since the establishment of the business in the early sixteenth
century.
Our second theory, the one pertaining to the manuscript being simply put
together by a publishing firm, requires a discussion of the business of printing in
eighteenth-century Germany. Publishing in manuscript form became very popular
in the eighteenth century greatly due to complications in publishing Italian operas.
The use of manuscripts offered the opera house or the composer some control over
the texts, which could not be exerted when copies were printed and widely
distributed. In eighteenth-century Europe, copyright laws were virtually non
existent. Instrumental music was also often published in manuscript rather than in
printed form, but in this case due to notational reasons. Printed type presented
reading difficulties; short note values were particularly hard to see since the beams
were rarely continuous. Also, chords were impossible to notate without breaking
individual sorts of type. Lute tablature was particularly difficult to print. There was
only a short period in which printed lute tablature was attempted, and the advantage
o f the process of hand-writing music for the lute was quickly realized.
Breitkopf catalogues from 1761 and 1770 advertise hundreds of titles for the
lute. There is no doubt that most of the editions offered for sale contained hand-
18
written lute music,28 One of the largest indicators of the popularity of manuscript
editions was the rapidly increased need for manual copyists:
Specialization in Dresden went so far as to include even copyists. For many years, up to
1700, copying duties had to be assigned to two relatively underemployed members of the
Kapelle, whose payments were made on an ad hoc basis. During the first decade of the
century, these duties became officially recognised. Professional copyists first appear in the
courts records around 1725; in 1733, two of them were assigned back to the Kapelle, and by
1755, their number had risen to five.29
That none o f the concerti appear in surviving printed books might be

puzzling at first, but it is very likely that the reason is simply the technical
difficulties that the eighteenth-century publishers were facing when placing such
pieces in print.
Aside from Breitkopf, the following publishing firms were also active in
Germany in the middle of the eighteenth century: Haffiier, J.J. Lotter, Koder,
Ronnangel, Abel, Berg, Bote & Bock, Froberger, Furstner, Gotz, and Weigel.
Considering that any of these printing firms had to produce manuscript copies, one
can imagine the magnitude of the possibility that the separate items of B-Br MS II
4089 were simply some of many manuscripts put together for general sale to the
public.
Franôis-Joseph Fetis (1784-1871) was a musician, musicologist, critic,
teacher, composer, and director of the Brussels Conservatory from 1784-1871. A
great' connoisseur o f lute music, he arranged many concerts of lute music and
28 Farstad, 96.
29 Ortran Landmann, The Dresden Hofkapelle during the lifetime of Johann Sebastian Bach, Early
19
purchased a considerable number of lute manuscripts from Breitkopf & Hartel. For
example, at a sale beginning 1 June, 1836, he purchased a large number of Items
from the firm that he later consigned to the library in Brussels.30 As Fetis was known
to sell and exchange various works, and integrate compositions bought from various
places into his collection, it is not possible to assert that all of the compositions
contained in B-Br MS I I 4089 are from the Breitkopf publishing house. However, it
is quite probable that at least part of the manuscript was indeed produced by this
well-known firm.
DATING AND ATTRIBUTIONS

According to the information from the Bibliotheque Royale Albert ler in
Brussels, where the manuscript is held, B-Br MS I I 4089 can be dated around the
middle of the eighteenth century. The fascicles differ widely from each other, as
several copyists were utilized in compiling the manuscript.
Each o f the pieces is wrapped in a separate cover. Breitkopf & Hartel had a
common procedure for purchasers of manuscripts in their catalogue. The purchaser
Music (February 1989), 17-30.

30 Andreas ScMegel, ed. Brussels Bibliotheque Royale de Belgique, MS I I 4087. Fascimile edition is
Ernst Gottlieb Baron & Sylvius Leopold Weiss: Music for the Lute, Peer (Alanrire) 1992,
20
could peruse the catalogue, organized by genre and Instrument, and choose which
pieces he or she wanted. Often, a bookbinder would bind them all together into one
collection.
The instrumental parts In B-Br MS I I 4089 are each separate, and parts of
some o f the concertos are missing. There is one concerto for two lutes by a
composer called only Corigniani, three concertos by Johann Michael Kiihnel
(dates unknown), two concertos by Gottfried Muesel (1688-1728), a concerto by
Wolff Jacob Lauffensteiner (1676-1754), a concerto, two Galanteries, and a
Partie for lute solo by Blohm, a Trietto by Pichler, a Galanterie by Bledisch
(full names and dates of the composers are all unknown), and two anonymous
concertos (one is also called a Galanterie).
There is some confusion as to the attribution of Lauffensteiner s Concerto a
IV. Liuto, Violino Imo, Violino lido e Violoncello. The concertos short opening
theme appears in the solo lute section of the supplement for the 1769 Breitkopf
Thematic Catalogue as number 58, Partita per II Liuto Solo; LXVI. Partite del Sgr.
S.L. Weiss. This indicates that perhaps the concerto was an arrangement of a pre
existing solo lute piece by Weiss. The further conclusion has been drawn by some
scholars that the concerto in B-Br MS I I 4089 is composed by Weiss as well.31
Facsimile series fo r scholars and musicians, 19, Introduction.

