Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
260
he suspected that Marx, too, had shown a momentary weakness and defection to Bakuninism, in defending the policies of the Paris Commune during the civil war in France. Revolutionary struggles of this kind have
invariably led to a renascence of Bakuninist doctrines within the socialist
movement, while post-revolutionary construction has tended to realism
rather than idealism and, ultimately, to a liberal revision of Marx. The
struggle against right-wing deviations and Marxist revisionism, which has
spread from China to the Soviet sphere, is an indication that China is still
in the throes of her revolution, and that left-wing policies with a Bakuninist slant are what presently distinguish her from the rest of the socialist
world.
During the early days of the Russian revolution the Bolsheviks were
also criticized for their levelling tendencies by the older, better established,
and more conservative Social Democratic leadership. Those were the days
in which syndicalists and leaders of the American I.W.W., such as "Big
Bill" Hajrwood, William Z. Foster, and Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, went
over to the Communists. These latter day followers of Bakunin were ready
and willing to join forces with the revolutionary wing of socialism because
of its policy of direct action and its intention of realizing the classless
society during their lifetime. History would seem to repeat itself in the
current slogans of the Chinese Communists and their policy of "Communism Now." Once again, well-intentioned individuals, whose sympathies are with the workers, have gone over to communism in the vain hope
of its issuing in a messianic age.
Lenin openly recognized the doctrinal similarity between Daniel De
Leon's variant of Marxism, which was strongly affected by Bakuninism,
and his own. It is difficult to know whether Mao also recognizes his kinship with Bakunin. Of course, Lenin and Mao subordinated Bakunin's
doctrines to their own variant of Marxism, so that one looks in vain to the
communist world for the type of free labor movement and workers' control of industry envisaged by Bakunin. Syndicalist opposition to the State,
to the leadership of intellectuals in the labor movement, and to socialism
imposed from above was quickly crushed by both Lenin and Mao. Nonetheless, current Russian, and especially Yugoslav, criticism of the levelling
tendencies of the Chinese communes testifies to the shades of Marx and
Bakunin, and to the continued importance of the Bakuninist controversy
for undei^tanding the tensions within modern socialism.
I
T H E BAKUNINIST CONTROVERSY
261
theory of historical materialism is that it became the model for all subsequent attempts to "purify" Marxian sociology or to rid it of non-proletarian modes of thought. Historical materialism was originally designed
as a proletarian sociology, a sociology concerned with problems of special
interest to the proletariat, so that efforts to purify it were motivated
primarily by social and political considerations.
The sociological significance of Bakunin's struggle with Marx on the
issue of apoUtism, or whether the proletariat should participate in politics,
is that it questioned for the first time the Marxian claim to represent the
interests and perspective of the wage earner. Marx had lumped together
in a single class all the employees of capital, so that the term "proletariat"
was almost as amorphous as the bourgeois concept of the "people." It
was Bakunin's merit to have foreseen the disintegration of the proletariat
into two hostile classes, a decomposition similar to that of the people (or
third estate) into bourgeoisie and proletariat. Yet it remained for Bakunin's successors to analyze in detail the Marxian concept of the proletariat
and to question the Marxian belief in a future classless society.
Politically, Bakunin's controversy with Marx was waged over the question of apolitism: "It is this point which mainly divides the Socialists or
revolutionary coUectivists from the authoritarian Communists," wrote Bakunina statement of their differences which also agrees with Engels'
accoimt of the controversy.^ However both Bakunin and Marx recognized that their differences were not merely strategical but theoretical
and, despite the similarity of their ultimate goals, that they were divided
by a class issue as well. Thus Bakunin regarded Marx and his followers
as "bourgeois socialists," a bourgeois socialist being formally defined as a
revolutionary who accepts the principle that political revolution must precede social and economic revolution.^ The partisans of proletarian State
dictatorship belong in this category, according to Bakunin. Although the
mortal enemies of capitalism, they would replace it by the dictatorship of
social scientists and wotJd-be bureaucrats. Anticipating Michels' "iron
law of oligarchy," Bakunin wrote of the political leaders of the proletariat:
"obeying the iron law, according to which the social position of a given
person outweighs as a determining factor his subjective wishes, they serve
the cause of reaction, without even being aware of it. . . ."^
In sharp contrast Marx and Engels characterized Bakunin as an "ad^G. P. Maximoff (ed.). The Polificd Philosophy of Bakunin: Scientific Anarchism,
Glencoe, Free Press, 19J3, p. 300; K. Marx and F. Engels, "Letters on the Struggle for
the Proletarian Party," Ktrl Marx: Selected Works, ed., C P. Dutt, 2 vols.. New York,
International Publishers, n.d.. Vol. II, pp. 619-20.
