Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
DOI 10.1007/s10648-010-9148-1
REVIEW ARTICLE
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What is DCD?
As is the case with many developmental disorders, defining DCD is a task that continues to
stimulate debate among clinical and research experts in the field. Issues that currently
challenge the precise definition of DCD include the diverse labels under which this
condition has previously been investigated, the heterogeneity of motor performance among
children with DCD, the high incidence of comorbidity between DCD and other
developmental disorders, and ongoing debate concerning the definition of the coordination
construct itself (Sugden 2006; Wilson 2005). However, although there exists ongoing
dispute about the ability of this term to accurately capture the variability of the movement
skill profiles of children with motor difficulties (Hands and Larkin 2001; Larkin and Rose
2005), a consensus has emerged within the research and practice community to adopt the
term developmental coordination disorder (Polatajko et al. 1995). As such, this term will be
used in the present article in the interest of consistency and clarity of topic.
Simply, DCD is a chronic condition characterized by a marked impairment in motor
coordination. Its defining characteristic is a core motor deficit, but there is a well-established
heterogeneity in the motor performance of children with DCD as well as frequent overlap with
other developmental disorders. Prevalence rates are typically estimated to be at approximately
5% of the school population with a higher incidence among boys (Sugden et al. 2008). DCD is
not a condition that is simply outgrown and, if left alone, persists into adulthood and has
many long-term socio-emotional consequences (Cousins and Smyth 2003; Polatajko 1999).
While many children learn the basic motor skills required to perform daily tasks, these
learned motor skills are often delayed and are of poor quality, are not sufficient to meet the
motoric demands of school and play, are noticeably clumsy in nature, or require an
abundance of effort (Missiuna 1999; Sugden et al. 2008). When these difficulties are left
unaddressed, children with DCD often suffer academically and develop secondary emotional
and behavioral difficulties such as poor self-confidence, difficulties with social inclusion and
peer acceptance, and decreased motivation and attention for physical activity (Chambers et al.
2005; Mandich et al. 2003; Sugden and Wright 1998). The term DCD appears in the
American Psychiatric Association (APA) Diagnostic and Statistical Manual for Mental
Disorders (APA 2000) and the World Health Organizations (2001) International Classification of Functioning, Disability and Health.1
While the core of the difficulties experienced by children with DCD is in motor performance,
there is also considerable incidence in which DCD is observed in conjunction with other
characteristics of learning, attention, language, and autistic disorders. In fact, estimates of
1
While there are several unresolved debates surrounding the interpretation and application of these
diagnostic criteria, they are viewed as the most suitable criteria currently available for definition, diagnosis,
and assessment purposes. The ongoing debate surrounding these criteria is concerned with issues such as the
operationalization of motor difficulties using a cut-off point on norm-referenced tests of motor competence,
the precise relationship between poor motor coordination and academic achievement, and the differential
diagnosis of DCD and other developmental disorders (Sugden 2006).
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comorbidity range as high as 60% for the overlap between DCD and ADHD (Rasmussen and
Gillberg 2000) and between DCD and specific language impairment (Hill 1998), 55% between
DCD and reading difficulties (Kaplan et al. 1998), and 82% between DCD and social,
emotional, or behavioral difficulties (Losse et al. 1991). The presence of overlapping disorders
is an issue that remains central to research and debate in the DCD field and should be a factor
taken into consideration in any empirical or practical examination of this disorder.
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with which the child with DCD is having difficulty. These process-oriented approaches
assume that, if such foundational skills can be identified and improved through
intervention, motor control will emerge and task performance will be improved (Missiuna
et al. 1997; Sugden 2007; Sugden and Wright 1998).
However, several large-scale studies evaluating process-oriented approaches, such as
sensory integration and perceptualmotor intervention, have found that the gains made in
such interventions were small or non-existent (Humphries et al. 1993; Polatajko et al. 1992;
Wilson et al. 1992). Considered together, these findings suggest a shift away from processoriented approaches and a move toward a second, more task-oriented group of intervention
approaches which aim to assist children in mastering the activities that they need to perform
in everyday contexts (Sugden 2007; Wilson 2005).
Task-oriented approaches involve concentrating on the functional tasks with which the child
is having difficulty without an emphasis on underlying processes and advocate a focus on the
characteristics of the child, task, and environment (Sugden and Chambers 2005). Within this
framework, several approaches have emerged which, through a blending of cognitive
learning and motor control theories, involve working on problem-solving strategies with
children during task performance and assisting children in becoming more aware of the
cognitive processes and strategies used to guide motor performance (Missiuna et al. 1997) as
well as the specific task and environmental demands underlying performance (Sugden and
Chambers 2005).