31 Hans Radke and Tim Crawford, Lauffensteiner, W olf Jacob, in The New Grove Dictionary o f
Music and Musicians, second edition, edited by Stanley Sadie, Vol. 14, London: Macmillian
Publishers Limited, 2001, p.378.
21
However, it is equally likely that the arrangement was done by Lauffensteiner, whose
name appears on the manuscript itself. During this period, the arrangers name
appeared on the composition as frequently as did the composers.
A third possibility presents itself when one considers that the Weiss solo
could be an arrangement of the concerto by Lauffesteiner. Until more evidence
surfaces, each of these theories is only a supposition.
22
CHAPTER THREE: COMPOSERS INCLUDED IN B-Br MS H 4089
OVERVIEW
B-Br MS I I 4089 includes works by Corigniani, Kuhnel, Meusel,
Lauffensteiner, Blohm, Pichler, and Bleditsch. There are also two anonymous pieces
contained in the manuscript. Only the first four composers are represented by
complete Concerti.
Unfortunately, the lives and work o f most of the composers in question are
not sufficiently represented in known surviving archival records. Some information
survives in Barons Uniersuchung des Instruments der Lauten (Niimberg, 1727), the
first published survey of the lutes history and the most detailed primary source of
information about the German lute scene in the eighteenth century. Additionally,
music dictionaries such as J.G. Walthers Musicalisches Lexicon (Leipzig, 1732)
contain valuable information. For the purposes of our discussion we will focus on the
surviving biographical information pertaining to the four composers whose concerti
are included in our study: Corigniani, Kuhnel, Meusel, and Lauffensteiner. A
bibliography o f Weiss, a possible composer of the concerto attributed to
Lauffensteiner, will also be included.
CORIGNIANI
The first work in B-Br MS I I 4089, Concerto a Due Liuti Obligati & Basso,
is written by a composer named only Corigniani. His first name is not known, and
this collection is the only known surviving source of music by this composer.
Corigniani must have been a composer of some reknown as his name is listed in the
Breitkopf catalogue of 1761 and an auction list by the same company from 1836.
GOTTFRIED MEUSEL
B-Br MS I I 4089 contains two concertos by Gottfried Meusel (spelled
Meussel in the manuscript), the Concerto a 4. Liuto, Traverso, Viola di Gamba e
Basso and Concerto A 4. Liuto Viola da Gamba, Hautbois overo Violino e
Violoncello.
The most substantial account pertaining to the life of Meusel
(1688-1728) is also found in the writings of Baron:

Monsieur Meusel, by birth a Silesian from Breslau, was one of the first to apply himself to it
[the Weissian manner of playing the lute]. This galant master has often performed his
pleasant lute compositions. When he left Breslau, he first studied at Leipzig, applying
himself, aside from music, for several years to the study of law. Afterwards he was called to
the court at Zeitz, but when the court was dissolved, he went to Franconia, and then spent
some time in Nuremburg with Her Grace the Countess von Bollheim. He then came to the
Sovereign Saxon-Gotha court, where he has the good fortune to serve one of the most perfect
of sovereigns, and he is still there to this date. His playing consists of alternation between
forcefulness and delicacy, as the music demands, and his concerti as well as his suites charm
the ear extraordinarily. He is also a fine accompanist.32
32Monsieur Meusel von Geburt ein Schlesier von Bresslau, war einer mit von denen ersten, die sich
solches angelegen seyn lassen Dieser gallante Meister hat sich mit seiner angenehmen LautenComposition schon zur Genge sehen lassen. Als er von Breslau weg giena, studirte er anfangs in
Leipzig, und applicirte sich daselbst, nebst der Music einige Jahr auf das Stadium Juris. Nach diesem
24
An entry on an N. Meusel is also found in Walthers Lexikon,and Ms information

suspiciously corresponds to what we know of our Gottfried Meusel:
Meusel (N.) is a lute player who was bom in Breslau. He initially studied in Leipzig, and
applied himself there to study the law and music. He was subsequently employed by the
court of Zeiss. When this court fell apart, he moved to Nurenburg and stayed for some time
at the court of the countess of Bollheim. After this period, he came to the court of SachsenGotha to aid him in his studies of the lute. Unfortunately, he had the bad luck of falling off a
horse at 10am on March 27, 1728, when he was about to travel from Ohrdruss to Gotha. He
died at 3pm in the afternoon at 41 years o f age. I have also been informed that he studied in
Halle and worked at the court of Saalfield, and in Gotha as a registrar.33
JOHANN MICHAEL KUHNEL