2 Maximof, op. cit., p. 283.
8 Ibid., p. 282.
262
venturer" and "intriguer," and his followers as "riff raff."* It is noteworthy that these terms were usually applied by Marx to the unreliable
and declasse elements within the lumpen-proletariat. The latter, consisting of the refuse of all classes, was an altogether unreliable ally of the
proletariat, according to Marx. Moreover, he considered Bakuninism a
variety of "sectarian socialism," a sect being defined as a group "remote
from every real activity, from politics, strikes, trade unions, in a word,
from every collective movement."" (The sects were regarded as characteristic of the infancy rather than of the maturity of the labor movement.)
This characterization was obviously unfair to Bakunin. Nonetheless it is
true that Bakunin was a declasse revolutionary, a conspirator and "rabblerouser," and that he represented the interests of the migrant laborer and
unsettled working class stratum. Indeed, this accounts in large part for
his greater popularity in the less industrialized and Latin-speaking countries. According to Bakunin: "In Italy there prevails the wretchedly poor
proletariat, about which Messrs, Marx and Engels, and following them
the whole German Social Democratic school, speak with such deep disdain.
Surely this is a mistake, since it is in this proletariat, and only in this, not
in the bourgeois rank of the working class, that the whole reason and
strength of the future Social Revolution lie."^
The first major attempt to revise Marxian sociology was not the revisionism of the "right" begun by Edward Bernstein, but the revisionism of
the "left" dating from Bakunin's controversy with Marx. Although in the
forefront of their controversy was the question of apolidsm, the answers
to this question revealed a schism within the ranks of the proletariat that
was more than a disagreement over strategy and tactics. The answers to
this question followed from their different conceptions of the proletariat,
which became the basis for their different theories of historical materialism.
To answer "yes" with Marx implied that the proletariat could capture
the State with the correct strategy, whereas to answer "no" with Bakunin
meant that the State could not be seized by the proletariat by any means. As
a matter of fact, both were correct. The issue between Marx and Bakunin
was fundamentally over the question of the meaning of exploitation and
the composition of the exploited class, so that disagreement on this issue
could be expected to generate differences in strategy. Although each was
a self-professed champion of the proletariat, each differed in his analysis
of exploitation, ergo, in his conception of the proletariat.
* K. Marx and F. Engds, "Letters on the Struggle for the Proletariaa Party," op. dt..
Vol. II, pp. 614, 624.
5 K. Marx, "Critique of the Gotha Programme," Karl Marx: Selected Works, op. cit.,
Yd. II, p. J61n.
* Quoted by E. Pyziur, The Doctrine of Anarchism of Michael A. Bakut^, Marquette
University, 195 J, pp. 81-2.
263
264
10 F. Utley, The Dream We Lost, New York, John Day, 1940; D. J. Dallin, The Real
Soviet Russia, tr., J. Shaplen, rev. and enlarged ed., Yale University, 1947; W. W. Kulski,
The Soviet Regime, Syracuse University, 19J4.
"Quoted by M. Nomad, "Communism," European Ideologies, ed., F. Gross, New
York, Philosophical Library, 1948, p. J4.
