Testing Informal Social Control Theory:

Examining Lewd Behavior During Mardi Gras

Abstract

This exploratory study extends Forsyth's research on lewd behavior during Mardi Gras by testing
Sampson and Laub's (1993) theory of informal social control. Lewd conduct at Mardi Gras is defined as
the exposure of one’s genitals, anus, vulva, or female breast nipples, or engaging in oral or penetrative
sex, in any public place open to the view of people. The overall findings do not support Sampson and
Laub's theory of informal social control. Yet, significant findings did reveal that people who have high
incidences of divorces and engagements are more likely to participate in lewd behavior during Mardi
Gras. It is suggested that future researchers incorporate Forsyth's methodology by using qualitative
research when studying lewd behavior during Mardi Gras.

1
Introduction

Social scientists have traced the celebration of Mardi Gras in New Orleans, LA and Mobile, AL in
an attempt to uncover the historical symbols of racial struggles for political, cultural, and historical power
(Mitchell 1995; Kinser 1990). When the North American development of carnivals emerged in the early
1900's, many upperclass organizations, known as Krewes, excluded Blacks, Jews, Gays, and lower
classes from participating in the elite parades, which often sparked violent or rowdy behavior (Mitchell
1995). Several anthropologists have also examined the multiple meanings of carnivals by exploring how
ritual, role-reversal, and cultural traditions relate to particular ways of dressing, deviating, and celebrating
(Lewis and Pile 1996, Magnani 1994; Filippucci 1992; Rector 1989). An important issue is whether
carnivals are religious celebrations of ritual and/or secular events where impulses and storedup tensions
are vented (see Gueusquin 1984; Ladurie 1982).

Sociologists have been interested in the development of public deviance at carnivals and other
similar activities. DaMatta (1991) conducted an historical comparative study of carnivals in Rio de Janeiro
and Mardi Gras in New Orleans. He focused on the ideological and political differences between the two
societies by interpreting the cultural rules of conduct displayed by individuals during the celebration of
carnivals. To date, however, no attention has been given to the relationship between informal social
control theory and lewd conduct during Mardi Gras. This exploratory study will examine lewd conduct at
Mardi Gras by testing the theory of informal social control. Lewd conduct at Mardi Gras is defined as the
exposure of one’s genitals, anus, vulva, or female breast nipples, or engaging in oral or penetrative sex,
in any public place open to the view of people. This approach shifts attention away from historical and
anthropological explanations of public deviance toward an understanding of the impact of background
factors. This study, then, will build on and attempt to advance the work of Sampson and Laub (1993).

Historians have shown that lewd conduct is a longstanding phenomenon. For instance, Gilfoyle
(1992) examined public erotica in the concert halls and French Balls in antebellum New York. Overt
prostitution and sexual intercourse was a public phenomenon and considered a normal part of the local
entertainment. Many prostitutes were located in saloons, bars, and hotels where alcohol and open sex
was rampantly served for those willing to pay (Gilfoyle 1992, p. 230). The French Balls served to test the
boundaries of "proper" behavior by attracting everyone from Wall Street businessmen to prostitutes and
gay drag queens at masquerades, all of whom indulged in devious behavior together (Gilfoyle 1992, p.
232). Much like the atmosphere at Mardi Gras, these events transformed into a revel whirling with passion
(Gilfoyle 1992, p. 234). As Gilfoyle explains, many men "acted with virtually unrestrained sexual
abandon ... feeling the legs and behinds of countless women" (p. 236). After the Civil War, many people
postponed marriage and others experienced marital dissatisfaction, both of which contributed to the
increased number of people who attended these events to seek prostitutes (Gilfoyle 1992). As the
number of people who attended these events increased, problems of loosened social controls and

2
crowding also increased. This resulted in lewd conduct becoming a more common phenomenon.

Traditional Explanations: Collective Behavior

As noted earlier, the bulk of sociological attention to public deviance has come from the realm of
collective behavior theory. Several theorists have argued that public deviance occurs within groups and
crowds on a collective level. For instance, Gustav LeBon (1960) introduced the idea that "primitive and
destructive" sentiments arise as a result of being part of a crowd. These sentiments are accompanied by
a sense of power or invincibility (Perry and Pugh 1978, p. 27). Large crowds in public settings provide
members a sense of anonymity among the group. As a result, LeBon claims that many irrational,
emotional, and impulsive acts are likely to occur within groups and can spread from one person to
another (Perry and Pugh 1978). The process of spreading one act to another person results from
repetition, which occurs when acts are affirmed and repeated again and again until they are embedded in
the unconscious minds of crowd members (Perry and Pugh 1978, p. 29).

