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Involvement in a New Religious

Movement: From Discovery to
Disenchantment
John Paul Healy

Charles Sturt University , NSW, Australia

Published online: 18 Feb 2011.

To cite this article: John Paul Healy (2011) Involvement in a New Religious Movement: From
Discovery to Disenchantment, Journal of Spirituality in Mental Health, 13:1, 2-21, DOI:
10.1080/19349637.2011.547125
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Journal of Spirituality in Mental Health, 13:221, 2011

Copyright Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
ISSN: 1934-9637 print/1934-9645 online
DOI: 10.1080/19349637.2011.547125

Involvement in a New Religious Movement:

From Discovery to Disenchantment
JOHN PAUL HEALY

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Charles Sturt University, NSW, Australia

This article discusses involvement in a new religious movement (religious cult) from a sociological perspective developed
from a qualitative study of individuals involvement in Swami
Muktanandas Siddha Yoga. The study explored individuals
attractions, affiliation, and disenchantment in a new religious
movement. The significance of exploring individuals involvement
was to inform an alternative discourse that challenges the conceptualization held by many helping professionals and cult awareness
groups in the brainwashing thesis. Although brainwashing as an
empirical concept has been discredited among most researchers of
new religious movements, it continues to be used as an explanatory
model for cult awareness groups and helping professionals.
KEYWORDS cults, NRMs, Conversion, Siddha Yoga

INTRODUCTION
Those professionals who are influenced in their work with former members
of new religious movements (NRMs; cults) by a brainwashing or mindcontrol model of involvement attempt to undo the impact of involvement
by providing clients with information on how they had been brainwashed.
In a sense they offer a brainwashing interpretation to individuals experiences rather than allowing former members to make sense of their own
experiences in their own way. Before presenting a discussion of involvement that is based on a sociological study of individuals experiences rather
than an imposed model, I will first present a discussion on brainwashing
and its importance toward informing what is sometimes called the anticult
Address correspondence to John Paul Healy, Charles Sturt University, School of
Humanities and Social Sciences, Wagga Wagga, NSW, Australia. E-mail: jhealy@csu.edu.au

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Involvement in a New Religious Movement

movement or cult awareness groups. Although these terms do not give a

true representation of the diversity of helping professionals, pastoral carers,
or family- or community-based movements, they are meant to refer to those
that are influenced to varying extents in there work with ex-members of
NRMs by a brainwashing or mind-control notion to cultic involvement.
Why people join NRMs and what they do with that experience is already
the basis of many sociological studies. It is apparent from empirical studies
of NRMs that this is still a fertile field (spanning 40 years or so) and not
yet fully understood. However, it also seems that little of the sociological
knowledge on NRMs is gaining the attention of helping professions or cult
awareness groups who continue to rely on aspects of the brainwashing
thesis when working with members or ex-members of NRMs. This is possibly because there is little else that is recommended for practitioners in
this area. Brainwashing presents a type of grand theory of involvement
which could be problematic when attempting to encompass individual and
group difference. This article goes some way to redress this by presenting
a sociological perspective on NRM involvement that attempts to inform an
alternative discourse to that of brainwashing.
The next section gives a sociological definition of NRMs followed by
the discussion on brainwashing. I will then give an outline of the study and
the discussion of involvement in Siddha Yoga which highlights the qualitative interview materials related to individual experiences of involvement,
followed by the articles conclusion. It is, of course, not possible to give
the volume of qualitative material that was generated to support the discussion of involvement in this article. However, I have given short vignettes
that I hope will provide useful representations of the themes developed;
more substantial materials and a full methodology may be found in Healy
(2010). The short vignettes used are taken from the larger study in which 32
ex-members of Siddha Yoga took part in semistructured interviews. Themes
were developed and informed by a grounded theory methodology using the
computer-assisted qualitative program, Nvivo.

