Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology 28 (2007) 15 24

Children with incarcerated mothers: Developmental outcomes,

special challenges and recommendations
Danielle H. Dallaire
Vanderbilt University, United States
Psychology and Human Development, The College of William and Mary, United States
Available online 14 November 2006

Abstract
Incarcerated mothers represent a rapidly growing sector of the prison population. This review of the literature presents research
examining the psychological and socio-emotional well-being of children with an incarcerated mother, highlighting risk and
protective factors at different stages of children's development. Child outcomes are reviewed from a developmental perspective
with a focus on children's connectedness to family and school. Attachment disruptions and disorganization are explored as
outcomes for infants and toddlers; academic difficulties for school-aged children are discussed; and delinquency and risky
behaviors that may place adolescent children at increased risk for incarceration themselves are reviewed. Next, special concerns
and challenges associated with working with children and families with an incarcerated mother are highlighted. Future research
recommendations are made that include methodological improvements and the use of an interdisciplinary perspective that focuses
on family processes.
2006 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
Keywords: Incarcerated mothers; Children with incarcerated mothers; Child well-being; Risk factors

1. Introduction
The number of incarcerated women is growing at a rapid rate. During the 1980s the female prison population
increased over 200%; it currently grows at an annual rate of 11.2% (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2000). The male prison
population, comparison, has grown annually at a rate of 6.1%, about half that of females. These double-digit increases
in rates of female incarceration present a serious threat to the structure and functioning of families, as many female
inmates are mothers and the primary caregivers for their children (Child Welfare League of America, 2005). Children
of incarcerated mothers are believed to be at an increased risk of experiencing the enduring stress of poverty, numerous
home and school displacements, and academic failure (Child Welfare League of America, 2005). This is particularly
troubling because separation from primary caregivers, poverty, and academic failure are all risk factors for developing
psychopathology and engaging in criminal activity (Broidy et al., 2003; Sameroff, Gutman, & Peck, 2003).
With the average prison sentence being three years (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2005a), astonishingly, there are no
federal, state or local agencies responsible for obtaining information about children separated from their mothers due to
The College of William and Mary, Psychology Department, PO Box 8795, Williamsburg, United States.
E-mail address: dallaire@wm.edu.
0193-3973/$ - see front matter 2006 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/j.appdev.2006.10.003

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her incarceration, or what happens to them during their mother's internment. There are no formal policies in place to
inform law enforcement agencies, courts, or welfare agencies about how to keep track of and deal with these children.
Generally, the courts and other agencies assume that the arrangements made by the mother will be adequate (Gaudin &
Suthpen, 1993). Conservative estimates of the number of children in the United States under the age of 18 with
incarcerated mothers range from as few as 160,000 to as many as 200,000 (Gaudin & Suthpen, 1993; Houck & Loper,
2002; Myers, Smarsh, Amlund-Hagen, & Kennon, 1999). Almost three quarters (73%) of these children are displaced
from their homes when their mother is incarcerated, as she was the sole or primary caregiver prior to incarceration
(Child Welfare League of America, 2005). Approximately 55% of children transition to the care of their grandparents,
20% to their fathers, 15% to another relative or family friend, and 10% transition into the welfare system (Child Welfare
League of America, 2005). Children typically experience at least one additional change in living arrangements during
the first year of their mother's imprisonment (Myers et al., 1999).
The following issues will be addressed in this review. First, positive and negative child outcomes are reviewed from a
developmental perspective as they relate to risk, protective, and promotive factors, with a special focus on the
importance of children's connectedness to family, school, and peers for their social and emotional competence
development. Following this review of the relatively small amount of literature in this area, shortcomings and limitations
of the existing literature are highlighted. Next, special concerns and challenges associated with conducting research with
this population of children and their families are discussed. Lastly, recommendations for future research are made.
2. Risk, promotive, and protective factors for infants, children, and adolescents with incarcerated mothers
2.1. Risk, promotive, and protective factors
Children with an incarcerated mother are considered one of the most vulnerable and at risk populations (e.g., National
Council on Crime and Delinquency (NCCD), 2004). A risk factor is a variable that is positively related to a negative
outcome, such as stressful negative life-events. Protective factors are variables that are associated with decreased risk for a
negative outcome in high risk, but not in low risk populations. A promotive factor is defined as a variable that is positively
related to positive outcomes for all children, regardless of the child's level of risk, such as social support and connectedness
to family and school (see Gutman, Sameroff, & Cole, 2003; Sameroff, Bartko, Baldwin, Baldwin, & Seifer, 1998).