Similarly, Georg Simmel (1950, pp. 409-24)1 provides an excellent discussion of how crowds in
the metropolis, such as Mardi Gras in New Orleans, contribute to the impersonality among people, while
at the same time granting individuals two forms of freedom: negative freedom, which is freedom from
restraints and connections, and positive freedoms, which is freedom to indulge in egoistic tendencies.
Simmel's discussion of metropolis crowds implies that agitation and excitement develops as part of the
collective life in anonymous settings. Consequently, people "get lost" and attempt to "be different" and
"stand out" in striking ways by attracting the attention of others (Simmel 1950, p. 421). On the one hand,
then, metropolis crowds stimulate people to behave in ways they would not behave in more regulated
spaces. On the other hand, they provide full freedom of movement that allow people to pursue their
individual passions and desires. For these reasons, metropolis crowds enhance the individuality of
people, but they also reduce them to mere links in a larger collective life. Both situations induce the
possibility for people to pursue deviance as both escapes from and responses to the metropolis crowds.

Another theory used to explain public deviance at settings like Mardi Gras is Blumer's (1975)
symbolic interactionist perspective. Blumer considers social unrest to be the force from which collective
behavior emerges (Perry and Pugh 1979, p.30). According to Blumer (1975), "[s]ocial unrest is a sign of
the breakdown of the normal social order. . ." (Perry and Pugh 1979, p.30). Four general characteristics
occur in this breakdown. First, people experience anxiety and move around aimlessly looking for
something to do; second, a sense of frustration arises over the conditions in the existing mode of life; and
third, a type of social unrest is marked by a "flight from the existing world" (Perry and Pugh 1979, p.30).
The fourth event is a sense of enthusiasm for doing something, but uncertainty of what should be done

11 Thanks to the anonymous reviewer for providing the excellent reference to Georg Simmel's work.

3
(Perry and Pugh 1979). "This kind of unrest can ultimately manifest itself in frivolous group activities or in
a headlong pursuit of sensual gratifications" (Perry and Pugh 1979, p.30). Often, these sensual
gratifications occur among members of the group in public places. However, Blumer's approach neglects
the background characteristics of the individuals within the group that may contribute to public deviance.

Cotterell (1996) studied antisocial behaviors in crowds and groups. He argues that antisocial
crowds function to provide individuals a sense of excitement, thrill, and group belonging. He found that
certain conditions during the year produced deviant behavior and regarded this period as 'timeout'
behavior, which has long been derived from customs and carnivals, such as Mardi Gras. Timeout periods
offer individuals opportunities to perform activities that are sometimes considered antisocial. Often, the
consumption of large quantities of alcohol loosens restraints, and creates a sense of magic and hypedup
fun for the participants (Cotterell 1996). As a result, members will typically feel a willingness to become
immersed in the crowd, thus lowering their inhibitions and selfcontrols (Cotterell 1996, p. 159). Although
these approaches are very helpful in understanding deviance from the foreground and subjective
viewpoint of the person, it fails to consider background factors as contributing to public deviance.
Collective behavior theorists overemphasize group activity at the expense of background characteristics
that might contribute to public deviance.

Sociological Studies of Public Deviance at Mardi Gras

A review of the literature identified two sociological studies of public deviance at Mardi Gras, one
quantitative and the other qualitative. This is an unfortunate omission, as an examination of Mardi Gras
has the potential to shed light on several important aspects of deviance. Forsyth's (1992) qualitative
approach examined the practice of females exposing their breasts in exchange for beads during Mardi
Gras as creative deviance. He interviewed and observed fifty-four men on floats and fifty-one women who
exposed themselves during Mardi Gras. Most of the flashing by females occurred at night, and were
accompanied by men. He attributes their behavior to the fact that the festival masks most forms of
outrageous behavior so that most deviance becomes acceptable. For this reason, Forsyth states it is
difficult to determine whether flashing is deviant behavior. According to the New Orleans Police
Department's Uniform Crime Report statistics, however, from 1989 to 1998 there have been a total of
1,342 total arrests for people who participated in lewd behavior during Mardi Gras. Thus, while lewd
behavior may be a minor and harmless infraction, police officers do arrest people for participating in it.
For this reason, this article frames lewd behavior within the context of deviance, while at the same time
disagreeing with the deviant connotations associated with it. To gain a better understanding of why
people participate in this activity, it is important to consider the background variables that may influence
people to perform it.

