IcanrememberonmorethanoneoccasionvisitingaparticularPalestinianorganizationinBethlehemandhearingstaff

describe,astheypointedtothebookshelfintheroomwhereweweremeeting,howmanyshelvescouldbefilledwith
internationalhumanitarianandhumanrightslaws,resolutions,andthelikeregardingtherightsofthePalestinianpeople.
TheydidthistomakethepointthatPalestiniansdidnotneedmorelawsorresolutions.Insteadtheyneededtheinternational
communitytofollowthroughwiththecommitmentsthattheyhadalreadyputdownonpaper.
ThisisbutoneexamplethatspeakstothetopicthatLoriAllenaddressesinTheRiseandFallofHumanRights:Cynicism
andPoliticsinOccupiedPalestine.AcentralfeatureofAllensworkisanattempttounderstandtheoriginsandfunctionsof
humanrightsasperformanceinoccupiedPalestineandtherolethatcynicismplays.ThedistinctionAllenmakesbetween
humanrightsandthehumanrightsindustryiscriticaltoherdiscussion.Whilehumanrightscontinuestoinvokeaset
ofprincipleswithoriginstracedbacktotheUniversalDeclarationofHumanRights,thehumanrightsindustryreferstothe
materialandfinancialinfrastructurethatbuttresseshumanrightswork,suchasthecomplexofactivitiesandinstitutionsthat
functionunderthelabelhumanrights,includingtheprofessionalswhoworkwithinthoseorganizations,theformulasthey
havelearnedinordertowritereportsandgrantapplications,andthefundingstreamsthatthisindustrygeneratesanddepends
upon(p.4).
WhileAllenpointsoutthatitisthetaintingofhumanrightsbythisindustrythatPalestiniansreject,itisthroughthe
appropriationorperhapsrenarrationofthisdiscoursethatPalestinianshavealsomadepoliticalclaimsandarticulated
politicalidentity.Thisisanimportantpieceofthisbook,inparticularAllensdiscussionofhowhumanrightsandthehuman
rightsindustryrelatetopoliticalsubjectivity,nationalism,andstatebuilding.Forexample,Allenpointsoutthatthehuman
rightssystemisonecriticalstructurethatmediatescontestsoverthedynamicsofnationalism,thenatureofthePalestinian
stateandwhatkindofcitizenshouldbuildit,andthenationalstruggleagainstoccupationandwhatkindofsubjectshould
undertakeit(p.9).Acriticallinkismadebetweenpoliticalsubjectivity,cynicism,andtheongoing,andseemingly
unstoppable,IsraelicolonizationofPalestinianlandandtheindefatigablybrutaloccupation,leadingAllentochallengethe
impulsetolabelasnoneventfultherecenthistoryofPalestine.Instead,shearguesthatwetakeseriouslythe
transformativeeffectoftheaccumulationofabortedeventsandfrustratedexpectations,ratherthanseerupturingeventsasthe
keytounderstandingsocialchange(p.27).ThisanalyticalattentiontothenoneventfulallowsAllentoidentifythe
meaninginoccupiedPalestineofsumud,theArabicwordforsteadfastness.
AllenbeginsherexaminationintotheriseofhumanrightsinoccupiedPalestinebychroniclingtheoriginsandperformance
ofthefirstPalestinianhumanrightsorganization(HRO)AlHaq.Throughoutthefirstchapter,AllenliftsuptheeffortsofAl
HaqtomakethecasetotheworldthatPalestiniansinhabitedthestatusofhumanandsodeservedbasicrightsand
protections,despitebeingastatelesspeople.Theappropriationofrationalitywasakeyfeaturetotheseearlyhuman
rightsinitiatives,Allennotes,asrationalityhadlongbeenacategoryusedtojustifycolonialeffortstodiscreditand
denigratethecolonized,whosesupposedirrationalpassionsrequiredthecivilizingdisciplineoftheliberalWest.AlHaqs
goalwastosubvertthatcoloniallogic,andthelonghistoryoforientalismthathasobscuredanddistortedthefactsofthe
Palestiniancase(p.37).
YettherewasasensitivebalancetobestruckasAlHaqnavigatedthetensionsbetweennationalistandhumanistvaluesas
wellasthedifferentstandardsoflocalandinternationalcredibility.Itwasinthecontextofthefirstintifadathatreportsfrom
HROslikeAlHaqenhancedinternationalattentiontothePalestinianscause,andwhen,AllennotesreferencingGeorge
Giacaman,Palestiniansdiscoveredhumanrightsastheideallanguagewithwhichtomaketheirvoicesheard
internationally(p.56).Speakingwithsuchavoice,humanrightsdocumentationbecameaformofhistorywritingina
contextofdispersalandupheavalwherethePalestiniannationalnarrativewasmerelyanaddendumtothatofothernations.
AsAllenchartsthedeclineofhumanrightsinoccupiedPalestineinchapter2,shediscussestheOsloeraaspresentingthe
processesthatledtoashiftingpoliticalterraininwhichthesocialroleofthehumanrightsworkerasacategoryof
professionhasflourished,andcynicismanddistrusttowardithasgrown.FirstwasthetremendousgrowthofHROsin
occupiedPalestineaswellasthesimultaneousconstrictionoftheiractivitiesbyforeigndonors.Allendescribesthe
corrallingofthesenongovernmentalorganizations(NGOs)towardaparticularvisionofpeace,whichmanyPalestinians
felttobeskewedawayfromachievingactualfreedomcontributingtoadecliningcredibilityinPalestiniansocietythat
distancedthemfromthegrassroots,whileexpandingcareerpaths(p.75).ThesecondprocessemergingfromOslowasthe

creationofthePalestinianAuthority(PA),whichledtoasituationwhereresistancetooccupationwastosomedegree
removedfromthehandsofthepeople,aspoliticswasformalizedinanewwayandcommandedbythePA(p.76).Andyet
inspiteoftheNGOizationofpoliticalactivism,Palestiniansseethroughthis,indicatingthatpopularopinionnevertheless
remainsapowerfulforceforsustaininganethicalhorizonagainstwhichthesecorruptinginfluencesandresulting
problematicsocialrelationsarejudged(p.97).
