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The Model's Pose: Raphael's Early Use of Antique and Italian Art

Author(s): Michael W. Kwakkelstein

Source: Artibus et Historiae, Vol. 23, No. 46 (2002), pp. 37-60
Published by: IRSA s.c.
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The Model's Pose: Raphael'sEarlyUse of Antiqueand ItalianArt


In October 1504 the twenty-one-year-oldRaphael arrived

in Florence to learn and perfect his art. This we can inferfrom
the oft-quoted letter of introductionby Giovanna Feltriadella
Rovere which was addressed to Pier Soderini, the Gonfaloniere of the Florentine Republic. Among the first works of art
which aroused Raphael's interest was Michelangelo's David
[Fig. 1]. The giant statue had been erected in the Piazza della
Signoria on 8 June of that year and unveiled exactly three
months later.1From that time onward Michelangelo's works
exerted a pervasive influence on the Umbrianartist. Itis therefore surprising that no more than a single drawing is known
which illustrates Raphael's study after the David [Fig. 2].
Given Raphael's eagerness to learn and absorb the new artistic formulas and ideals of the great masters working in
Florence, it is difficultto imagine that his interest in Michelangelo's impressive sculpture could have been limited to its
back view.2
In fact it has long since been accepted that Raphael's
interest in the David is manifest also in two figure studies, one
in the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford [Fig. 3], the other in the
BritishMuseum [Fig. 4].3 On account of various weaknesses
these drawings contain, it has been suggested that they must
have been executed some time earlier than the more faithful
copy [Fig. 2] in which Raphael has handled the pen with more

confidence and understanding of the bodily forms observed.

The differences in the position of the arms and legs these two
nude figures show compared to the statue are often explained
by assuming that Raphael drew either from memory or from
a live model, taking the pose of the David as a starting-point.4
These explanations, however, would imply that Raphael
reversed the order of study commonly practised in the
Renaissance painter'sworkshop: he made a copy after a specific sculptural model only after he had first used it as a point
of reference in studies from the live nude model. Moreover,in
merely terming these two figure studies "free adaptations of
Michelangelo'sDavid",no insight is gained intothe purpose of
these drawings and the reason why this particular stance
appealed to Raphael. In an attempt to specify further his
method of study and interest in antique and Italianart, in what
follows a reassessment is offered of the sources and dating of
a number of well-knownfigures studies by Raphael which are
usually dated to his Florentineperiod.
Atfirstglance the pose of the nude warriorRaphael represented in the drawingin the Ashmolean Museum [Fig. 3] surely recalls that of Michelangelo's David. But a more careful
comparison reveals differences that should prompt us to
doubt whether Raphael had the marble in mind at all. In the
drawing the often-mentioned contrasting sides of the David,

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i' -



1) Michelangelo, <<David,,marble, Gallerie dell'Accademia, Florence.

Photo: Soprintendenza per i beni artistici e storici di Firenze.

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after Michelangelo's David,,,The British

2) Raphael, <<Study
Museum, London.

of a Nude Model,, Ashmolean Museum,

3) Raphael, <<Study

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his so-called closed rightand his open left side, are much less
evident. By emphasizing the model's torsion, and placing the
right arm slightly bent behind the prominent hip instead of
hanging down heavily, Raphael rendered the contrapposto
posture more conspicuous than the figure Michelangelo
carved. The differentposition of the arms, the stronger torsion
and sideward thrust of the model in Raphael's drawing indicate that the scope of this study was to explore the impression
of animation, depth and volume produced by this classical
stance. Though Raphael may have looked at similarrepresentations in the works of fifteenth century masters such as
Donatello, Verrocchio, Pollaiuolo and Mantegna, in this case,
as I aim to show, he turned directlyto antique art as a source
of inspiration.
The pose Raphael depicted in the Oxforddrawing bears
a strikingresemblance to that of the soldier standing to the left
of Trajanin the Adventus relieffrieze of the central passage of
the Arch of Constantine in Rome [Fig. 5].5 Since the dating of
the Oxfordsheet to Raphael's Florentineperiod has long been
accepted, this connection to the Antique would lend further
support for the intriguingtheory advanced by John Shearman
that Raphael had visited Rome in 1503 and again in 1506 or
1507.6 Unfortunately,Raphael's drawings which are datable to
1503-1508 provide scanty evidence for these experiences.
One might assume that during these hypothetical Roman
sojourns Raphael, then a diligent and inquisitive student,
made numerous drawings afterthe Antiqueand other works of
art for study and documentary purposes. He would certainly
not have limited himself to drawing the few references to
Rome mentioned by Shearman. If we are inclined to believe
Raphael travelled to Rome prior to 1508 then we have to
accept that, with the exception of a few drawings which could
support Shearman's theory, all of the records from these two
journeys are lost. However, upon careful examination of the
poses illustratedin a numberof Raphael'sfigure studies dated
to his Florentineperiod, it is possible to cite additionalexamples which give weight to the theory of Raphael's presence in
Rome on earlieroccasions.
In seeking to demonstrate furtherthe validityof this theoit
ry, is necessary to consider firstthe availabilityto Raphael of
intermediate sources. As has often been pointed out, drawings after the Trajanicbattle reliefs on Constantine's Arch circulated in Florentineworkshops from the 1460s.7 The heroic
stance of the Roman soldier from the Arch of Constantine
relief in particularhad appealed to Maso Finiguerraand David
Ghirlandaio [Fig. 6] who both drew the rear view of a life
model holding that pose. Domenico Ghirlandaio made few
alterations when he borrowed this antique soldier for his
depiction of MutiusScaevola on the right-handwall of the Sala


*\ I.








4) Raphael, <(Studyof a Nude Model,, The British Museum,



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battle frieze>, Arch of Constantine, Rome.

5) <<Trajanic
Photo: Faraglia, Deutsches Archaologisches Institut,Rome, neg. no. 37.328.

dei Gigli in the Palazzo della Signoria in Florence.8Duringhis

stay in Rome Perugino undoubtedly made drawings after the
triumphalarch and its reliefs preparatoryto its depiction in the
fresco Christ Giving the Keys to Saint Peter in the Sistine
chapel. Upon returningto his workshop in Perugia in 1484 he
would have made these drawings accessible to his pupils and
assistants.9 Finally,it is not inconceivable that the stance of
Michelangelo's David is derived from this specific antique
model which Michelangelo could have copied during his first
Roman sojourn of 1496-1501.10Though copies after the Arch
of Constantine reliefs may have been readily available to

Raphael while he was in Florence, the working procedure he

adopted in the Oxford and London drawings strongly suggests that direct contact with the Antiqueratherthan drawings
by others had excited his interest in examiningthe expressive
potency of this pose from various angles.
In looking at the Raphael drawing in the British Museum
[Fig. 4] we find the same nude model portrayed as in the
drawing in the Ashmolean. The model holds an identical pose
but is viewed from the side while spear and shield are omitted. He does not advance actively to the right, as is often
claimed, but rests with his weight fully on his right leg in

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of a Standing and a Seated

6) David Ghirlandaio,<<Study
Man,>,Gabinetto Disegni e Stampe degli Uffizi, Florence.
Photo: Soprintendenza per i beni artistici e storici di

a carefully balanced contrapposto pose. With the aid of

a staff, the top of which is just visible in his left hand, the
model maintains this pose while holding his body upright.
Viewed from this angle the pose recalls that of the Apollo
Belvedere.11 Unlike Michelangelo's David, the above-mentioned antique warrioron the Archof Constantine offers a limited range of angles of view, making the use of a live model
adopting the warrior'spose more urgent. The studying of figure poses represented in sculpture, whether antique or contemporary,whether in relief or in the round,from the live nude
model had become standard practice in Florentineworkshop
at the turn of the century. It was adopted by Perugino and its
usefulness evidently appealed also to the young Raphael.
Drawingfrom the live nude model enabled him to study the
antique heroic pose from differentangles and to develop further his awareness of anatomical structures and sensitivity to
the human body.12
Closely related to these drawings, both thematicallyand
stylistically,is Raphael'sstudy of ThreeStandingNude Men on
a sheet in the British Museum [Fig. 7] which is dated to
1504-1506.13It has remained unnoticed that the pose of the
right-handfigure closely corresponds in reverse withthat of the

of Three Standing Nude Men,,,

7) Raphael, <<Study
The British Museum, London.

Apollo Saurocthonos in the ArchaeologicalMuseum in Naples.

Atthe beginningof the sixteenthcenturythe statue belonged to
the Sassi collection in Rome and is illustratedon the left in the
backgroundof Martenvan Heemskerck'sdrawingof the courtyard of the Casa Sassi in the Kupferstichkabinettin Berlin


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of the Casa Sassi in

8) Martenvan Heemskerck, <(Courtyard
Rome>, Kupferstichkabinett,Staatliche Museen zu BerlinPreuBischer Kulturbesitz.Photo: Jorg P.Anders, Berlin.

