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Sexuality and Globalisation

Author(s): Dennis Altman


Source: Agenda: Empowering Women for Gender Equity, No. 62, African Feminisms Volume 2,1:
Sexuality in Africa (2004), pp. 22-28
Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. on behalf of Agenda Feminist Media
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4066674
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Sexualityand globalisation'
Altman
Dennis
abstract
Globalisation has an impact on all aspects of life, including the construction, regulation and imagination of
sexuality and gender. This article aims to suggest some of the ways in which this impact is occurring, primarily in
the developing world, with some emphasis on questions of HIV,sexual identity, and human and sexual rights. In
issues of sexuality, as in other spheres, globalisation increases inequalities, acting both as a liberatory and an
oppressive influence.

keywords
HIV,homosexuality, social movements, prostitution

Duringthe 2002 GayGamesin Sydneya number


of meetings were organised by Asia/Pacific
Rainbow,a group of self-consciously
gay,lesbian,
and bisexualactivistsfrom acrosssouth and east
Asia and Australasia.Many would question
whether these identitiesare meaningfulin Asia,
arguing either that there is no room for
homosexualityin traditionalAsian morality,or
of
aftematively
thattraditional
Asianarrangements
sexualityandgenderallowfor a farricherdiversity
than is suggested by the westem terms of
(homo)sexual identity politics. Preliminary
discussionsin the planningof Rainbowstressed
the need to avoid these sorts of argumentsin
favourof a pragmaticstresson organisingaround
homosexual advocacy using the language of
international
humanrights.
One of the Indianparticipants
(Bondyopadhay,
2002) wrote of his experiencesat the opening
ceremonyof the Games:
I couldsee the distancewe have to travel
back home before we get to a point of
celebratingour sexualitywithoutfear or
repression.I could also feel the euphoria
of freedom where it exists, and the
desirabilityof it, for it is inherentlygood.
22

But most of all I couldfeel a volidationof


what I do bock home,forunfoldingbefore
my eyes was an ideal that could be had,
and playingat the back of my mindwas
the actual oppressionI witnesseveryday
I live and workin India.
Thisquote illustrates
the complexitiesinvolvedin
applyinguniversalnorms of both freedom and
sexual identityto societies with very different
cufturaland social structuresfrom those which
producedthe particularconstructionof'gay'and
'lesbian'identities.Argumentsaroundthe tensions
have taken place in recent years in most nonwestern countries,often with a conflation of
'tradition'
and the legacyof colonialism,with the
resuft that postcolonial states such as India,
Zimbabwe,and Malaysiadefendthe retentionof
anti-homosexuallawsthat are in fact legaciesof
colonialism(Phillips,2001; Reddy,2002). At the
same time, gay and lesbiangroupsare emerging
in most countrieswithsufficientpoliticalspacefor
any sort of politicalorganising,and gay pride
parades are now held in cities as differentas
Manila,Johannesburg,
and Sao Paulo.Are we to
understandthis as a productof globalisation,
in all
the waysthat term is currentlyunderstood?

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andglobalisation
Sexuality

Article

If by globalisationwe understandthe range


of shifts in the social, economic, and cultural
spheres which are part of the growing
movement of peoples, ideas,trade, and money
across the world (Held and McGrew, 2002;
Soros, 2000), then globalisationaffects sexuality
in a number of interconnected ways. The
common thread is perhaps the growth of
features which
consumerismand individualism,
seem more easily transferred with economic
growth than specific political values. It is
importantto recognisethat similarrhetoricand
differences:it is
appearancesmaymasksignificant
easier to globalise fashion than underlying
attitudes. The music, the clothes and the
hairstylesin the discos may be the same, but the
meaningsare likelyto vary.
As young people pour into the rapidly
growing cities across the third world, they are
exposed to new media images,throughcinema,
television,and above allthe internet,which offer
radicallydifferent ways of imaginingsex and
gender arrangementsand identities.Increasingly
people live in a world rich in conflictingand
hybridimagery.Young Saudi and Egyptianmen
studyingthe Koranalso see images of sexuality
on televisionwhichthey are taughtare evil,while
Jakarta
young people flockto discos in Shanghai,
and Limato dance to music and video images
2002).While the
from the United States (Farrar,
currentUS administration
fosters a conservative
position on reproductive rights and sexual
education,the images of the dominant US film
and video industry offer new ways of
constructing lives, along with identities based
upon sexuality and gender. Of course not all
electronic imagescome from the United States,
and globalisationimplies a greater degree of
internationalimagery,as throughthe popularity
of Latin American telenovelas (Allen, 1995;
Sinclair,1996) or the filmsof Bollywood.
Such'new ways'are only possiblebecause of
massivesocialand economic changesthat create
the conditionsto breakaway from old ways of
doing things,much as the IndustrialRevolution
reshaped personal relations in 19th-century
Europe.In the past 30 years there have been
enormous shifts in China,as tens of millionsof