Inchapter3,Allenexploresthewayinwhichhumanrightseducationworksasameansbywhichdifferentgroups,fromthe
PAandinternationaldonorstoacademicstocivilsocietyactivists,trytocreateaPalestinianstateandshapethepolitical
subjectstheythinkaremostappropriatetoit(pp.99100).Thesetechnologiesofcitizenshipeducationforcitizensin
themakingforastateinthemakingaredesignedtocultivatecertaindispositionsamongsubjectswhoaredisciplinedand
broughtintobeingtoinhabittherolesofcitizenandsecurity(p.100).ParticularlyinterestingisAllensexplorationof
theroleofhumanrightstrainingforPAsecurityforcesanditsconnectiontothemodernstate.HereAllenreturnstothe
notionofstateasperformance,andinthiscaseperformanceforaparticularaudienceespeciallytheinternationalstatesand
donorsfromwhomemergefundingandlegitimacy.Thebuildingofaprofessionalsecurityserviceisunderstoodtobea
necessaryelementwithintheassumedteleologyofcreatingamodernstate(p.116).Butthetransparencyofthis
bureaucratizedattitudeisnotlostparticularlyoncriticsofthePAwhofindobjectionablethepseudostatesdangerously
denationalizedapproachtothepublicandthestatebuildingproject(p.118).Butagain,itisthiscritiquethatdoesnotlet
Allendismisshumanrightsorthehumanrightsindustryassimplyanimperialtool,norPalestiniansassimplypassive
victims.InsteadAllenarguesthiscritiqueisitselfanexpressionofpoliticalsubjectivitynotleastinthatitopensupaspacein
whichPalestiniansproducetheirownmeaningsandpoliticalprojectsthatcannotbesubsumedunderthelabelsof
imperialismorliberalism,orbecritiquedasakindoffalseconsciousness(p.129).Thisunderscoresherpointthatthe
activitiesandeffectsofthissystemaremultiple,complicated,andsometimescontradictory,butthatPalestiniansarenever
completelydefinedbyit(p.98).
Inherfourthchapter,Allengoesfurtherwithherdiscussiononhumanrightsandsecurityasmakeupforafacepresented
outward,butthatdoesnotworkinPalestine.TheWestBankPAhashingedtheproductionofitsownstatenesson
distinguishingitselfasastateanddefiningitsrelationshipstosocietythroughtwokeyperformancesdirectedtowardthese
audiences:oneistheuseofforcethoughitssecuritysector,theotherisastatedcommitmenttohumanrightslaw.Butthe
unconvincingresultoftheseperformancesagainuncoversthePAasanonsovereignentityunabletoperformadequatelythe
mostbasicexercisesofgovernance,paradoxicallyresultinginbuildingafaadeofthestateanddrawingattentiontoits
fragility(p.132).
AllenfollowsthisanalysisoftheWestBankwithanexaminationinherfinalchapteroftheinteractionbetweenHamasand
thehumanrightsindustry,highlightingthenationalistinflectioninHamasshumanrightsdiscourseasopposedtoFatehs
technocratictone.Hamassupporterspresentthemselvesasnoncynicalnationalistsactingonbehalfofthepeople,presenting
analternativetakeonhumanrightsengenderedwithinanationalistframework,whichexplainsmuchofwhythemovement
hasbeenapreferredpoliticalalternativeforsomePalestinians(p.158).
Assheconcludes,Allenrecognizesalargerphenomenoninwhichthehumanrightssystemhasbecomeacentralelementof
theconceptionofstatelegitimacy,acoremediatinggridthroughwhichstatesaredebatedandconstructed,aspecificformof
supranationalgovernmentalitythatimposescriteriaoflegibilityonsupplicantstates(p.186).ButAllenhelpfullyreminds
usthatargumentsoverthehegemonicfeatureofhumanrightsideologyassumestoomuchwhenitcomestoPalestine,
demonstratedbyPalestiniansvariedengagementswithhumanrights.Thisiswherecynicismservesapoliticalfunctionasa
criticalstancebywhichthosewhoaredispleasedwithchoicesavailableinthepresentholdontothebeliefthatsuchlimited
optionsarenotallthereshouldbe.FormanyPalestinians,ahorizon,howevervague,ofalternativepossibilitiesandhopes
enduresbecauseahistoryofmoresatisfyingpoliticalbondsandcontributionsmotivatedbymoresincerelyheldpolitical
valuesisremembered,oratleastnostalgicallyimagined(p.189).
DespiteAllensthoroughwork,onecouldstillbeleftwithquestionsregardingherexplanationofhumanrightsandthe
humanrightsindustryinPalestine.Inotherwords,howmuchpowerdoeshertheoryhaveinexplainingtheimpactofthe
humanrightsindustryinparticularanditscausaleffectonthePalestinianresponseofcritiqueandcynicismthatshe
observes?Forexample,attimes,shedoesnotmakeasubstantivedistinctionbetweenthehumanrightsindustryandthe

humanitarianindustry,orthepeacebuildingindustry,orcivilsocietymoregenerallyunderstood.Whatroledotheseother
industriesplayinproducingPalestinianexpressionsofcynicism?Ofcoursethisisananalyticalpointaboutthetotalizing
effectofourcategoriesthatcanbebroughttobearonnotonlymanydiscussionsonPalestinebutalsoanyconversationin
whichcivilsocietyandtheNGOsectorsitsinaprivilegedspace.However,althoughAllendoesnoticethemuddyingof
thesedistinctionsforexample,inhowhumanrightsbecomesdemocracyandhumanrights(p.163)itwouldbe
interestingtolearnmoreabouthowthesecategoriesandindustriesareworkinginaplacelikeoccupiedPalestine.