[Fig.8]. Artistswho copied afterthis headless marblewere particularlyinterested in the emphasized torsion of the muscular
back. In Raphael's renderings this is shown in the British
Museum drawing more clearly than in the drawing in the
GraphischeSammlungAlbertinain Viennaforwhichthis antique
model fromthe Casa Sassi had previouslybeen recognized as
a source [Fig.9].14 The Albertinadrawingis dated to 1509-1511,
but a datingto Raphael'sFlorentineperiodshould be preferred.
Not only does it reveal Raphaelas a less maturedraftsman,as
Shearman also observed, but it contains a sketch of a bound
captive,the figureto the rightof the torso in the center,which is
identicalto a figure appearing in the lower left-handcorner of
a sheet from the so-called Verrocchio-sketchbook[Fig. 10]. In
fact the resemblance is so close that Raphael may well have
copied from this sheet. On the other hand, both figures could
share a common source which was also knownto the sculptor
of a Flagellationreliefformerlyattributedto Donatello.15

The possibility that Raphael's familiaritywith the Casa

Sassi torso priorto 1508 is based on direct contact is strengthened by the fact that the left-handnude figure of the group in
the BritishMuseumdrawing [Fig. 7] recalls another torso from
the same Roman collection. Two drawings by Marten van
Heemskerck after this piece enable comparison which leaves
little room for doubt. In the drawingof the courtyardthe torso
is standing in the second niche from the right [Fig. 8], while it
is also represented in the second study from the right on the
verso of folio 51 from his Roman sketchbook, also in Berlin
[Fig. 11]. Inaddition,in Raphael's drawingthe sharp turningof
the figure's head is similarto that of an antique model copied
in a drawing by Amico Aspertini on a sheet from the Codex
Wolfegg for which, however, no antique source has hitherto
been identified.16
The fact that two antique sculptures from the Casa Sassi
can be recognized as the source of inspirationfor figure studies datable to Raphael's Florentineperiod, strongly suggests
that these drawings were made on the spot. No drawings by
other artists after these torsos to which Raphael could have
had access while in Florence are known. These similaritiesto
antique sculptures in Rome, if acceptable, providefurthersupport in favour of Shearman's theory. Furthermore, if these
drawings were made in Rome priorto 1508, then they should
be excluded from the homogeneous group of drawings once
conjectured by Fischel to have formed part of the so-called
As has often been noted, while in Florence Raphael learnt
most of the Antique through other artists' renderings. This
should surprise us given the fact that in Florence Raphael
could have turned to the antiquities brought to the city by
wealthy humanist collectors, the Medici and artists as Donatello, Ghibertiand Giulianoda San Gallo. In additionto possible travels to Rome, numerous plaster casts and copies after
the Antique, executed in various media, circulated as study
materials in Florentine workshops to which Raphael must
have had easy access.18 In order to understand the development of Raphael's approach to Antiquity,it is necessary to
clarify further his working method and early interests as he
sought to master the convincing renderingof the humanfigure
in the few years priorto his known stay in Florence.
One of Raphael'sdrawingswhich has always been considered to be best representative of his early study of fifteenthcentury Florentineart all'antica, in particularsculptural reliefs
and plaquettes, is the Hercules Fightingwith ThreeCentaursin
the Uffizi[Fig. 12]. Since a dating of this drawingto the end of
Raphael's Umbrian period is acceptable, his familiaritywith
Florentinemodels suggests early visits to Florence, most likely
accompanied by Perugino.19 It has been observed that,

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9) Raphael, (<Sheetwith Studies of a Male Torso Seen on the Back and Four Studies of a Naked Youth,
his Hands Tied Behind his Back)), Graphische Sammlung Albertina, Vienna.

despite the classical subject matter,the figures in the Uffizi

composition do not reveal the influence of the Antique, but
reflectRaphael's knowledge of the works of AntonioPollaiuolo,
as especially manifest in the figure of Hercules. This is certainly true, and though Hercules appears to be an adaptation, in
reverse, of the axe-wielder at the left in Pollaiuolo'sengraving
of the Battle of Nude Men, it is also this figurewhich lends itself
for comparison to a classical source.20
A sarcophagus fragment of a Bacchic Procession, now in
Berlin,includes on the far left a figure of a dancing satyr in pro-

file to the left who carries a krater of wine. This model was
copied by a draftsman from the circle of Giovanni Bellini on
a sheet with other studies afterthe Antiqueand seems to have
inspired Raphael for the unusually dynamic pose of
Hercules.21 Interestingly, in adapting the satyr's somewhat
awkward pose, Raphael and the Venetian artist made similar
adjustments. In Raphael's drawing this is understandable
because the figure's action serves a particularfunction within
the narrative context. Naturally the possibility can not be
excluded that Raphael worked from sheets with other artists'


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copies afterthe Antique.Those scholars who have considered
the possibility of a tripto Venice made by Raphael in 1505, and
where he would have met Giovanni Bellini, will welcome the
thesis that Raphael's Hercules is borrowed from the abovementioned drawingfrom Bellini'sworkshop. However,the dating of the Uffizi drawing to about 1503 does not permit to
assume such a connection.22
Be that as it may, the Uffizi drawing unmistakably suggests direct contact withworks of art in Florence. Forinstance,
the position of the arms of the left-handcentaur corresponds
to that of two soldiers painted by Bartolomeo di Giovanni in
the background of Domenico Ghirlandaio'sAdoration of the
Magi, dated 1488, in the Ospedale degli Innocentiand to that
of the soldier Ghirlandaiodepicted in the background of his
fresco of the Slaughter of the Innocents in the Tornabuoni
Chapel in the Santa MariaNovella. Given Raphael's early interest in the work of Donatello, he may have known the latter's
Medici-Crucifixion relief (Museo Nazionale del Bargello,
Florence) in which this movement is adopted for the profilefigure who is shown hammeringa nail in the right-handcross.23
Furthermore,the torsion of the pose of the left-handcentaur is
similarto that of the centaur in Antonio Pollaiuolo's Hercules,
Nessus and Deianeira in New Haven. Finally, in Raphael's
drawing the lower part of the body of the right-handcentaur
resembles that of the rearing horse on the left in the background of Pollaiuolo's Martyrdomof St Sebastian, while the
centaur's upper part suggests Raphael's close study of
Pollaiuolo's pen drawings (e.g. Hercules and the Hydrain the
BritishMuseum in London).24
With regard to Raphael's interest in Pollaiuolo's models,
a pen and ink drawing of a Horseman Fighting Two Foot
Soldiers on the recto of a sheet in the Accademia in Venice
[Fig. 13] presents an interesting case. This drawing has been
connected to Raphael's study for the Stormingof Perugia and
a Pollaiuolesque drawingof the Battle of Nude Men in Windsor
for which an attributionto the young Raphael has been suggested on various occasions [Fig. 14].25 While it is true that
the representationof nude combatants in energetic movement
is what these drawings have in common, the fact remains that
the nude figure seen from the back in the Venice drawing,
recurringin reverse in the Storming of Perugia, provides the
only direct link with the Windsor drawing in which the figure
standing to the left of the central warriorassumes an identical
posture. The action is the same, both raise a shield with their
left arm while in the right hand one holds a spear and one
a sword. Did Raphael borrow this figure from the Windsor
drawingor do both figures share a common source? Though
the MonteCavalloDioscuri may come to mindfirst,the closest
parallelto this figure is provided by a soldier standing in the



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10) Francesco Simone Ferrucci, <<Sheetwith Figure

Studies>,,Departement des Arts Graphiques du Mus6e du
Louvre, Paris. R.F.447 verso.

foreground of a battle relief on Trajan'scolumn [Fig. 15, fifth

figure from the left]. That this particularscene also includes
the model for the figure's assailant in the Windsor drawing
supports this connection. But what about Raphael? Drawings
after reliefs on Trajan'scolumn may have been known to him
and he could have been particularlyinterested in copies or
renderings by Pollaiuolo and, as will be shown below,
Perugino. As LaurieFusco pointed out some years ago, there

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Studies after Antique Sculptures)>(formerlyin the Casa Sassi in Rome),

11) Martenvan Heemskerck, <<Four
Kupferstichkabinett,Staatliche Museen zu Berlin-PreuBischerKulturbesitz.Photo: Jorg P.Anders, Berlin.

is reason to assume that Pollaiuolo was in Rome during the

1460s. In that case the date of 1467, inscribed on one of the
earliest known drawings after Trajan's column, now in
Chatsworth,would no longer present a problem for its attribution to the school of Pollaiuolo.26
The interesting theory, put forward by Ames-Lewis and
Clegg, that the Windsor drawing represents a faithful copy
after a ten-figure-groupcomposition by Pollaiuolo, now lost,
withthe addition of figure-types derived from other sources, is
supported by comparison of the facial type and impassive
look of the fallen warriorin the foregroundto that of the figure
of Eve in a pen and ink drawing by Pollaiuolo in the Uffizi