Johann Michael Kiihnel is represented in the manuscript by three of Ms
works: Concerto d Liuto, Viola di Gamba et Basso, Concerto d Liuto, Viola di
Gamba con Basso, and Concerto d Liuto obligato, Viol di Gamba & Violono. The
most detailed account of his activities comes from Barons Untersuchung:
Herr Johann Michael Kuhnel the Elder is a fine Gambist and lutenist as well, and his pieces,
with which he has made himself known to the galant world, are to be highly recommended.
The later pieces are far more solid than the early ones, because with time he became much
more adept at composition. He composed not only many suites, but also concerti with the
lute and viola da gamba and with other appropriate instruments. At first he was in service at
the royal Prussian court; from there he came to the ducal Saxon court in Weimar, then to His
Excellency, Field Marshall Flemming, and was later in Hamburg.34
wurd er an den Zeikischiien Hoff befuffen; als aber der Hoff auseinander gieng, begab er sich nach
Franden, und hilt sich eine zeitlang in Niimberg bey Ihro Hoch-Grasslichen Gnaden, der Grassin von
Bollheim auf. Nach der Zeit ist er an den Hoch-Fiirstlichen Sachsisch-Gothaischen Hoff kommen,
allwu er das Gluck hat, einen von denen vollkommensten Fiirsten zu dienen, und sich naoch biss dato
daselbst befindet. Sein Spielen bestehet in einer Ubweschlung von Force und Delicatesse, nach dem
es die Sacherfordert, und charmiren so wohl seine Concerte als Suiten ungemein das Ohr. Er ist auch
im Accompagnement wohl zu gebrauchen. Baron, Untersuchung, trans. Stephan Haas, 81.
33 Walfher, 403.
34Herr Johann Michael Kuhnel der Aeltere, ist ein vortrefflicher Gamb- und Lautenist zugleich, und
25
Another primary source that offers us some information about Kuhnel is J. G.

Walthers Musicaiisches Lexikon (Leipzig, 1732):
Kiihne [Kiihnel] (Johann Michael), the elder, is a lute and viola da gamba player. He was
initially employed at the Royal Prussian court and later on- starting in 1717 or 1718- at the
local court of Prince Herzog Ernst August, who has awarded him the title of a secretary.
After that he worked for Count General Fleming at Dresden, and then at Hamburg. He has
recently issued sonatas for 1 and 2 viola da gambas which were published in copper
engraving by Jeanne Roger at Amsterdam,35
The dictionary also contains an entry regarding Johann Michaels father August
Kuhnel:
Kiihnel [Augustus] was a concert master in the city of Kassel. He has edited partitas for 1
and 2 viola da gambas including basso continue.36
There is some confusion today as to whether Kuhnels signature on some of

the surviving manuscripts pertains to Johann Michael or his father August. Ernst
Pohlmann in his Laute, Theorbe, Chitarrone...(1975) decided to attribute all of the
sind seine Sachen, womit er sich ben der gallanten Welt bekannt gemacht, sehr zu recommandiren,
dock sind seine lekten Sachen weit solider jals dei ersten, weil er sich nach der Zeit in der
Composition weit mehr habilitirt. Er hat nicht allein sehr viele Suiten, sondem auch Concerten mit
der Lauten und Viola da Gamba, auch mit andem darzu sich schickenden Instrumenten gesekt.
Erstlich stand er an dem Koniglichen Preusischen Hoffe in Diensten, von dar aber an den
Hochfustlichen Sachsischen Wen marischen gekommen, von da aber, ben Ihro Hochgrasslichen
Excellenz dem Herm General-Feld-Marchal Flemming gewesen, nach der Zeit aber sich in Hamburg
aufgehalten. Baron, Untersuchung, trans. Stephan Haas (Niimberg: Johann Friederich Rudiger,
1727), 81-2. Facsimile reprinted in Amsterdam by Antiqua, 1965.
35 Kiihne (Johann Michael) der altere, ein Lautenist und Violdigambist erstl. an dem Konigl.
PreuBischen, hemach uns Jahr 1717 oder 1718 an dem hiesigen Hofe, ben Ihro Hochffirstl. Diirchl.
Herzog Ernst Augusten, welch ihm das praedicat eines Secretarii angedenen lassen; nachhero ben Sr.
Hochgrafl Excellenz dem Hm. General-Feld-Marschall Flemming zu DreBden; worauf er sich in
Hamburg aufgehalten, hat vor ganz kurzer Zeit Senates a I. & 2. Violes de Gambe ben Jeanne Roger
zu Umsterdam in Kupfferstich publiciret. Johann Gottfried Walther, Musikalisches Lexikon oder
musikalische Bibliothek, trans. Stephan Haas (KafFel und Basel: Barenreiter-Verlag, 1732), 348.
36 Kuhnel (Augustus) hat, als Capellmeister zu Cassel, an. 1698 Sonaten oder Partien von einer und 2
Violdagamben nebst einen G. B. in folio heraus gegeben. Walther, trans. Stephan Haas, 348.
26
surviving works known to him to August Kuhnel. However, this speculation lacks
concrete support as there is no evidence in surviving primary sources that August
Kiihnel composed for or even played the lute. He is today known exclusively as a
viol player and composer.37
Curt Sachs, in his Music und Oper...(1910), identifies Johann Michael as a
violoncello and gamba player who was active in Berlin in the first decade of the
eighteenth century, and lists him as a cellist on the 1708 interim-list of the King of
Prussias Camer- und Capell-Music. Joseph Zuth also mentions Kuhnel as a
pupil o f Weiss.39
WOLFF JACOB LAUFFENSTEINER

