Black Nationalism

If you have any questions about the file email:

Eve Robinson: everobinsondebate@gmail.com
Colin Cozad: colin.cozad@gmail.com
Max Abramson: mxabramson@gmail.com

Notes

Black Nationalism
Heres some stuff that should help you understand the thesis:
4 Tenants of Black Nationalism according to Melanye Price
1 Black Self-determination-a Black people need control over their lives can only happen through selfgovernance of a black nation
b Some say not a black nation but instead black communities
2 Control-a independence and self-sustenance by virtue of its own financial, political,
and intellectual resources in the form of self-help programs.
2 Drop the Baggage-a Sever ties with white people that believe or operate on notions of white
superiority and black inferiority
2 Pan-Africanist Identity
a Find the connections between an african american identity and an African
identity and recognize the intersections to create a Pan-African identity
that is key to solving black oppression ad white supremacy
"Because African descendants initially arrived in the United States designated as
chattel rather than fully human citizens and that legacy continued for centuries
afterward, whites and some blacks see blacks as a group that should be kept in
permanent servitude. In order for blacks to embrace independence, they had to rid
themselves of any beliefs in white superiority and black inferiority."
This is strategic because you defend state action but link to none of the DAs. Some
of the DAs with deontological impacts could be threatening BUUUUUUT yall get to
defend circumvention on the aff because it doesnt really matter if the plan has
durable fiat. The perception by Black America of this horridly racist thing would be
enough to spur black nationalist movements. So because circumvention is a thing,
the links to the DAs dont really apply.. except maybe politics... but if youre reading
that against this aff.. hmm

1AC

Plan Texts
Plan Text 1 (decrease surveillance): United States federal
government should substantially curtail surveillance on all
non-black populations.

Plan Text 2 (increase surveillance): United States federal

government should substantially increase surveillance on all
black populations.

1ACSurveillance
Overtly racist policies are key to igniting Black Nationalist
movements
Price 9 (Melanye Price, Assistant Professor of Africana Studies at Rutgers, B.A.
(Magna cum Laude) in geography with a political science minor at Prairie View A&M
University, PhD in political science with a specialty in the field of American politics
at the Ohio State University Dreaming Blackness: Black Nationalism and African
American Public Opinion Accessed via Kindle Books// ekr)
In the current political climate, where overt racial hostility is publicly denounced by
even the most racially conservative sources and more subtle attempts at retreat
from civil rights gains endure, the space for the resurgence of Black Nationalism is
both fertile and fragile. It is fertile because, as this research indicates, there is a
high level of distrust and dissatisfaction with current conditions for blacks. Many feel
blacks should have progressed much further in the forty years since the height of
the Civil Rights Movement. Additionally, as the focus of the federal government and
federal dollars shifts from domestic policy to international concerns and war, those
social programs that were created as remedies to racially biased policies and
practices are more likely to come under attack, which is likely to further distance
blacks from the federal government. It is simultaneously fragile because
characteristics and conditions that foster intraracial ties between blacks seem to be
weaker than in previous iterations of Black Nationalist prominence. To be sure,
blacks still see their fate as tied to that of other blacks, but they are engaging in
high degrees of black blame that lead to conditional rather than unwavering support
for community empowerment efforts. As the gap between the black poor and the
black middle class continues to widen, the ability to opt out (albeit on a limited
basis) of the black community is more attainable than ever before. In the absence of
overt residential segregation and other policies that reinforce blacks communal
solidarity, some blacks may simply choose to withdraw entirely from the African
American community. Unlike in the past, when the only avenue of retreat from
racial hostility was further cloistering oneself in the black community, in the face of
increased racial hostility and absent overtly racist policies, blacks now have more
options in terms of racial coping strategies . This seems especially true among those
who most vehemently reject Black Nationalism and are also more likely to frame
policies around individual concerns rather than community or collective benefits .
Whether there will be a full recovery for displaced Katrina residents is difficult to
tell. We know that Barack Obama will be the forty-fourth president of the United
States. Still, it is likely that blacks will continue to support some level of racial group
independence. If the pendulum shifts toward increased racial hostility and black
frustration, then there should be increased support for Black Nationalism. The ability
of this ideology to gain traction among ordinary citizens in the postCivil Rights era
is undermined by the diminished importance of racial group membership among
younger African Americans. Without legal and social barriers that keep the African
American community bounded, defining problems through a narrow group
membership lens fails to account for real changes in the African American
community that make it more diverse than in any other period. Understanding,

negotiating, and accounting for in-group diversity are the tests of postCivil Rights
black politics. As a result, the effort to achieve political empowerment remains a
collective one. Henderson (2000) notes: DuBois was quite prescient in his view that
the problems of the twentieth century would be the problem of the color line. . . .
Cruse was no less prescient; his pendulum thesis suggests that the challenge of the
twenty-first century will be the challenge of the culture lineat home and abroad.
(359)

The plantation has recreated itself in the surveillance state

rejection is key to a black critical consciousness
Williams 14 (Jason Michael Williams B.S and M.S in Criminal Justice from New
Jersey City University (NJCU) and his PhD in Administration of Justice from Texas
Southern University Criminal Justice department chair at the Hampton Institute,
10.3.14, Social Control and Otherness http://www.drjasonwilliams.com/blog //ekr)
*edited for ableist language*

The end-result of this problem, of course, is the death of people, communities, and the
nation. Nevertheless, the consequences of this problem has failed to shock the majority into acting in a manner
consistent with human dignity and the urgency necessary to combat this never-ending war against certain

The criminal justice system, for the most part, operates as a

contemporary system of slavery. For example, slavery, before it was "officially" done away with,
provided the majority with a system that kept them at the top, while also keeping Blacks at the bottom. After the
Civil War, slavery had lost its footing in the south and the advent of Black Codes and
Jim Crow took its place. However, it would not be too long before human dignity/rights would
prevail again, thus canceling "separate but equal." However, now the majority was left with
another problem, it was one of social control yet again. How could the majority control the masses
contemporarily without appearing as if it is denying the "others" human
dignity/rights? The answer to this question would come by way of the criminal
justice system. The criminal justice system, a supposedly democratic and impartial institution would later
segments of society.

punish and control the "others" in the name of democracy and fairness. In fact, it was during the 1980s when the
"war on drugs" in particular gained superior footing alongside the emergence of conservative criminology, which
really catapulted the administration of justice away from the rehabilitative practices won in the 1960s-70s and

This shift within policy and academic criminology led to

the grave disparities and injustices presently recognized in the system today.
Nonetheless, the outcome of this paradox accentuates that although Blacks are citizens of the U.S.,
by way of the criminal justice system they have subjective citizenship (this is reflected in
disenfranchisement studies/stats). Blacks possess a citizenship that must be constantly
validated (e.g., birthers), and at any time their citizenship can lose its benefits if they
should ever come in contact with the criminal justice system, which is highly likely
because of differential law enforcement and the occupation of Black communities by law
enforcement. This partnership between the criminal justice system and racial demotion/subjugation is one
that maintains white supremacy. Today, the criminal justice system serves as a democratic function in
toward a more punitive orientation.