(97F).27In addition, Eve's left leg is nearly identical to the left

leg of the helmeted warriorshown lunging at the warriorin the
center, while a similarpatternof lines indicates their kneecaps.
Interestingly,the nude warriorstanding in the foreground on
the right of the Windsor drawing served as the model for the
second centaur from the right in a cassone painting by
Bartolomeo di Giovanni in Horsmonden (Kent)which is datable to the 1490s. This work includes borrowings from
Pollaiuolo's Battle of Nude Men engraving and the engraving
of Hercules and the Giants based on his design. IfBartolomeo
was familiarwiththe Windsordrawing,and not the lost original
it most likelyrecords, its currentlyaccepted dating to the early


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12) Raphael, <<HerculesFighting with Three Centaurs,,,

Gabinetto Disegni e stampe degli Uffizi, Florence. Photo:
Soprintendenza per i beni artistici e storici di Firenze.
Fighting Two Footsoldierso,
13) Raphael, <<Horseman
Gallerie dell'Accademia, Venice.
sixteenth century should be changed to about 1490 or even
some years earlier. Hitherto unnoticed, a briefly sketched
drawing of a battle in the Uffizi(349Ev) which is attributedto
Pintoriccho,shows a similarcombination of figures borrowed
from the Windsor composition with those borrowed from the
Hercules and the Giants engraving.28
According to the findings of Ames-Lewis and Clegg, the
above-mentioned warrior,seen from the back in the Windsor
drawing, would be one of the ten figures which was copied
from the lost Pollaiuolo composition. The identificationof the
antique source from which this figure derives, the soldier on
Trajan'scolumn, provides us with informationon Pollaiuolo's
interests and working procedure. This is relevant to the present discussion because it could help to define further the
extent of Raphael's indebtedness to Pollaiuoloand the beginnings of his assimilation of the ancient idiom. As a pioneer in
rendering convincingly the anatomy of the human figure in

motion and at rest, Pollaiuolocontributedin a significant manner to the dissemination of the classical language of form and
expression. In addition to his famous print and a now lost
bronze relief showing the battle of nude men, of which,
according to Vasari, every artist in Florence owned a plaster
cast, his drawings above all were greatly admired by the
"sculptorsand painters of the first rank"who kept on studying
and copying them well into the sixteenth century.29
In the lost figure-group drawing Pollaiuolo represented
a battleof nude men.30Thoughthe compositioncannot be related to a specific antiquesource, as we have seen some of the figures can. The warriorraising his shield on the far right of the
Windsordrawing derives from a figure represented on a now
dismantled Amazonomachia sarcophagus, which about 1491

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14) After Pollaiuolo, ((Battleof Nude Men,, The Royal Collection ? 2001, Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II.

stood at the entrance to SS. Cosma e Damiano in the Roman

Forum.Comparisonto this model as recorded in a drawingafter
the sarcophagus by a member of FilippinoLippi'sworkshop in
Oxfordsupports this connection.31Furthermore,the prostrate
warriorin the foreground of the Windsor drawing obviously
refers to an antique model as this pose was widespread in
ancient art. However, Pollaiuolo may not have borrowed this
type of pose directlyfroman antiquesource, as he did on other
occasions, for it is strikinglysimilarto that of the prostratesoldier behindthe dead body of Goliathin Ghiberti'sDavidfromthe
Gates of Paradise.This resemblance accords well withthe information provided by sixteenth-centurysources that in his youth
Pollaiuolo worked with Ghiberti on the second Baptistery
doors.32Finally,the pose of the helmeted warrioradvancingto
the left while holding a spear in both hands, closely resembles,
in reverse, the lunging pose of Meleagerchargingthe boar with
a spear as representedin sarcophagus reliefsof the Calydonian
hunt and in a classical marble statue which appears to have
been in Rome at least before 1497.33
Fromthese few comparisons it can be inferredthat it was
Pollaiuolo'spractice to put a live nude model into the pose he

had sketched after antique and 'modern' sculpture. He then

combined these figures on one sheet as he sought to compose
a battle scene all'antica with exemplary nudes. In addition to
the relationshipsbetween Pollaiuoloand the Antiquehere proposed, I would like to draw attention to the strikingsimilarity
between a nude figure on a Bacchic sarcophagus with the
Discovery of Ariadne in the Belvedere Statue Court in the
Vatican, and the nude dancer Pollaiuolo frescoed on the far
rightof the frieze in the VillaGallinain Arcetri.Giventhe dating
of these frescoes to the early 1470s, this connection provides
furthersupport for the theory that Pollaiuolo visited Rome in
the 1460s. Furthermore,the terracottarelief in the Victoriaand
Albert Museum in London, based on Pollaiuolo's design,
shows his familiaritywith a Roman frieze fragment depicting
the Battle of the Romans against Gauls. The frieze was in Rome
untilit was taken to Mantuain the mid 1520s. The second warriorfromthe rightin the backgroundof the terracottais a faithful copy of the second warriorfromthe left of the frieze. Allthis
leads to the conclusion that, contraryto the currentopinion of
some scholars, Pollaiuolo closely imitated antique sources.
Hence in copying after Pollaiuolo,the young Raphael familiar-


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15) ((Battlefrieze,,, Trajan'sColumn, Rome. Photo: Deutsches Archaologisches Institut,Rome, neg. no. 89. 764

ized himself with a variety of types of active poses found in

antique sculpture.34
It is commonly accepted that Raphael's drawing in Venice
[Fig. 13] reflects his knowledge of the preparatorydesigns for
the battle piece Leonardo was commissioned to paint on the
wall of the Sala del Gran Consiglio in the Palazzo della
Signoria in Florence. Thereforethe drawing is generally dated
to about 1505-1506.35 However,the elongated proportions of
the figure on the verso [Fig. 16] and the type of advancing
movement with the rightleg stretched rearwardare still heavily dependent on Perugino's workshop formulae. In fact a dat-

ing to Raphael's Umbrianperiod seems preferablefor a number of reasons. First,the facial type of the figure, its pointed
features, the inclinationof the head and the manner in which
the curly hairis indicated, are closely reminiscentof the model
Raphael depicted in two early drawings of about 1500.36
Second, the pose of the nude figure seen on the back on the
recto is identical, in reverse, to that of the soldier on the left of
Raphael's Saint Jerome Punishing the Heretic Sabinian in
Raleigh, usually dated to 1503. In the same year Raphael
adopted this pose for the foot soldier in the foreground of the
modello for Pintoricchio's fresco of The Journey of Aeneas

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16) Raphael, (<Studyof a Nude Standard-Bearer),

Gallerie dell'Accademia, Venice.

Silvius Piccolomini to Basle in the Piccolomini Library in

Siena.37 Third,the pose of the right-handfoot soldier on the
recto is closely comparable to that of the figure pulling the
rope tied to Christin The Procession to Calvaryin The National
Gallery in London of about 1502-1503. Significantly, the
recently revealed underdrawingof this painted figure is similar
in style to the Venice drawing, as is the Uffizi drawing of
Hercules Fightingwith the Centaurs,datable to 1503.38Finally,
the stiffly rendered horse recalls the type of horse Raphael
illustratedon the left of the modello for which the horse in the
background on the left of Pollaiuolo's Martyrdomof St Sebastian served as a model. The horse in the near foreground
of the modello is an almost literalborrowingfromthe left-hand
horse of the group in the far background on the right of

17) Raphael, ((Studies for Two Guards in a Resurrection,,,
Ashmolean Museum, Oxford.