Definition of NRMs
Melton (1999) offers a broad definition of the group of movements that
has come to be known as new religions or (NRMs), often termed cults.
He asserts, New religions, groups or movements are primarily religious
groups/movements that operate apart from the dominant culture (in our
case, the Christian West) in which they are located and, in addition, seek
adherents from their new host culture (Melton, 1999, p. 5). A NRM, therefore, may originate from another country or develop internally; the key is
that they are, at least initially, set apart from the dominant culture.
According to Barker (1997) what may constitute a NRM can vary in
ideology and approach, and includes groups that are religious, political,
scientific, and alien-oriented, as well as groups that emphasize personal

J. P. Healy

growth, such as psychotherapeutic and human potential movements. Hume

(2000, p. 27) asserts that the diversity of new religious movements defies
any easy generalizations concerning them. The term NRM, therefore, covers
a variety of unconnected groups, many of which may not necessarily appear
religious and are often labeled as cults.
NRMs or cults have often been accused of using brainwashing or mind
control as a way to recruit or retain members. The following section discusses the concept of brainwashing and its continuing relevance for the
helping professions, cult information services, and what is loosely call the
anticult movement.

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BRAINWASHING
Within the discourse of brainwashing among the anticult movement it is
common to view the individual as having been recruited to the movement rather than having joined of their own choice (Hassan, 1998; Lalich
& Tobias, 2006; Ward, 2002; Whitsett, 2003). From this perspective, cult affiliation is not perceived to be voluntary; it is caused by the accumulation
of coercive and destructive psychological processes typically conceptualized
as brainwashing or mind control (Lalich & Tobias, 2006; Lalich, 2004). The
brainwashing or mind-control thesis took hold in the anticult movement
during the late 1960s and early 1970s in parallel with the growth of NRMs
in Western societies. The predominant notion or model of brainwashing in
regard to NRMs or cult involvement is influenced by the work of Lifton
(1961) and his study of Communist Chinas thought reform program during
the Korean War (Anthony, 1999). Schein (1961) too has influenced notions
of coercive persuasion from his own study of Chinas thought reform.
Integral to the Chinese thought reform program was the use of lengthy
incarceration and force. Liftons 25 Western participants reported a common experience of being chained for weeks on end, allowed very little
sleep and very little food, and being subjected to emotional and physical
harassment by cellmates and officials in order to extract confessions. Many
endured more than 3 years of incarceration. Liftons analysis of this experience of thought reform has shown that those who seemed to convert, did
so as a matter of survival (Lifton, 1961, p. 150) and points to the resilient
nature of humans under difficult circumstances (Lifton, 1961, p. 238). The 25
Western individuals interviewed by Lifton undoubtedly experienced horrific
treatment over many years and may not easily be compared with the voluntary and usually limited involvement of people in NRMs. However, Liftons
work has been used as the basis of a model of cultic involvement by key
helping professionals such as Singer, Hassan, and Langone (Anthony, 1999;
Anthony & Robbins, 2004), all highly influential in informing what Barker
(2002) has termed cult awareness groups. The application of brainwashing
or thought reform to NRM affiliation has consistently been rejected by many

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Involvement in a New Religious Movement

of those who study NRMs (Barker, 1984; Bromley, 1983, 2007; Palmer, 2008;
Richardson, 2001; Richardson & Introvigne, 2001; Stark & Finke, 2000), yet
has found lasting favor with health professional and cult information services
(Anthony, 1999; Barker, 1997; Saroglou, Buxant, & Tilquin, 2008).
Groups such as Muktanandas Siddha Yoga have often been labeled
cults by ex-members or cult-awareness groups. The popular understanding
of cultic involvement has been influenced by media representations fueled
by dramatic incidents involving nontraditional religious groups and allegations of brainwashing (McCloud, 2007; Olson, 2006; Richardson & van Driel,
1997). The Jonestown mass murder-suicide in 1978, the Branch Davidian
siege in 1993, the sarin gas attack on the Tokyo subway by Aum Shinrikyo
in 1995, the Heavens Gate suicide in 1997, and the deaths of the Restoration
of the Ten Commandments of God in 2000 all highlighted the need for an
explanation for such irrational behavior (Bromley & Melton, 2002; Lewis,
2005; Wessinger, 2009). The conceptualization of affiliation as brainwashing has been an influential theory of involvement in nontraditional religious
groups or NRMs, which attempts to explain why otherwise normal individuals would change their lifestyle and beliefs in a relatively short period of
time after coming into contact with one of these groups.
However, the problem with the notion of brainwashing in reference
to cults or NRMs evident from previous empirical studies is that it does
not appear to fully account for the variety of individuals experience of
involvement (Barker, 1984, 1997; Boeri, 2002). Although the notion of brainwashing is not well supported by scholars of religion or the legal fraternity
(Anthony & Robbins, 2004; Lewis, 2005; Palmer, 2008) it continues to be
influential amongst some cult awareness groups and helping professionals
who assist families and ex-members of these groups (International Cultic
Studies Association, 2010; Jenkinson, 2007; Lalich & Tobias, 2006). DeWitt,
Richardson, and Warner (1997, p. 5) recognize that, even though the term
brainwashing has little scientific support [it] is often used as a social weapon
against unpopular groups.
Swami Muktanandas Siddha Yoga, which I will refer to throughout this
article as Siddha Yoga, forms this present case study; therefore I will give a
brief outline of this movement. For a more detailed account of the movement
see Brooks (1997), Caldwell (2001), and Healy (2010).