Forsyth provides important foreground reasons to explain why people participate in lewd behavior

4
during Mardi Gras, but he does not explore background factors that may influence people to perform this
behavior. For example, he provided responses from participants to the question, "Why do you expose
yourself at parades?" Forsyth concluded that flashing, as a form of public nudity that began in the late
1970's, had sharply increased from 1987 to 1991, especially among the college population (Forsyth
1992). Overall, he found that many parade strippers attributed their behavior to a large consumption of
alcohol and flirted with norm violation to receive pleasure, while only one woman exposed herself for
sexual reasons (Forsyth 1992). Though his findings are of descriptive value, the relevance to this study is
limited since his examination did not test specific theories of deviance or social control.

In the most recent and comprehensive study of Mardi Gras, Shrum and Kilburn (1996) examined
how the practice of throwing beads in exchange for public nudity is an aspect of a ceremonial exchange
ritual based on market relations, gender, and hierarchy (Shrum and Kilburn 1996). They argue that
disrobement is really "an expression of moral commitment to an economic system in which conventional
notions of gender and hierarchy are deeply embedded" (Shrum and Kilburn 1996, p. 423). This
classification of behavior is confined to gender and hierarchy, which does not provide a useful
understanding of lewd conduct explained from the deviance framework. Their study is nevertheless
similar to the present research in that it explores the act of exhibitionism as a type of deviant action
performed by individuals at Mardi Gras. Though their findings are rich and descriptive, their study
neglects background variables that influence people to perform lewd conduct during Mardi Gras. To this
end, this article will turn to control theories in an effort to explain the reasons why people participate in
lewd behavior during Mardi Gras.

Theoretical Framework

The intellectual roots of all control theories are traced to the classical era. The classical approach
is a “theory of social or external control, a theory based on the idea that the cost of crime depends on the
individual's current location in or bond to society" (Gottfredson and Hirschi, 1990 p. 87). Research in
social control has investigated the relationship between deviant behavior and the strength of a person's
social ties. Social control theorists have found that the strength of social ties, or group bondedness, is
positively related to the degree of social control the group can exercise over the person (Hirschi 1969;
Horwitz 1990; Sampson and Laub 1993). Small, intimate, and tightly knit groups have the power to
influence a member's behavior by providing quality attachments and a sense of connection or belonging
to the conventional family or community members (Horwitz 1990, p. 230). The assumption is that if the
strength of a person's ties to his or her conventional group is known, then the effectiveness of social
control which that group can exercise over the person can be predicted (Horwitz 1990, p. 230). For
instance, Horwitz (1990, p. 231) found that "groups with strong bonds, interdependent members, and
shared norms are more likely than individualistic groups to have members who wish to do what is right in
the eyes of their fellows." It follows that individuals who are attached and committed to, involved in, and

5
have the same moral beliefs as does their community are less likely to commit deviant or criminal acts
(see Hirschi 1969 and Sampson and Laub 1993). For example, individuals who are part of tightly bonded
groups are less likely to deviate because of their fear in being detected, their strong sense of obligation
felt to the group, and their fear of disgracing their families and thus facing the shame and disapproval
from them (Coleman 1990, Horwitz 1990). "Likewise, families, schools, or companies that feature strong
bonds can exert more effective prevention because their members are more concerned with the
disapproval that will result from their deviance" (Braithwaite cited in Horwitz 1990, p. 231).

Other findings corroborate these predictions. For instance, individuals who are not well integrated
into their family, group, or community are more likely to deviate than those who are integrated (Hirschi
1969; Sampson and Laub 1993). These same individuals are purportedly less likely to maintain intimate
attachments to others, less likely to face reputational costs from sanctions (Horwitz 1990, p. 231), less
likely to have a stake in conformity, and more likely to be indifferent to, insensitive to, or disregard the
opinions of others (Gottfredson and Hirschi 1990). As a result of the lack of cohesive group ties and the
inability of groups to provide physical and psychological surveillance over these individuals, effective
preventive control declines (Hirschi 1969; Horwitz 1990). Therefore, as the “degree of group bondedness
decreases, then the effectiveness of social control should correspondingly decline” (Horwitz 1990, p.
232). From this framework, control theorists would suggest that people who visit Mardi Gras and perform
public acts of deviance may lack quality attachments to conventional groups; they may fail to invest in
social relations. What results from lack of social involvement is a loss of cohesion within the community
and a lack of group belonging.