Researchers have identified several risk factors associated with negative outcomes in the population of children with
incarcerated mothers, such as the experience of several stressful and traumatic events and many home and school
displacements. A number of promotive and protective factors have also been identified, which are associated with more
positive outcomes in this group of high-risk children, such as social support, and stable, continuous, sensitive caregiving.
2.2. Infants and young children
According to Bowlby (1973), separation from mothers is traumatic for children regardless of the age of a child. From an
attachment perspective, separation from the primary caregiver for extended periods of time during infancy and toddlerhood
is a very serious risk factor for later maladaptive outcomes. Because secure attachments develop through consistent,
sensitive care, separations early in a child's life can severely disrupt the formation, development, and maintenance of the
infantmother attachment relationship (Ainsworth & Bell, 1970). Recent work by Poehlmann (2005a) suggests that many
(63%) of the 60 children with incarcerated mothers in her study did not have secure attachments to their current caregiver or
to their incarcerated mother. However, children who did have secure attachments were more likely to have experienced
more stable, continuous care during their mother's internment. Continuity of care has also been identified as a promotive
factor for at risk children (e.g., Hanlon, O'Grady, Bennerr-Sears, & Callamn, 2005).
Whereas attachment security has been identified as a promotive factor for later social and emotional competence,
disorganized attachment classifications are considered risk factors for later developmental difficulties (Zeanah & Fox, 2004).
Children who do not typically fall into one of the organized attachment classifications (secure, insecure-anxious, insecureavoidant) are classified as disorganized because they do not have an organized set of strategies to gain and maintain the
attention of the caregiver to get their needs met (see Cassidy & Mohr, 2001). Research with children separated from their
mother and placed into foster care indicates that these children may be especially at risk for developing a disorganized
attachment (Dozier, 2005). Disorganization is seen more often in cases of abuse or neglect (e.g., Romanian orphanages), and
often places children at especially high risk for social and emotional difficulties later in life (Dozier, 2005; Zeanah, 2005).

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Visitation with parents has been identified as a protective factor in the population of children with incarcerated mothers.
Although many researchers cite frequency of parental visitation as a protective factor against children's internalizing and
externalizing behaviors (e.g., Kazura, 2001; Snyder-Joy & Carlo, 1998), Poehlmann (2005a) found that fewer child visits
with the incarcerated mother predicted somewhat greater likelihood for attachment security in her sample. Poehlmann
(2005a) suggested more contact with mothers at the prison contributed to children's increased fear and this fear may
contribute to the children's attachment insecurity. Factors contributing to the children's fright when visiting include a
Plexiglas barrier, loud noise, and the overall severity of the institutional setting. For infants and young children, stability of
sensitive and responsive parenting and caregiver behaviors helps them develop a secure attachment relationship at this stage
of development. Attachment security may serve as a protective factor against later maladaptive outcomes; however, chaotic,
unresponsive and unstable caregiving situations place infants and young children at risk for attachment disorganization.
2.3. School aged children
Home and school displacements constitute risk factors for school aged children because such displacements
contribute to instability and make the establishment of a familiar, helpful academic environment difficult to achieve.
George and LaLonde (2002) reported that most of the women in their sample of 35,000 children of incarcerated
mothers served less than a year in prison. But their children's home and school lives were disrupted twice within that
year: first when the mother left for prison and again when the mother came back. From a sociological perspective,
school and home disruptions place children at risk for academic failure because it less likely that these children will
develop an attachment or connection to an important socializing force, the school, and may place the child at risk for
anomie or delinquency later in life (Green & Scholes, 2004; Hirschi, 1969).
Disruption and displacements in homes and schools can make success in the classroom particularly difficult for
children to achieve academically and may exacerbate preexisting academic difficulties. For example, Poehlmann
(2005b) reported that children in her sample with an incarcerated mother had significantly lower StanfordBinet IQ
scores when compared to published norms. A survey of incarcerated mothers in Tennessee found that about a third
(31%) of 260 incarcerated mothers reported that at least one of her children had been held back a grade in school
(Tennessee Department of Corrections, 1995).
