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121
Contents
1,,,'tt,.ll iort :
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vl1
t.
2.
21,
3.
Thematic Analysis
53
4. Structural Analysis
5. Dialogic/Performance
77
Analysis
1.
105
6. Visual Analysis
T4I
7. Truths
183
and Cautions
Notes
20L
References
225
Index
245
25L
Looking Back,
Looking Forward
If
-M.
DC, and saw the teacher's plan for the day on the blackboard, including
the following directions:
Writing a Personal Narrative
make sure the events are in the right order
use the
pronouns
"I"
-the
check for
-neatness
-spelling
-grammar
At first I thought it was a joke; the teacher knew I was coming and had
to fit with my book project. Dismissing this self-centered
thought, I settled into my role as volunteer for the morning in the public
selected a lesson
school. The diverse class included many children whose first language wasn't
English, as well as African American, Asian American, and white children.
Alrts, the teacher never got to the lesson on writing personal narrative, and
I ttcvcr saw the children's productions.
By using the incident, I do not mean to fault Sage's teacher or her wonderful school. The teacher was positioned in her world of experience and
training, as I am positioned in mine. She built her lesson on dominant standards in education, and she used excellent pedagogical strategies (listing on
the board the tasks for the day, and providing simple descriptions for concepts). I introduce the story to anticipate key issues I take up in the book:
the central place of narrative when personal lives and social institutions
intersect in the "ruling regimes"a of schools, social welfare departments,
workplaces, hospitals, and governments. The classroom exercise illustrates
how transforming a lived experiences into language and constructing a
srory about it is not straightforward, but invariably mediated and regulated
by controlling vocabularies. Narratives are composed for particular audiences at moments in history, and they draw on taken-for-granted discourses
and values circulating in a particular culture. Consequently, narratives don't
speak for themselves, offering a window into an "essential self."'Sfhen used
for research purposes, they require close interpretation-narrative analysiswhich can be accomplished in a number of ways depending on the objectives of the investigation.
Four broad approaches to analyzing narrative texts are presented in
core chapters to follow. But first some orientation is given about what
narrative is, and what it does in human communication. I introduce readers to the broad field of narrative inquiry, asking when the "narrative
turn" began in the human sciences6 and suggest some reasons why so
many scholars in such diverse disciplines are now drawn to working narratively with data. The chapter closes with the organizing plan for the
book.
What Is Narrative?
The term "narrative" carries many meanings and is used in a variety of ways
by different disciplines, often synonymously with "story."7 I caution readers
not to expect a simple, clear definition of narrative here that can cover all
applications, but I will review some definitions in use and outline what I think
are the essential ingredients. Briefly, in everyday oral storytelling, a speaker
connects events into a sequence that is consequential for later action and for
the meanings that the speaker wants listeners to take away from the story.
Events perceived by the speaker as important are selected, organized, connected, and evaluated as meaningful for a particular audience.s Later chapters
will expand and complicate the simple definition with research based on
spoken, written, and visual materials.
Viewed historically, articulating what the narrative form is, and what it
with Aristotle's examination of the Greek tragedy. Action is imitated (mimesis): the dramatist creates a representation of events, experiences,
and emotions. The tragic narrative is "complete and whole and of a certain
amplitude" (size). There is a classic structure with "a beginning, middle, and
an end" (sequence rather than haphazard organization). There is plot, "the
ordering of the incidents," which constitutes the life blood of a narrative, and
plot is enacted by characters, who take a second place. It is the plot that
awakens emotions, such as fear and dread, when "things happen unexpectedly." Something goes awry: there is a breach in the expected state of things
(peripeteia) that awakens response in the audience.e Aristotle understood
that narratives are often moral tales, depicting a rupture from the expectedinterpretive because they mirror the world, rather than copying it exactly.
Later, narrative theory shifted with French structuralism, Russian formalism,
poststructuralism, cultural analysis, and postmodernism.l0 Contemporary narrative researchers carry different traditions forward, as later chapters illustrate.