The Ecological Intervention approach (Henderson and Sugden 2007) is one such
approach, which emphasizes the planning and execution of movement and the use of
cognitive skills in motor performance. Similarly, the Cognitive Orientation to daily
Occupational Performance (CO-OP) (Polatajko and Mandich 2004) is an approach in which
the child is supported in developing cognitive and metacognitive strategies for use during
motor performance. It focuses on teaching children to use a four-step self-instructional
problem-solving strategy for working through performance difficulties and achieving skill
competence. This strategy, summarized by the mnemonic GOAL-PLAN-DO-CHECK
(GPDC), is used to guide the childrens problem-solving activity. By tapping self-regulatory
and metacognitive skills in goal setting, planning, self-monitoring, and evaluation, it
encourages the child to consciously reflect on performance and select, enact, evaluate, and
adapt performance strategies.
Many of the cognitively based mediative techniques used in CO-OP are derived from
the work of Feuerstein et al. (1980) and are captured in the CO-OP approach through a
process called guided discovery. Using questioning, guiding, and coaching techniques, the
child is instructed in the use of the GPDC framework and guided to discover task-specific
strategies for solving motor performance problems. Once the GPDC strategy has been
introduced, the adult and the child continue to engage in the problem-solving process in
an iterative fashion. Setting the goal facilitates discussion of a plan that will enable the
child to meet the goal. Making a plan facilitates an elaboration of the specifics of
performing the selected motor skills and the realization that there might exist several
possible plans. This realization, in turn, highlights the need to carry out, or do, the chosen
plan in order to determine whether it will be successful in achieving the goal. Finally,
carrying out the plan prompts the evaluation, or check, phase of the global strategy, which
might bring to the childs attention the need to amend, modify, or abandon the plan.
Initially, the adult adopts a leading role in the use of the GPDC strategy. Through
questioning and cueing, it is intended that the child gradually becomes more familiar with
the strategy and eventually begins to use it on his or her own. In this manner, use of the
GPDC strategy moves from a modeled, externally driven process through collaborative
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discussion with the adult toward an independent, internally driven process directed by the
child. It has been argued that, in such an approach, children become more aware of the
implicit strategies and rules used in motor performance (Missiuna et al. 1997) and can be
taught to select and apply these strategies for working through motor performance
difficulties (Mandich et al. 2001; Sangster et al. 2005). In order to ensure that these skills
are generalized to other tasks and settings, children also need to recognize how task
knowledge is used to develop performance strategies, to be aware of their own cognitive
and self-regulatory processes, and to select, use, and evaluate the cognitive strategies used
to solve a motor performance problem (Polatajko and Mandich 2004). In other words,
children need to develop a metacognitive understanding of the role of task knowledge and
self-regulatory processes in acquiring motor skill.
The application of this new generation of intervention strategies has prompted the
hypothesis that children with DCD poorly self-regulate their own motor performance. More
specifically, they are said to have a smaller repertoire of cognitive and metacognitive
strategies from which to draw during motor performance and have difficulty learning and
applying the many strategies that most children discover, learn, and apply implicitly
through everyday movement experiences (Missiuna et al. 1997). Indeed, previous research
has demonstrated that children with DCD do not readily learn motor skills during practice
alone, as would their typically developing peers (Marchiori et al. 1987). It has been further
suggested, therefore, that children with DCD need support in developing problem-solving
and self-regulatory skills for addressing motor performance difficulties (Mandich et al.
2001). In such an approach, children become more aware of the implicit strategies and rules
used in motor performance (Missiuna et al. 1997) and can be taught to select and apply
these strategies for working through motor performance difficulties (Mandich et al. 2001;
Sangster et al. 2005).
Despite the promising potential offered by this new generation of intervention
approaches, many of these underlying assumptions have yet to be fully examined.
Arguably, this provides sufficient rationale for further examination into the role played
by self-regulation in the motor performance difficulties of children with DCD and the
manner in which self-regulated motor performance can be facilitated through
cognitively oriented intervention. In their support for the application of self-regulatory
and metacognitive frameworks to the study of DCD, Lloyd et al. (2006) stress that
further research is first necessary to gain a clearer picture of self-regulation in this
population before embarking too quickly on the development of intervention strategies
aimed at supporting self-regulated motor performance. What remains to be understood is
the precise role played by self-regulation in motor skill acquisition among children with
DCD, how this differs from the self-regulated motor performance of typically developing
children, and whether and in what way cognitively oriented intervention programs
support the development of self-regulated performance. To do so, a consideration of
current theory and knowledge from the self-regulation and metacognition literature is
necessary.
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general, these models view SR as the appropriate and effective use of cognitive and
metacognitive strategies for meeting the demands of specific tasks and as an organized
approach toward learning that includes goal setting and planning, monitoring, and adapting
performance and effective evaluation. In addition, self-regulated learning is characterized
by the transfer of new knowledge or skill to new contexts and an intrinsic motivational
orientation, where the individual seeks challenge, persists despite difficulties, and interprets
difficulties as opportunities for further learning (Boekaerts 1999; Pintrich 2000; Zimmerman 2002).