Pollaiuolo's picture, while the rider is based on the rider

Pollaiuolodepicted on the extreme left of this work.39
Rather than revealing direct contact with the Antique or
the influence of Leonardo, the drawing on the recto of the
sheet in Venice [Fig. 13] demonstrates Raphael's indebtedness to Pollaiuolo. Yet it also shows his continued interest in
Perugino's stereotypes for the pose of the right-handfoot soldier closely resembles that of the soldier on the far left in the
backgroundof Perugino'sAgony in the Garden, painted about


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1490 for the Jesuits of the San Giusto in Florence and now in
the Uffizi.40That in addition Raphael may have used a sculptural model when faced with the problem of drawinga rearing
horse is suggested by the fact that the horse illustratedin the
Venice drawing recurs, seen from another angle, in the cartoon for the St George and the Dragon in Washingtonof about
1505 where the horse's head is similarly turned to the left.
Given Raphael's special interest in Pollaiuolo and the latter's
practice of sculpting or clay-modelling figures as devices for
study and aids for working out compositions, Pollaiuolo may
well have been the author of this particular model as it
appears, seen from yet another viewpoint, in his Hercules,
Nessus and Deianeira.Clearlythe horse's head and neck have
been replaced by the human body of the centaur, but the torsion and pose, like the position of the hind legs, are similar.41
In turningour attention to the drawing on the verso of the
Venice sheet [Fig. 16], we find that the walking pose of the
youth is closely comparable to that of a figure on a famous
antique gem illustratingthe Triumphof Dionysus in the Museo
Nazionale in Naples. Renaissance derivations of the gem,
bearing Lorenzode Medici's inscription,circulatedin Florence
and were knownto Peruginowho adopted the pose of the psychiai pulling Dionysius' chariot for the two soldiers advancing
on the right in the background of the Agony in the Garden.
Close comparison between the nude in Raphael's drawing
and the left-handsoldier reveals that he copied Perugino's figure, only changing the position of the head and arms.
Perugino reused the soldier's pose, in reverse, for the soldier
walking next to Judas in the Agony in the Garden which, as
mentioned earlier,served as the model for the right-handfoot
soldier on the recto of the sheet in Venice. Withregard to the
availability of drawings after the Antique to Raphael while
working with Perugino, it is interesting to see that the soldier
and Judas in Perugino's picture both derive from a pair of
advancing soldiers in a battle relief on Trajan'scolumn.42
In view of the relationships here presented, it can be concluded that the drawings on both sides of the sheet in Venice
provide additional examples of how, early in his career,
Raphael assimilated classical motifs through drawings after
the Antiqueby Peruginoand Pollaiuoloand perhaps the latter's
sculptural models all'antica. A dating to about 1502-1503 for
the drawingin Venice entails a similardating of the stylistically
close studies for the Stormingof Perugia in Paris and Vienna,
usually dated to about 1505. These studies not only reflect
Raphael's interest in Pollaiuolo, as has often been noted, but
also contain the reversed image of the model viewed on the
back in the drawingon the recto of the sheet in Venice.43
The use of various sources withina single composition is
indicativefor the eclectic method Raphael adopted for work-

18) Woodcut from J. P Bergomensis, <<Supplementum

Chronicarum,>,Venice 1486.

ing out compositions. In looking at the Uffizi drawing of

Hercules Fighting with Three Centaurs [Fig. 12], it becomes
even clear that Raphael assembled his figures by combining
individuallimb motifs he copied after Pollaiuolo's designs. In
additionto the examples cited earlier,it can be noticed that the
left leg of Hercules in the Uffizidrawing is identical to that of
the lunging warriorwith the spear in the Windsor drawing,
while the torso of the left-handcentaur closely resembles that
of the left-handarcher.The upper part of the warrior,seen on
the back on the right of the Windsor drawing, may well have
served as the model for that of the centaur in the near foreground. In additionto the presence of a shield, the similartorsion of the back and position of the right arm strengthen this
connection. Finally,as has been said earlier,the upper partof
Hercules closely corresponds, in reverse, to that of the axewielder on the left of Pollaiuolo's engraving of the Battle of
Nude Men.
This working procedure may be exemplified by another
drawingpredatingRaphael's Florentineperiod. Ina study connected with the Sao Paulo Resurrection, of about 1502
[Fig. 17], Raphaelfaithfullycopied the complex pose of the figure of Adam in a woodcut in the Supplementum Chronicarum
of J. P. Bergomensis, published in Venice in 1486 [Fig. 18].44
Curiously,the upper part of Raphael's figure, when seen in
reverse, bears also a strikingresemblance to that of the figure

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of Bacchus in Mantegna's engraving of a Bacchanal with
a WineVatdatable to the early 1470s, whereas the position of
the figure's legs corresponds to a classical type of walking
pose which was adopted frequently by Verrocchio,Pollaiuolo
and members fromtheir workshop.45Comparably,the pose of
the figure shown fleeing to the rightin Raphael's St Jerome in
Raleigh is an exact copy, in reverse, of that of the figure of St
John the Baptist in Ghirlandaio's Meeting of Christ and St
John the Baptist in the Wilderness in the Staatliche Museen
Gemaldegalerie in Berlin;Raphael only changed the position
of the figure's head.
Untilhis move to Florence in 1504 Raphaelclearlyadhered
to the persisting medieval pattern-bookapproach in which he
followed Perugino's example. About 1503 the art of Pollaiuolo
aroused his interest in the representationof the nude figure in
action. As illustratedby the Uffizidrawingand the drawings on
the two sides of the sheet in Venice, Raphael constructed his
animated figures for narrativescenes by combining stereotyped movements, poses, and gestures which he borrowed
fromother artists'work.Incases when he faithfullyadopted the
entire pose of a figure, he variedon the source by simple reversal, sometimes changing the position of the arms or the
head.46 Once in Florence, he began to abandon this method
for the study fromthe live nude model. Atfirst Raphaelshowed
littleinterest in active poses, portrayingthe nude figure in balanced contrapposto poses inspired by Florentinesculptures.
Inthis study some of these figure studies have been relatedto
antique sculptures in Rome thereby lending furthersupport to
the theory that Raphael had visited Rome before his firstdocumented stay in that city on January13, 1509.47
In concluding this review of Raphael's sources and the
working methods he adopted in studying the human figure, it
may be useful to reconsiderthe sources upon which the following four relatedfigure studies are usuallybelieved to depend.
Raphael's use of live models for the study of animated
poses represented in famous works of art, whether painted or
sculpted, ancient or 'modern',may be inferredfrom a drawing
on the verso of the above-mentioned sheet in the Ashmolean
Museum [Fig. 19]. Amidst sketches of a man's legs appears
a full length study of a male nude whose attributes,a book and
a sword, would identifyhim as St Paul. However,the combination of the model's sullen looks, slightly bent head and relaxed
pose would speak against such an identification.Despite salient
differences, it has often been stated that the model's pose is
inspiredby Donatello'sOrSan MicheleSt George.48This statue
has been praised and admiredby its earliestcommentatorsparticularlybecause of its strikingpose and bearingthat was interpreted to convey alertness, proudness and vividness.49 On
anotheroccasion, in a drawingalso in the Ashmolean, Raphael



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.~ ."..
. f .i

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19) Raphael, <(Studyof a Nude Man,,,Ashmolean Museum,


drewfromthe nude model posed unmistakablyas Donatello'sSt

George. In this drawingRaphaeldoes show his interest in and
sensitivityto these psychological qualitiesas he attentivelypreserved the characteristicausterityof the statue's pose.50 Hence
it seems improbable that St George's much admired stance
should at the same time have inspiredRaphaelto conceive a St
Paulas a man who, unlikethe St George, stands in an easy contrappostoposturethat actuallylends itselffor bettercomparison
to Donatello'sOrSan MicheleSt Mark.51
As most of his fellow painters of narrativecompositions,
Raphael was deeply aware of the psychological expressive-


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~ ~

20) Raphael, <Study of Two Standing Nude Youths,,,

Graphische Sammlung Albertina,Vienna.

ness inherent to a figure's pose, facial expression and the

position of his head. Duringthe design process of, for example, the Disputa to which I shall return shortly, Raphael
explored numerous poses and combinations of poses which
would best answer to his concept of beauty, grace, varietyand
emotional and psychological expression. It was the lesson

~ ~

21) Raphael, ((Studyof a Standing Nude Youth,, Graphische

Sammlung Albertina,Vienna.

learnt from Leonardo, especially upon seeing his unfinished

Adorationof the Magi, which changed Raphael's mode of perception into the direction of pursuing emotional expressiveness above all in figure painting. Eventuallythis development
would culminate dramaticallyin the Transfiguration,Raphael's
last painting.

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22) Adriano Fiorentino, ((Hercules,, bronze, Museum

Boymans-van Beuningen, Rotterdam.