Although narrative theory developed initially from examining literary
works, the Bakhtin epigraph to the book suggests that many kinds of texts
can be viewed narratively, including spoken, written, and visual materials.
Compositions made after lengthy periods of observation (ethnography) can
be narratively organized ("texts about texts"). Just as interview participants
tell stories, investigators construct stories from their data. Barthes notes the
universality of the form and lists many sites where it can be found:
does, began
Narrative is present in myth, legend, fable, tale, novella, epic, history, tragedy,
drama, comedy, mime, painting. . . ,. stained glass windows, cinema, comics,
news item, conversation. Moreover, nder this almost infinite diversity of forms,
narrative is present in every age, in every place, in every society; it begins with
the very history of mankind (sic) and there nowhere is nor has been a people
without narrative . . . it is simply there, like life itself.ll
To add to the diverse sources Barthes lists, I would include memoir, biography, autobiography, diaries, archival documents, social service and health
records, other organizational documents, scientific theories, folk ballads,
photographs, and other art work. As later chapters reveal, most investigators tend to work with one kind of text (but there are exceptionsl2). In a
word, narrative is everywhere, but not everything is narrative.
\7hile everywhere, in my view, there still must be some boundaries around
the concept. In contemporary usage, narrative has come to mean anything
beyond a few bullet points; when someone speaks or writes more than a few
lines, the outcome is now called narrative by news anchors and even some
combined with observations of the life of the center and poems and stories
composed
compelling narratives of elderly Jews living out their days, crafted from the
stories they had performed for her.
Resting in the middle of this continuum of working definitions is research
in psychology and sociology. Here, personal narrative encompasses long
sections of talk-extended accounts of lives in context that develop over the
course of single or multiple research interviews or therapeutic conversations.
The discrete story that is the unit of analysis in Labov's definition gives way
to an evolving series of stories that are framed in and through interaction.
An example here is Elliot Mishler's study of the trajectories of identity development among a group of artists/craft persons constructed through extended
interviews with them.le
The diversity of working definitions in these brief examples from research
anticipates complexities to come in later chapters and underscores the
absence of a single meaning. The term narrative in the human sciences can
refer to texts at several levels that overlap: stories told by research participants (which are themselves interpretive), interpretive accounts developed by
an investigator based on interviews and fieldwork observation (a story about
stories), and even the narrative a reader constructs after engaging with the
participant's and investigator's narratives. Analytic work with visual materials pushes boundaries of narrative definition further, as Cha pter 6 shows.
Distinctions are important for three nested uses of the term I employ
Although this definition of story (reminiscent of Aristotle) remains relevant for projects located in social linguistics (see Chapter 4),I have come
over time to adopt contemporary conventions, often using the terms "story"
and "narrative" interchangeably in writing.
It is also important to note that while personal stories are certainly prevalent in contemporurylife, reflecting and producing the cult of "the self" as
a project in modernity,t'narrative has a robust life beyond the individual. As
persons construct stories of experience, so too do identity groups, communities, nations, governments, and organizations construct preferred narratives
about themselves (although this book concentrates on individual and group
narrative). Perhaps the push toward narrative comes from contemporary preoccupations with identity. No longer viewed as given and "natural," individuals must now construct who they are and how they want to be known, just
as groups, organizations, and governments do. In postmodern times, identities can be assembled and disassembled, accepted and contested,23 and indeed
this observation:
This is not to claim that the intentionality of narratives is always conscious and
deliberate; the ends that are being achieved may be utterly obscure to those
whose narratives they are. Rather, the claim is simply that narratives, as sense-
Narratives often serve different purposes for individuals than they do for
groups, although there is some overlap. Individuals use the narrative form to
remember, argue, justify, persuade, engage, entertain, and even mislead an
audience.3l Groups use stories to mobilize others, and to foster a sense of
belonging. Narratives do political wrk. The social role of stories-how they
are connected to the flow of power in the wider world-is an important facet
of narrative theory.32
Turning briefly to each function, remembering the past is the most familiar. In therapeutic settings and in life writing, individuals turn to narrative to
excavate and reassess memories that may have been fragmented, chaotic,
unbearable, and/or scarcely visible before narrating them.33 There is, of
course, a complicated relationship befween narrative, time, and memory for
we revise and edit the remembered past to square with our identities in the
present.34In a dynamic way then, narrative constitutes past experience at the
same time as it provides ways for individuals to make sense of the past. And
stories must always be considered in context, for storytelling occurs at a historical moment with its circulating discourses and power relations. At a local
level, a story is designed for particular recipients-an audience who receives
the story, and may interpret it differently.