SWAMI MUKTANANDAS SIDDHA YOGA

Siddha Yoga was introduced to the West in 1970 by Swami Muktananda
(19081982) as part of his first venture outside of India (Thursby, 1991;
White, 1974). After his visit, devotees established centers and ashrams. Like
other Indian-based movements, such as the International Society for Krishna
Consciousness or Rajneesh/Osho, Siddha Yoga would be considered a NRM

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J. P. Healy

in the terms proposed by Melton (1999) because when it entered the West,
it gained converts from the host country. Although guru-disciple traditions
were well known and had been established in India for centuries, during
the late 1960s and early 1970s these groups offered the West an alternative
spirituality to the predominant Christian perspective. In his lifetime Swami
Muktananda conducted three tours to the West, passing on the teachings of
his own guru Bhagawan Nityananda (18881961) in what was considered a
lineage of Siddhas, or perfect masters (Brooks, 1997; Foster, 2002). Siddha
Yogas practices include Shaktipat initiation (the awakening of the spiritual
energy known in this tradition as kundalini awakening by the grace of the
guru), meditation, chanting and seva or service to the guru (Melton, 1993).
The charismatic presence of the guru is, however, possibly more central to
the practice of Siddha Yoga than the individual spiritual practices (Thursby,
1995, p. 206). The guru-disciple relationship in Siddha Yoga is therefore
central to the movement and to the potential devotees spiritual awakening.
The concept of guru Bhakti or guru worship is the major emphasis within
this tradition (Wessinger, 1993). Swami Muktananda led his movement until
his death in 1982, prior to which he named two siblings Nityananda and
Chidvalasananda (a.k.a. Gurumayi) as co-leaders or co-gurus. The brother
and sister together led Siddha yoga for 3 years until 1985 when what may
be considered a leadership dispute split the co-gurus, leaving Gurumayi as
sole head of Siddha Yoga and her brother Nityananda to begin his own
movement, Shanti Mandir. Some of Muktanandas senior swamis such as
Swami Shankarananda, now head of Shiva Yoga, and also regular devotees
began their own movements or schisms of Siddha Yoga continuing in the
tradition of Muktanandas Siddha Yoga Practice.

RESEARCH APPROACH
The present study was qualitative and included ethnographic, grounded
theory, and phenomenological approaches. The research approach was an
attempt to gain an understanding of the lived experience of the participants and their own understanding of their experience. The strength of a
qualitative method is that it allows the presentation of a rich or thick
description of a social setting (Bryman, 2008; Geertz, 1960; Lofland, 1971;
Silverman, 2006). Considering the richness of experience I had planned to
explore around the participants experience of Siddha Yoga, a qualitative
design seemed to have advantages over a quantitative design, bearing in
mind the limited sample size of 32 participants. All of the participants in this
study were previously devotees of Siddha Yoga. The study used a form of
nonprobability sampling known as snowball sampling. Snowball sampling
is a purposive sampling technique targeted at a particular group of individuals who are helpful for a particular exploration (Atkinson & Flint, 2001;

Involvement in a New Religious Movement

Bryman, 2008). Ethics approval for this study was gained from the University
of New South Wales, Australia and all information provided by participants
was treated with strict confidence. Because Siddha Yoga in Australia is a
relatively small community, the possibility of recognition by other past or
current community members was heightened. Therefore the descriptions of
the participants and their circumstances in this article are limited and have
been altered as part of the ethical commitment to the participants anonymity
(National Health and Medical Research Council, 2010).
Next I present a discussion of involvement in a NRM derived from my
study of Siddha Yoga which highlights the various stages from discovery to
disenchantment and give some conclusions.