furthering white supremacy at the expense of minorities (mostly Blacks) and nobody speaks upon it because,

What
complicates this absurdity is the advent or notion of colorblindness color ignorance
-that, in fact, the U.S. presently operates in a reality that excludes race as a factor in any
fashion. The use of colorblindness color ignorance as a reality is, of course, an
anecdotal expression of white conservation it is neither true nor achievable because
theoretically, the processes that govern the administration of justice are based on the consensus model.
further

colorblindness color ignorance is the quintessential enemy of individualism. More

important, an adaptation to colorblindness color ignorance presents to society the
same issue that colorblindness color ignorance attempts to solve, a society in which
people cannot be themselves. Furthermore, many people wonder if a consciousness will
ever arise out the U.S. regarding the issue of subjective citizenship by way of
criminal sanctions, yet one must also wonder if it serves the best interests of the majority to rid it. Would the
majority be willing to sacrifice and allow others to be themselves and participate in the greater American society

implications regarding the criminal justice

system as a tool of racial control would be the post-911 era and the super
heightened surveillance complex that presently invades minority life. Although
many (regardless of race/ethnicity) in the U.S. are now complainants against the strong
surveillance state which now exists, they should be reminded that such a reality is nothing new to
minority communities - yet the majority only sees such mechanisms as strange when they
are the target. Until citizenship is conceptualized as an equal possession for all, the lives of certain sectors
without having to be someone else? Major contemporary

within society will continue to be micro-managed via the criminal justice system, "democratically" of course.

those who have lived under auspices of validation and superiority for so long
may soon need to rethink their position given the onslaught of the surveillance
complex which is slowly but surely becoming racially indiscriminate in its processes.
Now is the time to bind together as one despite these differences. Whether this is possible
However,

or not remains to be seen.

The affirmative is critical to countering notions of white

supremacy
Shelby 03 (Tommie Shelby PhD in philosophy; Professor of African and Africana
Studies and Philosophy at Harvard; 2003; TWO CONCEPTIONS OF BLACK
NATIONALISM Martin Delany on the Meaning of Black Political Solidarity)//CC
Delany maintains that once this association of black skin with low social status had
been established, there was virtually nothing blacks could do (short of extensive
race-mixing or passing for white) to elevate themselves to social equality.66
Advancing an argument made famous by Alexis de Tocqueville, Delany insists that
even the abolition of slavery would not end black oppression or racial antagonism,
because the stigma of servitude would have become attached to their easily
observable distinguishing mark.67 Thus, the skin color of blacks would remind not
only whites but also blacks of their former slave status , causing many whites to
have contempt for blacks and some blacks to have self-contempt . Delany thinks
that this association of skin color with forced servitude could perhaps be broken if
blacks were to rise to positions of honor and status within society. This is why he
implores blacks to avoid taking on menial labor and service roles, an injunction that
some commentators have wrongly reduced to a form of conservative elitism.68
However, Delany is not critical of those blacks who are forced to take such positions
out of material necessity; he simply insists that no self-respecting person would do
so, as some have, just to buy ostentatious clothes and modern conveniences.69
Indeed, he argues that when an individual performs the role of servant, this is not
necessarily degrading at all, but when a great number of a recognizable social
group do, they inevitably come to be viewed as a naturally subservient people.70
Delany becomes convinced that blacks cannot erase the stigma attached to their
color while remaining in the United States, and thus he urges them to emigrate

elsewhere. He mounts a powerful case, on pragmatic nationalist grounds, in support

of this radical conclusion. The Fugitive Slave Law of 1850 effectively denied full
citizenship to even free blacks, a denial that was later solidified and made explicit
in the Dred Scott decision of 1857.71 He maintains that whites cannot be rationally
or morally persuaded out of their prejudice because they have a material stake in
black subordination and because they have too little sympathy for what they
consider a degraded race.72Blacks certainly cannot compel whites to treat them as
equals, because whites greatly outnumber and have significantly more power than
blacks.73 Blacks cannot achieve economic parity with whites while living among
them, since whites all but monopolize land, capital, and political influence .74 Living
under such oppressive conditions also fosters servility and resignation among the
oppressed.75 Thus, if blacks were to remain in the United States, they would not
only be sacrificing their right to equal respect, democratic citizenship, and selfgovernment but would also be forgoing the cultivation and expression of a vigorous
character, which no group can do and retain its dignity. And even if blacks were to
gain legal equality with whites in the United States, the antiblack attitudes of the
latter, along with their overwhelming power and shear numbers, would make it
quite difficult, if not impossible, for blacks to fully exercise their civil rights .76

White Supremacy informs genocide and waronly a rupturing

of the slave state can restructure society
Rodriguez 11 (Dylan Rodrguez is Professor and Chair of the Department of Ethnic
Studies at UC Riverside. He received his Ph.D. and M.A. degrees in Ethnic Studies from the
University of California, Berkeley (2001), and earned two B.A. degrees and a Concentration
degree from Cornell University (1995). The Black Presidential Non-Slave: Genocide and the
Present Tense of Racial Slavery, in Julian Go (ed.) Rethinking Obama (Political Power and
Social Theory, Volume 22) Emerald Group Publishing Limited, pp.17 50)
To crystallize what I hope to be the potentially useful implications of this provocation toward a retelling of the
slavery-abolition story: if we follow the narrative and theoretical trajectories initiated here, it should take little

the singular
institutionalization of racist and peculiarly antiblack social/state violence in our living era - the
US imprisonment regime and its conjoined policing and criminalization apparatuses elaborates the social logics of genocidal racial slavery within the American nationbuilding project, especially in the age of Obama. The formation and astronomical growth of the prison
stretch of the historical imagination, nor a radical distension of analytical framing, to suggest that

industrial complex has become a commonly identified institutional marker of massively scaled racist state

the fundamental violence of this apparatus is in the prison's translation

of the 13th Amendment's racist animus. By "reforming" slavery and anti-slave
violence, and directly transcribing both into criminal justice rituals, proceedings, and punishments, the 13th
Amendment permanently inscribes slavery on "post-emancipation" US statecraft.
The state remains a "slave state" to the extent that it erects an array of institutional
apparatuses that are specifically conceived to reproduce or enhance the state's
capacity to "create" (i.e., criminalize and convict) prison chattel and politically legitimate the
processes of enslavement/imprisonment therein. The crucial starting point for our narrative purposes is that
mobilization, and

the emergence of the criminalization and carceral apparatus over the last forty years has not, and in the
foreseeable future will not build its institutional protocols around the imprisonment of an economically productive or
profitmaking prison labor force (Gilmore, 1999).16 So, if not for use as labor under the 13th Amendment's juridical

what is the animating structural-historical logic behind

the formation of an imprisonment regime unprecedented in human history in scale and
mandate of "involuntary servitude,"

complexity, and

which locks up well over a million Black people , significantly advancing numbers

