Muslim Genocide CP

Islamophobic legislation is sustained by an unofficially

tolerated obscene and racist underside of the law, the only
way to confront these insane racist mindsets is to overconform
to them, breaking their underlying fantasies and revealing
their immoral nature
KRIPS 2010 (Henry, Professor of Cultural Studies and Andrew W. Mellon all Claremont
Chair of Humanities at Claremont Graduate University; The Politics of the Gaze: Foucault,
Lacan and iek, Culture Unbound, Volume 2, 2010)
It is clear that the film theoretic account of Foucault that Copjec uses, misrepresents Foucaults concept of the panoptic gaze, and that this
misrepresentation, in turn, is responsible for her insistence upon a gap between the Foucauldian and Lacanian concepts of the gaze. By correctly
representing Foucault, I have closed this gap. A fortiori I have changed the exclusively conservative political valence that, in virtue of its function as a
disciplinary tool that supports the status quo, has come to be associated with the panopticon. In particular, I allow that, like the Lacanian gaze, and
depending on context, the Foucauldian gaze may have either disruptive, Dionysian effects or conservative, Apollonian effects.5 Foucaults practices of
freedom are one way of thinking the possibility of disruptive effects. Rather than pursuing this line of thought at an abstract level, however, I turn finally
to Slavoj ieks work, in particular his concept of overconformity, in order to show that, by reconceiving the panoptic gaze along the lines that I have

Central to ieks account of the modern

an obscene underside of the law , namely widespread practices
petty tax evasion, speeding, walking on the grass, etc which, although strictly speaking illicit, are
unofficially tolerated. This network of practices is sustained thanks to what
iek calls an ideological phantasy that keeps them an open secret
everyone knows about and participates in them in private, but no one
mentions them, let alone publicly flaunts participating in them. Such practices
suggested, new political possibilities arise for opposing modern regimes of surveillance.

state is

the concept of

constitute points of failure of the law in so far as they fall in an indeterminate zone in relation to legal categories: on the one hand, in so far as they are
tolerated they are not straightforwardly illegal, but, on the other hand, neither are they legal; and as such, constitute a fundamental illegality at the heart
of the legal system. ieks point is that, rather than undermining the law, the obscene underside of the law sustains it the law is tol-erated because of
the little secret pleasures that people derive from its obscene underside. In Lacanian terms, we may say that the obscene underside of the law is the set of
necessary but repressed points of failure of the legal system in short, it is the symptom of the legal system. In particular, in the context of a legal state
apparatus that is held in place by a panoptic system of surveillance, the obscene underside of the law is a liminal zone of high anxiety that, like the
Emperors body under his new clothes, is obscenely visible to each of his subjects in the privacy of their own visual field, yet must be shrouded in a cloak

How are we to oppose such a system, which

depends upon its own systematic transgression? According to iek,

of invisibility in the public realm. This is the site of the gaze.

seemingly coexists with, indeed

not by acts of resistance, since the system is readily able to accommodate, indeed depends upon such acts.6 Instead, iek suggests opposition

through acts of overconformity, which, rather than protesting let alone

breaking the law, insist upon it to the letter, even when ideological common sense
suggests otherwise. In particular, this means a refusal to turn a blind eye from manifestations of laws obscene underside. As
iek puts it: Sometimes, at least the truly subversive thing is not to disregard the explicit letter of Law on behalf of the underlying fantasies, but to
stick to this letter against the fantasy which sustains it.Is not an exemplary case of such subversion-through-identification provided by Jaroslav Hseks
The Good Soldier Schweik, the novel whose hero wreaks total havoc by simply executing the orders of his superiors in an overzealous and all-too-literal
way (iek 1997: 30, 22, 31). What constitutes such strategies of overconformity in the context of a modern panoptic regime of surveillance? Answer:
openly/publicly sticking to the letter of the law by refusing the cloak of invisibility that shrouds the laws points of failure; in other words, by refusing to
indulge what iek calls the ideological fantasy , orchestrating a direct encounter with the objet a qua gaze. To put it in ieks terms, it is a matter of
actively endorsing the passive confrontation with the objet a, bypassing the intermediate role of the screen of fantasy (iek 1997: 31). To be specific,

it is matter of not merely saying but also acting out publicly what
everyone knows in private but dares not say: not merely announcing in
public that the Emperor is naked, but arresting him for indecent exposure.
By Lacanianizing Foucault, as I have done here, we are able to understand the logic behind such heterodox strategies for opposing modern regimes of
surveillance.