In the motor domain, SR research has generally been grounded within a socialcognitive
framework. This perspective will be reviewed here and additionally located within the
larger body of SR and metacognition literature.
Socialcognitive models of self-regulation
The socialcognitive view of self-regulation originates from the work of Bandura (1986,
1991), who argued that the self-regulation of performance is achieved through three
interacting functions: self-observation, self-judgment, and self-reaction. Bandura (1986,
1991) further argued that SR is additionally influenced by self-efficacy and goal-setting,
where perceived self-efficacy is an individuals judgment about his or her ability to
effectively address a challenging situation (Bandura 1991). Research conducted by Bandura
and his colleagues has demonstrated that individuals with high self-efficacy set more
challenging goals and remain more committed to them. In turn, effective goal-setting
specifies the conditions for self-evaluation and thus becomes a primary mediating factor in
the self-regulation of performance (Bandura 1991).
An extensive body of theoretical and empirical literature has arisen from this
pioneering work. As a result, definitions of SR have become increasingly inclusive and
currently recognize the interaction between knowledge, metacognition, skill, motivation,
and cognition as well as the role played by social interaction in the development of
self-regulation. Consequently, multiple models have arisen to describe, explain, and
understand SR itself (Boekaerts 1999; Butler 2002). One of the more prevalent models is
the socialcognitive model proposed by Zimmerman (2000) and Schunk (2001), which
describes SR as the process through which a learner transforms cognitive ability into taskrelated skills. Self-regulation, according to Zimmerman (2000), is a product of the
ongoing interaction between the individual, the environment, and the task and includes
self-generated thoughts, feelings, and actions that are planned and adapted to attain
personal goals. Zimmerman (2000) and Schunks (2001) conception of SR is cyclical,
where feedback from previous performance is used to make adjustments during current
effort.
In the forethought phase, the individual engages in processes that establish a
commitment to learning and promote self-efficacy, such as setting goals and purposeful
strategic planning. In the performance phase, the self-regulated learner uses social
comparison, feedback, and the self-verbalization of strategies to guide action, assess
progress, and maintain positive motivation and self-efficacy beliefs. In the selfreflection phase, performance is assessed via evaluative judgments that influence the
learners reaction to performance experiences. These self-reflections, in turn, influence
subsequent forethought processes and beliefs about future learning (Zimmerman 2000,
2006).
In each phase, self-regulatory processes are linked to key motivational beliefs that serve
to perpetuate the SR cycle. Motivational patterns can be ego-oriented, where the individual
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is guided by factors extrinsic to the real purpose of the task and sets outcome goals, or taskoriented, where learning is based on intrinsic interest and a focus on the meaning of the task
(Dweck 1986, 1991). The former approach, where motivational control is externally
located, typically contributes to minimal investment in learning, low self-satisfaction levels,
and limited effort during performance. In contrast, the task-oriented approach is associated
with an internal motivational pattern characterized by an intrinsic interest in the task itself
and a mastery goal orientation. This orientation, in turn, supports persistence and challenge
seeking during learning.
Schunk (2001) and Zimmermans (2000) model also recognizes how learning occurs
through both self-directed practice and external guidance, thus recognizing the social nature
of learning. In this model, the acquisition of new skills proceeds through four sequential
levels of learning. First, during observation and emulation phases, information about a
specific skill and how it should be performed is obtained through the observation of another
persons actions and through efforts to imitate the modeled performance (Kitsantas et al.
2000). Later, at self-control and self-regulation levels, self-directed practice enables the
individual to achieve a certain degree of automaticity in performance and to adapt their own
performance to changes in internal and external conditions (Kitsantas et al. 2000). This
sequential view of SR, also described as a social-to-self progression of self-regulatory
development (Martin 2004), argues that childrens skill acquisition is supported by the
modeling, instruction, monitoring, and guidance activities of teachers, parents, or peers
within the social milieu of family, school, or community in addition to the self-regulation of
practice (Zimmerman 2006).
Self-regulation and metacognition
Zimmerman (2000) and Schunks (2001) description of the various sub-processes involved
in self-regulation can be generally divided into two categories: the self-regulatory skills
necessary for independently and effectively directing ones own learning and the processes
involved in sustaining motivational control. But where might the construct of metacognition fit into this model? Despite an extensive body of SR and metacognition literature,
confusion concerning the definition of these constructs and the relationship between them
persists. In general, however, the emerging consensus among researchers is for the
conceptualization of metacognition as the monitoring and regulation of cognition
specifically, while self-regulation refers to the monitoring and control of all human mental
functions, including emotional, social, and motivational elements (Whitebread and Pino
Pasternak 2010). This distinction is a reflection of the growing recognition that, while
metacognitive ability is a crucial contributor to a learners effectiveness (Veenman and
Spaans 2005), behavior and performance in learning tasks are also highly dependent on the
motivational attitudes and emotional beliefs held by the learner (Pekrun et al. 2002; Pintrich
and De Groot 1990) as well as the social processes involved in the development of
metacognitive and SR ability (McCaslin and Hickey 2001).