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INVOLVEMENT IN A NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENT

Seeking or Accidental-Seeking
I had always been attracted to the whole Zen thing. For me it was the
aesthetic of it and all that . . . I was searching to find out more about the
human condition and some explanation of what life is all about. (Dan)
I had no idea, absolutely no idea what any of it was; so I went along for
the meal and the program. (Susan)

I have made a distinction between seekers and accidental seekers. I

have considered these as two important pathways to discovery. Many of
the participants in the present study were spiritually interested, especially
in Eastern traditions, and were already networking within what Campbell
(1972) has described as a cultic milieu of spiritually-interested individuals, and as likely to come across Siddha Yoga, or Swami Muktanandas
as any other tradition. Although Campbells (1972) concept of the cultic milieu as a pathway to affiliation seems a valid idea for those who
are consciously seeking out some form of alternative spirituality, I argue
that Arendts (1998) web of human relationships is a better concept for
those who appear as accidental seekers. A cultic milieu or what would
be today though of as the New Age movement is not considered a formal network of institutions but, rather, relationships between individuals
connected by shared interests (Heelas, 1996; Possamai, 2001). When considering human relationships, Arendt (1998, p. 183) asserts, this in-between
is no less real than the world of things we visibly have in common.
For this study, Arendts (1998, p. 183) metaphor of the web of human
relationshipswhich she uses to conceptualize the invisible ties which
are a condition of human experienceis helpful for gaining an idea of
the interconnectedness of individuals experience of seeking and discovery. A web of human relationships is a broad notion which recognizes the

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J. P. Healy

interconnectedness of all human relationships and action. This is important

because accidental-seekers, with one simple introduction from a friend,
family member, or associate, were introduced to the world of yoga and
gurus. (Accidental-seekers, as noted earlier, are those who were not seeking or networking within a cultic milieu.) Further, recommendations from
medical practitioners, counselors, or other mainstream or alternative health
professionals have also been seen to have made individuals aware of
NRMs.
Seekers appear to have an idea of what they are looking for and possibly have some experience of the type of group or process they like.
The accidental seekers, on the other hand, may have never thought about
becoming part of an alternative religious group. Where these two groups
of seekers appear to come together is that when they do finally come into
contact with the NRM, both seekers and accidental seekers may feel that
they have discovered something very much in tune with themselves. Often
individuals feel as if they have come home. There appears to be something
familiar in the strange.
This is important, my feeling was, I felt like I came home. I felt like I had
arrived home. (Robert)
I walked in the door and I knew I had come home, even though I knew
nothing about it, I just knew I had come home, I felt so comfortable.
(Susan)
It was good, it was like, this is it, Ive found what Ive been after . . . It
just felt right. (Patricia)

DISCOVERY OF A NRM
The use of the term discovery rather than recruitment in this study came out
of the individuals usage of the word in interviews to relate to their initial
contact with Siddha Yoga or Swami Muktananda. It may be a misnomer
to regard becoming involved with a NRM as a discovery, given that for
some there certainly seems to have been unfortunate outcomes. But for all
the participants in this study there was a sense of discovery either within
themselves or through engagement in the new-found community. As part
of an individuals discovery of a NRM there are several dimensions to their
initial encounter that I have considered important. These are: the attractions
of the NRM, how the NRM may support their prior beliefs, and how the new
group can give context to an individuals prior religious experience. These
dimensions to the individuals experience of the new group begin to gives
context to their new spiritual life. Outlined next are these dimensions.

Involvement in a New Religious Movement

Attractions
My first impression was, it was very different, very unusual. I liked the
smell of the incense. (Nicole)

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The people were nice and the food was nice. That was my hook.
(Jennifer)

Individuals attraction to a NRM can involve many aspects. The novel

environment of the NRMthe smells and colorsare attractive to certain
sentiments. Also the foods, the lifestyle, and most often-recognized by individuals in this study, the camaraderie of the new religious community.
Different environments may, therefore, appeal to different individuals. The
initial attractions of a NRM religious movement would also include the religious or spiritual orientation, which I will highlight next as separate themes.
In studies of NRMs, religious experience been understood as being important in the process in conversion and continued affiliation (Howell, 1997;
Rambo, 1993).