of "nonwhite" Latinos as, and in which the white population is vastly underrepresented in
terms of both numbers imprisoned and likelihood to be prosecuted (and thus incarcerated) for similar alleged

the contemporary
US prison regime must be centrally understood as constituting an epoch-defining
statecraft of race: a historically specific conceptualization, planning, and institutional mobilization of state
institutional capacities and state-influenced cultural structures to reproduce and/or reassemble the social
relations of power, dominance, and violence that constitute the ontology (epistemic and
conceptual framings) of racial meaning itself (da Silva, 2007; Goldberg, 1993). In this case, the racial
criminal offenses?17 In excess of its political economic, geographic, and juridical registers,

ontology of the postslavery and post-civil rights prison is anchored in the crisis of social meaning wrought on white
civil society by the 13th Amendment's apparent juridical elimination of the Black chattel slave being. Across
historical periods, the social inhabitation of

the white civil subject - - its self-recognition, institutionally

is made legible

affirmed (racial) sovereignty, and everyday social intercourse with other racial beings -

through its positioning as the administrative authority and consenting audience for the nation- and civilizationbuilding processes of multiple racial genocides. It is the bare fact of the white subject's
access and entitlement to the generalized position of administering and consenting to racial
genocide that matters most centrally here. Importantly, this white civil subject thrives on
the assumption that s/he is they are not, and will never be the target of racial
genocide.18 (Williams, 2010) .Those things obtained and secured through genocidal processes
- land, political and military hegemony/dominance, expropriated labor - are in this
sense secondary to the raw relation of violence that the white subject inhabits in
relation to the racial objects (including people, ecologies, cultural forms, sacred
materials, and other modalities of life and being) subjected to the irreparable
violations of genocidal processes. It is this raw relation, in which white social existence materially and
narratively consolidates itself within the normalized systemic logics of racial genocides, that forms the condition of
possibility for the US social formation, from "abolition" onward. To push the argument further: the distended
systems of racial genocides are not the massively deadly means toward some other (rational) historical ends, but
are ends within themselves. Here we can decisively depart from the hegemonic juridical framings of "genocide" as
dictated by the United Nations, and examine instead the logics of genocide that dynamically structure the different
historical-social forms that have emerged from the classically identifiable genocidal systems of racial colonial
conquest, indigenous physical and cultural extermination, and racial chattel slavery. To recall Trask and Marable, the
historical logics of genocide permeate institutional assemblages that variously operationalize the historical forces of

Centering a conception of racial

genocide as a dynamic set of sociohistorical logics (rather than as contained, isolatable historical
episodes) allows the slavery-to-prison continuity to be more clearly marked: the continuity
planned obsolescence, social neutralization, and "ceasing to exist."

is not one that hinges on the creation of late-20th and early-list century "slave labor," but rather on a reinstitutionalization of anti-slave social violence. Within this historical schema, the post-1970s prison regime
institutionalizes the raw relation of violence essential to white social being while mediating it so it appears as non-

This is where we can also narrate the

contemporary racial criminalization, policing, and incarcerating apparatuses as
being historically tethered to the genocidal logics of the post-abolition, post-emancipation, and
genocidal, non-violent, peacekeeping, and justice-forming.

post-civil rights slave state. While it is necessary to continuously clarify and debate whether and how this statecraft
of racial imprisonment is verifiably genocidal, there seems to be little reason to question that it is, at least,
protogenocidal - displaying both the capacity and inclination for genocidal outcomes in its systemic logic and
historical trajectory. This contextualization leads toward a somewhat different analytical framing of the "deadly
symbiosis" that sociologist Loi'c Wacquant has outlined in his account of antiblack carceral-spatial systems. While it
would be small-minded to suggest that the emergence of the late-20th century prison regime is an historical
inevitability, we should at least understand that

the structural bottom line of Black imprisonment

over the last four decades - wherein the quantitative fact of a Black prison/jail majority has become takenfor-granted as a social fact - is a contemporary institutional manifestation of a genocidal
racial substructure that has been reformed, and not fundamentally displaced, by the
juridical and cultural implications of slavery's abolition . I have argued elsewhere for a
conception of the US prison not as a selfcontained institution or isolated place, but rather as a material prototype of

organized punishment and (social, civil, and biological) death (Rodriguez, 2006). To understand the US prison as a
regime is to focus conceptually, theoretically, and politically on the prison as a pliable module or mobilized vessel
through which technologies of racial domin8ance institutionalize their specific, localized practices of legitimated
(state) violence. Emerging as the organic institutional continuity of racial slavery's genocidal violence, the US prison
regime represents a form of human domination that extends beyond and outside the formal institutional and
geographic domains of "the prison (the jail, etc.)." In this sense, the prison is the institutional signification of a
larger regime of proto-genocidal violence that is politically legitimized by the state, generally valorized by the
cultural common sense, and dynamically mobilized and institutionally consolidated across different historical
moments: it is a form of social power that is indispensable to the contemporary (and postemancipation) social order
and its changing structures of racial dominance, in a manner that elaborates the social logics of genocidal racial

The binding presence of slavery within post-emancipation US state formation is precisely

why the liberal multiculturalist narration of the Obama ascendancy finds itself compelled to
posit an official rupture from the spectral and material presence of enslaved racial
blackness. It is this symbolic rupturing - the presentation of a president who consummates the liberal dreams of
slavery.

Black citizenship. Black freedom, Black non-resentment, and Black patriotic subjectivity - that constructs the Black
non-slave presidency as the flesh-and-blood severance of the US racial/racist state from its entanglement in the

Against this multiculturalist narrative, our attention should

be principally fixated on the bottom-line Blackness of the prison's genocidal logic,
not the fungible Blackness of the presidency. CONCLUSION: FROM "POST-CIVIL RIGHTS" TO WHITE
continuities of antiblack genocide.

RECONSTRUCTION The Obama ascendancy is the signature moment of the post-1960s White Reconstruction, a
period that has been characterized by the reformist elaboration of historically racist systems of social power to
accommodate the political imperatives of American apartheid's downfall and the emergence of hegemonic (liberal-

reforms have neither eliminated nor

fundamentally alleviated the social emergencies consistently produced by the
historical logics of racial genocide, the notion of White Reconstruction departs from Marable's notion of
to-conservative) multiculturalisms. Byfocusing on how such

the 1990s as the "twilight of the Second Reconstruction" (Marable. 2007. p. 216)19 and points toward another way
of framing and narrating the period that has been more commonly referenced as the "post-civil rights" era. Rather
than taking its primary point of historical departure to be the cresting of the Civil Rights Movement and its legacy of
delimited (though no less significant) political-cultural achievements. White Reconstruction focuses on how this era
is denned by an acute and sometimes aggressive reinvention and reorganization of the structural-institutional

the recent half-century has encompassed a

generalized reconstruction of "classically" white supremacist apparatuses of statesanctioned and culturally legitimated racial violence. This general reconstruction has (1)
formations of racial dominance. Defined schematically,