Informal Social Control Theory

In their reexamination of the Glueck and Glueck (1934, 1950) data, Sampson and Laub (1993)
found that most deviant behavior tends to persist through adulthood, but social ties in adulthood to work,
family, and community explain changes in criminality over the life span (Sampson and Laub 1990, p.
609). They acknowledge the impact of early childhood behaviors, but reject the implication that later
informal social control variables have little relevance (Sampson and Laub 1990, p. 609). By focusing on
trajectories and transitions, informal social control theory attempts to explain the change from deviant
behavior to nondeviant behavior over the life course of individuals. Consistent with social control theory,
the theory of informal social control concedes that crime and deviance will result when an individual's
bond to society is weak or broken. However, it also emphasizes the quality or strength of social ties to
informal institutions rather than insisting that marriage per se or employment per se will reduce criminality
in adulthood and thus lead to less crime and deviance (Sampson and Laub 1990, p. 611). Sampson and
Laub refer to the quality of investment in social relations, whether it be in a family, work, or community, as
social capital, which dictates the salience of informal social control (Sampson and Laub 1990, p. 611).
Linking Coleman's notion of social capital to social control theory, Sampson and Laub argue that the lack

6
of social capital is one of the primary features of weak social bonds.

By investigating the feature of social capital, Sampson and Laub discovered that individuals with
weak attachments also indicated a brief period of separation, divorce, or desertion (Sampson and Laub
1991, p. 614). In contrast, individuals with high aspirations and efforts to advance educationally and
occupationally were less likely to perform deviant behavior or be arrested at ages between 1725 and
2532 (Sampson and Laub 1990, p. 618). Marital attachment had significant and consistent negative
effects on changes in crime frequency (Sampson and Laub 1990, p. 620). Job instability and weak marital
attachment were directly related to adult crime and deviance (Sampson and Laub 1990, p. 622).

The essence of the theory of informal social control maintains that adult social ties are important
as long as they produce interdependent systems of obligation that restrain people from deviant activities.
In this framework, people will be inhibited from pursuing deviant or criminal acts insofar as they
accumulate social capital by investing in informal social controls, even if delinquent during childhood (see
Sampson and Laub 1993). By contrast, those subject to weak systems of interdependency and informal
social control (e.g., weak attachment to the labor force or noncohesive marriage) are freer to commit
deviance even if nondelinquent as a youth (Laub and Sampson 1988, p. 311).

This study departs from the traditional models of social control by applying the theory of informal
social control to explain lewd conduct at Mardi Gras. Building on the work of Forsyth and Sampson and
Laub, the guiding assumptions in this study are that (1) some cultural events attract people to deviate
because they (2) provide anonymous and ephemeral opportunities for them to "get away with it."
Therefore, these events may also attract people who fail to maintain strong bonds to their community. As
a consequence of the lack of cohesion, individuals become freed from group ties; that is, they become
separated or "divorced" from the interdependence of group bonds and are freer to perform acts of
deviance. Those same individuals who are separated from group bonds and attend Mardi Gras may be
more likely to perform lewd conduct at Mardi Gras. As the degree of group bondedness weakens and
continues to grow, as evidenced by the increase in people who live alone and who remain single longer,
then the growth in unsupervised activities should increase, and, in turn, the lack of social and self controls
for these individuals should increase (Wu 1996; Macionis 1999). Hence, the theory of informal social
control would suggest that many individuals who participate in lewd conduct may also lack close,
interdependent ties to their community. As a consequence, they may be more likely to perform lewd
conduct at Mardi Gras. In other words, lack of group belonging may increase the hedonistic behaviors of
people.

Research Questions

The questions to be explored in this study are as follows: 1. Does the variable attachment to mate
have a significant impact on whether a person performs lewd behavior? 2. Does the variable commitment

7
to occupation have a significant impact on whether a person performs lewd behavior? and 3. Does the
variable having effective beliefs have a significant impact on whether a person performs lewd behavior?