Simply, metacognition is what one knows about ones own cognitive activity and how
this knowledge is used to regulate cognitive activity during learning. It has been
traditionally described as being comprised of metacognitive experience, or the on-line
monitoring and reflection upon mental processes; metacognitive control, or the regulation
of mental processes; and metacognitive knowledge (Brown 1987; Flavell 1979). The first
two elements of this model might be likened to the self-regulatory skills discussed
previously and include any activity aimed at regulating performance in order to achieve
specific goals, such as planning, self-monitoring, the use of performance strategies, and
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self-evaluation (Kluwe 1987; Pintrich 2000; Pintrich et al. 2000; Siegler 1996).
Metacognitive knowledge is the knowledge of ones own cognitive processes, abilities,
and learning strategies (Flavell 1985); it can be about person, task, and strategy variables
and can be declarative, procedural, or conditional (Pintrich et al. 2000).
The distinction between metacognitive knowledge and processes of metacognitive
control is of particular relevance to the study of metacognition in children and reflects an
area of historical and current debate. Until recently, much of the metacognition literature
has made the assumption that metacognition was a conscious, stateable ability, where
knowledge and the results of self-monitoring needed to be able to be articulated in order to
be considered metacognitive. However, it has been more recently argued that some
processes involved in metacognitive control might not always be available to consciousness
or stored as articulated knowledge. This argument has prompted a shift in assumptions and
a more inclusive conceptualization of metacognition (Whitebread and Pino Pasternak
2010), which argues that both conscious and implicit forms of learning in relation to
metacognitive processes need to be acknowledged in order to obtain a fuller understanding
of metacognition and the manner in which it develops in children. This new
conceptualization of metacognition has prompted a wealth of research examining the
relationship between conscious and performance-based, metacognitive processes (e.g.,
Siegler and Shrager 1984; Siegler and Shipley 1995) and the manner in which these
processes develop (De Loache and Brown 1987; Pressley et al. 1985; Schneider 1985;
Schneider and Bjorklund 1998; Whitebread et al. 2007a, b).
Undoubtedly, the relationship between self-regulated performance, metacognitive
competence, and a learners knowledge is a highly dynamic and multi-dimensional one.
While the present review does not allow for a full discussion of this topic, it is an area of
ongoing interest in the authors own research (e.g., Sangster 2009; Whitebread et al. 2007)
and certainly one to which further discussion and investigation should be dedicated. These
ideas are similarly relevant and further supported by recent empirical research, to be
reviewed below, examining SR and metacognition in the motor domain. This expanded
conceptualization of metacognition also carries certain methodological implications, which
will also be reviewed in an upcoming section. However, because the current article
considers the role of self-regulation among children with motor learning difficulties, the
existing literature examining individual SR differences among children with other forms of
learning difficulties, as well as current approaches to addressing the SR difficulties of these
children, will first be briefly reviewed.
Individual differences and intervention approaches in self-regulation
Until very recently, investigations into how children of varying abilities use self-regulatory
and metacognitive skills have been focused primarily in academic domains such as reading,
writing, physics, and mathematics. In their review of research into ability-related
differences in both academic and psychomotor domains, Martini and Shore (2008)
demonstrate several cross-domain similarities in the manner in which metacognition and
self-regulatory skill is used by children of different abilities. As such, they argue that a
consideration of research in the academic domain is of relevance to any study investigating
these phenomena in the motor domain. The researchers distinguish three areas in which SR
and metacognitive differences have been examined: task knowledge, strategy knowledge,
and metacognitive skillfulness.
In the area of task knowledge, children with learning difficulties have been demonstrated
to possess less domain-specific and general knowledge as compared with their typically
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developing peers and are more likely to focus on irrelevant information during academic
problem-solving tasks (Paris and Winograd 1990; Wong 1985). These ability-related
differences seem similarly true for strategy knowledge, which includes knowledge about
strategies appropriate for successfully performing a specific task and the conditions in
which they are appropriate, and the ability to use this knowledge to accurately identify a
task problem and set a task goal. Here, children with learning difficulties have been shown
to more often use strategies inappropriately and inefficiently during problem-solving and
have difficulty identifying the problem in the first instance (Borkowski et al. 1989;
Montague 1991; Wong 1985).
Research has also described differences in the metacognitive skillfulness of children of
varying academic ability. In general, students with learning difficulties are less likely to
spontaneously monitor performance, have difficulty with planning activities, and
demonstrate less efficient, accurate, and appropriate use of strategies (Davidson and
Sternberg 1998; Montague 1992; Wong 1985). These difficulties have been linked to the
lower levels of domain-specific and general problem-solving knowledge of children with
learning difficulties, which has been argued to contribute to difficulties in appropriately
selecting and applying strategies and accurately monitoring and evaluating performance
(Martini and Shore 2008).