Lauffensteiner is the most well-known lutenist and composer in B-Br MS II
4089. His first known lute position was in Graz in 1709. By 1712 Lauffensteiner
was both a valet and lutenist for the Electorate of Bavaria. In 1715 he went to
Munich and soon thereafter obtained a position with Duke Ferdinand. After
travelling extensively with him as valet until the dukes death in 1739, he received a
lifetime pension and was appointed chamber counselor to the electoral House of
j7Elisabeth Noack, Kuhnel, August, in The New Grove Dictionary o f Music and Musicians, second
edition, edited by Stanley Sadie, Vol. 14, London: Macmillian Publishers Limited, 2001, p. 12.
38 Als Violoncellist stand an erster Steile Johann Michael Kuhnel, der indessen auch die alte Gambe
pflegte.. in Curt Sachs, Musik und Oper am kurbrandenburgischen H of first edition, trans. Stephan
Haas (Berlin: Julius Bard, 1910), 68, 229-230.
27
Bavaria by Duke Clemens August, Archbishop of Cologne.40 Walthers dictionary
describes Lauffensteiner as a servant of the Bavarian court and lute player,41 and
Barons study mentions him briefly:
Lauffensteiner and Scfaaffnitz both served the Electorate of Bavaria, the former as valet, the
latter as lieutenant. Both composed many fine things.42
O f his music, Hans Radke and Tim Crawford state:

[Lauffensteiners] music as a whole is highly idiomatic for the lute, in a style uniting
traditional French forms, textures and ornaments with a tendency towards italianate cantabile
melody over a supporting bass line. In these pieces, of which over 100 movements survive,
come close to those of S.L. Weiss, to whom his music is frequently misattributed in
manuscript sources a measure of its high quality in the estimation of his contemporaries.43
SILVIUS LEOPOLD WEISS

Significantly more information is known about Weiss than any of the other
composers. He was bom in Breslau in 1686, and trained musically by his father,
lutenist and theorbist Johann Jacob Weiss. His first known position was in Breslau
at the court of Count Carl Philipp of the Palatinate. Weiss then spent 1710-14 in
Italy with Prince Alexander Sobiesky of Poland. Since both Alessandro and
39 Farstad, 335.
40 Radke and Crawford, 378.
41 Walther, 357.
42 Lauffensteiner und Schaffiiiss haben benderseits in Thur-Sanrischen Diensten gestanden, davon der
Erster Cammer-Diener, der andere aber Leutenant gewesen. Benderseits haben viel artige Sachen
componirt. Baron, Untersuchung, trans. Stephan Haas, 76.
43 Radke and Crawford, 378.
28
Domenico Scarlatti were employed by this court at the same time as Weiss, it is very
likely that he worked with the two composers, and possibly had a chance to hear the
music o f Corelli and other Italian composers while there in Rome as well. The
prince died in 1714, and Weiss returned to the Northern lands, rehired by Carl
Philipp (who had recently become Imperial Govemer of the Tyrol). By 1717 he was
a listed member of the Kapelle at the Saxon court at Dresden, by 1718 he was
formally employed by the chapel, and by 1744 he was the most important
instrumentalist at the court (and the highest-paid).44
As Weiss was very much in demand as a lutenist and teacher, he traveled
often to other courts. He was in Prague in 1717 and again in 1719, and Vienna in
1718 to play for the Emperor. In 1722 Weiss performed in Munich at the Bavarian
court, and played with Johann Joachim Quantz (1697-1773) in Prague in an opera by
Johann Joseph Fux (1660-1741). In 1728, Weiss performed in Berlin for King
Frederick the Great and his sister Wilhelmine, an accomplished lute player to whom
Weiss gave lessons. He also taught Prince Philipp Lobkowitz, the princes wife, and
many great lutenists such as Adam Falckenhagen (1697-1754). hi 1739 he traveled
44 Edward R. Relly, Douglas Alton Smith, and Tim Crawford, Weiss, Silvius [Sylvius] Leopold, in
The New Grove Dictionary o f Music and Musicians, second edition, edited by Stanley Sadie, Vol.27,
London: Macmillian Publishers Limited, 2001, p.253.
29
with a student to Leipzig to visit the famous Johann Sebastian Bach (1685-1750),
whom he probably already had met at Dresden45
Baron gives his opinion o f Weisss ability in Ms Untersuchung of 1727:
Because I have seen several pieces by [Weiss] and have heard him play, I will take the liberty
of saying somewhat more about him. He is the first to show that more could be done on the
lute than was hitherto thought possible. And in regard to Ms skill, I can sincerely testify that
it makes no difference whether one hears an ingenious organist performing Ms fantasias and
fugues on a harpsichord or hears Monsieur Weiss playing. In arpeggios he has an
extraordinary full-voiced texture, in expression of emotions he is incomparable, he has a
stupendous technique and an unheard-of delicacy and cantabile charm. He is a great
improviser, for he can play extemporaneously the most beautiful themes, or even violin
concerti directly from their notation, and he plays thoroughbass extraordinarily well on either
lute or theorbo.46
Baron also relates an anecdote about Weiss:

In his Critica Musica (Part II, page 152), Herr Mattheson mentioned a strange misfortune of
the elder [brother] Herr Weiss, namely that in 1722, a violinist almost bit off the last joint of
his thumb. This violinist was named Petit and was previously in the service of the Ducal
Saxon court at Eisenach, but after he left there he came to Dresden either to be of service or
to perform at the royal court. However, because this person neglected one thing or another
from the beginning, he accomplished neither goal. Monsieur Weiss, who because of his
inborn generosity treated Petit, as a foreigner, with all civility and courtesy, discovered to his
surprise that Petit considered him to be the one who had stood in Ms way. In all probability
this presumption was entirely unfounded.47
Luckily, Weisss career was not brought to an end by the jealous Petits attack. He
went on to found a whole school of galant lute-playing which influenced Meusel
45 Ibid., 254-5.
46 Weilen ich nun mehrere Sachen von dem alteren Herm Weiss gesehen, und ihn spielen horen, so
werde mir besonders die Frenheit nehmen, was mehrers davon zu reden. Er ist der Erste gewesen,
welcher gezeiget, dass man mehr konnte auf der Lauten machen, als man sonsten nicht geglaubet. Und
kan ich, was seine Vertu anbetrifft, aufrichtig versichem, dass es einerlen, ob man einen funftlichen
OrgaMsten auf einem Clavicembel seine Fantasien und Fugen machen, oder Monsieur Weissen
speilen hort. In denen Harpeggio hat er so eine ungemeine Voilstimmigkeit, in exprimirung derer
Affecten ist er incomparable, hat eine stupende Fertigkeit, eine unerhorte Delicatesse und Cantable
Unmuth, und ist eitt grosser Extemporaneus, da er im Augenblick wenn es ihm beliebig, die Schonsten
Themata, ja gar Violin-Concerte von ifaren Noten weg speilt, und extraordinair so wohl auf der
Lauten, als Tiorbaden General Bass accompagnirt. Baron, Untersuchung, trans. Stephan Haas, 78.
30
(also a native of Breslau), among others. Weiss died in 1750 in Dresden at the age of
64, and left behind Ms wife Maria Elizabeth and seven of his eleven children.48
47 Baron, Untersuchung, trans. Douglas Alton Smith, 71-2.