Supports Prior Beliefs

I couldnt work out from what people were telling me, what was true.
I mean, people were saying wacky things. And I decided, well, if half
of it was true, and I had experienced something myself. I thought, well,
if half of it is true, if Jesus Christ was alive on the planet now, I would
want to meet him, and if this man is anything like, has anything like the
power of Jesus Christ, I want to meet him. (Greg)

A NRM may support or reinforce prior beliefs, especially the individuals

belief in a God or supernatural entity. It seems that the notion of God or
supernatural entity is traversable across many religious orientations. Many
individuals have been acculturated into a society with the notion of a God
or supernatural entity and yet may not be attached to a particular faith. NRMs
can support these notions and begin to give them a context.

Explains Prior Religious Experience

I crossed my legs, and it was as if my whole spine lit up and I shot out
of it, at a million miles an hours and I became like a little dot of light.
I traveled for I dont know how long and there were these other little
dots of light and it was as if I heard a talk . . . Like a Baba talk . . . and I
began to get a little worried thinking is there something wrong with me
. . . I went to a spiritualist church, I went to church, spoke to the priest,

10

J. P. Healy

they all looked at me as if I were a little crazy, and I thought, Oh maybe

I am. (Angie)

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For those individuals who have had what they considered to be a religious
experience prior to their discovery of a NRM, the NRM can help to explain
this experience. This can be particularly powerful if the groups notion of
the spiritual aligns with the individuals. Although, religious experience can
often be hazy and making links may be a simple process for both the group
and the individual. Differing notions of a God may contain more similarities
than differences, even across cultures. Individuals begin to learn about or
understand their prior religious experience through the lens of the NRM.
Prior religious experience could begin to be understood as the calling that
eventually led the individual to the NRM.

New Group Gives Context to a Spiritual Life

Oh my God, it was like Heaven . . . was just like how I imagined living
in a utopia would be, just the old ashram lifestyle, and it was, it is, it is
just, I reckon it is the best, cant wait [to get to Heaven]. (Arjuna)

Overall, for those who have a concept of the spiritual or god which is not
attached to a particular faith, the recognition of aspects of these concepts
in the NRM can begin to give their spiritual orientation a context. There are
two aspects to the individual initial experience of the NRM that I find are
important to the developing context, that is, their new religious experience
within the group and the camaraderie of the group.

New Religious Experience

I remember sitting there and we were chanting, and he looked at me
and I felt like he had shot a star or something and it hit into my heart
like a fire, like a beautiful feeling. It was just incredible. (Nicole)

Unlike prior religious experience, new religious experience within the context of the NRM is recognized as coming from the group or the groups
practices. The new religious experiences are recognized and interpreted
through the groups lens. The teachings, practices, and philosophy of the
group becomes intertwined with the individuals religious experience. The
NRM appears to become the catalysts for religious experience and growth.
Therefore association with the group may become increasingly important
for further spiritual growth. Howell (1997) found that spiritual experience is
very important in fostering commitment in a group. Although religious or

Involvement in a New Religious Movement

11

spiritual experience and growth are a major part of the context of a NRM,
the community entered into and the friendships developed seem to be as
equally important.

Camaraderie

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There was a very attractive crew of people who worked the hall and
there was the manager and they all looked really, they were just beautiful
people that looked really attractive and young. You sort of look and
think, oh they look really attractive, interesting; I would like to be like
them. (Jessica)

Within a NRM friendships develop. The closeness of the group, including

group activities and times of communal living, binds the new members to
other new and old members. The regular tasks of the day to day running of
a NRM can bring individuals together towards a common goal. The common
goals, individual and group, are the foundations of the spiritual community
that makes up the NRM. Helping to sustain the NRM can be seen as a spiritual
practice as well as community participation and building. Researchers have
noted that conversion is a process in which the individual interacts with the
new belief system over time (Balch, 1980; Malinowski, 2004; Rambo, 1999;
Richardson, 1985). In the present study it is certainly evident that individuals
began to understand their spiritual experience, the guru and Siddha Yoga,
through close contact and discussion with other members.

Spiritual Experience and Community Involvement Sustains

Commitment
Participation in the community and individual spiritual experience appears
to sustain commitment to the NRM. These are two aspects to the individuals
experience of the NRM that appear concrete. Because of the camaraderie
of the community and the perceived personal spiritual growth, individuals
sustain their commitment even in the face of initial or growing doubts about
the NRM.