strategically and unevenly dislodged various formal and de facto institutional white monopolies and diversified their
personnel at various levels of access, from the entry-level to the administrative and executive levels (e.g., the
sometimes aggressive diversity recruitment campaigns of research universities, urban police, and the military);
while simultaneously (2) revamping, complicating, and enhancing the social relations of dominance, hierarchy, and
violence mobilized by such institutions - relations that broadly reflect the long historical, substructural role of race in
the production of the US national formation and socioeconomic order. In this sense, the notion of White

historical logics of racial genocide may not only

survive the apparent disruption of classical white monopolies on the administrative
and institutional apparatuses that have long mobilized these violent social logics,
but may indeed flourish through these reformist measures, as such logics
are re-adapted into the protocols and discourses of these newly "diversified" racist
and white supremacist apparatuses (e.g.. the apparatuses of the research university, police, and
Reconstruction brings central attention to how the

military have expanded their capacities to produce local and global relations of racial dominance, at the same time
that they have constituted some of the central sites for diversity recruitment and struggles over equal access). It is,
at the very least, a remarkable and dreadful moment in the historical time of White Reconstruction that a Black
president has won office in an electoral landslide while well over a million Black people are incarcerated with the
overwhelming consent of white/multiculturalist civil society.

The communal focus of black nationalist thought liberates and

opens new doors for black identity expression
Price 9 (Melanye Price, Assistant Professor of Africana Studies at Rutgers, B.A.
(Magna cum Laude) in geography with a political science minor at Prairie View A&M

University, PhD in political science with a specialty in the field of American politics
at the Ohio State University Dreaming Blackness: Black Nationalism and African
American Public Opinion Accessed via Kindle Books//ekr)
Relying on historical racial conflict and hostility, as well as a desire to reconnect to African cultural origins, Black
Nationalists have called for various levels of withdrawal from the American political system. Black Zionism
represents the most extreme form of Black Nationalism, and its proponents have rarely been able to muster the
support necessary to amass and sustain an emigration movement. More popular, instead, have been more reserved

forms of Black Nationalism that endeavor to protect and maintain African American
culture, institutions, and traditions separate and apart from others. The latter type of Black
Nationalism is demonstrated most among participants here. TABLE 3.1 Typology of Black Nationalism: Attitudes and

For Black Nationalists, their African American identity is

central to how they define themselves . Identity transformation is a crucial
mobilizing element of Black Nationalism, accomplished largely by
strengthening connection to individuals, cultural traditions, and struggles
throughout the African Diaspora. Keesha, a civil servant and natural hair salon owner who has
Issue Positions [Insert Table Here]

worked, resided, and raised her children entirely in the center city, summarized these essential beliefs in her
discussion about why she agrees with Malcolm X: Well you know if we read the books that Malcolm told us to . . . we
always talk about what we cant do. What we are not able to do, we have not analyzed why we are there mentally
and how do we break that mental slavery . . . um . . . the fact that when you go over to Africa, not in the colonized
areas because you know they are just as confused as the black folks over here but in the rural areas . . . people eat
out of the same plates, people see each other as one. If youre hurting, Im hurting. If you dont have, I dont have.
If you have, I have. So I feel good when you get because that means I got, and I feel bad when you dont have
because that means I dont have. So Im saying that being kidnapped and then being raped of our identity, and like
Paula said you aint going to get it back in thirty years, but to be able to identify that I dont trust people and why
dont I trust people and work on that because the only way youre going to get through it isits almost like having
a phobia, you have to expose yourself to itand say, okay, Im going trust Jerri and Paula and Adrienne, and
somebodys going to let me down, but its okay. Thats where were human. But the point isare we looking out for
the group? Weve been so Europeanized that its me and I. And we forgot about you and us. Keeshas sentiments
encompass many characteristics of Black Nationalism. For instance, she demonstrates

a social outlook that

emphasizes the importance of taking care of the collective . Community empowerment and
progress are central to the beliefs of Black Nationalists, who look inward for resources to address the needs of the

the belief in black

interdependence is realized through frequent interactions and transactions with
black businesses, community centers, and other organizations . Reflecting on this need to
community. The ability of blacks to rely on community resources and

preserve community, Paula referred to a time when this type of community-based living was the norm: PAULA:
There was a time in school when we were on our own and our teachers were black . . . then when we werent
subjected to [negative treatment and stereotypes by white teachers] even though we were still being taught the
dominant culture because for you to survive thats the culture you had to live. You had to have two personalities . . .
JANELLE: Its called by W. E. B. DuBois duality. PAULA: Duality . . . you had to have it. Paula and Keesha also point to
another component of Black Nationalismthe recognition that there are important differences between the way
blacks and whites think and interact with each other and within their own cultural groups. Part of this seems to be
the belief that African Americans have to undergo a cognitive liberation process in which they eschew white
American norms and values. Social movement scholars Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward (1979) and Doug
McAdam (1982), define cognitive liberation as a multistage process in which individuals relinquish their faith in the
legitimacy of the current system, understand their current situation is changeable, initiate demands, and believe
they are capable of changing the system through their own strategic actions. For Black Nationalists,

cognitive

liberation is similar in the sense that ideological adherents recognize the

illegitimacy of the American political system ; however, instead of making demands
and asserting rights in that system, they choose to withdraw and effect
change by creating a new system. Recall Keeshas earlier assertion that black Americans
need to relinquish those beliefs and behaviors that are Europeanized read white. The
desire to alter ingrained views that are biased toward the dominant is a unique feature of Black Nationalist ideology.
Other ideological groups discuss the best tactics for maneuvering within the current system that for various reasons

The focus on their African American identity and history,

when added to the obligation to work for group empowerment, leads Black
fails to live up to its stated goals.

Nationalists to engage in the cognitive liberation process . Having gone through the process,
Black Nationalists participants begin to define problems within the African American community quite differently
from other participants. They see many of the problems in the black community as evidence of inequality and bias
within the American political system. The government and its actors use institutional rules and norms to prevent
black progress. Further, other institutions that shape American life, like schools, businesses, media outlets, and
banks, form a constellation of rules and norms that render black success more difficult on multiple fronts. The
attribution of blame and its political implications will be discussed more thoroughly in the next chapter, but it should
be noted that how individual participants attributed blame was often connected with the way in which they viewed
whites motives.