On the whole, SR and metacognition research in the academic domain has provided
clear and consistent evidence to suggest that children with learning difficulties possess less
developed repertoires of task and metacognitive knowledge and are generally less able to
use such knowledge to appropriately self-regulate academic problem-solving tasks. In
addition, children with learning disabilities have been demonstrated to experience difficulty
with motivational aspects of self-regulatory control, often holding maladaptive beliefs and
self-doubts and exhibiting reduced levels of engagement during learning (Graham and
Harris 2003). Arguably, these deficiencies in SR and metacognitive skillfulness are a
critical contributing factor to the academic difficulties demonstrated by children with
learning difficulties. Indeed, metacognitive and self-regulatory deficits have been generally
found to be a key difficulty for children with learning difficulties (Sugden 1989). As a
result of this research, there have been similarly extensive efforts aimed at developing and
evaluating interventions for promoting SR and metacognitive ability. These intervention
approaches have been applied across a number of curriculum areas and, on the whole, aim
to make children more aware of how metacognitive and self-regulatory strategies influence
learning and performance by making them explicit and encouraging children to reflect upon
and talk about their own learning.
As previously mentioned, reviews of such intervention efforts have suggested that SR
ability can be readily modified (Dignath et al. 2008; Hattie et al. 1996). For example,
research has indicated that students can learn to apply a self-regulatory approach toward
reading that involves the use of strategies for making reading meaningful and monitoring
understanding of text (Pressley and Afflerbach 1995; Pressley and Gaskin 2006). In
mathematics, students performance in mathematical problem-solving has been shown to
improve after being instructed in the development of strategies and a self-regulated
approach (Schoenfeld 1992).
Even more promisingly, intervention research has demonstrated that children of varying
academic abilities can all benefit from interventions aimed at promoting SR competence
(Fuchs et al. 2003; Verschaffel et al. 1999). Interventions focused on developing
metacognitive skillfulness among children with learning disabilities, which generally
encourage children to adopt an active role in learning by asking questions and generating
strategies, have been demonstrated to be effective across a number of academic domains,
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including reading, writing, and mathematics (e.g., Maccini and Hughes 2000; Montague
2001; Page-Voth and Graham 1999). For example, the self-regulated strategy development
approach (Harris and Graham 1996), which aims to improve childrens strategic behavior,
SR skill, content knowledge, and motivational control by teaching them how to use goal
setting, self-monitoring, self-instruction, and self-reinforcement strategies to regulate their
own learning during academic tasks, has been demonstrated to be an effective approach for
improving academic task performance of children with learning disabilities (Graham and
Harris 2003). Arguably, the promising results provided by these approaches provides
positive support for the use of similar approaches aimed at promoting self-regulated motor
skill acquisition among children with motor learning difficulties such as DCD.
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limitations, including its failure to elaborate on the specific strategies used in motor learning
and how situational variables, such as perceived self-efficacy, may influence performance
(Ferrari 1996). Consequently, Ferrari (1996) suggests that the examination of self-regulation
during motor performance might be better achieved using the socialcognitive theories of
SR presented previously. Although these theories were primarily developed to examine the
self-regulation of cognitive skill, the knowledge derived from these models has been argued
to have the potential to similarly provide insight into the self-regulation of motor skill
(Ferrari 1996; Newell 1991).
While the application of a self-regulatory approach to studying motor learning
demonstrates considerable potential in further understanding motor skill acquisition, there
are currently very few empirical studies examining the role of self-regulatory competence
and metacognitive knowledge in motor performance (Ferrari 1996) and among children
with differing motor abilities in particular (Martini et al. 2004). Where it exists, such
research has generally focused on examining individual differences in SR competence as it
relates to the development of motor expertise. However, a consideration of this body of
work is relevant to understanding the motor performance difficulties of children with DCD
when engaged in everyday motor activities of childhood such as team sports, bicycle riding,
and managing classroom tools. If the argument that these differences arise in part due to
deficient self-regulatory control is accepted, then knowledge derived from research
examining the manner in which novice and expert motor performers self-direct performance
and learning can be used to better understand the difficulties of children with DCD and how
one might apply self-regulatory approaches to enabling successful motor performance. A
review of this work will be presented next, followed by a more careful consideration of
research examining self-regulation among children with DCD.