265
interests of the wage earners. Kautsky and Lenin, as well as Marx himself, took for granted that the interests of manual laborers are best
understood by a revolutionary vanguard, which is for, but not of, the
proletariat. On the other hand, Bakunin and his followers have been
skeptical not only of the Marxist claim, but even of their own claim to
represent faithfully the interests of manual laborers.
In a noteworthy passage, Bakunin wrote: "Revolutionary Socialists
believe that there is much more of practical reason and intelligence in
the instinctive aspirations and real needs of the masses of people than in
the profound minds of all these learned doctors and self-appointed
tutors of humanity, who, having before them the sorry examples of so
many abortive attempts to make humanity happy, still intend to keep on
working in the same direction.''^^ jt seems to have been Bakunin's selfappointed task to defend the wage earners against the radical intelligentsia,
in the suspicion that the gift of "authoritative socialism" was a Trojan
horse masquerading the would-be rule of a new bureaucratic class of social
scientists and managerial and political office holders. Indeed, his Polish
follower, Waclaw Machajski, has become known for his criticism of
nineteenth century socialism as the ideology of the underprivileged, malcontent, adventurous, declasse, lower middle class salaried employees.^^
A similar thesis is frequently urged today in the effort to explain fascism
or national socialism; but it has seldom been applied to Marxism. Certainly the Marxists cannot be accused of betraying their own group, the
radical intelligentsia. Yet the charge most frequently advanced against
Bakunin and his followers is that they were anti-intellectual.
Ill
seems to have considered himself an exception to his own theory, that it "is not the consciousness of men that
determines their being, but, on the contrary, their social being that determines their consciousness."^* Certainly, he was not skeptical of his ability
to represent faithfully the perspective of the wage earner without himself
being one. It is difficult to reconcile Marx's theory with his conception of
the socialist intelligentsia, which is supposedly representative of the interests of the proletariat, but whose social position and way of life radically
separates it from the working and living conditions of the wage earners.
Indeed, it is necessary to consider some of the biographical details of
Marx's life in order to determine the circumstances which prevented his
UNLIKE BAKUNIN, MARX
266
thought from being fully representative of the interests of the wage earners and to learn what in fact was the principal motivation behind his
dedication to socialism. The extent to which Bakunin's thought is representative of the wage earners' interests may also be learned in part by an
inquiry into his personal motivations. Besides, the contrast in Marx's and
Bakunin's social origins may be expected to shed light upon their theoretical differences.
The contrast in family and social background is striking. Marx was a
German Jew by descent, the son of a middle class lawyer who had embraced Christianity; Bakunin, a Russian nobleman, born to an estate of
five hundred souls, the third of eleven children. There is an obvious
connection between Marx's social origin and his tremendous need to
assert himself. It has been suggested that in an anti-Semitic environment
the converted Jew suffers doubly: "He is treated as a Jew, without having
the moral support and consolation of knowing that he is one of God's
chosen people."^^ Indeed, Marx's violent polemics against his fellow
socialists and his inability to stand opposition, which he interpreted as
either obtuseness or infidelity to the revolutionary cause, suggest that he
needed to compensate for the lack of personal recognition commensurate
with his superior talents. This quality does not seem to have been a part
of Bakunin's make-up, who was also supremely talented both as a writer
and an original thinker, but who was generous toward his personal
enemies, quick to recognize their theoretical and practical contributions
to the socialist movement, and without jealousy toward his rivals. Such
differences in character and upbringing are especially significant because
they help to explain the motivation of intellectuals in turning to authoritarian and libertarian forms of socialism.
It is noteworthy that Bakunin thought of Marx as vain and morose,
whereas Marx called Bakunin a "sentimental idealist."^* Yet not Marx
but Bakunin was the apostle of pan-destruction. Unlike Marx, who seems
to have suffered from a brooding sense of personal and social insecurity,^^
Bakunin felt the contempt for social status that makes a man try to compensate for his advantages, not for his disadvantages. Beginning higher
than Marx he could allow himself to sink much lower without an affront
to his self-esteem. Although always in need, he was cavalier about money
and ready to part with what he had to help someone needier. ^^ In his
letter of resignation from the International he wrote: "If I were young, I
15 A. Gray, The Socialist Tradition: Moses to Lenin, London, Longmans, Green, 1947,
p. 297.