people have moved from the countryside to


booming metropolitancentres,where there is a
freedom to experiment in 'personal life'
unimaginable in their village (Brownell and
Wasserstrom,2002; Dutton, 1998).Out of these
shifts people are creatingnew forms of sexual
behaviourand norms,which in his discussionof
contemporary Mexico Hector Carrilloterms a
'new hybridity'(Carrillo,2002). As he points out,
older forms of actingout homosexualbehaviour
coexist with imported identities,so that one
finds in Mexico,as in most other parts of the
world,what some writers havetermed a 'global
gay' identity.For many people, sexual desire
coexists with a 'desire for modernity',that is, a
desireto be part of the affluenceand
freedom associated with images of
the richworld.
As a consequence of these shifts,
the 'traditional'
ways of regulatingand
controlling sexuality decline. These
Globalisation
shifts are perhaps most obvious in
affects sexuality
much of East Asia, where there has
in a number of
been a rapid collapse in the last 30
years of arrangedmarriagesin favour interconnected
of marriagesentered into throughthe
ways
free choice of the couple concemed.
Evidencefor shiftsin sexual behaviour
are harderto establish,
thoughone can
finda rangeof examplesfrom different
there are
partsof the world.InThailand
claimsof a declininguse of sex workers
by young men, paralleledby a greaterdegree of
premarital
sex as youngwomen become less likely
to postpone intercourseuntilmarriage(A Perrin,
'Thailandoverwhelmed by runawayAIDS',San
FranciscoChronicle,19 December 2002). In
Zimbabwe there are reports of 'kissingand
smooching'in nightclubs,
to the dismayof older
Zimbabweans(Runganagaand Aggleton, 1998).
if hardestto measure,are
Perhapsmost significant,
ways in which a stress on female pleasure as
legitimateis spreadingwith the diffusionof a
mixtureof westem feminismand consumerism.
Certainlyreports from a number of societies
speakof the growthof'dating'as socialconditions
changeand unmarriedgirlsare no longersubject
to the total surveillanceof theirfamilies.
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23

Article

Sexuality
andglobalisation

I do not want to suggestthat the changes in


the regulationand experience of sexualityare
always liberatory.The greater mobilityand (in
some cases) affluence associated with
globalisation mean traditional family and
communityties are weakened,while allowingfor
new patterns of private life to develop.This is
most obvious for women, who often carry a
disproportionateburden of the consequences
of rapid economic change. On the one hand
economic 'development'means that millionsof
women become economicallyindependentand
are able to imaginenew ways of living(thusthe
quick spread of marriageby choice, of women
controllingtheir own reproduction,of single
women building lives for themselves, of
extensive changes in dating and extra-marital
sex). Others are far less lucky,as economic shifts
leave them destitute and without either
communal or state support to look after
themselves and their children.The 'feminisation
of poverty' has become an international
phenomenon as a result of pressure to adopt
neoliberaleconomics policiesthat have thrown
millionsof women into the search for poorly
paidand badlyprotected jobs (Parrenas,2001).
Globalisationis leading to new forms of
inequality,as people differ radically in the
opportunitiesthey have to benefit from rapid
change. While many
:)eople have been able
to move into middleclass lifestyles, many
more, especially since
the financialcrashes in
as farapartas
*countries
;\
Indonesia, Argentina,
Russia,andTurkey,have
been pauperised, and
at a time when the
w
state's ability to
Uii
\provide