Studying SR in expertise
According to Ericsson (2003), to possess expertise is to have mastered a series of
increasingly difficult task challenges in a specific area of functioning. Indeed, to possess
expertise requires highly complex repertoires of task specific knowledge and performance
skill. This knowledge and skill arise from the intense and deliberate practice that experts
dedicate to their task, a form of practice that requires high levels of self-regulatory
competence (Kitsantas and Zimmerman 2002; Zimmerman 2006). Arguably, therefore, selfregulatory competence is critical to the development of expertise and is an area worthy of
research attention. Kitsantas and Zimmerman (1998) propose that the self-regulation of
expert motor performance can be most effectively studied using the cyclical model
described previously, where strategic SR skill and positive motivational patterns need to act
cooperatively in order to effectively self-direct motor practice. Using this model,
Zimmerman and others have conducted research aimed at describing the self-regulatory
differences between expert and novice motor performers during each of the three phases of
Zimmermans (2000) model. In these studies, the researchers compared groups of expert,
non-expert, and novice performers in motor activities such as basketball and volleyball.
Experts and non-experts were defined as players with a similar or equal number of years of
experience, but differing performance levels in which experts demonstrated significantly
higher levels of performance proficiency than non-experts.2 Novices, in contrast, were
performers who did not participate in the specified sport as an organized activity but had
2
For example, in Kitsantas and Zimmermans (2002) study, experts were selected from a varsity volleyball
team, while non-experts were recruited from the universitys recreational volleyball club.
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played it informally. On the whole, experts have been demonstrated to focus proactively on
learning and practice during the forethought and performance phases of SR, while novices
are more likely to focus reactively on performance outcomes during self-reflection (Cleary
and Zimmerman 2001). The findings from these studies have provided substantial evidence
for the interacting relationship between motor performance level, SR competence, and
motivational behavior and will be summarized in the following paragraphs.
Zimmerman and his colleagues demonstrated that, in the forethought phase, experts held
significantly higher ratings of self-efficacy, intrinsic interest, and self-satisfaction than nonexperts and novices (Cleary and Zimmerman 2001; Kitsantas and Zimmerman 2002). In
addition, these self-motivation factors were shown to interact with task analysis skills,
where learners with high self-efficacy beliefs set higher, more process-oriented goals and
were more committed to these goals. Kitsantas and Zimmerman (2002) further
demonstrated that experts were more focused on specific task techniques and were more
likely to develop and follow highly structured practice routines than non-experts or novices.
The researchers argue that the tendency among non-experts and novices to set outcomeoriented goals alone diminishes not only performance effectiveness but also subsequent
motivation (Kitsantas and Zimmerman 2002; Zimmerman 2006).
During performance, experts advantageous goals, plans, and motivational beliefs from the
forethought phase have been shown to contribute to the conscious implementation of plans,
more frequent use of technique-specific strategies, and more frequent and more selective selfmonitoring of such technique (Kitsantas and Zimmerman 2002; Zimmerman 2006). When
forethought processes were superficial or inaccurate, as was the case for many novice
performers, efforts to control performance were often ineffective and more likely focused on
performance outcomes (Zimmerman 2006). As a result, following failed performance, selfefficacy ratings among novices were most prone to decline (Kitsantas and Zimmerman 2002).
During self-reflection, novice performers have been shown to adopt more fixed attribution
patterns, attributing errors to lack of ability, task difficulty, or bad luck (Cleary and Zimmerman
2001; Kitsantas and Zimmerman 2002). This attribution pattern contributes to an increased
likelihood for defensive inferences, such as task avoidance and apathy (Kitsantas and
Zimmerman 2002). In contrast, experts are more likely to objectively self-evaluate
performance and attribute performance outcomes to the specific techniques developed,
implemented, and monitored in previous phases. As a result, they are better able to sustain
self-satisfaction and more readily adjust technique or strategy use or seek help with repeated
errors (Cleary and Zimmerman 2001; Kitsantas and Zimmerman 2002).
The work summarized in the previous paragraphs provides support for the cyclical model of
SR and for the manner in which self-regulatory competence, performance level, and
motivational patterns interact, as is hypothesized by the socialcognitive models reviewed
earlier (Kitsantas and Zimmerman 2002). In addition, it provides substantial evidence to
suggest that SR plays a critical role in the development of motor competence. Expertise
research has similarly considered the role of knowledge in motor performance, where, using a
knowledge-based approach, research has aimed to determine whether experts differ in what
they know and how they use declarative, procedural, metacognitive, and strategic knowledge
(Anderson 1982; Chi 1981). Through such research, the knowledge possessed by experts has
been shown to be more extensive, more complete, and more elaborate for their particular area
of expertise (Anderson 1982; Chi 1981). Experts have been demonstrated to possess more
sophisticated knowledge of salient task and environmental characteristics relevant to
performance, be more aware of the consequences of their movement, make decisions more
appropriate to the demands of a given situation, and be more adept at evaluating the quality
of movement (Wrisberg 2001). Experts richer, more interconnected repertoire of knowledge
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has similarly been demonstrated to positively influence the problem-solving ability of expert
performers (McPherson and Thomas 1989). These findings suggest that not only is expert
knowledge richer in both abstract and functional concepts but also it additionally contains
procedures for applying this knowledge and the conditions that affect its use (Ferrari 1996).