AnotherplacewhereIwasleftwantingmorewasinregardstohumanrights,thestate,statemaking,andsovereignty.Allen
doesgivetimetothisdiscussion,notingtheoriesthatidentifyexcessivebrutalityasthebasisofsovereigntyaswellasthe
elementsofdefactosovereignty,suchastheabilitytokill,punish,anddisciplinewithimpunity(pp.153,147).These
performativeaspectsofstatemakingareparticularlysalientgivenhowthePAsforeignbenefactorsseesecuritysector
reformasessentialtostatebuilding.ButIwasleftaskingquestionsaboutthefundamentalcompatibility,orlackthereof,
betweenlawandsovereignty.Forexample,PaulKahnhasdiscussedtheconflictingsocialimaginariesthatestablishthe
natureofpoliticalmeaninganimaginativestructureoflawontheonehandandofsovereigntyontheotherandasksifan
imaginedspaceremainsforapracticeofsovereigntybeyondlaw.Withparticularattentiontothenotorturefirstprinciple
inlaw,Kahnarguesthatpoliticscreatesmeaningthroughsacrifice.Politicalmeaningoftenenterstheworldthoughthe
killingandbeingkilledofwar.Wetakeourfirststeptowardtorturewhenwetakeuparmsindefenseofthestate.Thisisthe
stepfromlawtosovereignty.[1]
Andsoadilemmapresentsitselfforthosewhorejecttortureandtheveryideaofsacrificialviolenceonappealtolaw:it
cannotbedonewithoutrejectingthefaiththatsupportsthepracticeofpoliticalviolencebygroundingitssacredcharacterin
theideaofthesovereign.ForKahn,thekillingandbeingkilledofwaroccuronasymbolicfieldofsacrificeand
sovereignty,whichsimplycannotappearwithintheordinaryorderoflaw.[2]IcannothelpbutthinkthatwhatAllenhas
identifiedwithcynicismhassomethingtodowiththetensionsproducedbythesecompetingimaginaries.
Intheend,Allenoffersherworkasonemodelforlearninghowtoappreciatethemultiplepowersofcynicisminpolitics
andthepossibilitiesofsolidarityand,yes,theresistancetooppressiveforcesthatarecontainedtherein(p.193).Thisis
indeedaresearchagendaworthyoffurtherattention,andAllenhashelpfullyopenedupmorespacetopursueit.
Notes
[1].PaulKahn,SacredViolence:Torture,Terror,andSovereignty(AnnArbor:UniversityofMichiganPress,2008),14.
[2].Ibid.,44,151.

Allensethnographyoftheprofessionalizationofhumanrightsactivismisastuteandappliestomanyothersitesof
internationaldemocratizationanddevelopment.Theoverwhelmingdependencyofhumanrightsorganizationson
internationalfundinghascreatedahegemonyofaparticularformofmarketablehumanrightsworkthatdoesnotalways
supportpoliticalactivismorengagement(p.109).SuchaflowofmoneyandresourcesfeedsanNGOglobalizedelitewho
finditriskiertotakeonmorepoliticizedprojects(p.82).InthecaseofPalestine,Allenobserveshumanrightsdeployedto
createtheperceptionofprofessionalpeopleandorganizationsthatdeserveastate[becausetheydohumanrights].
ThePalestinianAuthority(PA)performsitspartaswell.Officersarebeingtaughttocontributetoproducingafantasyof
thestate,anillusionofaprofessional,modern,humanrightsrespectingstateinwhichtheyplayarolethatisunderstoodto
beaperformanceforspecificaudiences(p.110).Butthebravadoofhumanrightsandthegarishshowanduseofphysical
forcebythePAundermineitsownact.Thisiscompoundedbycorruption,ineptitude,andtheknowledgethatstate
accountabilitythecoreprincipleofhumanrightslawisdifficulttoapplytooccupiedPalestine.
CynicisminevitablygrowsfromthemyriadformsofhypocrisyandparadoxPalestiniansexperience.Cynicism,Allen
compellinglyargues,isadefiningbutunderstudiedforceinhumanrightsdynamicstoday(p.23).Normallyperceived
onacontinuumfromdisappointmenttoinertiaandapathytoanger,cynicismcanbecorrosivetopoliticalmovements.But
Allenassertsthatthisoverlookstheconstructivefunctionsofcynicism.Sheviewsitasananalyticalconcept,amodeof
understanding,aformofawarenessandamotorofactionbywhichsubjectionandsubjectificationareselfconsciously
resisted,oratleast[EndPage173]creativelyengaged(p.16).Cynicismisacriticalstancebywhichthosewhoare
displeasedwithchoicesavailableinthepresentholdontothebeliefthatsuchlimitedoptionsarenotallthatthereshouldbe
(p.189).Thatcriticalconsciousness,togetherwithasetofethicalvaluesspecifictoPalestinians,sustaintheirnationalist
vision.AlthoughPalestiniansmayfeeltheyhavereapedlittlebenefitfromthehumanrightssystem,itwouldbeamistaketo
concludethatitisbeingfoistedonthem,orthatitisentirelydestructivetotheirobjectives.
Palestiniancivilsocietyhasbeenfarmoreastuteastotheconstructivepotentialofcynicismthanthepoliticalleadership.The
booksfirstchapterchroniclestherevolutionaryvisionandmethodologyofAlHaq(foundedin1979),thefirstPalestinian
NGOtorecognizethepotentialofhumanrightstomotivateanovelformofcollectiveactionandbecomeaconstitutive
elementofPalestiniannationalistpolitics(p.35).Utilizinglawanddocumentation,AlHaqsfoundersunderstoodthe
magnitudeofallowingthehumanrightsdiscoursetostandonitsowninwhatwasasupremelypoliticizedsituation(p.40).
TheysawhumanrightsandtheruleoflawnotonlyasatooltofighttheIsraelioccupationbutasauniversalvaluein
themselves(p.60).JonathanKuttab,oneofAlHaqsfounders,toldAllenitwasasignofgreatmaturitythatassoonasthe
PAwasinstalledin1995,everyoneexpectedthemtoabidebyhumanrightsstandards(p.60).
Thewaystatesperceivetheroleofhumanrightsintheproductionandlegitimationofsovereigntycomprisesanother
principletheme.Humanrightsisconstitutiveofstatebuilding,especiallyinthecontextofconflictandongoingnegotiations,
asinPalestine.Itistheonlywayforatransitioningstatetoproveitself.BoththeWestBankPAandtheHamasgovernment
inGazaunderstandthisand,thus,makeuseofthehumanrightsparadigm.Theiragenciesparticipateininternationaland
intergovernmentalhumanrightsprocesses,fromlavishdonorinitiatedtrainingprogramsofsecuritypersonneltoofficial
engagementwithUNandotherinternationalbodies.Itdemonstratesthecentralityofhumanrightsperformancetothe
conceptofstatelegitimacy(p.142).