be questioned.
10
like. Some individuals and groups narrate their experiences in ways that
engage, convince, and move an audience, while other tellings can leave listeners or readers skeptical. In professional settings (a case conference, for
example, or a courtroom), one speaker can persuade others of a particular
formulation, while another fails to convince-a process that can be studied
by close analysis of the rhetorical devices each employs to "story" the
case.37 Lawyers construct narratives in courtrooms to persuade judges and
juriesr3s social workers use documents and interviews to construct stories
about clients in written reports to persuade colleagues and governmental
bodies,3e and some programs in medicine ask students to think narratively
about their cases, and their lives as physicians-in-training.'o These brief
examples illustrate what narrative can accomplish and potential points for
analytic investigation.
Many investigators are now turning to narrative because the stories reveal
truths about human experience. Those who work with oral narratives of
trauma survivors can see Isak Dinesen's wisdom at work: "All sorrows can
be borne if you can put them in a story . . . tell a story about them."al Joan
Didion extends the point: "'We tell ourselves stories in order to live."a2
Telling stories about difficult times in our lives creates order and contains
emotions, allowing a search for meaning and enabling connection with
others. My own research, which hs examined lives interrupted by chronic
illness, divorce, and infertility, is built around the meaning-making function
'When
of narrative.
biographical disruptions occur that rupture expectations
for continuity, individuals make sense of events through storytelling.
Interrogating the stories uncovers how we "imbue life events with a temporal and logical order to demystify them and establish coherence across past,
present, and as yet unrealized experience."a3 Jerome Bruner goes further:
narratives actually structure perceptual experience, organize memory, and
"segment and purpose-build the very events of a life."44 Individuals, he
argues, become the autobiographical narratives by which they tell about
their lives. To be understood, these private constructions of identity must
mesh with a community of life stories, or "deep structures" about the nature
of life itself in a particular culture. Connecting biography and society becomes
possible through the close analysis of stories.
Forward
II
12
Forward
13
'I7ho
Narrative texts that social scientists collect require a similar level of close
reading. But as later chapters display, some investigators attend to language,
form, social context, and audience more than others do.
Elliot Mishler contrasts variable-centered approaches in social research,
elicdeveloping the story that way, and effects on the reader or listener.
its the story, for what purpose, how does the audience affect what is told, and
what cannot be spoken? In narrative study, particularities and context come
to the fore. Human agency and the imagination of storytellers (and listeners
l4
krtowlrdgr is cottstructcd in thc cveryday world through an ordinary comnuuricrI ive uet-storytclIing.
'l'ht"'
N a rrati
vc TIJrn "
At whirt point did the practice of treating a narrative as an object for careful study (centuries old in literature) migrate into the human sciences? Just as
thcre are different ways of defining narrative, and contrasting approaches to
interpretation, so too are there several histories that I now sketch. Scholars
begin the process in different times, places, theoretical shifts, and political
movements. In my reading of the debate about beginnings, differences also
turn on epistemological position. Narrative study buds early, but flowers in
the mid-1980s with challenges to realism and positivism. Today, the field is
a veritable garden of cross-disciplinary hybrids.