Definition of Terms and Variables

The independent variables in this study are "attachment to mate," "commitment to occupation,"
and "absence of effective beliefs," all of which were taken from informal social control theory (Hirschi
1969; Sampson and Laub 1993). “Attachment to mate” is defined as the cohesive development of close,
emotional ties between two individuals. "Attachment to mate" is operationalized by using the following
items from Sampson and Laub (1992): (1) How many times have you been divorced and/or separated?
(2) How many times have you been engaged to be married?

"Commitment to occupation" is conceptually defined as placing a high amount of effort into one's
employment (or means to a future job) through ambition and dedication to it, coupled with a persistent
pattern of high job stability (Sampson and Laub 1993). "Commitment to occupation" is operationalized
and measured using the following items: (1) Please list the highest level of education that you have
completed, (2) I put as much effort as possible into my job, (3) About how many ways do you plan to
further your investment in education?, (4) How many jobs have you ever quit because you knew you were
going to be fired, and how many times have you been fired?, (5) About how often do you skip work or
leave early without the boss knowing?, (6) If you were in the military, were you given AWOL or
dishonorable discharge, and (7) How many jobs have you had within the last 5 years?

"Involvement in conventional activities" is conceptually defined as the frequency of times an

individual attends time consuming activities or programs (Sampson and Laub 1993). "Involvement in
conventional activities" is operationalized using the following items: (1) In your community, in how many
activities, schools, churches, or hobbies are you involved?, and (2) How many hours a week do you work
at your job?

"Absence of effective beliefs" is conceptually defined as the degree to which an individual's

attitudes, morals, and values correspond to the moral validity of the law (Hirschi 1969). Although not
formally integrated into the theory of informal social control developed by Sampson and Laub, "absence
of effective beliefs" is concerned with the quality, strength, and interdependence of social bonds. For this
reason, in this article it is integrated and utilized as a component of informal social control theory.
"Absence of effective beliefs" is operationalized using the following items on a Likert scale ranging from
strongly disagree to disagree to agree, and strongly agree: (1) In general, I set goals for myself often, (2)
Most people that commit crimes should not be blamed for what they did, (3) Suckers deserve to be taken
advantage of, (4) I steal things because I don't want to pay for them. (The option of "I don't steal" was
given as a possible choice), (5) It's alright to get around the law if you can get away with it, and (6) Most
of the things that people call crime don't really hurt anyone (Hirschi 1969).

8
 Taken together, these measures of "attachment to mate," "commitment to occupation,"
"involvement in conventional activities," and "absence of effective beliefs" "capture the quality, strength,
and interdependence of an individual's ties to important institutions of informal social control family, work,
and community at large" (Sampson and Laub 1993, p. 145).

The dependent variable in this study, "Lewd conduct," was operationalized according to the
respondent's answer to the following question, "While attending Mardi Gras, how many times have you
flashed by exposing yourself or engaging in oral or penetrative sex with someone you don't know, in
public?"

Research Procedures Techniques of Data Collection

The data used in this study were collected by the researcher for a prior research project
conducted at Mardi Gras during the period of February 1619, 1996. The data were collected by
administering questionnaires to a convenience sample of adults (N=100) at Mardi Gras on Bourbon Street
in New Orleans, LA. A total of 100 participants were used due to time and resource constraints. The
particular location for selecting the participants was chosen based on opportunistic access to individuals.
The specific location where the surveys were administered contained portable toilets for people to use the
restroom. Due to the small number of portable toilets in this location, numerous people stood in long lines
while waiting to use the restroom, while other people congregated in that general location to rest and
relax. People in this area view this space as a place to "unwind." For these reasons, they were selected to
complete the surveys. The procedure for selecting these participants was nonrandom. No one declined to
complete the survey.

Composition of the Sample

Of the 100 respondents, 70% were male and 30% were female. Fortythree percent of the
respondents completed some college and 65% had incomes between $10,000$39,999. Seventy-one
percent of the respondents were White and 19% were African-American. Information concerning the
characteristics of the participants and nonparticipants is reported in Table 1. Twentyfive of the male
participants who engaged in lewd conduct accounted for 83% of the respondents compared to 84% of the
59 male nonparticipants. Only 17% of the female respondents participated in lewd conduct compared to
16% of nonparticipants. Thirtyseven percent of the participants completed some college compared to
46% of the nonparticipants, while 23% of the participants received their Bachelor's degree compared to
23% of the nonparticipants. Thirty-percent of the participants had an income below $10,000 compared to
17% of the nonparticipants) 23% of the participants had an income between $30,000$39,999 compared
to 17% of the nonparticipants. Seventyseven percent of the participants were White while 69% of the
nonparticipants were White; 17% of the participants were African American compared to 20% of the
nonparticipants.