Allenframesthesepatternsasthepoliticsofactingasif.InPalestine,cynicismispartoftheprocesswherebyhuman
rightshascometobeaframeofreferenceforpeopleactingasifthatis,actingasifthehumanrightsindustrycouldstop

abusesoutsideofrealpolitical,structuralchange(p.25).Allenunderstandsthathumanrightscantandwontbe
meaningfullyenforcedwithoutafundamentalshiftinthepoliticalreality(i.e.,anendtotheIsraelioccupation).
TheHamasgovernmentisdiscussedinthefinalchapterand,whiletheirtransgressionsarenotoverlooked,theyseemtobe
handledwithslightlygreaterforbearancethantheWestBankPA.HamasisafoilforthePA(bothactuallyandinthebook);
AllennotesthatitsleadershavestressedthefitbetweenIslamandhumanrightsprinciples,andtheimportanceof
bringinghumanrightsintopracticaloperationontheground(p.177).Withtheirextensivesocialservicesinfrastructurethey
possessthemeanstoimplementthisobjective.ThePA,ontheotherhand,issaddledwithadeepseateddisdainforitsexcess
andostentatiousperformance(p.152).AllendescribesHamassabilitytoharnesshumanrightsasifitwereasignificant
policypriority,oratleastamoreconvincingact.Forexample,theHamasjusticeministerissuedaformalanddetailed,if
deflecting,responsetoquestionstheGoldstoneCommissionposedtothePalestiniangovernmentconcerningOperationCast
Lead.Hamassshrewdreportnormalize[d]the[Hamas]governmentasboththeproperaddressofUNrequestsandasthe
responsiblerespondentthatfulfillsitsobligationstotheinternationalcommunity(p.180).Suchactsofautoauthorization
(p.180),alsopracticedbythePA,maybepretenseormaybegenuineactsofsovereignty(orboth).But,theymanifestan
assimilationofthehumanrightsdiscourseandsystemandacriticalconsciousnessaboutthestatemakingprocessthatare
distinctlyPalestinian.
Allenspotlightsthehypocrisiesandparadoxesofthehumanrightssystem.Butshealsoassertsthatthesearenotreasonsto
jettisonhumanrights.Herobjectiveisnotthedeficiencies,pretenseordeceitofthehumanrightssystem;sheacknowledges
thatthereisnorealalternativeintheforeseeablefuture.[EndPage174]Allenismoreinterestedinwhatdrivespeopleeven
whentheyseethemselvesandthesystemcompromised,tokeepactingasiftheywerenotanditwasnot.
FocusingonthevariedwaysthatPalestiniansengagewithhumanrightschallengessimplecondemnationsofthehuman
rightssystemasthethinendofanimperialwedge.ToAllen,[t]hegenerativepowerofthesuspicionandcynicismasan
expressionoflocalcritiquesofthehumanrightsregimeisworthcloseexamination(p.187).Cynicismsustainsarobust,
albeitdeclining,popularnationalismwithitselementalsystemofpoliticalethics(p.156).ThePalestinianpeopleareneither
foolednorcowedbytheperformance.

LoriAllen'sstudyofPalestiniansengagementwithhumanrightsisethnographicallyrichandtheoreticallysophisticated.It
shouldcertainlybereadbyanyoneinterestedinacomprehensivetreatmentofhumanrightsactivismintheoccupiedWest
BankandtheGazaStripthatisinformedbythepost1967historyofPalestiniannationalismandthepoliticsofstatebuilding
andstatelessness.Butherbookdeservesamuchwider,interdisciplinaryaudienceaswellbecauseofthecompellingwaysin
whichshetacklesseveralofthethorniestissuesinthecontemporarypoliticsandpracticesofhumanrights.Foremostamong
theseisthequestionthatresoundsacrossthecontemporaryMiddleEastandinotherpartsoftheworld:whatgoodarehuman
rights(orwhatgoodcanhumanrightsdo)whenviolationsremainsocommon,enforcementsoinadequate,and
accountabilitysoelusive?
AllendeployscynicismasananalyticalconcepttohelpexplainwhyhumanrightscontinuetomattertosomanyPalestinians
despitethefactthattheconditionsoftheircollectiveexistenceremainsoincommensuratewithnormsandstandards
enshrinedininternationallaw.Cynicism,inherhands,neithermeansdisdainnorindicatesrepudiation;whileitrelatesto
disillusionment,itisnotaninterchangeableterm.Rather,sheexplains,[c]ynicismisacriticalstancebywhichthosewho
aredispleasedwithchoicesavailableinthepresentholdontothebeliefthatsuchlimitedoptionsarenotallthatthereshould
be(p.189).Thekeytermhereisbeliefasmultidimensionalandculturallymediatedphenomena,andsherightlynotesthat
thebestwaytogetatthisisthroughethnography.
AlthoughPalestiniansintheWestBankandGazaStripenjoyneithertherightstheyhaveashumansnorthoseparticular
toapopulationlivingunderforeignoccupation,manyfindusesforhumanrights.Forsome,thoseusesareutilitarianor
instrumental.Forexample,someofAllen'sinformantswhowereactivistsinnationalistpartiesandorganizationsthroughthe
firstintifadashifted,forpragmaticreasons,toworkfornongovernmentalorganizations(NGOs)atthestartoftheOslo
period.ThepoliticalchangesinstitutedthroughtheOsloprocessincludedaredoublingoftheNGOizationofPalestine,
whichisfueledbyforeignfundingandhasproducedneoliberaldependencies.Humanrightsorganizations(HROs)constitute
asignificantportionoftheNGOsintheoccupiedterritories.