Doubts Come and Go Supported and Denied By Various Members

Id come across these things when I was still practicing Siddha Yoga:
Siddha Yoga, stay away from them, they are loonies, they are loonies
and Ive spent 20 years in there. And we had this sort of thing where
you dont listen to doubters and fault finders and all those words, a catch
cry for anyone who said anything negative. Anything negative is, You

12

J. P. Healy

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are just negative and going through your shit. You know, the world is a
mirror and it will be reflected back to you. And Baba would say, Well if
you have got doubts, well thats what youve got isnt it, doubts. (Ben)

Doubts appear to be a part of the process of becoming part of a NRM.

Individual use some kind of rationale as to why they become involved with
a NRM. This rationalizing could be seen as a process of placating or eliminating doubt. Some members of the group who may be on their way out of the
group will support the individuals doubt whilst those who appear to be true
believers will allay their doubts. New members may also help each other
to allay their shared doubts. Personal spiritual experience which appears to
be facilitated by their involvement tends to ward of doubt. Therefore, individuals tend to eventually trust their own experience, usually the spiritual
experience. However, doubts tend to linger. Doubts can be about the organization or the leadership. The organization can change over time; even the
growth of a NRM can change the relationship between the individual, the
organization, and the leadership.

Eventually Doubts Cannot Be Pushed Away

The thing that really made me deeply cynical was the rift between the
brother and the sister (Gurumayi and Nityananda). It really starts to smell
when a supposedly enlightened person cant even maintain relations
with their own sibling. What is that about? There is something very wrong
with that. Then there were these sort of rumors, which are probably
true, of tire slashing and Nityananda, young Nityananda, being sort of
punched up . . . Just the whole power thing, power and privilege and
status, all of those things. It started to look like just the same old shit in
secular life. (Fredrick)

If there are lingering doubts for an individual that can no longer be allayed
by themselves or other group members, the individual may begin to search
for alternative answers. This search could be among former members of the
group, other similar groups or friendship networks prior to involvement. In
other words, the individual may extend beyond the group for counsel and
verification. Whether the doubts are about the organization or the leadership,
the individual may begin to move away from the NRM.

Individual Moves Away From the Group

Moving away from a NRM can entail the loss of all of the valuable
attributes that were initially attractive, including the friendships, community,
and spiritual growth that once sustained their commitment. However, how
individuals choose to move away can vary.

13

Involvement in a New Religious Movement

THROWS

THE BABY OUT WITH THE BATH WATER

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I think it is sad, I think they are projecting their own anger onto the
teacher, which I think happens very often, when they dont have a deep
enough experience. They wanted a certain kind of experience, maybe
they didnt get it, and then they became angry, and disenchanted. But I
even saw some people who, I thought, threw away the baby with the
bathwater. Its one thing to leave Siddha Yoga but its another thing to
hold in your heart the genuineness of the experience that Baba gave
you. Youd be crazy to throw that away. (Elizabeth)

For some who become disenchanted with their experience of involvement

in a NRM they may not consider any of the groups ideas or practices useful
after moving away. Moving away for these may be a process disassociating
from all aspects, not sifting through their experience to consider what may
have been good and what may have been not so good. The experience of
throwing the baby out with the bath water may be akin to a total loss of
faith.
SUSTAINS

SOME ELEMENTS OF THE BELIEF SYSTEM

I think I find it really hard to believe that a guru or the guru that I had
was an enlightened being. And that, like, anyone can be that far more
ahead spiritually than anyone. But I think lots of things have stayed. I
think the belief that you are God, I think that because, I think that there
is something. I dont know what it is, we are being created, not even
created, that we are all one. Like that realization that I know what love
is, like that is still there, and love is all, its everything. And I think thats
something that carried on from that time. And still really clean living and,
yeah. (Patricia)

Moving away from a NRM for some may not be a total negation of all
attributes of the group. Some individuals may move away from the organization yet sustain many of the groups practices and beliefs. These individuals
have in a sense lost faith in the organization. Some may retain faith in the
leader or what the leader represents if the leader has been found to be false
or fallible. There may be varying degrees of what individuals wish to keep
or reject from their experience in the NRM.
WILL EXPERIENCE VARYING LEVELS OF LOSS :
SOMETHING VALUABLE FROM THE EXPERIENCE

MOST

MOST

WILL SUSTAIN

I am still coming out of it. I am much better than I was but I went
through a period of grief and anger, the whole mourning thing. Because