Nationalism is the only optionreformism recreates black

inferiority
Price 9 (Melanye Price, Assistant Professor of Africana Studies at Rutgers, B.A.
(Magna cum Laude) in geography with a political science minor at Prairie View A&M
University, PhD in political science with a specialty in the field of American politics
at the Ohio State University Dreaming Blackness: Black Nationalism and African
American Public Opinion Accessed via Kindle Books// ekr)
Because African descendants initially arrived in the United States by which blacks shed the
indoctrination of black inferiority inherent in American society. Because African
descendants initially arrived in the United States designated as chattel rather than
fully human citizens and that legacy continued for centuries afterward, whites and
some blacks see blacks as a group that should be kept in permanent servitude . In
order for blacks to embrace independence, they had to rid themselves of any beliefs
in white superiority and black inferiority . In 1833, Maria Stewart, though not strictly a Black Nationalist,
cogently outlined the process that many Black Nationalists felt blacks had been subjected to in America. She asserted: The
unfriendly whites . . . stole our fathers from their peaceful and quiet dwellings, and brought them hither, and made bond-men and
bond-women of them and their little ones; they have obliged our brethren to labor, kept them in utter ignorance, nourished them in
vice, and raised them in degradation (Stewart 1996 [1833], 98). Stewart went on to express incredulity at the fact that after
everything whites had done to blacks, they were still unwilling to see blacks as fit for American citizenship and equality. Shortly after

the very laws of America stamp

[blacks] with inferiority. Further, whites had despoiled and corrupted blacks and
left them broken people.7 Thus, from the early phases of Black Nationalisms development, a major project
of ideological adherents has been severing black social and psychological
dependence on whites. Though most early Black Nationalists defined this separation as possible only through
the passage of the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850, Martin Delany asserted that

emigration, activists and scholars have employed a more expansive meaning of separation to include economic and political
independence within the American political context. African Americans needed to develop businesses, institutions, and organizations
to sustain their community. For instance, another example of attempts to foster independent social and economic independence
included the Buy Black campaign championed by Carlos Cooks in the 1940s and 1950s. Cooks believed this campaign would
make the black community behave like the other racial and ethnic groups. It will have blacks own and control the businesses in
black neighborhoods (Cooks 1977 [1955], 89). The economic independence principle has been lived out quite successfully by
religious Black Nationalists such as the Nation of Islam and the Shrine of the Black Madonna, both of which promote the
development of independent businesses to their members and have collectively, as organizations, engaged in entrepreneurial
development. Black independence also includes community control of schools and other institutions that serve as socializing agents
for children and adults alike. During the Black Power era, for instance, Black Panthers developed social programsincluding free
clinics, clothing and food drives, and free breakfast programsas a key to recruitment and social change. Abron (1998) suggests
that these programs provide a model of community self-help that was needed then and is still relevant today. For Black

self-reliance is based on more than social and economic independence. It is

a broader sense of independence that allows blacks to choose any desired course for
themselves, including the ability to defend themselves from white oppression
through armed resistance and self-defense . This became particularly important in the Civil Rights era, when
Nationalists,

violence against blacks was both ramped up and widely publicized. These events served as both recent historical memory and fuel
to the burgeoning Black Power movement. Support for nonviolence was a point of departure for increasingly radical activists
engaged in social protest in the South during the late sixties. Activists like Kwame Ture (aka Stokely Carmichael) and Robert Williams
took issue with activists who were wedded to Integrationist and nonviolent strategies despite the continued and escalating violence
against black people (Tyson 1999).

The plan gets circumvented by intelligence agencies, but

generates perception to resolve
Schulberg and Reilly 15 Jessica Schulberg, reporter covering foreign
policy and national security for The Huffington Post, former reporter-researcher at
The New Republic, MA in international politics from American University, and Ryan J.
Reilly, reporter who covers the Justice Department and the Supreme Court for The
Huffington Post, 2015 (Watchdog Finds Huge Failure In Surveillance Oversight
Ahead Of Patriot Act Deadline, Huffington Post, May 21 st, Available Online at
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2015/05/21/section-215-oversight_n_7383988.html,
Accessed 06-05-2015)
WASHINGTON -- In a declassified and heavily redacted report on a controversial
Patriot Act provision, the Justice Departments inspector general found that the
government had failed to implement guidelines limiting the amount of data
collected on Americans for seven years.
Section 215 of the Patriot Act, which is set to expire June 1 unless Congress
reauthorizes it, has been the legal basis for the intelligence communitys bulk
metadata collection. As a condition for reauthorization back in 2005, the Justice
Department was required to minimize the amount of nonpublic information that the
program gathered on U.S. persons. According to the inspector general, the
department did not adopt sufficient guidelines until 2013. It was not until August
of that year -- two months after the bombshell National Security Agency disclosures
by Edward Snowden -- that Justice began applying those guidelines in applications
to the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act court, the secretive body that approves
government surveillance requests.
Its an indictment of the system of oversight that weve relied upon to check
abuses of surveillance powers. The report makes clear that, for years, the FBI
failed to comply with its basic legal requirements in using Section 215, and
that should trouble anyone who thinks that secret oversight is enough for
surveillance capabilities that are this powerful, Alex Abdo, a staff attorney at the
American Civil Liberties Union, told HuffPost.
The report confirms that the government has been using Section 215 to collect an
ever-expanding universe of records. Given the timing, its particularly significant,
he continued referring to the looming expiration date.
At times during that seven-year period, the report noted, the government
blocked the Justice Department 's Office of the Inspector General from
determining whether the minimization guidelines had been implemented:
The FBI in the past has taken the position, over the OIGs objections, that it
was prohibited from disclosing FISA-acquired information to the OIG
for oversight purposes because the Attorney General had not designated
anyone in the OIG as having access to the information for minimization

reviews of other lawful purposes, and because there were no specific

provisions in the procedures authorizing such access.

2ACCase

Extensions

Extconsciousness key
Black Nationalism is possible consciousness is a vital first
step.
Fleming 08 Kenyatta Fleming, M.A. Candidate in Africana Studies at Clarke
Atlanta University, 2008 (The History of Black Nationalism and Internal Factors that
Prevented the Founding of an Independent Black Nation-State, Clarke Atlanta
University, January, Accessible Online at
http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?
article=1548&context=dissertations, accessed on 7-15-15)
For even the most staunch black nationalists, it would seem that the prospect of
founding an independent nation today is less likely than it was thirty years ago, but
that would be a mistake to assume . The success of black nationalists founding a
sovereign nation lies in their ability to correct their internal problems, develop a
wholistic view that incorporates every sector of African-American society, develop a
long range plan that addresses all facets of nationhood, and meets the needs of its
people. It may take several generations to bring the vision of black statehood into
fruition, but one must remember the long fight of African-Americans to free
themselves from enslavement as evidence of what it will take to make black
statehood a reality.