,g,,se
I

~i

basic services
is declining. For some,

globalisation means
the abilityto emulate
the livesportrayedin
teUS movies

and

television.For many,
24

it means increasingstrugglesfor survival,through


petty crime, begging and sex work. It is not
surprisingthat two influentialbooks on the
meanings of globalisation share the title
Globalizationand Its Discontents(Sassen, 1998;
Stiglits,2002).
Critiques of globalisationalong these lines
have become increasinglymainstream,as even
institutionslike the World Bank acknowledge
the failuresof too rapidan impositionof market
economies and too precipitousa withdrawalof
government services (Milanovic,2003). In the
case of sexuality one might point to a
corresponding gap as increasing numbers of
people in non-western societies become aware
of the possibilities for far greater individual
autonomyelsewhere throughtheir exposure to
western societies and media. The tensions
between the localand the globalare reflectedin
developing movements such as that among
homosexuals or sex workers (Altman,2003;
Berry, Martin and Yue, 2003; Drucker,2000;
Kempadooand Doezema, 1998),where models
derived from images of the first world are
blended with very differentsocial and cultural
environments.Inturn such movements confront
a strong backlash to what their opponents
characteriseas western decadence and social
collapse (this rhetoric, similarto that of the
religious right, infuses critiques of western
liberalismexpressed by exponents of 'Asian
values'). It is safe to predict that just as
globalisationis sharpeninga sense of economic
inequalityin the world,so too it is ensuringthat
very different conceptions of the sexual will
become politicallycontested.

Mobility,health and human rights


The mobilityassociated with globalisationis as
much between as within states, and few
countries remain unaffected by the influx of
large numbersof migrants,often unwantedand
marginalised (Martin, 2000). This huge
movement of peoples creates considerable
socialtension as largenumbersof people move
to societies with very different regimes of
sexualityand gender.Thusthere is considerable
conflictbetween, say,SouthAsian immigrantsto

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Sexuality
andglobalisation

Article

Britain, who seek to maintain communal


cohesion by arranging marriages through
contacts'backhome',and their British-educated
childrenwho often resist such moves.
Prostitutionis certainlynot the inventionof
globalisation, but it is being reshaped by
increasingpopulationmovements and collapsing
social cohesion. While it is not clear that
prostitution is expanding,it is certainly being
globalised, as large-scale traffickingin young
women and men means that most majorworld
cities have an extremelycosmopolitansex work
force, often throughthe organisedsmugglingof
people - from MoldovaandAlbaniato Western
Europe;from Nepal to India;from Mozambique
and the Congo to South Africa.One recent
report talks of the importationof'gigolos'from
Jamaicaand Nigeriafor'high society'women in
Bangkok('Risingdemand for blackgigolos,'The
Notion, Bangkok,13 July2002). Most dramatic
has been the huge movements of young people
from the former Soviet Union into the
internationalsex industryin the past ten years,
with estimates of perhaps half a millionyoung
women and men movingwest as sex workers
since the end of the Cold War Not for nothing
was the Iron Curtaindescribed as 'the world's
largestcondom'.'Sex tourism'underliespart of
the growth of prostitution,but is probablyless
significantthan sometimes claimed.Except in a
few holiday destinations the majority of
customers are local. Nor, of course, is all sex
tourism based on prostitution:the term might
also be deployed to describethe many lesbians
and gay men who travel to events such as the
Gay Games or Sydney's Mardi Gras, or the
wholesale exodus of Americancollege students
for spring break vacations (osiam et al, 1998;
et al, 1998).
Maticka-Tyndale
The most dramaticexamplesof the effect of
globalisationon sexuality come through the
rapid growth of the HIV/AIDSpandemic. In
many senses AIDS is an epidemic of
globalisation,both in terms of its spread and its
response. It is symbolicthat the epidemic,first
identifiedin the hospitalsof the United States,is
most prevalentin the poorest countries of the