16 O. Ruhle, Karl Marx: His Life and Work, tr., E. and C. Paul, New York, Viking,
1935, p. 126.
17 Ibid., pp. 372-86.
18 E. H. Carr, Michael Bakunin, London, Macmillan, 1937, pp. 118-9.
267
should have adopted the life of a working-man and, sharing a life of toil
with my brethren, should have participated equally with them in the
organization of the forces of the proletariat. "^^ And elsewhere, he
writes that a man like himself, with a bourgeois or aristocratic origin, can
become a sincere or genuine socialist "only when he has broken all ties
binding him to the privileged world and has renounced all its advantages."^" Without personal bitterness toward any, he could indulge in
that impersonal hatred for persons and symbols of authority which
made him eminently suited to become the "Father of Terrorism." Undoubtedly his long imprisonment and Siberian exile had much to do with
his apostleship of Satan. But his desire for "compensation" was not
repressed nor did it take a personal form as it did with Marx.
IV
268
269
not theory to which Bakunin was opposed, but abstract and involved speculations about man and society. Regarding the accusation that Bakunin was
guilty of anti-intellectualism, it is true that he had misgivings that (if
"scientific socialism" were to become the starting-point for social upheaval)
the revolutionary movement would fall into the hands of scientists and
specialists, who would in turn constitute themselves into a new privileged
class. 2 Although against intellectuals, whom he feared as the auxiliary
arm of the political bureaucracy and as a privileged class in its own right,
he had no lack of respect for intelligence. His contempt was not for
science but for scientists.
V
As CONTEMPORARIES and eager students of Hegel and every new current
in the intellectual life of the Continent, Marx and Bakunin were subject to
similar cultural influences. Despite their efforts neither succeeded in shaking off entirely their biblical heritage. Indeed, their social philosophies
reveal three distinct and opposing strains of thought: a Jewish, moralistic,
messianic orientation; a liberal, scientific and humanistic one; and a
revolutionary, romantic influence. These competing modes of thought corresponded to their several leading roles. Besides championing the "underdog," their task was to enlighten the proletariat and to organize the forces
of social revolution. Their efforts on behalf of the wage earners testify to
the influence upon them of the Old Testament tradition of moral
righteousness and resistance to oppression. Their task of liberating men
from religious absurdities, political mystification, and the role of unreason
in economics reflected the realism and materialism of the Enlightenment.
Finally, their struggle to abolish capitalism and to introduce a socialist
"new order" by revolutionary means shows the influence of Romanticism.
Both Marx and Bakunin fought a war on each of these different although related fronts. The abolition of "exploitation," the refutation of
"metaphysics," and the liquidation of the "bourgeoisie" were believed by
each to be merely different sides of a single struggle to achieve "socialism."
But this end was no less ambiguous than the process of achieving it.
Indeed, their respective goals were determined by the relative weight each
assigned to these fundamental social problems.
Marx's life and work testify to a peculiar synthesis of revoliztionary
romanticism and enlightened realism. ^ Bakunin was correct in appraising
Marxism as a species of Jacobinism, which also reveals these qimlities.'^
Marx's insistence upon principles before expediency and his rejection of
^^ Maximoff, op. cit., pp. 283-4.
^Bar2un, op. cit., pp. 155-9, 364-6; J. Barzun, Romanticism and the Modem Ego,
Boston, Little, Brown, 1947, pp. 143-4.