48 Relly, Smith, and Crawford, 255.
31
CHAPTER FOUR: THE MUSIC OF B-Br MS H 4089
STYLE AND STRUCTURE

B-Br MS I I 4089 contains fifteen fascicles, all of them featuring the lute as
solo or concerto instrument (catalogued as RISM B VII, 64-5). Ten of the pieces are
partial or complete concertos, and the remaining five pieces include four solos for the
lute (three are titled Galanterie) and a trietto with two other instruments.
Although the manuscript is written in different hands, for the most part all of the
pieces by each of the composers is written in the same hand. The only exception is
Kuhnel, whose Concerto a Liuto obligato, Viol di Gamba & Violono is written by a
different scribe than his other two compositions.
The first transcription included in this study, Corignianis Concerto a Due
Liuti Obligato, et Basso, is in four movements: Allegro, Adagio, Allegretto, and Alla
Breve. The first Allegro movement (in a 3/2 meter) moves from the home key of Bb
to F, and then returns to Bb. The second (in 4/4) and third movements (in 2/4) are
simple binary forms in the keys of G minor and Bb major, respectively. The last
movement is in Bb major and 4/4 time.
The concertos first movement, as do most of the works in the collection,
contains a combination of early eighteenth-century styles and techniques. There are
Corellian-influenced running sixteenth-note passages and Baroque-style pedal points.
The movement also contains the sequencing of short motives and passages in thirds
32
that are highly favored stile galant devices. Unity throughout the movement is
achieved by the recurrence of various motives, which are varied intervalically but are
never unrecognizable. The short motives are exchanged between the voices of the
melodic instruments (but not the bass line).
The second movements main theme contains numerous dotted rhythms,
many o f them with what appear to be written-out divisions. There is a very Classicalsounding repeating eighth-note bass line. The third movement also has unity through
motivic development, sequences, and a light, singable melody. There is no
differentiation between solo and tutti sections. The last movement, the alia breve,
contains themes with longer note values that facilitate the quick tempo.
The second transcription is Meusels Concerto a 4 for Liuto, Viola da
Gamba, Hautbois overo violino e Violoncello, and is a concerto grosso. It contains
markings designating solo and tutti sections. Each movement of the piece is in G
minor.
The first movement, Andante, is in 2/4. It has a walking bass line, and a tutti
section where most of the ensemble often plays in unison. There are numerous
sequences, and the lute part is quite lyrical, with broad melodic lines. There are
pedal points, which help the piece create tension before a climactic section. The
entire movement repeats once at the end.
The second movement, Vivace un poco, is also in 2/4 meter and is in the
same form as the first movement. There are dotted rhythms, sixteenth notes, lyrical
33
passages, and pedal points. The third movement is an Adagio in 3/4, There are
sixteenth note arpeggiations in the lute part, almost like a chordal fantasia, and the
form is similar as well since it does not have any repetitions. The accompaniment is
sparse, with mostly quarter notes and other large note values. The final movement is
a Tempo di Menuet in 3/4. It is the most lyrical of all of the movements, and the most
galant in style. The lute part here is not virtuosic.
The third piece, the Concerto for Liuto, Viola di gamba, et Basso by Johann
Michael Kiihnel, follows the tradition of the Baroque concerto with three
movements: Allegro, Adagio, and a second Allegro. The first two movements are in
duple time and the third is in 3/4. All three movements are in D major.
The first movement gives equal responsibility to both the lute and the viola
da gamba. There are driving sixteenth-note passages in the manner of Corelli that
are exchanged between the two instruments throughout the movement. Often the two
lines combine in thirds, a particular feature of galant music. There are short
sequential passages throughout, and the bass line contains many octave leaps. The
movement is in da capo form, and the second section begins and ends in B minor.
The melodies are quite cantabile, making the movement seem very much like an aria.
The second movement features a virtuosic gamba part, and the lute plays an
accompaning role. The entire movement repeats once and ends in A major. A
unique feature is the written-out thirty-second notes and sixty-fourth notes in the
ornamenting passages. It also has French-influenced dotted rhythms. This
34
movement, as well as the third movement, also features singable melodies and a
considerable amount of sequencing. The final movement again has an equal role for
both the bass viol and the lute. There are numerous pedal points, and sixteenth-note
broken chords are played over the top. This movement is in the home key of D
major, making the entire piece seem like a slow progression from 1VI.
The fourth concerto in our volume is Lauffensteiners Concerto a IV for
Liuto, Violino Imo, Violino lido e Violoncello. It is in the key of G minor and has six
movements: Andante and Aria (both in duple time), Courante (in 3/4), Menuet (in
3/4), Sarabande (in triple time), and Gigue (in 6/8). This concerto continues in the
tradition of Vivaldis trios and concerti in that the treble instruments of the tutti
double the highest parts of the lutes register, while the bass line doubles the lower
part of the lutes register. This is the only piece in the collection that has figures for
continue.
The first movement, Andante, contains a considerable amount of sequencing
in the bass, and numerous 7-6 harmonic progressions. It has no repeating structural
material and does not leave the home key of G minor. The second movement, the
Aria, is unified motivically and contains extensive sequencing. The A section returns
at the end of the movement, and the B section is In the relative key of Bb Major. The
third movement, the Courante, has a highly chromatic bass line. The Menuet, the
fourth movement, is in a simple binary form and has a light, lyrical melody. The
Sarabande, also in simple binary form, has numerous dotted rhythms, and the lute
35
part is not very busy. There is a chromatic bass line here as well, and the final
movement, the Gigue, also contains this feature. The Gigue is light and dance-like,
with a sparse texture, numerous sequences, and highly ornamental violin lines. Its
form is also simple binary, and it modulates to D major in the middle, as did the third
movement.
INSTRUMENTATION
The lute pieces in B-Br MS I I 4089 contain instruments of various types. Of
the ten partial or complete concertos, there are parts for one (eight of the ten
concertos) or two lutes (one concerto, the Corigniani). The tenth concerto is missing
the lute part or parts. The other instruments utilized in the concerti include a
transverse flute, viols, oboe, one or two violins, violoncello, and basso (most likely
for thoroughbass, though only the Lauffensteiner concerto is actually figured). The
single trietto has a lute part, obligato violin, and basso.
The first transcription in our study, the Corigniani concerto, contains parts for
violoncello, two lutes, and bass. The second, a concerto by Meusel, contains
violoncello, viola da gamba, oboe, violin, and lute. There is no basso part or
continue figures. The Kuhnel concerto has a basso part (probably cello and basso
continue), viola da gamba, and lute. The final concerto by Lauffensteiner has parts
for violoncello, two violins, lute, and continue.
36
All of the lute pieces in B-Br MS I I 4089 are composed for a lute with a D
minor timing. After almost half a century of experimentation, this timing emerged as
the standard tuning of choice by the 1670s in French-speaking lands, and officially
replaced the Renaissance G tuning, which remained preferable to most Italian
composers. The advantages of this new tuning are increased resonance and ease of
left-hand fingering (however only in a limited range of keys). The lute parts in B-Br
MS I I 4089 follow the general characteristics of galant music with arpeggiated
chords and Alberti bass, both features which take great advantage of these new,
easier fingerings for the left hand.
In this new French tuning, the bass strings were tuned diatonically from the
sixth course downwards. This system was whole-heartedly adopted in Germany,
where some o f the most brilliant compositions for D minor lute were written in the
first half of the eighteenth century. One of the greatest masters of this instrument,
Weiss, was being credited for the being the person who extended the range of the
instrument to low A by adding the twelfth and thirteenth course.
FIGURE 1: The tuning of this D minor lute is as follows:
37
FIGURE 2: The Renaissance G tuning is as follows:
TEL
4 5 6
PERFORMANCE ISSUES
ORNAMENTATION
Ornaments should be executed with grace. Appoggiaturas should not be
played too quickly. Dance forms should not be played as stylized dances, but should
be kept metrically correct, as there is every indication that they are meant to be
played as if danced. Notes inegale should certainly be used, as they are an invaluable
element of the stile galant. One should be careful not to use it in places where the
texture is much too busy. Inegale would certainly have been used in dance forms
such as the Menuet, Sarabande, etc., which are typically written by using a number
of successive quarter notes and eighth notes without a great number of smaller note
values.
Ornament signs included in eighteenth century German lute works lute have
continuously been a subject of discussion by scholars and performers. Their usage
varied from composer to a composer while most composers used different symbols
38
to denote the same ornaments throughout their careers. In this study, the ornaments
found in B-Br MS I I 4089 have been divided into four categories: appoggiaturas
from above, appoggiaturas from below, trills, and vibrato. The symbols which are
used to indicate these ornaments vary slightly from manuscript to manuscript. They
are as follows:
FIGURE 3: Ornamentation Symbols Used by Composers in B-Br MS II