In other words, their repertoire is richer in both declarative and procedural forms of
knowledge. As a consequence, experts are better able to monitor and assess their learning in a
particular task and, as such, generate more metacognitive knowledge in their domain of
expertise (Ferrari 1996). Again, the interacting relationship between knowledge and selfregulatory skill presented in the previous discussion of SR theory seems supported by this
research in the motor domain.
This relationship is further illustrated by results from the previously mentioned
studies examining self-regulatory differences among expert and novice basketball
(Cleary and Zimmerman 2001) and volleyball (Kitsantas and Zimmerman 2002) players.
In both studies, experienced experts and non-experts demonstrated identical amounts of
general skill knowledge, while only the former group used this knowledge in a selfregulated manner during actual practice. Novice participants demonstrated significantly
less knowledge than the other two groups. These findings are noteworthy for two
reasons. First, the differences in knowledge between experienced (experts and nonexperts) and novice performers further points to a relationship between performance level
and amount of knowledge. However, the similar levels of knowledge held by experts and
non-experts also indicate that knowledge alone cannot account for performance
differences among learners of similar experience and that the performer must additionally
possess the skill to effectively apply this knowledge to performance in a self-regulated
manner. On the basis of these findings, Kitsantas and Zimmerman (2002) conclude that
the quality of self-regulation exhibited during performance is more highly predictive of
performance success than knowledge of relevant task information or amount of practice
experience.
Overall, the existing expertise literature is consistent with current SR perspectives by
emphasizing the complex relationship between knowledge and SR competence, where
competent self-regulation is dependent on a certain level of task and metacognitive
knowledge which, in turn, grows in both breadth and depth as a result of self-regulated
performance in a particular domain.
Studying individual SR differences
The results presented in the previous section demonstrating the SRperformance
relationship in the expertise population parallels that from research in the academic domain
demonstrating higher levels of SR and metacognitive competence among gifted children (e.
g., Montague 1992; Pressley et al. 1985). In their review of ability-related differences
among performers in academic and psychomotor domains, Martini and Shore (2008)
demonstrate how SR and metacognition research in the academic domain has provided
clear and consistent evidence to suggest that high academic performers generally possess
more domain-specific and general metacognitive knowledge and are more able to use this
knowledge to effectively and efficiently self-regulate academic performance than children
experiencing difficulties in learning (e.g., Davidson and Sternberg 1998). As was reviewed
earlier, children with learning difficulties have been shown to possess less developed
repertoires of task and metacognitive knowledge and are generally less able to use such
knowledge to appropriately self-regulate academic problem-solving tasks (e.g. Borkowski
et al. 1989; Wong 1985).
89
Based on the research presented in this and the previous section, it seems reasonable to argue
that SR competence is strongly related to high levels of performance in both academic (among
gifted children) and psychomotor (among experts) domains. It might further be postulated that
SR difficulties exhibited by children with academic learning difficulties might also play a role
in the motor performance difficulties of children with DCD. In their review, Martini and Shore
(2008) present findings from an emerging body of research examining SR and metacognition
among children of differing psychomotor ability that provides support for a relationship
between motor performance and self-regulatory and metacognitive competence. In the
following section, this emerging body of research will be examined more fully.
90
strategies nor to appropriately identify specific task factors relevant to performance outcomes
(Martini et al. 2004).
This difference in SR quality was similarly demonstrated by Lloyd et al. (2006), who applied
a think-aloud methodology for observing childrens verbalizations during a hockey-shot task.
Here, children were prompted to verbalize thoughts during performance using two statements:
keep talking and what are you thinking? Once again, the authors found that verbalized
planning and evaluative statements among children with DCD, although equal in their
frequency to those of their typically-developing peers, were less specific and more frequently
representative of inaccurate knowledge about task parameters (Lloyd et al. 2006). They argued
that the failure to provide accurate verbalizations such as that observed among typically
developing children is indicative of a failure in integrating the knowledge, monitoring, and
planning elements of the self-regulation of motor performance. Both studies additionally
found that children with DCD were observed to make more frequent affective verbalizations
and that these verbalizations were more commonly negative.4 Martini et al. (2004) linked this
to a cycle in which repeated performance failure contributes to reduced feelings of selfefficacy and self-motivation and a potential for future avoidance of physical activity.
The findings from both studies are consistent with those previously presented from other
areas of investigation (Zimmerman 2006). Namely, there seems to be a clear relationship
between SR competence (including self-regulatory skill and motivational regulation) and
success in motor performance, where SR performance among children with DCD is less
effective, and motivational behavior is more frequently negative than that of children without
any difficulties. This relationship seems additionally influenced by the amount of knowledge
possessed by the performer. However, it must be remembered that the possession of task and
metacognitive knowledge alone is not sufficient for effective skill acquisition, but must be
applied to actual performance through metacognitive, or self-regulatory, skill (Martini and
Shore 2008). In other words, while the child might know what strategies to use and in which
conditions to use them, this knowledge will not be useful unless it is appropriately applied
during performance. Once again, these studies highlight the complexity of the interaction
between these variables in influencing self-regulated performance.