Children with incarcerated mothers may also experience social, emotional, and psychological difficulties. School aged
children may experience embarrassment and shame for their mother's crimes and her incarceration (Johnston, 1995).
Incarcerated mothers report that their daughters experienced more nocturnal enuresisis (bed-wetting) following their mother's
departure for prison (Block & Potthast, 1998). Block and Potthast (1998) also found that these incarcerated mothers perceived
that their daughters had more emotional problems including depression and anger following the mothers' incarceration.
Hagen and colleagues (Hagen & Myers, 2003; Hagen, Myers, & Mackintosh, 2005) have identified children's social
support and hopefulness as protective factors against the development of internalizing and externalizing problems.
Hagen and Myers (2003) found an interesting relation between the levels of self-reported secret-keeping behavior,
social support, and behavior problems in children of incarcerated mothers. Children with severe behavioral problems
reported low levels of social support and low levels of secret keeping. Hagen and Myers concluded that this indicated
that the most troubled children felt that they had nobody to talk to, yet they readily told their families' secrets. In a
subsequent study, Hagen, Myers, and Mackintosh (2005) found that school aged children who were hopeful showed
fewer internalizing and externalizing behavior problems than children who lacked such hope; regardless of the number
of stressful life events the child had experienced recently, being hopeful protected against negative outcomes. In
general, the findings of these studies suggest that discontinuous, chaotic home environments are risk factors for poor
academic achievement for school aged children, whereas a hopeful disposition and social support are protective factors
against problematic socio-emotional outcomes during school age.
2.4. Adolescents
A hallmark of competence in adolescence is the ability to strike a balance between individuation and connectedness
(Cooper, Grovtevant, & Condon, 1983). That is, competent adolescents are autonomous individuals who remain
connected to socializing institutions like family, friends, and school. Adolescent children of incarcerated mothers are at
risk for being connected to deviant and delinquent peer subcultures, such as gangs, and not being connected to more
mainstream socializing institutions, such as school. According to some reports, adolescent children of incarcerated

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mothers drop out of high school at a rate of three times that of their peers, and they engage in more delinquent behaviors
such as lying, stealing, and cheating (Johnston, 1995; Myers et al., 1999). This is a pressing societal problem. It is
estimated that children with an incarcerated mother are six times more likely than their peers to go to jail (Johnston,
1995). Additionally, adolescent children of incarcerated mothers may also be more likely to be sexually promiscuous
and to experience a teenage pregnancy (Jose-Kampfner, 1991, as cited in Young & Smith, 2000). Sexual promiscuity,
school drop out, and delinquency are risk factors for, and precursors to, criminal activity (Elliott & Voss, 1974).
The Tennessee Department of Corrections (1995) survey of inmates revealed that 17% of adolescents with a mother in
prison had been in trouble with the law or in a juvenile detention center. Compared to the incarcerated fathers sampled,
incarcerated mothers reported that their adolescent children had more trouble with the law. This finding suggests a unique
effect of maternal incarceration compared to paternal incarceration. It suggests that having a mother in prison, compared to
a father in prison, places adolescent children at increased risk for engaging in criminal behaviors. Overall, adolescent
children of incarcerated mothers are at increased risk of dropping out of school, delinquency, experiencing a teenage
pregnancy and/or parenthood. These factors place them at risk of continuing an inter-generational cycle of crime.
On the other hand, teenagers' feelings of connectedness to family structures may reduce the chances that the teen
will engage in delinquent behaviors. In a study of nearly 2000 Canadian youths, Kierkus and Baer (2002) found that the
more connected and attached to the family teens felt, the less likely they were to engage in delinquent acts. Children
living in homes without natural parents (either by birth or adoption) and in single parent homes exhibited higher levels
of delinquent behaviors than children from dual parent homes. However, when the teen's feelings of connectedness to
the family were taken into account, the probability of teenagers engaging in delinquent behaviors dropped significantly.
When teenage children of incarcerated mothers receive stable, supportive care that promotes their connection to family,
school, and non-delinquent peers, they are less likely to engage in delinquent and risky behaviors. Negative outcomes
such as criminal activity might be avoided as a result.