Extblack nationalism key

Black Nationalism is the only way to create freedom for blacksintegration is forced assimilation that annihilates Black pride
and culture
Valls 10 (Andrew, assoc prof of political science Oregon State University, August
2010, A Liberal Defense of Black Nationalism, The American Political Science
Review, Vol. 104, No. 3, pages 467-481)//CC
Community black nationalists argued that justice demands the support of black
institutions and communities by the broader society. This argument focuses on the
costs to African Americans of integration as it was usually understoodcosts that
were unfair to impose on them. These costs are similar to the costs Kymlicka draws
attention to in his argument for autonomy for minority nations, and the
circumstances and vulnerabilities underlying the costs are also similar. Kymlicka
emphasized that a stable communal and institutional context are necessary for
individual freedom. Without these, individuals cannot make and carry out coherent
life plans. In the context of the civil rights movement and its aftermath, the
implications of this insight for the case of African Americans are clear. Under Jim
Crow, African Americans possessed something very close to a societal culture.
Though they operated under very adverse and unjust conditions, black institutions
schools, businesses, professional organizations, media, hospitals, churches, etc.
provided for a substantial degree of black autonomy. Though born of oppression,
these institutions took on a life of their own and came to be deeply valued by many
African Americans. Although the conditions that gave rise to black institutions were
unjust, undermining or destroying these institutions in the name of integration was
arguably another injustice. At the very least, the fate of these institutions should
have been an explicit topic of discussion during the civil rights movement and its
aftermath. Yet this issue was largely ignored (Peller 1995). After the civil rights
movement, and under the banner of integration, African Americans were essentially
told that racial discrimination and de jure segregation would no longer be tolerated
as a matter of policy, but that further progress toward racial equality would be
achieved through integration. This, in turn, would be achieved through, as Norman
Podhoretz put it, the gradual absorption of deserving Negroes one by one into
white society (quoted in Steinberg 1995, 110). This way of conceiving the route to
racial equality imposes enormous costs on African Americans and represents a great
disruption to the context in which they had formed their life plans. It undermines the
associative and communal ties that many deeply valued. It is also, many black
nationalists argued, incompatible with the self-respect of African Americans to place
themselves in the position of supplicants, hoping to be found deserving by whites.
Black nationalists often focused on the price of integration (Browne 1968, 51; Ture
and Hamilton 1992, 54)a price that they argued was unfair to impose as a
condition of racial equality, and a price that many whites, taking white culture and
institutions as normative, usually failed to see at all. Furthermore, the disruption of
African American communities and individuals had little analog in white
communities: African Americans were being asked to bear costs that white
Americans were not. Black individuals, institutions, and communities were to be

transformed, whereas their white counterparts were asked little, beyond

tolerating the presence of a few blacks. Hence, considerations of both liberty and
equality support black nationalist claims in resisting the costs that integration
imposed on African Americans, and support their alternative vision of maintaining
stable black communities and institutions . Now some might argue that the costs
associated with integrationthe disruption to African American individual life plans
and communitieswere necessary and inevitable, but this is not so, at least not to
the extent threatened by the dominant conception of integration. These costs are a
result of a set of policies that place little or no value on the continued health and
prosperity of black institutions and communities. An alternative set of policies might
offer African Americans a different array of choices: between participating in wellfunded, thriving white-dominated institutions, on the one hand, and participating in
well-funded, thriving black-dominated institutions on the other. But this is not the
set of choices African Americans were offered. Instead, the set of choices that
African Americans faced came to be, essentially, between wellfunded white
institutions on the one hand and black institutions that had been underfunded and
disadvantaged under Jim Crow and continued to be so during and after the civil
rights movement. They faced an intrinsically unfair set of choices that heavily
favored integration into white institutions. This is precisely the kind of coercive
assimilation pressure that national minorities have rightly resisted. There is, then, a
strong parallel between the black nationalist case for support of black institutions
and Kymlickas argument for national minority autonomy: members of a minority
should not have to pay costs that members of the majority do not, as the price of
participating in the communities and institutions of which they are members,
especially when such membership is a result not of their choices but of the
circumstances in which they find themselves.

Extracist policies key

Hurricane Katrina provesracist policies provide a rally around
the flag effect in black communities
Price 9 (Melanye Price, Assistant Professor of Africana Studies at Rutgers, B.A.
(Magna cum Laude) in geography with a political science minor at Prairie View A&M
University, PhD in political science with a specialty in the field of American politics
at the Ohio State University Dreaming Blackness: Black Nationalism and African
American Public Opinion Accessed via Kindle Books//ekr)
that
there is widespread support for some, but by no means all, policies and behaviors
that encourage community control of black institutions and social spaces. Though blacks
are willing to support moderate withdrawal, the vast majority of focus group participants and NBES survey respondents
do not subscribe fully to Black Nationalist principles . Blacks are willing to patronize black businesses
The data from Dreaming Blackness can tell us something about the potential of a Black Nationalist revival. First, we know

over similar businesses; they are willing to give conditional support for black candidates; and when they discuss views about
commitment to their racial community, they express beliefs that responsible members should be engaged in a collective struggle for
community uplift. This is true for even those participants in the focus groups who were most opposed to Black Nationalism.

When

this moderate support for Black Nationalism is coupled with the high level of
frustration and distrust focus group members experience because of their desire for unfettered pursuit of the American
dream and the obstacles to that pursuit because of enduring racial tensions, blacks seem primed for increased
support for Black Nationalism. In fact, the events surrounding Hurricane Katrina seemed to
reopen old wounds and increase support for more independent organization
building. Interestingly, and expectedly, the storm also reinforced notions of linked fate and reiterated the need for blacks to
coalesce around issues that adversely and uniquely impact their community. African American churches, fraternal organizations, and
other black organizations set up benefits, collected clothes, and engaged in other efforts in the storms aftermath. In black
communities nationally, impromptu and often informal organizations formed to aid in hurricane relief efforts and to support arriving
storm victims. One Cleveland Plain Dealer reporter noted, In some cases these newly minted black activists were poor themselves,
but they felt a kinship with Katrina victims (Bernstein 2005, F1). Black philanthropic organizations reported a dramatic increase in
giving, and there was growing criticism of mainstream relief organizations like the Red Cross and its ability (or desire) to adequately
meet the needs of African American communities (Dobrzynski 2005). Additionally, the Black Entertainment Television (BET) channel
and a group called the Saving Our Selves Coalition held a telethon that primarily featured young black entertainers, as well as more

The initial emotional and physical upheaval in the African

American community has not resulted in enough political force to keep Katrina
recovery at the top of the national agenda . Outside of the impacted area, there has been very
little sustained organizational effort. Additionally, African Americans have coalesced around the Obama
established African American celebrities.1

campaign, which represents a high point (even if only symbolic) for African American politics. Like Katrina, it continues to highlight
the myriad ways in which African Americans and other groups view the world. Beyond general support for more moderate forms of

It seems to be
a political truism that black Americans feel connected to each other socially,
politically, and economically. That connection generally has been viewed in two primary wayseither fixed and
neutral or fixed and positive. While there is evidence in this analysis to support both of these claims, there is also
support for the need to rethink how black politics scholars measure and employ the
idea of linked fate in their analysis. These focus group participants clearly see themselves as allied with other
Black Nationalism, there is also a great deal of insight to be gleaned from the focus group data on linked fate.

members of the black community; however, the nature of that alliance is far more complicated than our current conceptualizations
suggest. These participants are making distinctions about who is a member of their black community. These distinctions are made
on the basis of social and economic class boundaries, and geographic boundaries, and, interestingly, on the basis of what they see
as socially acceptable behavioral choices. So for many participants this connection is important and sometimes positive, but it
always serves as a problematic rather than a constant.