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J. P. Healy

it had been 20 years of my life and I felt like I was free-falling and didnt
know where I was going to land or what I was going to land with or
into. And I am still not there really . . . I am finding it difficult to separate
everything. I havent really found my way . . . I do miss the chanting, I
loved chanting and so I do feel like there is this big hole in my life that
I dont know how to fill. And so Im still finding the real who I am now,
I guess. (Susan)
Sometimes I do miss it myself. All that Indian beautifulness, you know?
You go, that was kind of a nice flavor to live in for a while. (Ben)

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In one way I wish I had never gone through it and in another way I am
glad, I am happy that Ive done that, because a lot of people dont have
any spiritual depth at all or any comprehension at all. (Jessica)

Both those who have a total loss of faith and those who sustain elements
of the belief system will have varying levels of loss. Loss of friendships and
community. For some this can be traumatic and take some time to develop
new networks. There are also the loss of individual goals and achievements,
which may have been subsumed by the groups goals and achievement.
Some individuals may feel their time in the group was a waste. However,
both may also share and sustain something valuable, including some friendships, found memories, and skills learnt in the group that may be transferable
to a career after the group.
It was like I couldnt think of my life without Siddha Yoga. I was actually
damaging myself by spending money on intensives (retreats) and just
not mixing with people who are actually in my life but preferring to mix
with Siddha Yoga people and do all the Siddha Yoga stuff . . . When
I went away on my own I started feeling really angry and I was like,
Oh, oh, my God, 38 and I havent done anything with my life. I havent
studied, Ive just like worked for free for this organization. Like, I dont
know anything about the world. (Shannon)
In one way I wish I had never gone through it and in another way I am
glad, I am happy that Ive done that, because a lot of people dont have
any spiritual depth at all or any comprehension at all. (Jessica)

DISCUSSION
What the present article suggests is the need to de-emphasize the mysteriousness of cult or NRM involvement which is often proposed by those
who rely on a brainwashing explanation. The article highlights the everyday
nature of the discovery of NRMs such as Siddha Yoga with many potential

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Involvement in a New Religious Movement

15

members being introduced by family, friends, and associates. It is well

known that familial and friendship bonds have led individuals to become
part of a group their family member or friend is part of (Howell, 1997;
Lofland & Stark, 1965; Malinowski, 2004; Stark & Bainbridge, 1980). I would
argue that the brainwashing thesis, when applied to cult or NRM involvement, is not adequate for addressing the variety of experiences of individuals
in these movements. It is especially inadequate in addressing the issues of an
individuals movement away from a group, given the effects of brainwashing are assumed to be so powerful (Hassan, 1998; Lalich & Tobias, 2006).
Unassisted moving away appears antithetical to the brainwashing claims of
the proponents of this perspective. Researchers have argued that individuals
have a capacity for personal agency, which proponents of brainwashing tend
to understate (Barker, 1997; Richardson, 1985). By understanding the preexisting web of relationships it becomes less of a mystery as to why some
people become part of a movement and how movements grow. However,
there has to be something attractive about the groupwhich may be as
simple as aesthetic appeal, a healthy lifestyle, or being surrounded by a
supportive community.
It may be unhelpful to have such a fixed notion of cult or NRM involvement as proposed by the anticult movement as being inevitably harmful
(Hassan, 1998; Lalich & Tobias, 2006; Langone, 1995). Fixed notions of cult
or NRM involvement are problematic in at least two ways: (a) a group that
may not be considered harmful may actually be harmful depending on the
individuals experience; and (b) a group that is considered harmful may not
be experienced as harmful by those who participate as regular visitors, distant consumers, or confirmed believers. It would be difficult to say outright
that one group is harmful and that another is not. It may be more reasonable
to consider possible harm occurring in any organized religious group, as has
been shown by sexual and psychological abuses of children and adults in
mainstream established churches (Ainsworth & Hansen, 2006; Berry, 2000;
Pitman, 2008; Schoener, 2008).
For those in the helping professions, it would be important to not only
gain an understanding of an individuals groups belief system but also their
particular perspective of and participation in that belief system. Most important is what that religious perspective may mean for the individual and
their own lives, rather than what the religious perspective is supposed to
mean. This insight could be gained by helping professionals engaging with
the sociological literature on NRMs rather than limiting their knowledge of
movements or individuals experiences in the perspective of brainwashing.
Although some groups may appear dogmatic, fundamentalist, or to deviate
from societal norms, the practical day-to-day life of a follower may not be
consistent with these labels. I would stress the importance of assisting former members to make sense of their own experiences in a balanced way