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Table 1. Demographic Characteristics of Participants and Nonparticipants Who Reported they
Performed Lewd Conduct

CHARACTERISTIC Participants Nonparticipants

N % N %

SEX

Male 25 83 59 84

Female 05 17 11 16

EDUCATION

> 12th grade 01 03 03 04

Completed high school 07 23 10 14

Some college 11 37 32 46

Associates degree 04 14 06 09

Bachelors degree 07 23 16 23

Graduate/professional 0 0 03 04

INCOME

$09999 09 30 12 17

$10,000 19,999 04 14 19 27

$20,000 29,999 09 30 14 20

$30,000 39,999 07 23 12 17

$40,000 49,999 0 0 06 09

$50,000+ 01 03 07 10

RACE

10
 White 23 77 48 69

African American 05 17 14 20

Asian American 01 03 0 0

Hispanic 01 03 08 11

Instrument

Data were collected by means of a 35 item questionnaire. The majority of survey questions asked
for factual information, while the remaining questions were Likert items based on strongly agree, agree,
disagree, and strongly disagree. A questionnaire was used due to its advantages, including the economy
of the design (i.e. cost), the efficiency in saving time, and the availability and convenience of selecting
participants. Likewise, cross-sectional surveys have been found to be as reliable and effective as
longitudinal designs (Hirschi and Selvin 1996).

The main variables included in the questionnaire are concepts replicated from informal social
control theories (Hirschi 1969; Sampson and Laub 1993). Specifically, the survey instrument used in the
study is a modified version of Sampson and Laub's (1993) survey used to reexamine the Glueck and
Glueck data and Hirschi's (1969) "Causes of Delinquency." As explained in the prior section, the "belief"
variable was taken from Hirschi's (1969) "Causes of Delinquency" and utilized as an aspect of informal
social control theory. All the independent variables in this study were replicated from Sampson and
Laub's (1993) theory of informal social control theory.

Data Analysis

The quantitative data were analyzed using OLS regression and Gamma coefficients. Logistic
regression was used to predict lewd conduct. Gamma was used to examine the relationship between
informal social controls on lewd conduct. Due to time and situational constraints, the researcher was
unable to randomly select individuals from the general population at Mardi Gras. All people who attended
did not have a known, nonzero chance of being randomly selected. Thus, the findings cannot be
generalized.

Findings

Attachment to Mate

The first question was, does the measures of attachment to mate have a significant impact on
whether a person performs lewd behavior? Each indicator of attachment to mate score was correlated
with lewd conduct for each respondent. A Gamma was performed to determine if there is a relationship

11
between indicators of attachment to mate and lewd conduct. The results indicate a positive relationship
between number of times engaged to be married and lewd conduct (Gamma= .54, P<.005). This
relationship implies that as the number of times a person is engaged to be married increases so does the
number of times that person performs lewd behavior. The results also indicate that there is a positive
relationship between number of times divorced or separated and lewd conduct (Gamma=.53, P<.005).
This relationship also implies that as the number of times a person is divorced or separated increases so
does the number of times that person performs lewd behavior. To better interpret these findings logistic
regression was used to amplify the Gamma results (see Table 2).

A logistic regression was computed to amplify the findings presented above. Each measurement
of attachment to mate was entered into the logit analysis (Table 2). The dependent variable, lewd
conduct, was reduced to a dichotomous variable where "performed lewd conduct" was scored 0 and "did
not commit lewd conduct" was scored 1. The findings in Table 2 do not support Sampson and Laub's
(1993) earlier findings that attachment to mate inhibits deviant or criminal activity. The results indicate that
the more times a person is engaged to be married is the best predictor of who performs lewd behavior at
Mardi Gras in this sample for attachment to mate.