Overt White prejudice tips the scales towards Black

Nationalism.
Block 11 Ray Block Jr., Assistant Professor of Political Science at Florida State
University, Ph.D. in Political Science from Ohio State University, M.A. in Political
Science from Ohio State University, B.A. in Philosophy from Howard University, B.A.
in Political Science from Howard University, 2011 (What About Disillusionment?
Exploring the Pathways to Black Nationalism, Political Behavior, accessible online at
http://www.researchgate.net/profile/Ray_Block2/publication/226957565_What_About
_Disillusionment_Exploring_the_Pathways_to_Black_Nationalism/links/09e415042581
d65e3a000000.pdf, accessed on 7-8-15)
The Linked Fate-Disillusionment Interaction Hypothesis
The disillusionment and linked fate hypotheses pertain only to the isolated effects of
these pathways on ideological support, for the literature portrays these concepts as
mutually exclusive: When they express support for Black nationalism, African
Americans are either signaling Black pride or reacting to White prejudice (see
Davis and Brown 2002; Sniderman and Piazza 2002, Chap. 4; Spence et al. 2005).
This either/or characterization is overly simplistic because a Black person can be
suspicious of racial inequality while still believing in her groups interdependence.
Because both sentiments are jointly possible, it is conceivable that they exert
interactive influences on a persons support for Black nationalism.
One might anticipate that disillusionment and linked fate are reinforcing concepts
(such that each strengthens the other when both are present). I, however, argue the
opposite: the effect of one pathway can diminish the impact of another. Readers will
recall a similar argument in Feldman and Huddys (2005) research on the role of
racial prejudice in policy attitudes. Using an experiment embedded within the 2000
2001 New York [State] Racial Attitudes Survey (NYRAS), the authors hypothesize
and find that the effect of racial resentment on Whites opposition to a mock
proposal for a college scholarship varies by political ideology. The preference for
limited government motivates conservative subjects to reject such a proposal,
regardless of whether it benefits Black or White students. For conservatives,
principles, not prejudices, shape policy opposition, and racial resentment does
not predict (i.e., provide useful additional information about) their viewpoints.
Conversely, prejudice is a stronger predictor among those on the other end of the
ideological spectrum. While they tend to endorse the proposal if it assists White
students, liberal subjects who are racially resentful oppose the scholarship program
when African Americans are the perceived beneficiaries (Feldman and Huddy 2005,
Fig. 3; for a detailed exposition of the principled conservatism argument, see,
e.g., Sniderman and Piazza 1993; Sniderman and Carmines 1997).
Although it loses its explanatory power among Conservatives, these results
suggests that resentment towards Blacks has the ability to inform the policy
attitudes of liberals; put differently, the effect of prejudice appears only at a certain
level (or threshold) of political ideology (for examples of studies examining
threshold effects, see Jacobs and Helms 2001; Neuman 1990). Similar processes are
at work for Black nationalism: once disillusionment reaches a high enough

threshold, the impact of the linked fate lessens, but at lower thresholds of
disillusionment, linked fate can exert a stronger impact. It is not difficult to imagine
that an African American who feels no sense of shared fate can be a passionate
follower of Black nationalism if her disillusionment is strong enough to trigger her
ideological endorsement. This is, after all, a common concern among those who
suspectto borrow Brewers (2002) phrasingthat Black-nationalist organizations
nurture out-group hate, rather than in-group love (see, e.g., Adeleke 1998;
Allen 1995; Davis and Brown 2002). An extremely disillusioned Black person who
believes strongly in her groups interdependence is presumably more likely to be
strongly nationalistic than an African American who expresses only one of these
sentiments (Harris-Lacewell 2004, p. 94), so attempts to stimulate this womans
linked fate could raise her ideological support even more. However, doing so could
possibly decrease the effect that her disillusionment already has on her adherence
to Black nationalism. Extending the navigational metaphor: the importance of an
alternative route becomes most apparent when ones initial pathway is unavailable.
In this case, there is less need for a Black person to rely on disillusionment to fuel
her support for Black nationalism if her sense of linked fate is sufficiently developed.
Conversely, rising levels of disillusionment could potentially attenuate the impact of
linked fate on Black nationalism because linked fate no longer has to compensate
for missing disillusionment.

AT:

They Say: Util

Utilitarian ethics are used by dominant power groups to mask
the need for reform when body counts are the only ethic for
determining value, bodies that arent visible to dominant
power groups are never counted. This allows for structural
violence in the shadows where the official body counts ignore
the impact on marginalized communities.
Ethical concerns should shape your decision calculus the
only way to avoid talking ourselves into atrocity is to create a
set of ethics that are inviolable. Theres always a path to
justify genocide utilitarianism never provides a coherent
method to evaluate competing proposals.
Utilitarian defenses of surveillance are wrong because they
conflate efficiency with utility. The case outweighs within a
utilitarian framework.better util card to come
Hladik 14 (Casey Hladik, Philosophy Student at Ball State University, citing Alan RusbridgerEditor of The
Guardian newspaper which published articles by Glenn Greenwald and its own reporters about the National Security
Agency based on documents leaked by Edward Snowden, and John Stuart Milla 19 th century British philosopher
who wrote the seminal work Utilitarianism, 2014 (Rusbridgers The Snowden Leaks and the Public and Mills
Utilitarianism: An Analysis of the Utilitarian Concern of Going Dark, Stance, Volume 7, April, Available Online at
http://www.bsu.edu/libraries/virtualpress/stance/2014_spring/03Hladik29-40.pdf, Accessed 06-20-2015, p. 38-40)

What the British and American people gain in security from the surveillance
activities of the NSA and GCHQ is modest in comparison to what they lose in security.
These practices also strip away their moral rights to privacy and freedoms .
The utilitarian appeal put forth by the British and American officials who support these
practices has been shown to be unsustainable in a utilitarian framework largely
because they determine the dictates of utility with a fundamental lack of
understanding of the pleasures and pains involved . [end page 38] Therefore, according to
Mills theory of utility, these surveillance programs are expedient rather than
ethical . Indeed, Mill writes, there have been many institutions throughout history
which have been justified by supposed appeals to utility, only to be condemned
later as blatantly unethical . One example which Mill cites is slavery: at one point in the
history of the United States, slavery was argued to be a necessity of social existence
because the social benefits outweighed the drawbacks .36 It has since been clarified,
however, that the institution is a violation of the utilitarian paradigm that each
ought to receive what he or she justly deserves. Mill writes, The entire history of
social improvement has been a series of transitions by which one custom or
institution after another, from being a supposed primary necessity of social existence,
has passed into the rank of a universally stigmatized injustice and tyranny .37
Indeed, history will show that the mass surveillance programs of the NSA and GCHQ
Conclusion

followed the dictates of expedience rather than ethics . This fact is evident in a remark by
the head of a British intelligence agency: Theres nothing in it for us in being more open about what we do.38 This
official is clearly more concerned about the efficiency of his organization than the good of British citizens. Indeed,

although the NSA and GCHQ appeal to utilitarianism in attempting to justify their
practices, when these practices ( i.e., their consequences ) are critiqued
according to the utilitarian framework, it becomes clear that these practices are
consistent with efficiency rather than utility . The negative consequences of
these activities clearly outweigh the positive ones: the NSA and GCHQ are
compromising rather than bolstering security in the United States and Britain, and they
are threatening the moral rights promoted in the utilitarian framework
rather than protecting them , so they are detracting from the peaceful
functioning of society rather than facilitating it . Government officials who approve of
the indiscriminate, large-scale spying on American and British citizens by the NSA and
GCHQ claim that, if their practices are limited, the world will go dark and chaos will
ensue. Although the utility behind this argument initially seems compelling , it
does not hold . Those who oversee the intelligence organizations are not fully
informed as to the pleasures [end page 39] and pains involved, and, hence, their ethical
calculus is skewed . In actuality, the negative consequences of these programs
outweigh the positive ones. As a result, these programs can be said to be
expedient rather than ethical , and they ought to be terminated .