Counterplan: The United State federal government should

enact a two part law: the first shall require that the
government substantially increase its radical islamophobic
rhetoric and propaganda, while maintaining status quo antiIslamic institutions; The second shall direct the government to
prepare for the mass extermination of the American-Muslim
population.
-

Plan plank one is funding: all funds will be appropriated through normal
means
Plan plank two is enforcement: the counterplan will be enforced by the
executive branch
Plan plank three is specification:
o First, the CP legislation only allows for the preparation of muslim
genocide but bans it from ever actually being legislated or carried
out.
o Preparation will include the gathering and public display of 2.6
million coffins, the creation of fake gas chambers, public assembly
of the military, and the declaration of a state of emergency.
o The law will contain an amendment acknowledging its falsity yet
will maintain the secrecy of this amendment until protest forces the
law to be changed or until preparations are complete at which point
the law will be mandatorily extinguished.

The CP causes mass protests and social movements against

islamophobia
Stekelenburg and Klandermans, 10, Vrije University "," VU University,
http://www.surrey.ac.uk/politics/research/researchareasofstaff/isppsummeracademy/
instructors/Social%20Psychology%20of%20Protest,%20Van%20Stekelenburg
%20%26%20Klandermans.pdf
Discussions about politics within networks increase efficacy and transform
individual grievances into shared grievances and group-based anger,
which translates into protest participation..Prominent among grievance
theories was relative deprivation theory. Feelings of relative deprivation result
from comparison of ones situation with a standard be it ones past,
someone elses situation, or a cognitive standard such as equity or justice
(Folger, 1986). If comparison results in the conclusion that one is not receiving what
one deserves, a person experiences relative deprivation. Runciman (1966) referred
to relative deprivation based on personal comparisons as egoistic deprivation and to
relative deprivation based on group comparisons as fraternalistic deprivation.
Research suggests that fraternalistic deprivation is particularly important for

engagement in protest (Major, 1994; Martin, 1986). Foster and Matheson (1999),
however, showed that the relation is more complex. They demonstrate that when
the groups experience becomes relevant for ones own experience i.e.
when the personal becomes political motivation to protest increases.
People who experience both personal deprivation and group deprivation
are the most strongly motivated to take to the streets. On the basis of a
meta-analysis, Van Zomeren et al. (2008) conclude that the cognitive component of
relative deprivation (as reflected in the observation that one receives less than the
standard of comparison) has less influence on action participation than the affective
component (as expressed by such feelings as dissatisfaction, indignation and
discontent about these outcomes). Next to relative deprivation, social psychologists
have applied social justice theory to theorize on grievances and protest (Tyler and
Smith, 1998). Social justice literature distinguishes between two classes of justice
judgements: distributive and procedural justice. Distributive justice is similar to
relative deprivation; it refers to the fairness of outcomes. Procedural justice refers to
the fairness of decisionmaking procedures and the relational aspects of the social
process (being treated with respect, dignity, etc.; Tyler and Smith, 1998). People
care more about how they are treated than about outcomes do authorities
treat them with respect, can authorities be trusted to do well by their
people? On the basis of these findings, Tyler and Smith proposed that procedural
justice might be a more powerful predictor of social movement
participation than distributive justice, although they never tested this idea directly
(but see Blader [2007] for a test in the context of labour union participation).
Grievances and protest. At the heart of every protest are grievances, be it
the experience of illegitimate inequality, feelings of relative deprivation,
feelings of injustice, moral indignation about some state of affairs, or a
suddenly imposed grievance (Klandermans, 1997). Illegitimate inequality is what
relative deprivation and social justice theories are about. Suddenly imposed
grievances refer to an unexpected threat or inroad upon peoples rights or
circumstances (Walsh, 1981). Grievances resulting from violated principles
refer to moral outrage because it is felt that important values or principles
are violated. In more general terms, intergroup conflicts can be framed as conflicts
of principles or conflicts of material interests (Van Stekelenburg and Klandermans,
2009). This distinction is important in the context of protest, because in a conflict of
interests people are more inclined to take an instrumental route to protest to
enforce change, whereas a conflict of principles more likely leads to protests
in which people express their views and indignation (Van Stekelenburg et al.,
2009).

Social movements spill over forming new movements, and they

permanently reshape culture and mindsets the counterplan
solves the majority of islamophobia (1 min flat medium)
Meyer and Whittier, 94, Social Problems, Vol. 41, No. 2 (May, 1994), pp. 277298 DMND