4089:
Corigniani:
a) appoggiatura from above:
b) appoggiatura from below:
c) trill:
Kiihnel:
Jv?

c) trill:
d) vibrato:
a?
W
&
39
FIGURE 3 CONTINUED:
Meusel:
c) trill:
Lauffensteiner:
c) trill:
d) vibrato:
k-
DYNAMICS
Even though dynamic markings were certainly used in the eighteenth century,
they are rarely found in B-Br MS I I 4089. However, this does not mean that the
piece was not varied dynamically. Performers were expected to determine dynamics
depending on their tastes. Keep in mind that sudden dynamic changes were a typical
feature of the stile galant.
40
TEMPO
It is wise to keep clear of extreme tempi in these concertos. Grace and
elegance is much more important than showy virtuosity. For example, movements
marked Allegro should not be played at a speed which would impede clarity and the
courtly aesthetic. Adagio movements, on the other hand, are not too slow, since
lengthy note values cannot be sustained on the lute and would impede the flow of the
piece.
41
PART M
CHAPTER FIVE: EDITORIAL METHOD
The music contained in this study is taken exclusively from a facsimile of 38Br MS H 4089. At ever}' opportunity the integrity of the text has been maintained.
The original note values and time signatures have been retained. For the most part,
the bar lines are as in the original, except where first and second, endings were
implied, but not written out. Also, occasionally a symbol for a reprise is notated in
the music, and for clarification these repeats have been written out All
ornamentation symbols that are found in the manuscript are preserved, as the exact
meaning of the symbols is uncertain. Other symbols have been retained as well; for
example, in the basso line of the third movement of KuhneFs concerto, an unknown
sign appears (_% ), which could possibly designate a dynamic marking. Finally, as
parts contained in manuscripts such as B-Br MS I I 4089 often contain scribal
mistakes, the author has corrected ail obvious errors.
42
CHAPTER SIX: LIST OF CORRECTIONS
Concerto a Due Liuti Obligati & Basso (Corigniani):

4th Movement: due to obvious scribal errors, measures 44-45 have been
corrected in the first lute part, and measures 48-55 have been corrected in the
second lute part
Concerto a 4. Liuto Viola da Gamba, Hautbois overo Violino e Violoncello
(Meusel):
1st Movement:
m.4: in the first violin, the G on the second half of the second beat
has been changed to A
m.5: in the first violin, the sixteenth notes A, C, Bb, and A in the first
half of the measure have been changed to Bb, D, C and Bb
m.36: in the viola da gamba, Eb has been changed to D
m.37: D, C, Bb, C, and G in the viola da gamba have been changed
to Bb, A, G, A, and F#
m.47: in the violin II part, the last three sixteenth notes of the bar (D,
C#, B natural) have been changed to G, E, and D
m.48: in the violin II part, A has been changed to C#
2nd Movement:
m .l: on the first beat of the bass line, F# has been changed to G
m.22: in the first violin, the second eighth note Bb has been changed
to A; in the oboe, the second eighth note Bb has also been changed to
A
m.68: in the bass line in the second half of the measure G has been
changed to B natural
m.84: A and F# in the lute part have been changed to Bb and G
m.110-11: in the first violin, the tied half notes (G) have been
changed to F; the same change has been made for violin II
3rd Movement:
m.5: in the viola da gamba, the half note A has been changed to F#
m.23: the first quarter note in the violin part has been changed from D
to G; the viola da gamba part has been changed from D to Eb
43
m.28: in the first violin, A and B on the third beat have been changed
to Bb and C
4 th Movement:
m.5: in the viola da gamba, Bb, Eb, and Bb have been changed to G,
Bb, and G, respectively
m.7: C on the second beat of the viola da gamba part has been
changed to A
m.8: in the viola da gamba, the F on the last beat has been changed to
Eb
m.26: the quarter note on the first beat o f the violin part has been
changed from A to Bb
m.74: in the violin II part, D on the third beat has been changed to Bb
m.88: in the violin H part, B natural on the first beat has been
changed to C#
m.91: in the first violin on the second beat, G has been changed to A
m.92: in the first violin, the two Gs on the second and third beats
have been changed to F#s; in the violin II part has been changed to
match the lute part; in the bass line, the second and third beats have
been changed from a quarter-rest and an Eb to two D s
m.93: the eighth-note Eb on the first beat and the two Ds on the
second and third beats have been changed to D and two C#s,
respectively; the violin II part has been altered to match the lute
m.94: in the viola da gamba, the eighth-note B and two quarter-note
Ds have been changed to an eighth-note D and two quarter-note C#s
m. 109: the quarter-note F in the bass line has been changed to Eb
m. 113: C and D of the second beat, and the quarter-note F on the
third beat of the viola da gamba part have been changed to A, Bb, and
C
m.114: in the viola da gamba, the first three eighth notes, Bb, D, and
F, were changed to C, D, and C, respectively
m. 120: in the first violin part, F, E, F, D, and Bb on the second half
of the first beat have been changed to A, G, A, F, and D
m.121: in the first violin, F, E, and F on the second half of the first
beat have been changed to A, G, and A
m. 123: in the first violin, C and F on the third beat have been
changed to D and G
m. 124: in the first violin, E and F on the second half of the second
beat have been changed to F and G; in the bass line, G on the second
beat has been changed to F
44
m. 126: in the first violin, E on the second beat has been changed to
F; in the viola da gamba, E has also been changed to F
Concerto.a Liuto, Viola di Gamba et Basso (Kilhnel):
NONE
Concerto a IV. Liuto, Violino Imo, Violino lido e Violoncello (Lauffensteiner):
1st Movement:
m.2: the sixteenth notes A and Bb on the first beat of the violin II
part have been changed to Bb and A, respectively
m.6: the E natural on the first beat of the violin II part has been
changed to Eb
m.7: the second half of the second beat (sixteenth notes A and G) in
the violin II part has been changed to B and A
m.13: the last two notes of the measure (sixteenth notes A and C) of
the first violin part have been changed to D and D
2nd Movement:
m.8: the sixteenth-note E natural on the second half of the second
beat in the first violin part has been changed to an Eb
3rd Movement:
m. 15: the F in the bass line has been changed to Bb
m. 16: the F in the bass line has been changed to G; in the second
violin, the third beat (eighth-note G) has been changed to A
m. 17: the F on the third beat of the bass line has been changed to G
m.32: the second and third beats of the second violin part have been
changed from Bb, D, F, D to D, A, A, C
m.36: the second and third beats of the violin II part (Bb and G) have
been changed to C and C
m.51: in the violin II part, the E natural on the second beat has been
changed toD
m.63: in the first violin, the second half of the third beat (Bb) has
been changed to A
m.72: in the first violin, the G on the second half of the third beat has
been changed to F#
45
4th Movement:
m.15: in the violin H part, the E natural on the third beat has been
changed to D
m.22: in the violin II part, the Eb, B, and C have been changed to Bb,
D, and Bb, respectively
5th Movement:
m. 17: on the third beat of the violin II part the F has been changed to
E natural
6th Movement:
m.36: in the first violin in the second half of the measure, A, B
natural, and C have been changed to C, D, and Eb; in the violin II
part, the last two eighth notes (C and C) have been changed to D and
Eb
m.40: in the first violin, the Eb, Eb, and D in the first half of the bar
have been changed to Eb, D, and C
46
Concerto
a Dus Liuti Obligati, & Basso
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B-Br Ms. I I 4089, fasc 3
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
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GERMAN LUTE CONCERTOS OF THE GALANT ERA