Allencompareshowpeopleemployedbyhumanrightsorganizationsexperiencetheirfrustrationattheinefficacyofhuman
rightsbutneverthelesscontinuetoworkinthatsectorbecauseitisasourceofincomeand/orameansforremaininginvolved
inwhat,thesedays,isadominantformofsocialengagementintheterritories.Amorebaldlyinstrumentaluseofhuman
rightsisthatofPalestinianAuthority(PA)officialsandsecurityagents.Theyaspiretotalkthehumanrightstalk(e.g.,by
puttingthemselvesthroughtrainingsessions)asameansofperforminglegitimacytoappealtoforeigndonorsand
internationalconstituenciesonwhomtheirpoliticalpowerdepends.Thesetwoexamplesofinstrumentalizedattachmentsto
humanrightsillustratewhyandhowtheconceptofcynicismissousefulinanalyzingPalestinianpolitics.
Thealternativetocynicismissincerity.AsAllenexplains,Palestinianswhoremainsincerelyattachedtohumanrightsare
notnaive.Rather,theirsinceritymanifestsashopefulnessinparticularlycosmopolitan(i.e.,internationallyminded)kindsof
ways.Forthem,humanrightsmatterasawayofframingaspirationsforthepeople'sfuture,groundingcritiquesof
occupationandauthoritarianismandtheresultantviolationsinthepresent,andprovidingterms(symbolicandrhetorical)
foraPalestinianpoliticalnarrativeofnationaldeservingthatappealstotranscendentanduniversalnorms.Allen'sinsights
aboutsincerityasarebuttaltochargesofnavetwillbeencouragingtohumanrightsactivists(inPalestineandbeyond)
andenlighteningtoscholarsworkingin/onotherpartsoftheworld.

Inadditiontothevariousactivisttypesonewouldexpecttoremainsincerelycommittedtohumanrights,thebigsurprisein
thebookisthatAllenlocatesHamasinthiscampaswell.HerpointofdepartureisthatHamasselfconsciouslypresents
itselfbecauseitisasasincereandeffectivealternativetoFatah,andthatitsalternativetakeonhumanrightsispartofits
appealamongPalestinians.ThisalternativetakeincludesaninsistenceonPalestiniansrighttobenationalist[and]ontheir
righttodemandrightsthatwillbeguaranteedbyapoliticalratherthantechnocraticsolution(p.157).Allen'sresearchfor
thischapteris,necessarily,somewhatdifferentbecauseoftheimpossibilityofspendingtimeintheGazaStripduetothe
Israeliclosureandsiege,andthesensitivitiesoftalkingaboutHamasintheWestBankbecauseofthefierceHamasFatah
rivalrythathasbeenongoingsince2007;consequently,herHamasfocusedinterviewsandparticipantobservationsarefewer
andherrelianceontextsisgreater.
WhatherresearchcontributestoknowledgeaboutHamasisaclosereadingofitsleadersandthinkersengagementsin
debatesabouttherelationshipbetweenIslamandhumanrights(commitmenttosocialjusticebeingthekey),andtheparty's
actionorientedapproachtohumanrights,whichincludesearnestcriticismsofthesystemforfailingtoliveuptoitsown
ideals,usinginternationallawstandardstocriticizeIsraeliandPAviolations,andbeingresponsiveandresponsibletoUnited
Nationshumanrightsbodies.IfoundtherosypicturemoreplausiblethanIwouldhaveexpected.However,hernarrative
tendstominimizeandinonesignificantwayignoretheroleofviolenceinHamaspolitics.Shewrites:bytheendofthefirst
intifadain1993,themovementshiftedawayfrompoliticalviolenceandmovedtowardsocialsectorcharityandeducational
initiativesduringtheOsloperiod(p.161).Thenextsentencejumpsto2006whenHamaswonthenationalelection.Thereis
nomentionofHamassuicidebombings,whichfirstoccurredin1993andcontinuedthroughoutthe1990saswellasduring
thesecondintifada.Hamas(andIslamicJihad)bombingsandIsraelitargetedkillingoperationsoccurredincycles,witheach
typicallyclaimingtheiractionwasinretaliationfortheother'sviolence.Thetacticofsuicidebombingbecameamajorpoint
ofpoliticaldisagreementamongPalestinians,withcriticsdecryingtheconsequencesbothtotheirownpeopleandtothe
reputationofthenationintheinternationalcommunity.AllendoesdiscussrocketsfiredfromtheGazaStrip,whichshenon
judgmentallyportraysasamanifestationofHamas'politicalpositionontherighttofightandindeedinternationallaw(i.e.,
AdditionalProtocolI)doesprovidearighttofightagainstforeignoccupationandfornationalliberation.Whatisprovocative
andnovelinherargumentisthatsherelatesthisfightingcreedtoHamasapproachtohumanrights,partofwhat
distinguishesitfromPAandFatahcynicismandineffectiveness.
AllenisinfluencedbyLisaWedeen'sconceptofasiftoexplainhowpeopleindividuallyandcollectivelyactasif
somethingistruewhileharboringnoillusionsthatitisnot.InthePalestiniancontext,whichdiffersfromSyriaandYemen
whereWedeendidherpoliticalethnographies,statelessnessandthefraught,frustrated,orarguablyfailedprocessofstate
buildingservetocastasifinadifferentlight.Poignantly,manyPalestinianscontinuetobelieveinhumanrightsasiftheir
(varied)actionscouldmakethedifference.

LoriAllen,aculturalanthropologist,characterizesthisimaginativeandcarefullyarguedbookasanethnographicstudy,basedonher
fieldworkintheWestBank,herinvolvementwithHumanRightsOrganizations(HROs),andherinterviewsandinteractionswith
numerousWestBankPalestinians.Atthesametime,thebookisaworkofcontemporaryhistory.IttracestheemergenceofPalestinian
humanrightsfromthelater1970s,inspiredbytheinitiativeofthreeChristianPalestinianswhofoundedAl-Haq(TheTruth)toprovide
proofofIsraeliviolationsofinternationallawanddispossessionofPalestinianpropertiesforthesakeofIsraelisettlementexpansion.