The role of self-regulatory and metacognitive skill in understanding the difficulties of
children with DCD has also been examined in the context of the cognitively oriented CO-OP
intervention program described previously (Polatajko and Mandich 2004). Here, it is assumed
that participation in the program assists children to develop skills in effectively setting
performance goals, selecting and applying appropriate strategies to motor task practice, and
accurately monitoring and evaluating their own performance. While the previous studies have
provided early evidence of SR differences among children with and without DCD, the
examination of SR competence in the context of the CO-OP program additionally allows for
a consideration of the manner in which SR competence evolves through participation in a
cognitively oriented intervention.
Using Zimmerman (2000) and Schunks (2001) social-cognitive model of SR, Sangster
(2009) (hereafter referred to as the 2009 study) used an in-depth observational approach to
record, analyze, and compare self-regulatory behavior among children with and without
DCD participating in the CO-OP program, as it was exhibited through verbally articulated
4
While affective verbalizations in both groups included positive (WAHOO! I got it in! Im happy now!)
and negative (No good. Oh well, Im not good at hockey, and ...I had a really bad shot this time)
statements, Lloyd et al. (2006) noted that those from children with DCD tended to express more excitement
or surprise following performance success and to be more highly self-critical during periods of performance
difficulty.
91
Examples of negative motivational behaviour exhibited by participants included task avoidance, failing to
persist in the face of challenge, failure to maintain attention to the task, and making statements indicative of
negative feelings of self-confidence or low self-efficacy.
92
behavior than their peers for whom motor performance remained relatively unchanged. In
contrast, the stability of motor performance in this latter group was mirrored by relatively
unchanging patterns of SR performance and more frequently negative motivational behavior.
The application of both observational and self-report methods in the 2009 study additionally
allowed for an examination of the manner in which SR performance and articulated knowledge
interact during motor skill acquisition. Based on the finding that children with DCD articulate less
knowledge and more often exhibit ineffective SR behavior than their typically developing peers,
Sangster (2009) argued that children with DCD have smaller and less complex repertoires of
knowledge about motor tasks and, as a result, have limited knowledge bases from which to
draw during self-regulated motor performance, an argument supported by previous theoretical
and empirical work (Martini and Shore 2008; Wall et al. 1985). However, individual case
analysis of children's performed and articulated behavior revealed that some children were able
to express a wealth of knowledge relevant to their chosen task, but subsequently failed to
demonstrate evidence for the successful application of this knowledge to practice. Conversely,
in several cases, children were observed to exhibit on-task self-regulatory skill but failed to
explicitly report an awareness and understanding of such ability during reflective discussion
(Sangster 2009).
Arguably, these findings suggest that, rather than conceptualizing the knowledgeskill
relationship as a unidirectional one in which self-regulatory performance requires a
prerequisite knowledge base, it instead might be better characterized as a mutually
reciprocal cycle in which effective SR performance requires a certain level of pre-existing
knowledge and competent SR performance similarly contributes to the development of new
knowledge. Among children with DCD, this relationship might most accurately be
characterized by a dissociation, where the ability to articulate domain knowledge was not
consistently associated with effective SR performance and the on-task performance of SR
skill was often not explicitly reported. This is consistent with the literature suggesting that,
in early phases of SR and metacognitive development, the knowledgeskill relationship is
often not fully established (Schneider & Bjorklund 1998; Whitebread and Pino Pasternak
2010). Arguably, in typical development, this relationship is gradually strengthened as
children learn to apply knowledge effectively to new learning situations in a self-regulated
manner and use SR learning experiences to develop new knowledge (Pressley et al. 1985).
Sangster (2009) argues that children with DCD do not automatically engage in this process,
and, as a result, the development of both knowledge and self-regulatory skill is limited.
Promisingly, the findings from the 2009 study also suggest that, over the course of the
intervention program, there was a growing connection between knowledge and skill in
some cases, where existing and new knowledge was successfully applied to newly
developed SR skill which, in turn, contributed to further understanding and the expression
of new knowledge (Sangster 2009). Arguably, therefore, one of the methods through which
the CO-OP intervention program addresses the motor performance difficulties of children
with DCD is by facilitating the development of a stronger link between childrens existing
knowledge and newly learnt SR skill by demonstrating to children the manner in which task
knowledge can be applied to activities such as goal setting, monitoring, and self-evaluation
and the manner in which these activities prompt the discovery of new knowledge.
Conclusions
This article has aimed to provide a review of current research from the fields of selfregulation, metacognition, and motor learning that supports the argument that the
93
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