FROM B-Br MS I I 4089

A Thesis Presented to the

UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA

This thesis, written by

under the direction of h

thesis committee, and

approved by all its members, has been presented to and

I would like to thank first of all Professor James Tyler and

CHAPTER 3: COMPOSERS INCLUDED IN B-Br MS I I 4089........ ...22

CHAPTER 6: LIST OF CO RRECTION S.........

Concerto a Due Liuti Obligati & Basso (Corigniani).......................4 6

3.) Ornamentation symbols used by composers in B-Br MS II

This study examines galant-style German lute concertos of the

ecclesiastici...(Venice, 1595) was published containing works for similar forces.3

In the general context of early eighteenth-century lute music, however, the

THE LUTE AND THE STILE GALANT

17 Brian Vickers, Figures o f Rhetoric/ Figures of Music, Rhetorica ii (1984), 18.

Affektenlehre, was a widely-held seventeenth and eighteenth-century belief in the

In his later publication, Der

Vollkommene Capellmeister (Hamburg, 1739) he emphasizes his convictions:

The lute, because of its light sound and

CHAPTER TWO: THE ORIGINS OF B-Br MS I I 4089

THE GENESIS OF THE MANUSCRIPT

Overall, there is clearly a possibility that this manuscript was

compositions by lesser-known composers had been a marketing strategy used by

That none o f the concerti appear in surviving printed books might be

DATING AND ATTRIBUTIONS

Music (February 1989), 17-30.

Facsimile series fo r scholars and musicians, 19, Introduction.

CHAPTER THREE: COMPOSERS INCLUDED IN B-Br MS H 4089

The most substantial account pertaining to the life of Meusel

(1688-1728) is also found in the writings of Baron:

An entry on an N. Meusel is also found in Walthers Lexikon,and Ms information

JOHANN MICHAEL KUHNEL

Another primary source that offers us some information about Kuhnel is J. G.

There is some confusion today as to whether Kuhnels signature on some of

WOLFF JACOB LAUFFENSTEINER

O f his music, Hans Radke and Tim Crawford state:

SILVIUS LEOPOLD WEISS

Baron also relates an anecdote about Weiss:

47 Baron, Untersuchung, trans. Douglas Alton Smith, 71-2.

STYLE AND STRUCTURE

FIGURE 2: The Renaissance G tuning is as follows:

FIGURE 3: Ornamentation Symbols Used by Composers in B-Br MS II

b) appoggiatura from below:

CHAPTER FIVE: EDITORIAL METHOD

CHAPTER SIX: LIST OF CORRECTIONS

Concerto a Due Liuti Obligati & Basso (Corigniani):

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................. - ---------- -Baai

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