2.5. Limitations of the available research
A few limitations of the aforementioned research are important considerations. First, the few published studies that address
issues concerning children with incarcerated mothers tend to have small samples (e.g., Gaudin & Suthpen, 1993; Kazura,
2001); further, sometimes the sample is not representative. For example, Euro-American women are over-represented at times
(e.g., Greene, Hanet, & Hurtado, 2000; Poehlmann, 2005a,b), constituting the majority of some samples. This is in contrast to
the prevalence of imprisonment in 2001, which was higher for African American and other minority females than EuroAmerican females (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2005b). Another serious concern is the reliance on the incarcerated mother's
report of her child's outcomes (see Houck & Loper, 2002; Kazura, 2001). However, most incarcerated mothers have little
contact with their children. Houck and Loper (2002) report that only one-third of the 362 incarcerated mothers in their sample
had seen their child in the last year. Similarly, Kazura (2001) found that 42% of the inmates in her sample never received visits
from their children. Other serious drawbacks of the existing literature are the lack of direct assessments of children, the
observation that multiple informants are not often utilized, and multiple assessments and longitudinal data have not been
obtained. Thus, the limited information available about the welfare of children with incarcerated mothers is often based on
single time-point assessments from mothers who have very little contact with their children.
3. Unique challenges and risks associated with conducting research with children and families with
incarcerated mothers
Perhaps the scarcity of high-quality research with this population of children and families is due in part to many unique
challenges associated with working with them. Obstacles researchers face when working with families of incarcerated
mothers include (a) the possible confounding impact on the child of witnessing their mother's criminal activity and arrest,
(b) the effects on the child of prenatal alcohol and drug exposure, (c) the child not knowing the mother is in prison, also
known as a conspiracy of silence, and (d) a heightened sense of participant distrust of the research.
3.1. Child witnesses to mother's criminal activity and arrest
A special concern for understanding outcomes for children with an incarcerated mother is disentangling the effect of
the child witnessing their mother's criminal activity and arrest from the effect of separation from the mother due to her

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incarceration. Witnessing criminal activity and an arrest are likely sources of stress and trauma to a young child. The
Annie E. Casey Foundation (2002) suggests that it is important to train arresting offers in ways to reduce the trauma and
stress on the child. However, to date, no study has been located that addresses this issue specifically.
3.2. The effect of prenatal alcohol and drug use on the child
Many incarcerated mothers are imprisoned as a result of activities related to substance abuse problems. This
suggests that their children may have been exposed prenatally to alcohol and other drugs. For example, Hanlon et al.
(2005) found that 75% of the 167 incarcerated mothers in their sample reported being high on alcohol or drugs during
pregnancy. According to the National Institute of Drug Abuse (2005), children exposed prenatally to cocaine (or
crack), heroin, and alcohol show lower IQ scores and have more difficult temperaments at birth. Low IQ and difficult
temperaments are additional risk factors to healthy social and emotional development of children, and may elicit more
hostile and less responsive behaviors from parents and caregivers. A number of researchers who work with children of
incarcerated mothers have noted problems associated with trying to tease apart outcomes and risk factors from
congenital conditions associated with prenatal exposure to teratogens (e.g., Myers et al., 1999; Poehlmann, 2005a).
3.3. The conspiracy of silence
Several researchers of incarcerated mothers discuss a conspiracy of silence (e.g., Johnston, 1995; Myers et al.,
1999; Snyder, Carlo, & Coats-Mullins, 2001). Friends and family members often do not tell the child that his/her
mother is in prison. Children are sometimes told that his or her mother is away at school, in the army, or visiting a
distant relative. Poehlmann (2005a) reported that 20% of the caregivers in her sample reported lying to the child
regarding where the mother's whereabouts. This phenomenon occurs more often with younger children. For
researchers, collecting data directly from the child becomes problematic if a mother or caregiver indicates that the child
has not been informed of the mother's incarceration. In addition, the NCCD noted that this poses a special challenge
because it is a hindrance to effective service delivery to these children.
3.4. Participant misgivings, distrust and suspicions
Incarcerated mothers and the individuals caring for their children are likely to have misgivings about allowing
researchers to talk to her children (Snyder-Joy & Carlo, 1998). Mothers may fear state involvement with her family or
loss of custody. The NCCD (2004) warns that people working with these mothers and caregivers should anticipate and
understand resistance from participants. Assurances often need to be made that all information provided will be
confidential and that the correctional facility and state welfare agency will not be contacted regarding the children
unless the child is in danger or poses a threat to himself or herself or someone else. As with any high-risk population,
researchers should be prepared for dealing with cases and situations involving child abuse and neglect.