Susan Chase locates beginnings
Forward
15
various kinds.se ln the last several decades, institutions in North America and
Europe began to provide numerous "autobiographical occasions"
(Robert Zussman's felicitous phrase), which are "special occasions when we
are called on to reflect in systematic and extended ways on who we are and
what we are."60 Although such occasions certainly existed before, in the
autobiographical age of contemporary 'S7estern preoccupationr5l there are
opportunities galore: job and school applications, reunions, self-help groups,
and, of course, therapy sessions. Given such opportunities, scholars began to
examine how "selves" were constructed in these contexts. Corinne Squire,
going further, locates the narrative turn in larger currents of late twentieth
century'Western thought: interest in language, the biographical, the unconscious, the visual, power in the research relationship, reflexivity, intersubjectiviry, and the trend in scholarly work toward interdisciplinarity.5z Clear|y,
the narrative turn is part of larger moves in the social sciences away from
discipline-specific and investigator-controlled practices.
Going beyond epistemological, theoretical, and political shifts of the
L960s, were there other developments that fed an interest in narrative inquiry
and close reading of texts? Although rarely mentioned, developments in technology were important in making narrative research a subfield in qualitative
inquiry. Miniature recording technologies made detailed studies of everyday
speech possible. Recording technologies offered alternatives to previous ways
of gathering data that Chicago School and other "realist" ethnographies had
relied on. New forms of analysis of first person accounts became possible
with verbatim transcripts, opening up questions about language use, and the
relationship between participants' utterances and investigators' interpretations of them. Classic work on narrative structure developed by Labov and
\Taletzky in t967 (a touchstone for narrative analysis featured in Chapter 4)
would not have been possible without miniature recording technologies, nor
would the many other studies of naturally occurring conversation.63
Inexpensive cameras, television, and, more recently, video cameras made
visual texts available, setting technological conditions in place for study of
visual narrative (see Chapter 6). Cinematic images now play in living rooms
around the world and expose large numbers of people to sequences of events
they would not know otherwise, including images of survivors of state-sponsored
violence. Analyzing stories recorded on camera provides new ways of interpreting historical events, cultural processes, and resistance movements.
Although the 1960s saw the budding of a field, the 1980s saw it flowering with landmark work, some guided by the feminist dictum: the personal
is political. A fertile space developed in women's studies-interdisciplinary,
with major participation from scholars in literary and auto/biographical
inquiry. Attention shifted over time to the diversity of women's experiences,
'Western
l6
and social practices that began in the 1960s fed the narrative turn. Langellier
summarizes key elements:
Forward
77
Analyzing those stories, rather than merely presenting them, was the logical
next move.
In sum, the precise beginnings of narrative study in the human sciences
are contested; there are taproots in a variety of fields that converged and
informed narrative inquiry. Susan Chase argues that it remains "a field in the
making."73 In any event, the realist talesTa of early twentieth century sociology and anthropology are now making room for ethnographies that include
subjectivities of investigator and participant alike, an extension of a larger
"interpretive turn" in the social sciences away from the realist assumptions
of positivism. The mechanical metaphor adopted from the natural sciencesinvestigators provide an objective description of the world and position
themselves outside the field of study to do so-has given way to narrative
studies that position the investigator as part of the field, simultaneously
mediating and interpreting the "other" in dialogue with the "self." Readers
can expect narrative analysis to take diverse forms precisely because investigators rely on diverse theories and epistemologies.
'Whatever
its beginnings, analytic study of narrative can now be found in
virtually every field and social science discipline. The movement is international and cross-disciplinary, not fitting within the boundaries of any single
scholarly field or nation. The narrative turn has entered history, anthropology
and folklore, psychology, sociolinguistics, communications, and sociology.
The idea of narrative has energized the study of an affay of topics-social
movements, organizations, politics and other macro-level processes. The professions, too, have embraced the idea of narrative, along with investigators
who study particular professions-law, medicine, nursing, education, occupational therapy, and social work. It is impossible to keep up with the wealth of
work going on, as any list of citations quickly becomes obsolete.Ts Methods of
narrative analysis are ripe for a detailed methodological inquiry.