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world, and there are effectively now two


epidemics,a smallone in richcountries,which is
growingslowly,and a rapidlyexpandingone in
much of the poor world where the huge
advances in medical therapies are largely
unavailable.The epidemic is spread by the
relentlessmovement of people, the breakdown
of old sexual restraints,increasingneedle use,
and the unwillingness of authorities, both
governmentaland religious,to confrontthe real
needs of prevention (Barnett and Whiteside,
2002; Farmer, 1998). But the growing
internationalmobilisationto counter HIV/AIDS
is also a sign of globalisation,and as part of this
response, development resources are made
availableto groupsworkingwith 'men who have
sex with men' and sex workers, which is
extremely politicallycontroversial.
In part because of HIV/AIDS,questions of
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Article

Sexuality
andglobalisation

sexualityare becomingmore centralto debates


about internationalhuman rights.International
meetings on population(Cairo 1994), women
(Beijing1995),humanrights(Vienna1993)(Desai,
1999;Smithand Pagnucco,1998),andAIDS(the
GeneralAssemblySpecialSession in 2001) have
all seen majordebates about sexual rights,and
human rights organisations,led by Amnesty
International,have started considering cases
relatedto sexuality.
Some scholarsare developing
theories of'sexual rights'as a way of prioritising
the protectionof individualautonomyover the
claimsof cufture,religion,andtradition(Petchesky,
2000;Stychin,1998).
War crime prosecutionsfor rape in former
Yugoslaviaand Rwanda,along with
considerable publicity surrounding
'traditional'
punishmentsfor adultery
and homosexuality,are afteringthe
language of human rights law to
The extent to
encompass what was once regarded
as private,and beyond the reach of
which women
law. Similarto the assertions of the
are subordinated
gay/lesbian groups in Rainbow is
is a crucial
internationalsupport for the rightsof
women to choose when and with
variable
whom to have sex, and to have
access to the technologies of
reproductionand sexualhealth.Inthe
lastfew yearsthe brutalgang rape of
a woman in Pakistan,accused of sex
with someone outside her caste, and the
sentencing to death by stoning of a Nigerian
woman found guilty of adultery, became
internationalcauses celebres, with few people
preparedto defendthe unlimitedrightof states
to ignorethe protectionof basichumanrightsin
the name of custom and religion.
As argumentsaroundsexualitymovefromthe
private into the public realm,strange parallels
emerge in very different social, cuftural,and
politicalsettings.Thebitterbattlesoverattitudesto
sexual diversity in American schools were
matched in an attempt a few years ago to ban
homosexuals from entering Thai teachers'
colleges.Theconceptof gaymarriagehasbecome
a politicalissuein SouthAfrica,the Philippines,
and
26

most of Europe as well as the United States.


Restrictions
on condom advertising
are contested
in Malaysia,
Chile,andthe UnitedStates.Almostall
authoritarianregimes are repressive around
matterssexual:the punitivewaysoftheTalibanare
well known,butthe HinduTamilTigersare saidto
have imposed ten years' imprisonment in
underground
jailsfor prostitution.
Becauseevery society has its own particular
hypocrisiesover sexuality,it is sometimes difficult
to understand the extent to which a more
universalset of sexual norms and behaviours
are emerging. Clearly the extent to which
women are subordinatedis a crucialvariableone would not expect the same attitudes to
sexualityin Sweden as in Indonesia- but the
differences are not absolute. Sweden has
criminalisedanyone who seeks the services of
prostitutes (Kulick,2003), while the Suharto
regime created a whole set of rules governing
the 'proper'behaviourof women. In both cases
the state saw its role as protectinginnocentand
vulnerable women, even though one was a
liberal social democracy and the other an
authoritarianregime committed to defending
'Asianvalues'againstwestern excesses.
While most liberalwestern countries have
moved towards a more interventionist
approach on matters of sexual rights, other
parts of the world have sought to resist these
moves as part of a general reaction against
'modernisation'and 'westernisation'.The old
Communistlanguageof'bourgeoisdecadence'is
today echoed in the ways in which leaderssuch
as Robert Mugabe and Mohammed Mahathir
attack sexual 'permissiveness',
often defined by
tolerance of homosexuality,which becomes
defined, however ahistoricalthis may be, as a
western import.The United States,as so often,
seems the exception.The BushAdministration
has reversed much of Clinton's support for
internationalfamily planningprogrammes,and
forced the United Nations PopulationFundto
cut back on a number of its programmesby
withholding$34 million,followingclaimsthat the
Fundsupported abortions in China.
Some mightarguethat governmentsshould