FormostWestBankPalestinians,theOsloAccords(1993,1995)andappearanceofinternationallyfundedHROshaveledtoactivities
focusedonfundraisingandreportingeventsandabusesaccordingtocriteriaestablishedbyoutsidersattheexpenseofworkingtoachieve
PalestinianindependenceandasovereignstateencompassingtheWestBankandGaza.Withinthisframework,thebehaviorofthe
PalestinianAuthority(PA)securityforceshasbeenperceivedasintendedmoretosatisfyIsraelisecuritydemandsthantoprotect
PalestiniansfromIsraeliexpansionandassaults.InAllenswords,Thehumanrightsindustryhasbecomeakindoftreadmill,spinning
androllingoutprojects,representationalforms,funds,andjobs;buttheyhavenotendedtheoccupationoritsabuses,instigatedeffective
internationalinterventiontoprotectbasichumanrights,orproducedanaccountablePalestiniangovernment(p.15).
Atthesametime,thesedevelopmentshaveenabledthePA,inpartviaitssecurityforces,toactasifitwasastateenforcinghuman
rights,andhaveledPalestiniansattimestoactasiftheybelievedHROscouldinterveneontheirbehalfattheinternationallevel.Here
Allenuses,aswellascritiques,theideasbehindthestateeffect(pp.1011),referringtotheworkofTimothyMitchellandYaelNavaro
Yashin,andthevalueoftheasifconcept,toexplaincynicismaspopularrecognitionofthegapbetweenawarenessand(effective)
action(p.24).
Asforcynicismanditsvalidityasananalyticalconcept,Allenarguesthatitdoesnotsolelyrepresentacynicalattitudetowardpeople
whoexploitthehumanrightsendeavorfortheirownbenefit.Rather,incontrasttoapathy,cynicismrepresentsdimensionsofemotion...
whichcanonlybecapturedethnographically(pp.188189),adefinitionthatseemstoahistorian,butnotananthropologist,more
tautologicalthananalytical.AllencontendsthatherdefinitionofcynicismisparticulartothePalestiniansituation(p.189)shapedbyher
conversationswithWestBankPalestinians.TotheextentthatPalestineremainssubjecttooccupation,theparticularityofthePalestinian
situationisclear.Allensanalysisofindependentasifstatessuggestsadisjuncturebetweenhercomparativetheoreticalapparatusand
herapplicationoftheconceptofcynicism;especiallywhenshereferstotheconceptasausefultoolforbroadersocialanalysis(p.191).
Thatbeingsaid,Allenmakesincisivecommentsonthecomparativenatureofsovereigntyandpopulardiscontentincountriesranging
fromIndiatoTurkeytoChile.Moreover,thePalestiniandilemmahasmanyparticularqualities,notleastofwhichisthattheUnited
States,whichproclaimsitselfaleaderindefendinghumanrights,hasledtheSecurityCouncilinvetoessince1990;everyvetowasofa
resolutionconcerningthePalestiniansandtheoccupiedterritories.Moreover,AllensconceptionofPalestiniancynicismcoexistswiththe
viewthatmostPalestiniansretainhopeintheprinciplesofhumanrightsastheyshouldbeappliedtotheircircumstances,thoughher
intervieweeshavelostfaithinthefoundingassumptionofAl-Haqthatprovidingevidencewouldleadtoresults.
UnabletodofieldworkinGaza,AllenschapteronHamasreliesonrecentscholarshipandinterviewswithHamasmembersand
sympathizersintheWestBank.ShenotesHamassclaimsthatitsMuslimframeworkofbeliefsisfullycompatiblewithhumanrights
values.Hamassvictoryinthe2006Palestinianelections,thoughnotnecessarilyalandslidewithrespecttothepopularvote,asshe
claims(p.171),didindicatethatmanysecularPalestiniansvotedforHamasbecauseitrepresentedsincerityandaconcernforsocialjustice
asopposedtothecorruptionandselfservingpracticesattributedtothePAanditsparty,Fatah.
AllenstreatmentofHamasislesscriticalthanthatofthePA,perhapsduetoherinabilitytoconductfieldworkinGaza.Hamashasbeen
aggressiveinarguingitsownandthePalestiniancaseonthebasisofhumanrightscriteria,therebychallengingthePAsclaimtoconstitute

theonlystatelikestructurerepresentingthePalestinians,butshequestionswhethertheuniversalityofhumanrightsasexplainedtoherby
herWestBankHamasintervieweeshasactuallybeenimplementedinpracticeunderHamasrule.SheseemsuncertainwhetherHamas
shouldbeconsideredasanIslamicmovementorapoliticalmovementwithreligiousmotivations(p.159).Somewillquestionher
statementthatreligiousbeliefsandgoalshavenotbeencoretotheprofessedraisondetre[sic]ofthemovement(p.169),thoughitis
clearthatHamasisbothaPalestiniannationalistmovementaswellasanIslamicone.
Theseissuesdonotlessentheimportanceofthisbook.ItpresentsvariedPalestinianperspectivesonhumanrightswithintheframeworkof
scholarshiponthestateandsovereignty,anapproachrarelyconsideredbyhistorians.Aimedatanthropologists,thisstudycanserveasa
valuableadditiontoadvancedundergraduateandgraduatecoursesinMiddleEasthistory.

Yetitwouldbetomissthepointaltogethertosimplydispatchtheshababsattitudesasbadfaith.Inherwell
accomplishedTheRiseandFallofHumanRights,thatispreciselywhatAllenarguesforthosePalestiniansliving
furthertothesouth,intheOccupiedTerritories.Toexplainattitudessimilartotheshababs,Allendeploysthe
eticconceptofcynicism.Inherunderstanding,cynicismservesnotonlyascriticismofwhatexiststodaybutalso
asaninstrumentforthemoralinformedhopethatarenewedsocialcontract,beingstillpossible,canentailbetter
futures.