In the Graphische Sammlung Albertinain Vienna is kept

a sheet with drawings on both sides of a standing male nude
[Figs. 20, 21]. Its attributionto Raphael, proposed by Konrad
Oberhuber in 1964, has not been unanimously accepted.52
According to Oberhuber, these standing nude youths, "are
ultimatelybased on a Michelangelesque interpretationof classical examples", more specifically, on a figure in his battle cartoon. Furthermore,he acknowledged the difficultyin establishing the drawing's purpose and suggested the figures may
have been "intended for some large historic scene."53
Subsequent commentators of the Albertina drawing have
linked the pose of the nude figure on the verso to Raphael's
study of Michelangelo's David.54 In looking at the model's
contrapposto pose a resemblance to the marble giant may be
noticed. However,the differentposition of the left arm makes
the figure as a whole closely similarto well-known Florentine
all'antica representations of Hercules. A comparison to
Adriano Fiorentino's bronze statuette in Rotterdamof about
1490, is particularlyrewarding[Fig. 22]. It has been observed
that Adrianowas inspired by an ancient sculpture of Hercules
which is now lost but was depicted by Mantegna in the background of a fresco in the Camera degli Sposi in Mantua.This
connection fails to convince since the figure's legs in
Mantegna's fresco are posed quite differently.It seems more
likelythat the late fourteenth-centurysculpted Hercules on the
Porta della Mandorlaof the Florence Cathedralserved as the
model upon which Fiorentino's Hercules and, indirectly,
Raphael's standing nude depend.55
The importance Raphael kept on assigning to sculptural
models for the study of figural poses may be furtherdemonstrated by a study for Apollo in the Wedding Feast of Cupid
and Psyche in the villa Farnesinaof circa 1518 [Fig. 23]. It has
been observed long ago that the motifof the bent left leg suggests Raphael's knowledge of an antique Apollo, formerlyin
the Grimanicollection in Venice, now in the Archaeological
Museum of that city. Yet a much closer resemblance can be
noticed between the figure's pose and that of a Florentine
bronze statuette of Hercules in Repose in the FrickCollection
in New York,datable to 1510-1515 [Fig. 24]. Infact the resemblance is so striking that we are led to wonder whether
Raphael may have worked from the actual bronze, ratherthan
from a live model assuming the statuette's pose.56
To returnto the sheet with studies from the male nude in
the Albertina,the pose of the figure viewed in profile to the
right on the recto may well reflect some of Michelangelo's
sculpted and painted figures: his Bacchus, and, seen in
reverse, the youth on the far rightin the Manchester Madonna.
Though close comparisons could be drawn also to a stereotyped figure-pose recurrenton Greek grave steles of young


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23) Raphael, <Study of a Nude Seen on the Back),,

Graphische Sammlung Albertina,Vienna.

24) Florentine,early 16thcentury,(Hercules in Repose, (back

view), brol-e. CopyrightThe FrickCollection,New York.


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men and women.57 In further support for Raphael's authorship
of the Albertina drawing is the possibility that the pair of nudes
on the recto originated in connection with Raphael's design
for a group of disputants in the left foreground of the Disputa.
At the far left in the famous preparatory study in Frankfurtwe
find a pair of similarly grouped and posed nudes.58 The drawing in Vienna is dated to the end of Raphael's Florentine period, but a dating to the early Roman years, 1508-1509, during
which he worked on the Disputa, now seems more plausible.
Moreover, the man viewed on the back lends itself for stylistic
comparison to a study in the British Museum which presents
a variant of the left-hand figure seen on the back in the
Frankfurtdrawing.59 Though it is always assumed that the figures in the Frankfurtstudy are drawn from the live model, it is
instructive to see that the left-hand figure seen on the back is
a copy, in reverse, of a soldier in Luca Signorelli's fresco St
Benedict Welcomes the Real King Totila in Monteoliveto of
1497-1498, while the three kneeling men are clearly reminiscent of the kneeling figures on the left side foreground in
Donatello's relief of the Miracle of the Miser's Heart in the
Church of the Santo in Padua from which Raphael would borrow figures on a later occasion.60

The relationships suggested so far demonstrate Raphael's close adherence to standard Quattrocento workshop procedures. About 1503 the study of the art of Pollaiuolo prompted his shift away from Perugino and aroused his interest in
dynamic figural poses, convincingly rendered muscular bodies and the Antique. But only after his arrival in Florence did
Raphael turn to drawing from the live nude model, at first at
rest and from about 1506-1507 onward in action. In doing so,
he abandoned his treatment of the human figure as a composite of individual limb motifs for that of the human figure as an
organic whole. The proposed links to the Antique confirm the
view that Raphael visited Rome prior to 1508 as proposed by
Shearman. Since Pollaiuolo and Perugino used sculptural
models in addition to live models for the study of the human
figure, it seems reasonable to assume Raphael adopted a similar working method. Without the attentive study of these various types of naturalistic models, especially those made by
Pollaiuolo, once in Florence Raphael would not have been
able to understand and assimilate as quickly and successfully
as he did the new ideals concerning the representation of the
active male nude he witnessed in the exemplary works of
Leonardo and Michelangelo.

1 J. Pope-Hennessy, Italian High Renaissance and Baroque

Sculpture,3 vols., London,1955-1963, vol. III,pp. 9-11.
2 Ph.
Pouncey and J. A. Gere, Italian Drawings in the
Departmentof Prints and Drawings in the BritishMuseum: Raphael
and his Circle, 2 vols., London, 1962, p. 12, no. 15. J. A. Gere and
N. Turner, Drawings by Raphael from the Royal Library, the
Ashmolean, the BritishMuseum,Chatsworthand other Englishcollections, exh. cat., London, 1983, no. 39. These authors all point to the
adjustments to the marble Raphael made while copying. See also G.
Gronau,Aus Raphaels FlorentinerTagen,Berlin,1902, p. 32 and, more
recently,J. Meyer zur Capellen, Raphael in Florence, London, 1996,
pp. 120-121. J. Shearman, "Raphael and his Circle" (review of
Pouncey-Gere, 1962), BurlingtonMagazine, 107 (1965), p. 35, claims
that Raphael must have made his drawingafter a small replica of the
finished statue since such a distantviewpointas indicatedin the draw-

ing was no longer possible once the statue was erected. Also referring
to this problem is P.Joannides, The Drawingsof Raphael with a complete catalogue, Oxford,1983, no. 97 (c. 1505), who suggests Raphael
drew from "a plasteror wax model or assembled it fromdifferentstudies". E. Mitsch, in: E. Knab, E. Mitsch, K. Oberhuber,Raphael: Die
Zeichnungen,Stuttgart,1983, p. 100, believes Raphael'sdrawingafter
Michelangelo'sDavid constitutes "keine eigenstandige kunstlerische
Variation,sondern eine relativ getreue Kopie." For Michelangelo's
influence on Raphael, see A. ForlaniTempesti, Raffaello e Michelangelo, exh. cat. Florence, 1984, and by the same author, "Per
Raffaelloe Michelangeloe Viceversa",in: Studi su Raffaello,Atti del
Congresso Internazionaledi Studi (Urbino-Firenze6-14 aprile 1984),
Urbino,1987, pp. 365-376.
3 K.T. Parker,Catalogue of the Collection of Drawings in the
Ashmolean Museum, vol. ii, The Italian Schools, Oxford, 1956, no.


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522 recto. Pouncey and Gere, 1962, no. 14 recto, summarizingprevious opinions. Gere-Turner,1983, nos. 37 and 38. Joannides, 1983,
nos. 87v; 85v (c. 1504-1505).
4 F. Ames-Lewis, The Draftsman Raphael, New Haven and
London 1986, pp. 41-42; Meyerzur Capellen, 1996, pp. 120-126. Both
authors omitthe Oxfordstudy fromtheirdiscussion of Raphael's interest in Michelangelo'sDavid.
5 P. P. Bober and R. O. Rubinstein, Renaissance Artists and
AntiqueSculpture.A Handbookof Sources, New York,1986, no. 158i.
6 Parker,1956, no. 522, who mentions that Robinson's dating of
the drawingto Raphael'searly Romanperiod, c. 1508-12, is untenable
on the basis of the fact that the figure "is a close adaptation of
Michelangelo'sDavid."J. Shearman, "Rome,Raphael and the Codex
Escurialensis",MasterDrawings15 (1977), pp. 107-146.
7 Bober-Rubinstein,1986, no. 158, provide a list of drawings
after the relief. See also G. Agosti and V. Farinella,Michelangelo e
I'arteclassica, exh. cat., Florence, 1987, p. 30; A. Nataliin: IIDisegno
Fiorentino del Tempo di Lorenzo il Magnifico, exh. cat. Florence,
Milan,1992, p. 28, no. 1.4. I would like to add Botticellito the artists
mentioned in these publications,for his Pallas in the UffiziPallas and
the Centaur of about 1482, closely resembles the figure of Victory
shown crowningTrajanin the above-mentionedAdventus relieffrieze
(Fig. 5).
8 A. Petrioli Tofani, Inventario:Disegni di figura 1., Florence,
1991, nos. 81F (Maso Finiguerra)and 107F (DavidGhirlandaio).See
also C. L. Ragghiantiand G. Dalli Regoli, Disegni dal modello, Pisa,
1975, cat. no. 74, fig. 93 and L. Melli,Maso Finiguerra,Florence, 1995,
cat. 82, fig. 97. Domenico Ghirlandaio'suse of this specific antique
source was noted by N. Dacos, "Ghirlandaioet I'antique",Bulletinde
I'lnstitutHistoriqueBeige de Rome, XXXIV
(1962), p. 423.
9 Perugino's interest in the Antique is reflected in a well-known
drawingof the so-called 'Idolino'in the Uffizi,though a specific source
has thus far not been proposed. See S. FerinoPagden, Disegni Umbri
del Rinascimentoda Perugino a Raffaello,Florence, 1982, pp. 85-88,
no. 54. It has escaped notice that the figure in Perugino's drawing
appears twice in the Saint Bernardino Healing the Daughter of
GiovanniPetrazioda Rieti of an Ulcer from the series of small panels
for the so-called niche of St. Bernardino(1473), now in the Galleria
Nazionale dell'Umbria,Perugia. In this picture they reflect the flying
Victories in the spandrels of the Arch of Titus. Cf. P. Scarpellini,
Perugino, Milan,1984, cat. no. 13, fig. 14; for a better reproduction,
see V.Garibaldi,Perugino, Milan,1999, p. 10. Furthermore,Perugino's
nude male bears a strikingresemblance also to a nude appearing in
a classical relief representingApollo at the Castelaian Fountainpainted on the recto of the second folio of an illuminatedmanuscriptof
Didymus Alexandrinus,De spiritu sancto, dated 4 December 1488.
See J. J. G. Alexander, ed., The Painted Page. Italian Renaissance
Book Illumination1450-1550, London and Munich, 1994, pp. 68-70,
cat. no. 13.
10 Cf. E. Battisti, "The Meaning of Classical Models in the
Sculptureof Michelangelo",in Stil und Uberlieferungin der Kunstdes
Abendlandes, Akten des 21. InternazionalenKongresses fur Kunstgeschichte in Bonn 1964, 3 vols., Berlin,1967, II,pp. 73-79, in particular,p. 77, where the author states that the posture of Michelangelo's
David is "derivedfrom a monumentaltype of the traditionalhero of
Florence, Hercules".The most frequentlycited source of inspiration
for the David is the colossal Horse Tamerson the Quirinal.I would like
to point out that the pose of the figure on the extreme left of a sarcophagus of the Lion Hunt in the Cortile del Belvedere, Vatican
Museums, presents a strikinglyclose parallelto that of the David. For
a reproductionof the sarcophagus, see B. Andreae, "DieSarkophage