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16

J. P. Healy

and to assist them in moving away from what is no longer useful while at
the same time not throwing out the baby with the bathwater.
Consistent with other studies, there were some in the present study
who appeared to have experienced detrimental consequences because of
their involvement (Aronoff-McKibben, Lynn, & Malinoski, 2000; Boeri, 2002;
Wright, 1991; Zablocki, 2007). However, helping professionals who come
into contact with ex-members of NRMs seeking assistance may already have
the tools to help these types of clients without overlaying a brainwashing
model of involvement. It may not be necessary to perceive helping those
who have moved away from NRMs as an area unrelated to other forms of
assistance, such as addressing practical needs or individual and group counseling. In fact, reliance on ideas of brainwashing may unduly complicate
the therapeutic helping process and may also lead some professionals to
feel they may not be adequately equipped to help ex-members. However,
the psychological and practical issues some individuals have reported facing
after moving away from an NRMincluding grief, loss, low self-esteem, the
aftermath of sexual and emotional abuse, lack of social supports, financial,
educational, and career difficulties (Aronoff-McKibben et al., 2000; Boeri,
2002; Wright, 1991; Zablocki, 2007)are well within the repertoire of many
in the helping professions. Durocher (1999) has found that group process (a
common social work intervention) can be an effective strategy used for those
who have been adversely affected by NRMs. Trauma, systemic and Gestalt
therapies have also been acknowledged as helpful by therapists working
with ex-members of NRMs (Jenkinson, 2007; Knapp, 2010). Within a mainstream religious context, Chicagos Walk-In Counseling Center is an example
of helping professionals already addressing issues similar to those reported
by some ex-member of cults or NRMs (Schoener, 2008).
There are, of course, some issues specific to theological precepts of
the variety of NRMs which are not well understood by the helping professions. However, with the assistance of organizations such as Inform (2010),
the helping professions can make inquiries of sociologists of religion to
assist in understanding the theological precepts of specific NRMs. The gathering of resources is already an expectation of helping professionals when
addressing the various needs of clients. Therefore, informing oneself of an
individuals religious or spiritual perspective could be an important inclusion in this process. Practitioners and cult awareness groups need to engage
with sociological literature on the new and mainstream religious movements
when working with or assisting these types of individuals. However, individuals, even when involved in the same NRM, may have a very different
experience of that group or church. It would therefore be important to gain
an understanding of an individuals experience and not attempt to overlay
what might be considered the expected or common experience, especially
one that is informed by brainwashing.

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17

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CONCLUSION
It is important to note that this discussion of involvement is developed out
of the experiences of individuals that eventually moved away from their
NRM. There may be some individuals who have no inclination to leave
their NRM. However, even for those who may never move away, the initial
stages of involvement prior to movement away would still be important for
understanding conversion and sustained commitment. Overall, this analysis,
developed out of a study of 32 individuals experiences, attempts to offer an
alternative or more useful picture of NRM involvement to those who work
with former members. However, because of the limitations presented by the
purposive sample, this study does not claim to be representative of all the
participants of Siddha Yoga or subsequent schisms, nor all of those who
are and have affiliated with NRMs. Rather, it seeks to add to the growing
knowledge and understanding of involvement in NRMs, especially for those
who work with former members influenced by the brainwashing model.
Although the brainwashing model of involvement continues to be used by
those who work with ex-members, it is possibly because there is little else
that is recommended for practitioners in this area. In this article I have presented an alternative discussion of involvement and I urge practitioners to
engage with the sociological literature on NRMs and also to consider that
they already have the tools to work with these clients and do not need
to overlay a model of brainwashing on individuals experiences. This, of
course, leaves practitioners to find their own ways to best work with their
client; however, I would argue that this approach could help join the practitioner and the ex-member in a useful journey of the clients own experience
of what their involvement has meant to them and their current life situation.
The discussion has particular relevance to the substantive area of Siddha
Yoga, however it is hoped that it has addressed NRM involvement in general.
The importance in developing new understandings of affiliation grounded
in research on NRMs is that they are bound to say more about NRM involvement than models of involvement borrowed from other areas of study such
as brainwashing.

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