Table 2. Logistic Regression of Attachment to Spouse on Lewd conduct

Variable B S.E. df Sig R Exp (B)

Engaged

to be Married .7622 .3387 1 .0244 .1584 2.1429

Constant .4734 .2581 1 .0667

Commitment to Occupation

The second research question was, does the variable commitment to occupation have a
significant impact on whether a person performs lewd behavior? Each indicator of commitment to
occupation was correlated with lewd conduct for each respondent. A Gamma was performed to determine
if there is a relationship between commitment to occupation and lewd conduct. The results indicate that
there is no relationship between commitment to occupation and lewd conduct. In other words, lack of
commitment to occupation does not correspond to lewd conduct at Mardi Gras.

Along with Gamma, logistic regression was performed to predict who does and does not perform

12
lewd conduct in this sample. Each measure of commitment to occupation was entered into the logit
analysis. The findings in Table 3 do not support Sampson and Laub's results that commitment to
occupation prevents deviant or criminal behavior. Stated differently, the findings indicate that the informal
measures of commitment to occupation do not predict who performs lewd behavior. This suggests that
informal social controls of commitment to occupation did not inhibit people from committing lewd conduct
in this sample.

Table 3. Logistic Regression of Commitment to Occupation and Lewd conduct

Variable B S.E. df Sig R Exp (B)

Leaves job .5061 .2961 1 .0875 .0868 1.6587

early

Constant .8283 .9927 1 .4041

Effective Beliefs

The third research question was, does the variable having effective beliefs have a significant
impact on whether a person performs lewd behavior? A Gamma was calculated to determine if having
effective beliefs is related to participating in lewd behavior. Each measure of effective beliefs was
correlated with number of acts of lewd conduct for each respondent. The results indicate that having
effective beliefs is not a factor that impacts whether a person performs lewd behavior at Mardi Gras in this
sample.

In Table 4, logistic regression was used to predict who performs lewd behavior in this sample.
Each measure of belief was entered into the logit analysis. The results do not support the hypothesis that
people who believe in the moral validity of the law are less likely to commit crime or other deviant acts.
However, the results do indicate that the indicator "It's okay to get around the law if you can get away with
it" has a modest effect on who performs lewd behavior in this sample (P<.03, R=. 15).

13
Table 4. Logistic Regression for Effective Belief on Lewd Conduct

Variable B S.E. df Sig R Exp (B)

CRIMNOBL .5012 .3039 1 .0991 .0768 .6058

GETLAW .5699 .2655 1 .0318 .1461 1.7681

Constant 1.0275 .7331 1 .1611

Discussion

One explanation for why the number of times people are engaged to be married predicted lewd
conduct in this study is that people who have frequent engagements could have less desire to maintain
commitment to long-term relationships. This interpretation may seem contrary to the logic of informal
social control theory considering that frequency of engagements may be an expression of a desire to be
committed. Yet, people who frequently enter and leave relationships may not need to make positive
impressions to others, especially when they are out of their familiar environment away from their
temporary partner. That is, they may have "nothing to lose" when performing acts that may damage their
reputation far away from home, especially if their reputation is "on hold" and the acts they perform do not
impact it negatively.

Second, if they are not attached in committed relations, then they may not fear receiving
disapproval from significant others compared to people who desire to maintain quality ties. People who
tend to become attached to others more easily may be less likely to perform lewd conduct for fear of
condemnation from their partner. This suggests that the person who is emotionally attached through
engagement is more likely to take into consideration the consequences of his or her actions before doing
them. For instance, the person may not take unnecessary risks that might emotionally harm someone
towards whom he or she has intimate relations and strong feelings. People involved in relationships
consisting of strong, quality bonds between each other will be less likely to do something considered
"wrong" in the eyes of their partner. If the quality of bonds are weak between couples, which is suggested
in these results, then each person may not be intimately attached to each other and therefore not care
what the other person thinks of his or her behavior. Consequently, it is possible that each person is free to
do as he or she pleases, only taking little consideration of what his or her partner thinks about the
potential behavior, especially when they are located in an anonymous atmosphere where behaviors do
not count against their reputation (Forsyth 1992).

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 The findings, however, do not suggest a causal relationship between attachment to mate and
lewd conduct. In other words, lack of attachment to mate does not cause people to perform lewd conduct
at Mardi Gras in this study. The data do suggest, however, that having a high incidence of engagements
will influence whether a person does or does not participate in lewd conduct in this sample.