31 Maximoflf, op. dt., pp. 395-402.
270
271
** S. Hook, Mwx and the Marxists, New York, Van Nostrand, 19 J5, pp. 121-30.
272
its leaders. The differences between De Leon and Kautsky, Kautsky and
Bernstein, Bernstein and Luxemburg were too great to have been tolerated by any other tradition of Marxism. It is noteworthy that the recent
statement of principles adopted by the Socialist International at Frankfurt-on-Main continues to stress this liberal heritage of socialism.^"
Bolshevism is professedly Jacobin, according to Lenin's own statement,
so that it gives precedence to revolutionary romanticism and the realistic
elements within Marxism at the expense of both liberal and messianic
tendencies. It underlines those doctrines of Marx which reflect the influence of romanticism, such as the doctrines of the revolutionary vanguard, proletarian dictatorship, and the strategy and tactics of the socialist
revolution. Science and scholarship are subordinated to the requirements of
practice, so that even history is rewritten with a regard for practical results. On the other hand, science is the principal guide to revolution so
that it, too, is given precedence over the Jewish, moralistic and messianic
tendencies within Marxism.
Unlike democratic socialism, Bolshevism has proclaimed a war against
heresy both within the Third International and its offshoot, the Trotskyist
Fourth International. The Jacobinism of the Bolsheviks has led to official
terrorism, purges, and the subordination of the demands of the wage
earners to specifically political goals. Democratic socialists have shown
somewhat greater concern for the immediate interests of the wage earners.
On the other hand, they, too, tend to use the proletariat as a lever for their
own political purposes. Indeed, the leadership of both Social Democracy
and Bolshevism has been dominated by an intelligentsia of salaried employees concerned with reforms from above rather than from below. Thus
it might have been expected that they would represent primarily the interests of the salariat rather than those of the proletariat.
VII
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274
drawn attention, namely, that between the earlier wreckers and incendiaries, following in the footsteps of Nechayev, and the later "fastidious
assassins," of which Kaliayev is one of the best examples.^ In general,
nihilism is a kind of inverted Jacobinism. Certainly, it is not representative of the perspective of the salariat, but neither is it a mass movement
like trade unionism.
The third movement which fell under Bakunin's influence was Bolshevism. Although the Bolsheviks went directly to Marx for their science
of society, their revolutionary strategy and theory of soviet power were
derived for the most part from Bakunin. Contrary to most ofl&cial interpretations of Marxism-Leninism, Lenin was independently influenced by
the Russian Jacobin, Tkachev, from whom he got his ideas of the proletarian elite, professional revolutionaries, and the secret conspiratorial
society. It is noteworthy that Tkachev, a major exponent and interpreter
of Bakunin's ideas, was criticized by Engels for his conception of the revolutionary role of the peasantry^'^also a Leninist idea. The influence of
Nechayev's "revolutionary Machiavellianism" upon Bolshevism has also
been increasingly recognized by scholars.* Thus between Marx and
Lenin were at least three revolutionary figures of consequence who helped
to mold Lenin's thought.
The Bakuninist controversy still lives in the opposition between militant anarchism and syndicalism, on one side, and the reigning forms of
socialism on the other. The struggle within the so-called proletariat or
successor to the bourgeoisie, as Bakunin originally prophesied, becomes
inaeasingly a struggle between brain and manual workers, white collar
and denim, salary and wage earners. Thus the issue between Marx and
Bakunin over the question of apolitism underlines one of the major
social struggles of oiir time, usually but superficially depicted as the rise
to power of a "new middle class." Yet Bakunin's influence upon trade
unionism has been grossly underrated, while scholars have been devoting
too much energy to investigating his effect upon Bolshevism. It is true
that through Bolshevism Bakuninism has had a determining influence
upon political events. However, Bakunin was closer in spirit to both
militant anarchism and trade unionism, which means that his revolutionary romanticism was cast in a libertarian and syndicalist rather than
in a Jacobin mold.
Uiriversity of Miaouri
3 A. Camus, The Rebel, New York, A. A. Knopf, 19J6, pp. 164-73.
8^F. Engels, "On Social CcHtditiom in Russia," Karl Max: Selected Works, op. dt.,
pp. 669-8 J.
38 pyziur, op. dt., pp. 11-12,17-18, 91-3.