Social movements are not distinct and self-contained; rather, they grow from and give birth to
other movements, work in coalition with other movements, and influence each other
indirectly through their effects on the larger cultural and political environment. Building on both political process and collective
identity perspectives, this paper uses a case study of the women's movement's impact on U.S. peace movement activity in the
1980s to develop a theory of movement-movement influence. We argue that this influence is shown by: 1) the adoption of feminist
ideological frames by the peace movement; 2) the spread of the women's movement's tactical innovations into peace protest; 3)
increased presence of women in leadership positions in both the institutionally-oriented and direct action wings of the movement;
and 4) the adoption of organizational structures that built on feminist processes designed to avoid hierarchy. Drawing data from both
movements a local and national levels, we suggest four mechanisms of transmission between the movements: 1) organizational
coalitions; 2) overlapping social movement communities; 3) shared personnel; and 4) broader changes in the external environment.
Social movement spillover effects have implications for our understanding of both the continuity and impact of social protest
movementsSocial movements are not self-contained and narrowly focused unitary actors, but rather are a collection of formal
organizations, informal networks, and unaffiliated individuals engaged in a more or less coherent struggle for change (Buechler

social movements aspire to change

not only specific policies, but also broad cultural and institutional
structures, they have effects far beyond their explicitly articulated goals. The ideas, tactics, style,
participants, and organizations of one movement often spill over its boundaries to
affect other social movementsMovements can affect one another by passing
information about state responses to collective action, identifying
potential strengths and vulnerabilities in the political structure, or
affecting changes in the external environment that restructure political
opportunities (Gamson and Meyer 1992) Second, and more important for our purposes, as a movement shifts into
1990; McCarthy and Zald 1977; Morris 1984; Staggenborg 1989). Because

abeyance on one set of issues, its personnel and organizations may switch the grounds of the challenge to another set of issues.
Rosenthal et al Social movements struggle on a broad cultural plane, of which state policy is only one parameter
(Fantasia 1988; Gusfield 1980; Taylor and Whittier 1994). Wuthnow (1989) suggests that contemporary

social

movements are a primary agent of cultural change and , in fact, collective actors often
explicitly seek to alter the dominant culture. Campaigns may focus on changing discourse about a particular
topic, challenging the symbolic meaning of objects, or overturning behavioral norms. The women's movement sought to change
expectations about women's career and family positions, criticized language that relegated women to a subordinate position, and
argued against standards of feminine appearance requiring women to wear make-up and restrictive clothing (Taylor and Whittier
1993). Social movement strategies draw on the dominant culture as well as incorporate new symbols, reconstruct
discourse, and display alternative norms (Swidler 1986). Movements produce culture, and cultural
changes are an important product of collective action... The cultural changes promoted by a social movement affect not only the
external environment but also other social movements. As sexism and racism became less acceptable in U.S. society, for example,
they became less accepted in social movement organizations as well. Further, as Freeman (1983) argues, the social movements of
the 1960s encouraged activists to take up a broad variety of issues in extra-institutional challenges by demonstrating

they helped create a civic

culture of political activism in which lobbying, protest, and organizing were
[become] socially acceptable parts of everyday life. Importantly, these broad
cultural changes influenced the development of movements on the left and
the right. Finally, social movements influence the people who participate in them. Through movement
participation, individuals construct new politicized perspectives on the
world and their own identities (Ferree and Miller 1985). Conscious of this, organizers seeking to mobilize
political efficacy, expanding tactical repertoires, and legitimating protest. Essentially,

protest explicitly try to change the "frames" through which activists view the world (Snow et al. 1986). Participants construct and

activists come to
see themselves as members of a group that is differentiated from
outsiders, interpret their experiences in political terms, and politicize their
actions in social movement contexts and in everyday life (Melucci 1989; Taylor and
Whittier 1992). Collective identities constructed during periods of peak mobilization
endure even as protest dies down. One-time movement participants
continue to see themselves as progressive activists even as organized
collective action decreases, and they make personal and political decisions
in light of this identity (Fendrich and Lovoy 1988; McAdam 1988, 1989; Whalen and Flacks 1987; Whittier 1994b).
By changing the way individuals live, movements affect longer term changes in the society
internalize oppositional collective identities in the process of collective action (Morris 1992). That is,

Finally, recognizing social movement spillover adds to our understanding of the continuity of challenges over time. As social

movements do not necessarily end with policy victories

or defeats or with the demise of particular movement organizations (McAdam
movement scholars increasingly recognize,

1988; Rupp and Taylor 1987; Taylor 1989; Whalen and Flacks 1987). Later movements may express predecessors' concerns and
absorb their activists; movements seemingly in decline may be reflected and transformed in ongoing social and political struggles.
For scholars spillover effects are cause for greater analytical inclusivity of interactions among movements and for research
determining: what factors make one set of issues most promising for political action at a given time; and what variables shape the
degree of inter-movement influence. For activists, spillover effects are cause for greater optimism about movement
survival and the scope of social movement influence.

AT Perm do both
Perm severs the entire af the CP necessitates the
continuation of all status quo anti-islamic institutions in order
to give the CP credibility and solvency thats key to
overconformity