A valid explanation for why commitment to occupation did not predict lewd conduct is that the
majority of people in this sample are young adults and/or fulltime students in college who may not need to
commit to a fulltime occupation. For this reason, they are more likely to participate in thrill-seeking
behaviors in atmospheres far away from home where they feel masked and anonymous, especially if they
have an audience to enhance the thrill of their creative deviance (Forsyth 1992). According to Katz
(1988), background variables, such as lack of commitment, do not influence people to participate in
deviant activities as much as foreground variables do. In other words, people participate in thrilling
deviant activities because of the wonderfully seductive attractions found in the fascinating delight of
transgressing the impermissible. In other words, people who participate in lewd activities do not "lack"
informal social controls, nor are they responding to a negative characteristic in their background. Instead,
they are attracted to the foreground of excessive pleasure found in celebrating transgressive activities
that become legitimate during the liminal occasion of Mardi Gras where boundaries are blurred.

An explanation for why "It's okay to get around the law if you can get away with it," predicted lewd
conduct is that the concept "lewd conduct" may not be seen as a "deviant" act in the eyes of the
respondents since it occurs so often during Mardi Gras. In fact, it may be seen as quite normative during
Mardi Gras. For example, twelve interviewees commented that "at Mardi Gras, especially on Bourbon
Street, if you don't flash, then you are considered deviant!" and, "Flashing is harmless! It's just for fun, for
the thrill of doing something I can't do back home!" What these qualitative comments validate is that
Carnivals are historically known as spaces and times for inversion, where the normal becomes abnormal,
and the deviant is temporarily legitimated. According to Bakhtin (1968), during Carnivals, emphasis is
placed on the body--the downward stratum as opposed to the upward. In other words, human body parts
are offered and displayed, sexual life is given a predominant role, and the lower stratum, such as the
breasts, genitals, or rear (that is, the ‘downward’ material body as opposed to the ‘upward’ heavens) is
praised. Hence, people who participate in lewd behavior during Mardi Gras are not interested in either
spiritual or rational discussion (the upward stratum), nor are they interested in maintaining effective
beliefs as much as they are interested in elevating and displaying the body (the downward stratum). For
this reason, the beliefs they hold during everyday life are suspended during Carnival, especially if their
beliefs only pertain to the context in which they are relatively situated as opposed to a normative definition
of beliefs. This explanation ties in well with why people who perform lewd conduct also believe that they
can get away with doing it, especially if "everyone else is doing it." People may be aware that lewd
conduct is in violation of the law, but if the behavior appears to be in their advantage based on place,

15
time, and context, they may perform it since the perception is that it may be acceptable in that situation,
especially if their performance generates favorable responses from the audience.

Conclusion

The purpose of this exploratory study was to advance Forsyth and Sampson and Laub's theories
of deviance by examining lewd conduct at Mardi Gras by applying the informal social control theory. The
focus of the study is on the ability of the theory to shed light on the participants, the nature, and the
causes of lewd conduct at Mardi Gras. The findings suggest that informal social controls in adulthood are
not significantly related to and do not predict who performs lewd behavior at Mardi Gras in this sample. In
contrast to Sampson and Laub's (1993) findings that social bonds to adult institutions of work, education,
law, and the family affect the likelihood that a person commits crime or deviant acts, the findings in this
study do not support their results. The variables attachment to mate, commitment to occupation, and
having effective beliefs have no relationship with lewd conduct in this sample. Thus, the informal social
control model put forth by Sampson and Laub does not account for whether a person participates in lewd
conduct at Mardi Gras in this sample.

The findings in this study more closely support Forsyth's findings (1992). It is suggested that
future research direct their study of Mardi Gras towards a more qualitative approach by taking into
consideration the attention that people receive for performing and the cultural emphasis placed on the
body. This is to say that future studies should return to Forsyth's qualitative exploration and consider
conducting face-to-face or qualitative interviews with participants and nonparticipants to gain a better
understanding of the foreground dimensions of performing lewd conduct. Last, future research should
take into consideration the playful or ludic nature of lewd activities. For all intents and purposes, the
majority of people I spoke with during Mardi Gras do not consider lewd behavior a serious violation of
norms, as long as it takes place on Bourbon Street. For this reason, researchers should consider how
cultural context, definition of the situation, audience, and location play a fundamental role in determining
where people will perform, and if they will perform lewd behavior.

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