IU
students. Others have developed different typologies, and I do not claim final
authority with mine.76 It is descriptive and provisional-a heuristic that
I have evolved over years of teaching research methods to map a family of
methodological approaches suited to the analysis of narratives of individuals and groups. The typology is not intended to be hierarchical or evaluative,
although I do interrogate how investigators (whose work serves as the exemplars of each approach) deal with issues I think important: definition of
narrative, the task of transforming talk into text, attention to language and
narrative form, focus of an inquiry and associated unit of analysis; and attention to context (local and societal).
The four approaches to narrative inquiry are not mutually exclusive; in
practice, they can be adapted and combined. As with all typologies, boundaries arc fuzzy.In these postmodern times of boundary crossing, I encourage
students to innovate and transgress the borders created by my separate
chapters. Please, do not see the methods as a set of disciplining practices.
Interrogate your projects in light of the exemplars presented in each chapter,
rather than "applying" a particular analytic approach.
As I wrestled with how to construct a book about narrative methods,
I decided to organize it around candidate exemplars of various analytic
approaches, rather than a set of instruction points. This strategy is how many
of us actually teach qualitative methods-detailed study of paradigmatic cases,
Forward t9
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as an
Index
Appropriation,
1,2'1,,
201-203,220
Burke, Kennethr TT
Bury, Michael,55
Mikhail
Archival documents exemplar, 63-67
Aristotle, 4,7, 40, 201
Asides, 112-1,1,3
Attentive listening, 26
Audience
academic,192
imagined, 113
misleading of, 9
212,214
Bateson, Gregory,l42
Becker, Howard, 1,43-145, 147, 1.8L
Bell, Susan, 153-159, 180, 182
Berland, Gretchen, L43
Bernstein, Basil, 78
Bertaux, Daniel, 14
Biographical disruption, 10, 94-1,00
Bosk, Charles, 184
Boundaries of a narrative segment,
4r, L23
L87-1.88,199
Campbell, Donald, L94
Case-based methods, 12
Case-centered inqui ry, 793-194
Case
studies,l-94
Casuistry, 12
" Catalytic " validity, 1.99
Category-centered analysis
methods, L2
Causal narrative, 56, 58
Cazden, Courtney, 79, 93, 125-126,
2'1.0,21.4
Charon, Rita, L1, 80
Chase, Susan, 14, 17, 24, 1.96,
203-204,221,
Chicago School, 1,4-15, 36
Chomsky, Noam, 78
Close reading, 11
Co-construction of narratives,
3l-32,46
Coherence, 1,89-1,91,, L93
Conversation analysis, 13, 106
Cooperative inquiries, 1.96.
See also Participatory action
research
186-188
Creef, Elena Tajima, 145-153,
180,186
200
1
t
\
\
'"1
t
lsage of this book. Let's not waste time debating others about paradigms, and
"
\ tf tt;\
/ instead get on with the work of building a corpus of diverse exemplars, that
' I is, narrative research that includes the detail and specificity needed to advance
I the field.
\
t end with an invitation to students and other investigators who want to
\
tt
tion of narrative are you working with? To what extend are you paying
attention to narrative form and language, local contexts of production, and
broader social discourses? r7hat is your distinctive focus and related unit of
analysis? And, at a basic level, what are the epistemological and theoretical
perspectives that frame your project?
Form communities with other researchers to gain support and construc-
tive criticism for your work. I ige those wanting to join the "narrative
turn" to follow Elliot Mishler's suggestion to "look outside of your discipline" for colleagues, as "narrative pockets" exist in virtually every fie\d.7z
Narrative research can only grow stronger as we form connections across
disciplinary boundaries, identify our own exemplars, build on them, and
gain support and constructive criticism for our inquiries. \(here ongoing
f"ace-to-face study groups are impossible due to distance, we can form virtual
communities. (A group in Australia initiated a blog that has continued after
we completed work together.) There are also listservs, Web sites, international conferences, and journals that keep narrative researchers connected.T3
Use the many resources out there to find your own path. Narrative research
is gaining strength in the human sciences, and the field needs voices in different registers to become a chorus.