Allenlaunchesherinvestigationbytracingthegenesisandeffectsofwhatshedescribesasacharade,sharedby
Palestinianhumanrightsdefenders,abusers,victims,critics,andobserversalike:whydoesthehumanrights
industry,which,inthelackofstructuralpoliticalchangeenablingaccountability,soobviouslydoesnotand
cannotdeliveronitspromisesofrestrainingviolations,continuetogrow?Inthefirstchaptersofthebook,Allen
historicizesthetrajectory(19791990s)throughwhichthelegacyofthefirstPalestinianNGO,AlHaqwithits
insistenceonthevalueoflaw,rationality,logicandtestimonyandesteemforanapoliticaluniversalismwas
progressivelytainted(withtheOsloprocess,theestablishmentofthePalestinianAuthority(PA)andafterthetwo
intifadas)byaninstitutionalizationofpolitics,efflorescenceofhumanrightsorganizations,constrictionoftheir
activitiesbydonorsconditionalities,enormousflowofforeignfunding,andinfightingformonies.Thissituation
ledtooverallpoliticalapathy,withhumanrightstendingtobeframednotsomuchaslegalprinciplestobe
ingrainedinstate/societyrelationships,butratherasformalizedsetofrulestaughtatmarketablecoursesfor
securityofficers,universitystudentsandrefugeeyouth.Laterandsomewhatlessethnographicchapterscontrast
theWestBankPAseffortstoperformtwotasksnormallyrequiredfromstatesuseofforcethroughitssecurity
sectorandcommitmenttohumanrightslawwhich,inviewofitsincompletesovereignty,leavesitentrappedin
animpossibledoublebind,towhatAllennamesasHamaspoliticsofsincerityintheGazaStrip.Differently
fromFatehssupposedlyhypocriticalandemptyslogans,Hamas,Allenstates,presentsitselfasanorganization
that,duetoitsadherencetoanIslamicmoralcodeofconduct,genuinelyobserveshumanrightslegislation.
ThechapteronHamaspopularityamongGazansiswelcome,inviewofthepersistentgapandeventualbiasin
thespecializedliterature.Yetitisnotasethnographicallynuancedastheothersinthebook.Unabletoconduct
properfieldworkinGaza,AllenhadtorelyonHamasownselfdepictionsinitspublicrhetoric.Herreasoning
mightperhapshavebenefitedfromamoredynamicinteractionbetweenthemoraleconomiessopowerfully
depictedinthebookandthepoliticaleconomythathelpsexplainthesevereconstraintstowhichtheWestBank
PAhashadtoadaptitsperformanceofstateness.Anotherpotentiallyrevealinglineofinvestigationmighthave
beentoprobefortheemicnotionsthroughwhichPalestiniansthemselvesframewhatAllendescribesas
cynicism.AmongthePalestinianrefugeesfromLebanonwithwhomIworked,sukhriya,fromtheclassic
vocabulary,mightnotbedeployedoften.Butmaskhara,fromthepopulardialect,eventuallywas.Thiswordcan
probablybetranslatedasirony.SuchlineofinvestigationmighthavepromptedAllentoestablishadialogue

withtheanthropologicalliteratureonirony,perhapslessmorallyloadedanotionthancynicism.Iwasalsoleft
wonderingastowhichextentcynicismisnotsimplyarenewedandrevampedguiseforthequintessential
Palestinianconceptofsumud(steadfastness),theaweinspiringcapacitytokeeponworkingandbelievingdespite
theacuteshortcomingsofthepresent.
Besidesoftenmovingsmoothlybetweenthelocalandtheglobal,asethnographicstudiesofhumanrightsshould
butnotalwaysdo,AllensTheRiseandFallhasalso,amongitsmanymerits,thatofnottakingthestatefor
granted.Thebookemphasizesthroughoutwhatadifferenceincompletesovereigntymakes.Assuch,itisnotonly
thestudentsofthePalestinianIsraeliconflictoranthropologistsoftheArabEastthatbenefitfromreadingit.For
activistsandpractitionersworkingatNGOs,thebookputsinrelieftheneedtopaydueattentiontolocal
conditionsandtotheunintendedconsequencesofsomeactionstakeninthenameofgoodwill.Inthissense,it
shakesthe(liberal)idealisticbeliefthatNGOs,assupposedshieldsofmoralpurity,canfixthings,hopefully
promptingmuchneeded(self)criticismtowardsandfromNGOworkers.Finally,forpoliticalanthropologistsand
philosophers,Palestiniancynicism,asportrayedbyAllen,encouragesquestioningtheveryconditionsof
constitutionofstateness,withthetangledissuesofconsent,authority,andlegitimacy.Becauseitmightpoint
topoliticsconceivedotherwiseaswellastodifferentnotionsofthesocialcontract,Palestiniancynicismechoes
Arendtspraise,inOnRevolution,tolocal,nonsovereignandyetfullypoliticalfutures

Inherexceptionalbook,TheRiseandFallofHumanRights,anthropologistLoriAllenexploresacomplexsetof
interlockingthemesabouttheroleofhumanrightsinthePalestiniannationalistagenda,viewedthroughtheprismof
cynicism.Againstallodds,thehumanrightssystemcontinuesogrow,functioningasifitcouldfulfillitsidealsandpromises
(p.20).AllenisintriguedbythetenacityandbreadthofthehumanrightssysteminPalestine,despitethefactthat"the
emancipatorypotentialofhumanrights[appearstobe]unrelentinglyforeclosed"(p.22).
Allen'sethnographyoftheprofessionalizationofhumanrightsactivismisastuteandappliestomanyothersitesof
international"democratization"and"development."Theoverwhelmingdependencyofhumanrightsorganizationson
internationalfundinghascreateda"hegemonyofaparticularformofmarketablehumanrightsworkthatdoesnotalways
supportpoliticalactivismorengagement"(p.109).SuchaflowofmoneyandresourcesfeedsanNGOglobalizedelitewho
finditriskiertotakeonmorepoliticizedprojects(p.82).InthecaseofPalestine,Allenobserveshumanrights"deployedto
createtheperceptionofprofessionalpeopleandorganizationsthat'deserve'astate[becausethey'do'humanrights]."
ThePalestinianAuthority(PA)performsitspartaswell."Officersarebeingtaughttocontributetoproducingafantasyofthe
state,anillusionofaprofessional,modern,humanrightsrespectingstateinwhichtheyplayarolethatisunderstoodtobea
performanceforspecificaudiences"(p.110).Butthebravadoofhumanrightsandthegarishshowanduseofphysicalforce
bythePAundermineitsownact.Thisiscompoundedbycorruption,ineptitude,andtheknowledgethatstateaccountability
thecoreprincipleofhumanrightslawisdifficulttoapplytooccupiedPalestine.