im Statuenhofdes Belvedere",in: II Cortiledelle Statue. Der Statuenhof des Belvedere im Vatikan,Akten des internationalenKongresses
zu Ehren von RichardKrautheimer,Rom, 21-23 Oktober1992, Mainz
am Rhein 1998, p. 386, fig. 19.
11 Compare illustration in N. Himmelman, "Apollo vom Belvedere", in: 1Cortiledelle Statue, 1998, p. 212, fig. 4.
12 See Ragghianti-DalliRegoli, 1975, cat. nos. 35, 71, 109, 168,
195, 204 (poses corresponding to antique sculpture). For drawings
afterthe nude model posing as Verrocchio'sDavid,see A. Butterfield,
The Sculptures of Andrea del Verrocchio, New Haven and London,
1997, p. 26, fig. 29 ("anonymous draftsman of Verrocchio's workshop"); P.L. Rubin and A. Wright(eds.), Renaissance Florence. The
Art of the 1470s, exh. cat. London, 1999, p. 272, no. 60 (Lorenzodi
Credi).FerinoPagden, 1982, no. 7, fig. 11 (Perugino?).ForPerugino's
method of workingout poses, see S. FerinoPagden, "Perugino'sUse
of Drawing:Convention and Invention",in W. Strauss and T. Felker,
eds., Drawings Defined with a preface and commentary by K.
Oberhuber,New York,1987, pp. 77-102, in particular,pp. 90ff.
13 Pouncey-Gere, 1962, no. 16; Gere-Turner,1983, no. 48;
Joannides, 1983, no. 89.
14 Cf. G. Becatti, "Raphaeland Antiquity",in: M. Salmi ed., The
Complete Workof Raphael, New York,1969, p. 514; Mitsch,1983, no.
30. Joannides, 1983, no. 264r, who refers to three other examples
illustratingRaphael's use of the Casa Sassi torso though withoutmentioningthe Londondrawinghere proposed (his no. 89). Drawingsafter
the antiquetorso by Michelangeloand Parmigianinoare discussed by
D. Ekserdjian,"Parmigianinoand Michelangelo",MasterDrawings31
(1989), pp. 390-394.
15 Shearman, 1977, p. 136, adduces the Viennadrawingas possible evidence of Raphael's stay in Rome prior to 1508. Francesco
Simone Ferrucci, Sheet with Figure Studies, Departement des Arts
Graphiquesdu Musee du Louvre,Paris R.F.447 verso. H. Janson, The
Sculptureof Donatello, PrincetonN.J. 1957, pp. 240-242, pl. 495.
16 C. Hulsen and H. Egger, Die Romischen Skizzenbuchervon
Martenvan Heemskerck,3 vols., Berlin,1913-1916, I, pp. 42ff., pi. 81
and p. 27-28, fol. 51v. G. Schweikhart, Der Codex Wolfegg. Zeichnungen nach derAntikevon AmicoAspertini,London, 1986, p. 98, fig.
25. In reverse the pose of the left-hand figure represented in the
Raphael drawing in London has been compared to that of the nude
figure at the rightin the Oxforddrawingof FourWarriors.It is generally believed that the latterfigure derives from a classical prototypeas
found on a Roman relief in the Museo dei Terminiin Rome. Cf. Parker
1956, no. 523; Becatti, 1969, p. 496, fig. 8 and p. 504; Joannides, 1983,
no. 88r.
17 It has long been pointed out that Fischel's hypotheticaltheory
of Raphael's 'Large Florentinesketchbook', should be rejected, see
1983, no. 37.
Pouncey-Gere1962, no. 14 and Gere-Turner,
18 R. Weiss, The Renaissance Discovery of Classical Antiquity,
Oxford1969, pp. 180ff.and F.Ames-Lewis,The IntellectualLifeof the
EarlyRenaissance Artist,New Haven and London,2000, pp. 79-80.
19 Ferino Pagden, 1982, no. 56; Becatti, 1969, pp. 503-504;
Joannides, 1983, no. 53v: "probablyderived from a lost composition
by AntonioPollaiuolo".S. FerinoPagden in:Raffaelloa Firenze.Dipinti
e disegni delle collezioni fiorentine, exh. cat. Florence, 1984, Milan,
1984, pp. 310-312, no. 17.
20 Gronau 1902, p. 28; Ferino Pagden, 1982, p. 92; Joannides,
1983, no. 53v. Accordingto L. D. Ettlingerand H. S. Ettlinger,Raphael,
Oxford, 1987, p. 43, the Uffizi-drawing,"reveals a careful study of
Pollaiuolo'sfamous engravingof the Battle of TenNudes."
21 Bober-Rubinstein,1986, no. 81; and 69a for the drawingfrom
the circle of Bellini. Degenhart and A. Schmitt, "EinMusterblattdes