Snyder and colleagues (Snyder-Joy & Carlo, 1998; Snyder et al., 2001) recommended a semi-structured interview
style with same-sex interviewers. This allows the researcher to obtain the needed information in a conversational type
manner. Researchers utilizing this interview style with incarcerated mothers report fewer recruitment problems because
it alleviates many misgivings the mother may have (e.g., Garca Coll, Miller, Fields, & Mathews, 1997; Hutchinson,
Moore, Propper, & Mariaskin, 2005; Poehlmann, 2005a). In addition, this type of interview style may diminish effects
of mother or caregiver illiteracy. Although this type of interview is time consuming, it may be conducive to obtaining
valid information from the mother as well as permission and contact information for the child and his or her caregiver.
4. Recommendations for future research
4.1. Interdisciplinary, collaborative work
After completing an evaluation of 10 research and intervention sites funded to assess the needs of children with an
incarcerated parent, the NCCD (2004) noted the gross lack of communication and coordination between practitioners,
researchers, and staff working at different agencies (i.e., prison support staff and child welfare agencies). This report
cited the urgent need for interdisciplinary work. Interdisciplinary collaboration between researchers and practitioners

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such as school personnel, criminologists, social workers, gerontologists, and developmental psychologists would help
to better evaluate children's access to quality caregivers and resources during their mother's internment, the possible
unique effects of maternal incarceration on children's health and well-being, and how those effects may ultimately
impact society. Although developmental psychologists can add valuable information to a research team regarding the
research design, statistical analyses, and family process, child outcome and home environment measures, researchers
from other disciplines are needed to inform a research team regarding other issues. The NCCD (2004) suggested that
school personnel might be better utilized as points of contacts for helping to serve such children and families and that
collaboration between welfare, school, and correctional personnel is currently lacking but strongly needed.
As there are no definite guidelines for officers or child welfare workers to follow after a mother's arrest, we do not know
the answers to such important questions as: What happens to children when they witness their mother's criminal activity
and arrest? How often do arresting officers contact a family member to look after the child? Does the child go into
protective custody until a relative can be located? Interdisciplinary work should strive to bridge alliances between local
child welfare and law enforcement agencies such that arresting officers might be informed about proper and child oriented
procedures when arresting a woman whose children are present. By working with police precincts and child welfare
agencies, perhaps a rich database could be created that explains and describes how many children are affected in a given
timeframe, the caregiver of the child during their mother's internment, the number of changes in the child's residence and
schools, and sibling separation. The answers to these timely and important questions regarding what happens to children of
incarcerated mothers could be obtained through interdisciplinary work and community alliances.
Another valuable member of an interdisciplinary research team may include a gerontologist or another researcher who
studies grandparents who are rearing their children's children. Though the reasons why grandparents seek sole custody of
their grandchildren are varied (e.g., parental drug abuse, death), maternal incarceration is one of the primary reasons cited
for the sharp increase in recent years in the number of grandparents rearing their grandchildren (Dressel & Barnhill, 1994;
Glass & Honeycutt, 2002). With the majority of children (55%) who have an incarcerated mother transitioning to the care
of a grandparent, valuable information can be gained from researchers studying this phenomenon as well as the existing
literature that examines grandparents who take on parenting responsibilities. A few special concerns associated with
grandparents who function as parents include the effectiveness of parental monitoring, being on a fixed income, and
limited access to healthcare benefits (see Glass & Honeycutt, 2002 for a review of this literature). Perhaps some of the
preexisting data examining outcomes for children under their grandparents' care can be analyzed to compare outcomes
between children whose parent is incarcerated versus those children whose parent may have died or otherwise left them to
the care of their grandparents. Additionally, recruiting from support groups or centers that serve grandparents who are
parenting their grandchildren would likely yield participants in two groups: a group of grandparents who are parents
because of a mother's incarceration, and a comparison group of grandparents who are parents for other reasons.