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Article

andglobalisation
Sexuality

seek to remain neutral in matters of personal


behaviour and morality,enforcing neither a
liberal humanist view of human rights or
positions derived from particularreligious or
cultural backgrounds.Yet the AIDS epidemic
illustrates graphicallythat the line between
privateand publicis increasinglyblurred.While
some countries have adopted prevention
programmesadvocatingabstinence outside of,
and postponement of sexual relationsuntil,and
fidelitywithin marriage,the realitiesof human
sexualitymean that such programmescan only
be partiallysuccessful.Inthe longterm, effective
preventionmeans access to and knowledge of
condoms, acknowledgementof sex work and
homosexuality, and cooperation with those
involvedin such behaviours,stigmatisedor not.
The state inevitably
affectssexualitythrougha
myriadof laws and regulation,and the choice is
not whether it should intervenebut what forms
its interventionsshouldtake. Support for'family
planning'
and reproductivehealthtechnologycan
be used to enforce top-down population
planning,
as was the case in very differentways in
Chinaand Romaniainthe 1990s,or it can be used
to enhancewomen'schoicesand empowerment
The United States has backedvariousforms of
reproductivepoliciesfor halfa century,and any
American administrationwill face strong and
conflictingdomesticpressureson how foreignaid
is used in such programmes.
With some reluctance governments and
internationalorganisationsare comingto accept
that they cannot avoid matters to do with the
'private'and basicarrangementsof sexualityand
gender. The battle lines that divided those
supporting'traditional'strictureson sex at the
1994 Cairo conference,where the Vaticanand
the Reagan Administrationfound themselves
allied with fundamentalistIslamic states, are
repeated today, for example at the UN
Conference on Sustainable Development in
Johannesburgin 2002. Claims by feminist,gay,
and human rights organisationsfor particular
positionsto be adopted by internationalbodies
are prefiguringa debate which will become
more central, and places otherwise bitterly

antagonisticgovernments,eg the United States


and Iranon the same side.
Defenders of globalisationclaim that it is
ensuringan increasein individualfreedoms and
affluence. An analysis of whether such an
increaseis apparentat the level of sexualityand
gender is a significanttest of these claims,and a
reminder that massive social change almost
always has both victors and casualties.It also
reminds us that globalisation does not
necessarilymean homogenisation.Toend where
I began:in Thailand,as in most Asian countries,
one can findmen who identifyas'gay',andthere
are numerous venues in Bangkokwhich are
immediatelyrecognisableas part of a globalgay
world.At the same time, many other Thai men
identity as kathoey, a particular sort of
effeminate man who approximates,but is not
the same as a'nelly queen', as depicted in the
very successfulThaifilmIronLadies.Globalisation
means greater diversity within as well as
between nations, but it certainly does not
eliminateculturaldifferences.
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1. Much of this articleis based on my book Globol
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This articleappearedin SexualityResearch& Social
a journalof the NationalSexualityResource
Policy,
Center,San FranciscoState University:Altman D
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articlehas been adaptedto Agenda'sstyle.

DennisAltmanis Professorof Politicsat LaTrobeUniversity,


Australia,
and authorof many
booksincludingHomosexual Oppressionand Liberation(1971);AIDS and the New
Puritanism(1986); Power and
and culturalresponses to l
community: organizational
Aids (Routledge,1994); Men Who Sell Sex: InternationalPerspectives on Male
Prostititutionand HIV/Aids(withPeterAggleton,
Press,1999);Global
TempleUniversity
Sex (ChicagoUniversity
Press,2001). He has alsopublisheda novel,The Comfort of Men
(Heinemann,
1993) andan autobiography,
DefyingGravity:Apoliticallife(Allen& Unwin,
1997).He has been involvedin a numberof international
HIV/AIDS
networks,and was a Co-Chair
of the
Programme
Committeeforthe 1996 InternationalAIDS
Conference.
Email:DAltrnan@latrobe.edu.au

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