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Jacopo Bellini mit Zeichnungen nach der Antike", in: Festschrift
LuitpoldDussler, Munich,1972, pp. 139-168, in particular,p. 158, fig.
21 (as circle of Jacopo Bellini).C. Eisler,TheGenius of Jacopo Bellini.
The Complete Paintings and Drawings, New York,1989, p. 206, as
"close to the art of GiovanniBellini".Whileworkingout the composition for the Massacre of the Innocents Raphaelturnedto a sarcophagus relief of Mars and Rhea Silviafrom which he borrowedthe nude
soldier seen from the back to the rightof the center. The mother protecting her infantto the left of the centralfigure in the Massacre corresponds to the central figure of Achilles in the Amazonomachia,with
Achilles and PenthesiliaCf. Bober-Rubinstein,1986, nos. 25 and 139.
22 C. Gould, "Raffaelloa Venezia?"in: Studi su Raffaello, 1987,
pp. 111-115; G. Mulazzani,"Raphael and Venice: Giovanni Bellini,
Durerand Bosch" in: J. Beck (ed.), Raphael Before Rome, Studies in
the Historyof Art,vol. 17, Washington,1986, pp. 149-153.
23 Raphael reused this pose for the warrioron the left in a drawing in Oxford(Joannides, 1983, no. 185) and for the figureof Hercules
in a drawingin London (Joannides, 1983, no. 188). Gronau,1902, pp.
27-28, recognized the model for this motif in the engraving after
Pollaiuolo's design Hercules and the TwelveGiants. The position of
the arm of the relevantwarrior(second from the left) in the engraving
is however quite different.FerinoPagden, 1984, p. 310, notes the difficulty in identifyingfromwhich sources Raphaelmay have drawninspiration. F. Coarelli, La Colonna Traiana,Rome, 1999, pi. 113 (scene
XCIV).For Donatello's relief, see J. Poeschke, Donatello and his
World.Sculptureof the ItalianRenaissance, New York1993, pi. 129. In
classical art this type of strikingpose is usually represented with the
raised arm bent furtherbackwards(e.g. on Trajan'scolumn).
24 L. D. Ettlinger,Antonioand Piero Pollaiuolo.Complete edition
with a criticalcatalogue, Oxford1978, pls. 83, 94 and 90. Though frequently represented in antique art, the pose of the warriorstanding
next to the rearinghorse on the left in the backgroundof Pollaiuolo's
Martyrdomof St Sebastian is most probablyderived from one of the
Dioscuriof MonteCavallo,see Bober-Rubinstein,1986, no. 125.
25 The drawinginVeniceis discussed by S. FerinoPagden,Gallerie
dell'Accademiadi Venezia:Disegniumbri,Milan,1984, no. 60 recto. The
most recentattemptto attributethe Windsordrawingto Raphaelis made
by M. Clayton,Raphaeland his Circle.Drawingsfrom WindsorCastle,
London,1999, pp. 50-51, cat. no. 10 (witholder bibliography).
26 L. Fusco, "AntonioPollaiuolo'sUse of the Antique",Journalof
the Warburgand CourtauldInstitutes,XLII(1979), pp. 257-263, in particular, p. 261, note 19. For the drawings, see A. Cavallaro, in: Da
Pisanello alla Nascita dei Musei Capitolini.LAnticoa Roma alla vigilia
del Rinascimento,exh. cat. MuseiCapitolini,Rome 1988, pp. 187-189,
cat. no. 58. Pollaiuolo's presence in Rome in the 1460s would also
explain the reference to the Dioscurion the left in the backgroundof
his The Martyrdomof St Sebastian in the NationalGalleryin London
and datable to 1475.
27 F.Ames-Lewisand E. Clegg, "AContributionto an Inventoryof
Pollaiuolo Figure-groupDrawings",Master Drawings, 25 (1987), pp.
237-241. Itwas R. Van Marie,The Development of the ItalianSchools
of Painting,18 vols., The Hague, 1922-1937, XI,p. 356, who believed
the Windsorsketch to be "a copy from a lost drawingby Pollaiuolo."
Pollaiuolo's Uffizidrawing (97F) is discussed by C. Sisi in: A. Petrioli
Tofani(ed.), II disegno fiorentinodel tempo di Lorenzo il Magnifico,
Florence 1992, pp. 50-51, cat. no. 2.9. (as Maso Finiguerra?).
28 Fora reproductionof Bartolomeodi Giovanni'spainting,see M.
Lisner,"Formund Sinngehaltvon MichelangelosKentaurenschlachtmit
Notizienzu Bertoldodi Giovanni",Mitteilungendes Kunsthistorischen
Institutesin Florenz,24, 1980, p. 329, fig. 25. Cf. FerinoPagden, 1982,
no. 49 as "Perugino(?)"and withoutreferenceto Pollaiuolo.

Ettlinger,1978, p. 12, quoting Celllini'sreference to Pollaiuolo
and p. 35 for the lost relief.
30 A similar drawing, also lost, entered into the workshop of
Francesco Squarcione in the early 1460s. That this cartonum of
nudes, mentioned in a document dated 2 January 1474, refers to
a highly finished drawing instead of to Pollaiuolo'sfamous Battle of
Nude Men engraving, is suggested by A. Wright,"AntonioPollaiuolo,
"Maestrodi disegno", in: FlorentineDrawingat the Time of Lorenzo
the Magnificent.Papers from a colloquium held at the VillaSpelman,
Florence, 1992, Bologna 1994, pp. 131-146, in particularp. 141.
31 Bober-Rubinstein,1986, no. 142. The drawingis attributedby
J. Byam Shaw, Drawings by Old Masters at ChristChurchOxford,2
vols., Oxford,1976, no. 40, pi. 33, to the studio of FilippinoLippiand
dated about 1500. For a better reproduction, see Ragghianti-Dalli
Regoli, 1975, p. 239, cat. no. 133, fig. 165. Lippiwas in Rome in 1489
and enjoyed a reputationof being an expert on antique art. In his discussion of the Windsor drawing, A. Natali, in: II disegno fiorentino,
1992, pp. 26-27, points to a battlescene on Trajan'scolumn, however,
the two models he singles out for comparison present only generic
similarities. Not mentioned by Bober-Rubinstein is Piero della
Francesca's quotation of four figures from the Amazonomachiasarcophagus for the warriorsin the foregroundof his fresco representing
the Battle between Heracliusand Chosroes in the main chapel of San
Francesco at Arezzo, executed in the 1450s.
32 R. Krautheimer,Lorenzo Ghiberti, Princeton, 1970, pl. 113.
Ghiberti'sstudy of battle scenes on Trajan'scolumn is suggested by
Cavallaro,in Da Pisanello..., 1988, p. 181. Ettlinger,1978, p. 9. The
prostratewarriorin the printof the Battle of Hercules and the giants
afterPollaiuolo'sdesign closely resembles the nude figureon the right
of a sarcophagus with the Battle of 'Romans against Barbarians,'
Bober-Rubinstein,1986, no. 153.
33 Bober-Rubinstein,1986, nos. 112 and 113. Meleager's pose is
repeated in a putto standing in the center of a sarcophagus with
a huntingscene in the Belvedere Statue Courtin Rome, see Andreae,
1998, p. 386, fig. 20.
34 For Pollaiuolo'sArcetrifresco, see Ettlinger,1978, pi. 22. The
sarcophagus is reproduced in Andreae, 1998, p. 382, fig. 9. Fusco,
1979, p. 258, relates the dancer to Pollaiuolo'sAntaeus figure in the
bronze of Hercules and Antaeus in the Bargello in Florence. The
Pollaiuolesqueterracottarelief is reproduced in Ettlinger,1978, p. 44,
fig. 16. Forthe battlefrieze, see Bober-Rubinstein,1986, no. 154. This
view is expressed by A. Wright,"Dimensionaltension in the works of
Antonio Pollaiuolo",in: Stuart Currie and Peta Motture (eds.), The
Sculpted Object 1400-1700, Aldershot,1997, pp. 65-79.

35 Knab-Mitsch-Oberhuber, 1983, no. 131; Joannides, 1983, 94r;

Ferino Pagden, 1984, p. 150; D. A. Brown, "Saint George in Raphael's
Washington Painting", in: Raphael Before Rome, 1986, pp. 40-41.
36 Gere-Turner, 1983, nos. 3 and 4, Joannides, 1983, nos. 3r and

4 (also referringto the Venice drawing).

37 Joannides, 1983, no. 56. At about this time Raphael made
a free copy after one of the archers in Signorelli's Martyrdomof St
Sebastian (Joannides, 1983, no. 11r). The rhythmiccontour of the
archer's muscular leg and the type of buttocks invite comparison to
the nude figureseen on the back on the recto of the sheet in Venice. In
fact an even closer parallelto this figure is providedby the soldier on
the left of the Raleighpicture.
38 The underdrawing is reproduced in Cf. J. Dunkerton, S.
Foister,N. Penny,Durerto Veronese.Sixteenth-CenturyPaintingin The
NationalGallery,New Havenand London1999, p. 226, fig. 284.
39 This confirms the relationshipwith Pollaiuolo's picture noted
by Gronau, 1902, p. 25, with regard to the sketch usually connected