Notes
Endnotes for Chapter One
L. Nelson , 1989.
2. 'White, l98L; Bruner, 1986,1.990.
3. Gubrium Ec Holstein,2002; Atkinson & Silverman,1997.
4. Smith, 1990.
5. It is beyond -y scope in the book to question the term "experience,"
so
widely used in the narrative literature. Philosophers note "the really hard problem
of consciousness is the problem of experience" (Chalmers, L995, p.2).Its subjective
and phenomenal aspects cannot be reduced to brain or cognitive processes, as
Chalmers (1996) notes. For a critical analysis of the term, see Scott, 1998.
6. Polkinghorne, 1983, prefers the term "human sciences" to "behavioral
science" or "social science." As he notes, the latter terms retain the specter of behaviorism, on the one hand, and the natural sciences on the other. "Human science"
implies multiple systems of inquiry and is more inclusive. See Lather,1986, p.257,
for further development of Polkinghorne's distinctions.
12. Mark
202
Notes
tive,
&
see
Gubrium,2000.
see Riessman
:7.
Pollotta,2006.
White,2002; White
1991..
See
Ec Featherstone,
2005.
see
Abbott, 1,992.
Graves, 2006.
29. Gamson, 2002. Also see Polletta, 2006.
30. Freeman, 2002,p.9.
3L. Bamberg & McCabe, 1,998.
36.
of the case,
"1.996,
203
for them.
51. Jonsen,1.998.
52. Flyvbjerg, 2004; Radley 6c Chamberlain, 2001.
these traditions of work, see R. Atkinson, 1.998, and
Silverman,200l.
see
68. Bruner,"l.99'1.
69. Seidman, 1,992.
70. Denzin,2000, p. xiii.
204
Noter
rative, see Boje, 1,99I; Davis, 2002; Feldman, 2001,; Kane, 2001; Polletta,2006. For
classic work in education see Chapter 4.
76.
&. Zilbe4
2{15
29. Qualitative
kinds of
narrative data: living the experience, telling the experience, and interpreting the
experience. I would stress that all three are interpretive and proxies, or imitations
of life (see Riessman,1993).
5. For examples of narrative research drawing on social work documents, see
Urek, 2005; r7hite, 2002; White 6c Featherstone, 2005; Hyddn & verlien,2005.
6. Mishler, 1986, p. 67.
7. For a review of research interviewing in the social sciences that builds on
Mishler, see Gubrium Ec Holstein,2002.
8.
9.
Chase, 1995.
Devereaux, 1967.
10. DeVault, '1,996, 2006; Fonow 6c Cook, 1991.; Gluck 6c Patai, 1991;
42.
day conversation.
30. Riessman,2000.
31. Mishler, personal communication, May 2006.
32. Minha,"l.992, as cited by Holstein & Gubrium, 2000, p. 105.
33. Emotions during fieldwork remain a neglected topic in writings about social
science research, but see Kleinman & Copp, 1993.
34. Mattingly, 1.998, p. 8. See also pp. 2547.
35. Paper was eventually published in Swedish, see Riessman,1997.
36. For a full description of the text of the letter, see Riessman,2002.
37. See, among others, Van Vleet,2002,2003 for an anthropologist's perspective on translation regarding how language is used to produce emotion and kinship.
38. Temple, 1.997, 2002.
39. Temple 6c Young,2004, p. 164.
40. Riessman,2005.
41. Malayalam is a member of the Dravidian family of languages spoke in South
India. Pronominal reference and verb tense are often ambiguous and must be inferred
I have
on trains, for example, will ask a woman how many children she has and raise questions about what treatment she is getting if she has none. See Riessman, 2000.
see
Bell, 1988.
45. Other human scientists have experimented in much more extreme ways with
poetic representations. See Richardson, L993; Poindexter, 2002.
46. 'We learned from elsewhere in the translated transcript about Celine's biography, which was typical of the life course for young women from the rural areas of