4.2. Focus on family processes
Though maternal incarceration status is a social address variable, the study of their children should focus on family
processes. Family cycles and processes are responsible for what Greene, Hanet, and Hurtado (2000) refer to as
incarcerated mothers' criminogenic families of origin and creation. That is, they describe the families the mothers
were born into, as well as the families the mothers create, as rife with criminal activity, physical, and sexual abuse.
These authors concluded, the cycles of pain to which these incarcerated women were exposed are being replicated in
the lives of their own children (Greene et al., 2000, p. 16). To better understand the intergenerational transmission of
crime, family patterns, cycles, and processes should be examined. For instance, perhaps children with incarcerated
mothers are more likely to engage in criminal activity because they have a greater genetic propensity towards violence
and antisocial activity than other children. It is possible that women who go to prison are more likely to mate with an
antisocial or aggressive partner, thus increasing possible genetic risk conferred to their children. Researchers should
address questions pertaining to the child's father and his criminal history to illuminate this issue.
Other process variables of interest include motherchild and mothercaregiver relationship variables. Though it is
generally assumed that stability of care is beneficial for children's development, an implicit qualification of such an
assumption is that the stable care the child is receiving is of high quality. Not only does the child's relationship with the
caregiver have implications for his or her development, but the mother's relationship with the caregiver also has
implications for the motherchild relationship. Poelhmann (2005c) reports that when the mothercaregiver relationship is
warm and has less conflict, caregivers are more likely to bring the child to visit the incarcerated mother. This finding is

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21

complicated, however, by the fact that in this same sample visitation with mothers was related to increased child attachment
insecurity. Perhaps pre-incarceration quality of mothercaregiver and motherchild relationships make this a particularly
troubling transition for children who were close to their mothers prior to her incarceration, and that the same children who
are more likely to visit their mother in prison are also more likely to suffer emotionally as a result of her incarceration.
Alternatively, children whose mothers were not as close with her before incarceration may not suffer as much emotional
turmoil following her incarceration. Such family process variables are likely to be key mediating variables that may help
explain why some children fare better or worse following a mother's incarceration.
4.3. Methodological improvements
In 1993 Gaudin and Suthpen enumerated several suggestions for methodological improvements and noted the
paucity of studies that had addressed the effects of maternal incarceration. They stated, the handful of studies in this
area are based mostly on incarcerated mother's self-reports and incorporate research designs that are weak in utilizing
comparison groups and controlling for the effects of extraneous factors (p. 131). This statement is as true today was it
was when it was written over a decade ago.
Several methodological improvements can be made to improve the overall quality of work with children and families of
incarcerated mothers. First, better estimates need to be obtained of the number of children affected by their mother's
incarceration, as well as their history of displacement from homes, schools, and siblings. To that end, perhaps pre-existing
data could be used to learn more about children with an incarcerated mother. Pre-existing data from sources including
children's school records could be analyzed to gather data regarding children's academic performance, attendance and
number of school transitions. State correctional institutional data can also be analyzed, for example, George and LaLonde
(2002) investigated archival data prison admission and exit files collected over the course of a decade (19902000) in the
state of Illinois. They examined the histories of the 35,000 children of 10,000 women who were admitted to prison during
this period. They concluded that although only 12% of Illinois newborns would have a mother in prison in their lifetimes,
this small number disproportionately burdens the child and social welfare systems in that state (George & LaLonde, 2002).
Developmentally relevant and appropriate child outcomes need to be determined and assessed when mothers are
incarcerated. During infancy and toddlerhood a child's quality of attachment should be assessed to determine the risk of
disorganized attachment. At school age a child's school and home displacement history is crucial to understanding his or
her current level of academic, social, and emotional functioning. Adolescent children may be particularly vulnerable for
engaging in risky (e.g., promiscuous) and delinquent behaviors (e.g., drinking and drug use). Although it is somewhat
normative for adolescents to engage in some risky behaviors, children with an incarcerated mother may be at particular risk
for engaging in more of these types of behaviors. Outcomes, such as drug and alcohol use, school dropout, sexual
promiscuity, and gang involvement are indicators of the child's likelihood of engaging in criminal behavior and continuing
an intergenerational cycle of crime and incarceration. Child outcomes and risks as they relate to promotive factors like
quality and stability of care, and connectedness to family and school should be assessed and addressed when necessary.
Another methodological improvement includes obtaining additional perspectives on the child outcomes of interest.