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withthe modello and also in the Uffizi.Cf.Joannides, 1983, 56 and 57r.
Ferino Pagden, 1982, p. 99, prefers to explain the influence of
Pollaiuolo by assuming Raphael brieflyvisited Florence around 1502
or 1503. This theory is elaborated by P De Vecchi, "TheCoronationof
the Virginin the Vatican Pinacoteca and Raphael's Activitybetween
1502 and 1504", in: Raphael Before Rome, 1986, pp. 73-82. It should
be noted that if Raphael worked with Pinturicchioin Siena he must
have had the opportunityto study the latter'sengravings by Pollaiuolo
and drawings after his designs since Pinturicchio'sfrescoes contain
several borrowingsfrom Pollaiuolo.
40 Reproduced in V. Garibaldi, Perugino. Catalogo completo,
Florence 1999, cat. no. 20.
41 L. Fusco, The Nude as a Protagonist:Pollaiuolo'sfiguralstyle
explicated by Leonardo's Study of Anatomy, Movement, and
FunctionalAnatomy,Diss. New YorkUniversity,1978, p. 185, believes
that the two standing warriorscarryinga shield in the Windsordrawing, here singled out for comparison to the Antique, are based on
a sculpturalmodel of the so-called Marsyasby Pollaiuolo.Thoughthis
would corroboratethe theory here presented, the pose of the figures
in the drawingshow too many differences to accept a direct linkwith
the bronze. See also L. Fusco, "The Use of Sculptural Models by
Painters in Fifteenth-CenturyItaly",ArtBulletin,LXIV(1982), pp. 175194. Cf. Ettlinger,1978, pl. 94. R. Quednau, "Raphael und 'alcune
stampe di manieratedesca', ZeitschriftfurKunstgeschichte,46, 1983,
pp. 146ff., suggests that a print by MartinSchongauer served as
a model for Raphael'sSt George and the Dragon.
42 The gem and its derivations are discussed in N. Dacos, A.
Giuliano, U. Pannuti, II tesoro di Lorenzo il Magnifico. Le Gemme,
Florence1973, pp. 45-46, cat. no. 8 and pp. 142ff.See also N. Dacos, in:
P Scarpellini(ed.), II Collegio del Cambio in Perugia, Milan,1998, p.
146, who points to a scene in the Collegio del Cambio frescoes in
Perugia (1496-1500) that shows Perugino's knowledge of the gem
througha plaquette.Forthe correspondingmodels on Trajan'scolumn,
see Coarelli,1999, pi. 159. Comparea similargroup in pls. 129 and 162.
43 The dating of the sheet in Venice to 1503 would support the
theory advanced by Ferino Pagden, 1984, p. 151, that the studies on
both sides could be connected to a projectfor a fresco cycle, "dedicato alla storia religiosa di Perugiae immaginabilecome decorazione di
una sala con funzionipolitico-religiose...".
44 Parker,1956, no. 505; Joannides 1983, no. 27, considers this
study "fromthe model"and a demonstrationof Raphael's early developed skills for he drew the "exceptionallycomplex pose of the standing guard [... ] with minimalpentimenti".
45 Raphael's early knowledge of Mantegna's printis reflected in
a drawingof the Virginand ChildwithSts Sebastian and Roch, datable
circa 1500. Cf. Joannides, 1983, 2r.The figure of St Sebastian is clearly based on the figure of Bacchus. It suffices to point to one example
in antique sculpture where this pose occurs: the figure on the far right
of a Bacchic sarcophagus in the Belvedere Statue Court,reproduced
in Andreae, 1998, p. 384, fig. 12. The position of the soldier's legs is
identical, in reverse, to that of the angel in Tobiasand the Angel from
the workshop of Verrocchio (National Gallery,London), and that of
Tobias in Pollaiuolo's picture illustratingthe same subject in Turin
(Galleria Sabauda). The pose recurs in the background of
Ghirlandaio'sNativityin the Santa Trinitain Florence and his Visitation
with St Anne in the Galleria dell'Accademia in Florence (c. 1470).
Francesco Botticiniborrowedthe pose for a figure in his book illuminations to Matteo Palmieri's Citta di vita (1473), reproduced in L.
Venturi,Francesco Botticini, Florence, 1994, fig. 54, while Perugino
first employed it for a figure in the background of his fresco of The
Journeyof Moses into Egypt in the Sistine Chapel, Vatican(1481-82).

46 Additional
examples of working method are given by R.
Quednau, "'Imitationed'altrui'.Anmerkungenzu Raphaels Verarbeitung entlehnter Motive",De Arte et Libris.Festschrift Erasmus 19341984, Amsterdam1984, pp. 349-367. The figure holding the rope tied
to Christin the LondonProcession to Calvaryis a copy, in reverse, of
the left-hand soldier advancing on the right in the background of
Perugino'sAgony in the Garden;only the arms are in a differentposition. This type of figuralpose had been adopted by Peruginofor one
of the figures in the Collegio del Cambio fresco illustratingthe Moon
for which an antique gem served as a model, see note 42, above.

47 Shearman, 1977, p. 131.

48 Parker,1956, no. 522 verso, noting however that the St Paul,

"harksback to Donatello's Prophets on the Campanile."Joannides,
1983, no. 87r;Ames-Lewis,1986, p. 41.

49 Janson, 1957, pp. 23-32, especially p. 24.

50 Parker, 1956, no. 523. Gere-Turner, 1983, no. 46. Cf. Meyer zur
Capellen, 1996, pp. 128-129.
51 Janson, 1957, pp. 16-21. Meyer zur Capellen, 1996, pp. 129134, points to the changes Raphael made with respect to Donatello's
St George which "in turn change the character of the figure by adding

to its firm bodily posture a mood of critical reflection,which is most

clearly expressed through the slight inclination of the apostle's
head." The pose of the nude figure as St Paul in the Oxforddrawing
may also be compared to Andrea del Castagno's depiction of
Boccaccio fromthe fresco cycle of famous men and women formerly
in the Villa Carducci in Legnaia, near Florence. In a similar manner
Castagno's image of Pippo Spano, a Florentinecondottiere, probably
served as a model for Perugino's drawingof St Michael at Windsorof
about 1500, making it not inconceivable that he had made copies
also after the remainingfigures from the cycle that subsequently circulated in his workshop. This latterconnection is also mentioned by
S. Ferino Pagden in Perugino, Lippi e la bottega di San Marco alla
Certosa di Pavia, 1495-1511, Florence 1986, p. 46. Most critics however preferto accept that Perugino's drawingof a warrioris based on
Donatello's St George. A. E. Popham and J. Wilde, The Italian
Drawingsof the XVand XVICenturiesin the Collection of His Majesty
the King at Windsor Castle, London, 1949, no. 21. Meyer zur
Capellen, 1996, p. 128.
52 K. Oberhuber,"ADrawingby Raphael MistakenlyAttributedto
Bandinelli",MasterDrawings,2 (1964), pp. 398-401. The attributionto
Raphael is accepted by Joannides, 1983, no. 183 and V. Birkeand J.
Kertesz, Die italienischen Zeichnungen der Albertina, I, Vienna
/Cologne /Weimar1992-, p. 63, Inv.117; but questioned by E. Mitsch,
Raphael in der Albertina,Vienna, 1983, cat. nos. 47-48 and Forlani
Tempesti,1984, p. 21, "Raffaello(?)".
53 Oberhuber,1964, p. 399.
54 ForlaniTempesti, 1984, p. 21. This authorfurtheradds a copy
aftera lost Raphaeldrawingin New York,MetropolitanMuseumof Art,
inv. no. 87.12.69, which, in my view, has littleto do withthe statue. Cf.
A. ForlaniTempesti,"IIDaviddi Michelangelonella TradizioneGrafica
Bandinelliana",AntichitaViva,18 (1989), pp. 19-25, in particular,p. 20,
note 10. Joannides, 1983, no. 183v; Birke-Kertesz,1992, p. 63.
55 For Adriano Fiorentino's Hercules, see E. van Binnebeke,
Bronze Sculpture. Sculpture from 1500-1800 in the collection of the
Boymans van Beuningen Museum, Rotterdam,1994, no. 1 (witholder
literatureand reference to the Hercules in Mantegna's fresco). The
resemblance to the Portadella MandorlaHercules was suggested in
the exhibitioncatalogue Bronzen:antieke bronzen beeldjes gevonden
in Nederlanden Italiaanserenaissance bronzen in Nederlandse verzamelingen, GroningerMuseum 1980, p. 82, no. 20. An identicalpose is
represented in two late fifteenth-century Florentine terracottas of

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David attributedto the Masterof the David and St John Statuettes in
the Victoria and Albert Museum, see J. Pope-Hennessy and R.
Lightbown,Catalogue of ItalianSculpture in the Victoriaand Albert
Museum, 3 vols., London, 1964, I, pp. 191-192, nos. 169-170, noting
thatthese sculptures represent "variantsof a popularterracottamodel
derived fromthe bronze Davidby Verrocchio."
56 The attributionof the drawingto Raphael has been repeatedly questioned, see K. Oberhuberand A. Gnann, Roma e lo stile classico di Raffaello 1515-1527, Milan,1999, no. 71 (witholder bibliography). For a reproductionof the Grimani-Apollo,see Becatti, 1969, p.
550, fig. 117. J. Pope-Henessy and A. Radcliffe,The FrickCollection.
An illustrated catalogue. Volume IIl: Sculpture. Italian, New York,
1970, pp. 48-52.
57 New York,MetropolitanMuseum of Art, Fletcher Fund 1927,
Inv. no 27.45 and Rome, Vatican Museums, Saletta degli Originali
Greci, inv.559.

58 The correspondence to the two youths in the Frankfurt

drawing was noted by Oberhuber,1964, p. 399. Fora reviewof the successive evolution stages in the design process, see R. Jones and N.
Penny, Raphael, New Haven and London,1983,pp. 57-68 and AmesLewis, 1986, pp. 72ff.
59 Pouncey-Gere, 1962, no 30. Joannides, 1983, no. 206; GereTurner,1983, no. 91.
60 P. Scarpellini, Luca Signorelli, Milan, 1964, p. 37, fig. 42.
Janson, 1957, I, pi. 309. Raphael's use of Donatello's Paduan relief
had already been pointed out by W. Voge, Raffaell und Donatello,
StraBbourg,1898, p. 19, concerning three figures at the extreme right
that Raphael copied in the rightbackground of his School of Athens.
See also V.L. Goldberg, "TheSchool of Athens and Donatello",The
Art Quarterly34 (1971), pp. 229-236 and A. Ronen, "Raphael and
Mantegna", Storia dell'Arte, 33 (1978), pp. 124-133, in particular,
p. 124.


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