CynicisminevitablygrowsfromthemyriadformsofhypocrisyandparadoxPalestiniansexperience.Cynicism,Allen
compellinglyargues,is"adefiningbutunderstudiedforceinhumanrightsdynamicstoday"(p.23).Normallyperceivedon
acontinuumfromdisappointmenttoinertiaandapathytoanger,cynicismcanbecorrosivetopoliticalmovements.ButAllen
assertsthatthisoverlookstheconstructivefunctionsofcynicism.Sheviewsitasananalyticalconcept,"amodeof
understanding,...aformofawarenessandamotorofactionbywhichsubjectionandsubjectificationareselfconsciously
resisted,oratleastcreativelyengaged"(p.16)."Cynicismisacriticalstancebywhichthosewhoaredispleasedwithchoices
availableinthepresentholdontothebeliefthatsuchlimitedoptionsarenotallthatthereshouldbe"(p.189).Thatcritical
consciousness,togetherwithasetofethicalvaluesspecifictoPalestinians,sustaintheirnationalistvision.Although
Palestiniansmayfeeltheyhavereapedlittlebenefitfromthehumanrightssystem,itwouldbeamistaketoconcludethatitis
beingfoistedonthem,orthatitisentirelydestructivetotheirobjectives.
Palestiniancivilsocietyhasbeenfarmoreastuteastotheconstructivepotentialofcynicismthanthepoliticalleadership.The
book'sfirstchapterchroniclesthe"revolutionary"visionandmethodologyofAlHaq(foundedin1979),thefirstPalestinian
NGOtorecognizethepotentialofhumanrightsto"motivateanovelformofcollectiveactionandbecomeaconstitutive

elementofPalestiniannationalistpolitics"(p.35).Utilizinglawanddocumentation,AlHaq'sfoundersunderstoodthe
magnitudeofallowingthehumanrightsdiscourse"tostandonitsowninwhatwasasupremelypoliticizedsituation"(p.40).
TheysawhumanrightsandtheruleoflawnotonlyasatooltofighttheIsraelioccupationbutasauniversalvaluein
themselves(p.60).JonathanKuttab,oneofAlHaq'sfounders,toldAllenitwas"asignofgreatmaturitythatassoonasthe
PAwasinstalled...in1995,everyoneexpectedthemtoabidebyhumanrightsstandards"(p.60).
Thewaystatesperceivetheroleofhumanrightsintheproductionandlegitimationofsovereigntycomprisesanother
principletheme.Humanrightsisconstitutiveofstatebuilding,especiallyinthecontextofconflictandongoingnegotiations,
asinPalestine.Itistheonlywayforatransitioningstatetoproveitself.BoththeWestBankPAandtheHamasgovernment
inGazaunderstandthisand,thus,makeuseofthehumanrightsparadigm.Theiragenciesparticipateininternationaland
intergovernmentalhumanrightsprocesses,fromlavishdonorinitiatedtrainingprogramsofsecuritypersonneltoofficial
engagementwithUNandotherinternationalbodies.Itdemonstratesthecentralityofhumanrightsperformancetothe
conceptofstatelegitimacy(p.142).
Allenframesthesepatternsas"thepoliticsofacting'asif.'""InPalestine,cynicismispartoftheprocesswherebyhuman
rightshascometobeaframeofreferenceforpeopleacting"asif"thatis,actingasifthehumanrightsindustrycouldstop
abusesoutsideofrealpolitical,structuralchange"(p.25).Allenunderstandsthathumanrightscan'tandwon'tbe
meaningfullyenforcedwithoutafundamentalshiftinthepoliticalreality(i.e.,anendtotheIsraelioccupation).
TheHamasgovernmentisdiscussedinthefinalchapterand,whiletheirtransgressionsarenotoverlooked,theyseemtobe
handledwithslightlygreaterforbearancethantheWestBankPA.HamasisafoilforthePA(bothactuallyandinthebook);
Allennotesthatitsleadershavestressedthe"fitbetweenIslamandhumanrightsprinciples,and...theimportanceof
bringinghumanrightsintopracticaloperationontheground"(p.177).Withtheirextensivesocialservicesinfrastructurethey
possessthemeanstoimplementthisobjective.ThePA,ontheotherhand,issaddledwithadeepseateddisdainforitsexcess
andostentatiousperformance(p.152).AllendescribesHamas'sabilitytoharnesshumanrightsasifitwereasignificant
policypriority,oratleastamoreconvincingact.Forexample,theHamasjusticeministerissuedaformalanddetailed,if
deflecting,responsetoquestionstheGoldstoneCommissionposedtothePalestiniangovernmentconcerningOperationCast
Lead.Hamas'sshrewdreport"normalize[d]the[Hamas]governmentasboththeproperaddressofUNrequestsandasthe
responsiblerespondentthatfulfillsitsobligationstotheinternationalcommunity"(p.180).Suchactsof"autoauthorization"
(p.180),alsopracticedbythePA,maybepretenseormaybegenuineactsofsovereignty(orboth).But,theymanifestan
assimilationofthehumanrightsdiscourseandsystemandacriticalconsciousnessaboutthestatemakingprocessthatare
distinctlyPalestinian.
Allenspotlightsthehypocrisiesandparadoxesofthehumanrightssystem.Butshealsoassertsthatthesearenotreasonsto
jettisonhumanrights.Herobjectiveisnotthedeficiencies,pretenseordeceitofthehumanrightssystem;sheacknowledges
thatthereisnorealalternativeintheforeseeablefuture.Allenismoreinterestedinwhatdrivespeopleevenwhentheysee
themselvesandthesystemcompromised,tokeepactingasiftheywerenotanditwasnot.
FocusingonthevariedwaysthatPalestiniansengagewithhumanrights"challengessimplecondemnationsofthehuman
rightssystemasthethinendofanimperialwedge."ToAllen,"[t]hegenerativepowerofthesuspicionandcynicism"asan
expressionoflocalcritiquesofthehumanrightsregimeisworthcloseexamination(p.187).Cynicismsustainsa"robust,
albeitdeclining,popularnationalismwithitselementalsystemofpoliticalethics"(p.156).ThePalestinianpeopleareneither
foolednorcowedbytheperformance.