This literature is overly dependent on the incarcerated mother's report of the child outcomes; reports of the children's
psychological well-being, psychopathology, and delinquency from multiple informants would be beneficial. Ideally,
reports should come from at least three sources: the mother, the child, and the caregiver. Through the use of multiple
informants, reports of child outcomes and the home environment, some reporter bias could be avoided.
Critically, comparison reports of children from similar backgrounds whose mothers are not incarcerated should be
obtained. Incarceration is a transitory state with prison terms ranging from a life sentence to a few months. Though
children who have a mother in prison are at risk for experiencing deleterious outcomes, it remains to be seen if it is the
mother's incarceration per se that places the child at risk. For example, most of these children are experiencing other
living conditions that also contribute to their risk for these outcomes (e.g., single parenthood, living in poverty). To
disentangle these factors, it is especially important to include comparison groups of peers in future research studies.
Two studies cited herein that utilized comparison groups are notable exceptions to the research in this area. First, the
Tennessee Prison survey (1995) compared children with incarcerated mothers to children with incarcerated fathers,
demonstrating that children with incarcerated mothers were at significantly greater risk for delinquency than children
with incarcerated fathers.
Second, Gaudin and Suthpen (1993) found that children were as likely to receive comparable levels of sensitive,
responsive care whether they transitioned to the care of a relative or to the foster care system. Comparison samples

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allow studies to investigate whether children with incarcerated mothers fare worse than their peers whose mothers are
not incarcerated, and to identify risk factors that are unique for children with incarcerated mothers. Ideally, comparable
comparison groups could account for such variables like mother's education, and the child's age, ethnicity and sex. A
factor for researchers to consider when recruiting for comparable comparison groups is the child's prenatal exposure to
alcohol and/or drugs. An advantage to having a comparison group of children from similar backgrounds is that they
may be similar to the children with incarcerated mothers in that regard.
Finally, in future work, longitudinal follow-up investigations are necessary. With a within-group design that
provides longitudinal data, researchers can better ascertain the effect of risk, protective and promotive factors as well as
test for mediation. Starting with a cross sectional sample, a comparison group, and the assessment of developmentally
relevant child outcomes and home environment factors, the foundation can be established for quality longitudinal
follow-up assessments. Eventually, prospective designs should target mothers who are at high risk for incarceration and
information about their children and their living situations pre-incarceration should also be gathered. These design
features are attainable and important issues for researchers in this field to address.
5. Summary and conclusions
As increasing numbers of women with children are incarcerated, the welfare and state correctional institutions recognize
the need for additional research to be devoted to understanding and estimating the possible negative effects on these
women's children (see Beckerman, 1998; Child Welfare League of America, 2005; NCCD, 2004; Seymour, 1998).
Although children with an incarcerated mother face a number of risk factors that may increase their chances for continuing an
intergenerational cycle of crime and incarceration, several promotive and protective factors have been identified that lessen
the likelihood of such detrimental outcomes. However, research with these children is lacking in both quantity and quality.
Future research designs should incorporate a developmental perspective, focus on family process variables and utilize
comparison groups and longitudinal follow assessments. Finally, an interdisciplinary perspective that fosters communication
between researchers, and child welfare and law enforcement agencies will allow research to provide answers to timely and
important research questions (e.g., what is the best course of action to take when arresting a mother of a young child?).
We know that a mother's incarceration represents a significant event in the life of a child and his or her family. What
we do not know is the impact this important event has on the child and the family. Perhaps separation from a criminal
mother is a fortuitous event for the child, but perhaps it is not. The incarceration of the child's mother may present itself
as an opportune time for intervention in the life of the child and his or her family. Only through research can these
important issues be addressed.
Frederick Douglass said, It is far easier to build strong children than to repair broken men. This statement
accurately captures the precarious position policy makers face regarding children with an incarcerated mother. With
high-quality research lacking, policy is not informed regarding what to do when a mother is arrested, what happens to
children when the mother is incarcerated, and how to support or rebuild families upon her release. Certain policies, like
welfare reform, eliminate assistance for convicted criminals, further disenfranchise these children and their families, and
may place them at even higher risk. As the number of women incarcerated continues to increase, the time has come to
pay heed to their children. Through quality, interdisciplinary research and informed policy, perhaps an intergenerational
cycle of crime and incarceration can be broken.
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