They Say: your movement fails

All of their evidence is assumptive of the status quowe agree
that movements fail, but that is only because Black
populations lack solidarity in the absence of racist policies
thats the Price ev
Regardless of the outcome, struggles and discourses in
support of Black Nationalism are still good.
Singh 04 Simboonath Singh, Assistant Professor of Sociology at the University
of Michigan-Dearborn, 2004 (Resistance, Essentialism, and Empowerment in Black
Nationalist Discourse in the African Diaspora: A Comparison of the Back to Africa,
Black Power, and Rastafari Movements, Journal of African American Studies,
Winter, Vol. 8, No. 3, Accessible Online via subscribing institution to Springer Online,
accessed on 7-15-15)
What motivates groups to construct and reconstruct their identity and culture? By
challenging the negative cultural depictions of blackness , the Black Power, Back to
Africa and Rastafari movements were able to redefine black ethnicity by injecting
into the minds of the masses such things as "pride of past" (African culture and
history), and "collective memory" (the experiences of slavery and colonialism) as
their strategy for transforming culture and ethnic identity. By recasting black
ethnicity into a more positive light, they were able to recreate and re-imagine
African history and culture, thereby redefining African-Caribbean identity, and thus
creating a New World African diasporic identity. The Black Power, Garvey, and
Rastafari movements illustrate the power of activism to inspire individual as well as
collective forms of ethnic identification, ethnic consciousness, and ethnic pride.
Irrespective of whether the outcomes were real or imaginary , or merely symbolic
struggles to reverse social structures and ethnic identities , the Black Power, Garvey,
and Rastafari movements were, nonetheless, instrumental in allowing particular
segments of the African-Caribbean community the opportunity to reinvent and
redefine who and what they were and wished to be. It would have been a failure of
the imagination not to have recognized in a world that has used racism as a means
of exploiting people of color, that the very political , psychological and
philosophical attempts to resist such systems would necessarily take the form of a
validation and reassertion of the denigrated.

They Say: reifies bigotry

The alternative is the status quoWalker answers this
argument. Given that white supremacy structures America, we
need to depart and leave the source of oppression

They Say: capitalism turn

This is a linear non-unique disad at best. This means that with
no alternative or unique link there is only a risk that the affs
method is good and combats some form of oppression
White Supremacy and the subjugation of African slaves
structured capitalism and continues to inform it
R.L. 13 (R.L. is an informal theorist working on the problematic of racialized
identities, gender and communization theory, cites Jared Sexton and Saidiya
Hartman, June 5, 2013, WANDERINGS OF THE SLAVE: BLACK LIFE AND SOCIAL
DEATH, http://www.metamute.org/editorial/articles/wanderings-slave-black-life-andsocial-death, //ekr)
White supremacy is not some obscure hieroglyphic to be discerned by an attuned eye. White
supremacy in itself is not a coherent system. It does not possess a hidden essence that could be
interrogated and revealed. It is instead a formal practice without coherent content. White
supremacy simply is a set of social and material practices. And its formal practice aims to
generate the primary distinction between black and white (or more precisely, non-black). Thus the racial distinction

the racial distinction was

reproduced through historically specific institutional arrangements that enabled
black subjection to continue. The primary aim of these institutions was the conjoint extraction of labour
and social ostracisation of an outcast group deemed unassimilable.15 As a direct relation of force, slavery
was the condition of possibility for defining the content of free labour of
the propertyless proletariat. To be free and to be a worker was negatively defined in
relation to the slave. In this way, the structural position of the slave was objectively
positioned against work, outside and against the wage relation work is not an organic principle for the
was a consequence, and not the cause, of slavery. From its origins in slavery,

slave.16 After Emancipation, the Southern economy was decimated by the Civil War, the destruction of fixed
capital and land, and the collapse of the Confederate currency. It was particularly the newfound mobility of freed
blacks and their refusal to immediately enter into voluntary contractual relations with former slaveholders that
prompted extraeconomic means to enforce their compliance. Freed blacks, situated outside the constraints of wage
labour, needed to be integrated economically yet excluded socially. In a way it was a problem of how to humanise
the sentient object. After all, if the slave was merely a sentient object with no will, how could the freed black
engage in the responsibilities of bourgeois individuality and freedom requisite of waged labour? What would it
mean for a slave to become a free individual? Therefore the central concern after the abolition of slavery for white
civil society was managing the transition from the legalised subjection of slaves to the informal and racialised
subjection of blacks. The figure of the free black from the outset was seen as fundamentally outside the wage
relation, purportedly unhabituated to the ethics of work and hence in need of labour discipline. As such, various
techniques of coercion were utilised against ex-slaves to ironically enforce the construction of consent for the free
labour contract: the glaring disparities between liberal democratic ideology and the varied forms of compulsion
utilized to force free workers to sign labor contracts exceeded the coercion immanent in capital labor relations and

violence remained a significant

device in cultivating labor discipline. Undeniably, inequality was the basis of the
forms of economic and social relations that developed in the aftermath of
emancipation.17 During the period of American industrialisation in the 19th century, the construction of the
labour contract and a submissive working class necessitated the regulation of unemployment. As industrial
capitalism developed with the institution of slavery, there was a transmission of techniques
in labour management between industrialists and slaveowners, creating a line of continuity between the
plantation system and the factory: Not only did the crisis of industrialization problems
of pauperism, underemployment, and labor management occur in the context of an extensive debate
instead relied on older forms of extraeconomic coercion. In short,

the fate of slavery, but also slavery informed the premises and principles of labor
discipline [] the forms of compulsion used against the unemployed, vagrants, beggars, and others in the
about

postbellum North mirrored the transition from slavery to freedom. The contradictory aspects of liberty of contract
and the reliance on coercion in stimulating free labor modeled in the aftermath of the Civil War were the lessons of
emancipation employed against the poor.

No linktheir evidence is assumptive of past Black Nationalist

movements, we are distinct in that

They Say: essentialism

Extend Walkerwe can only recognize individual identities by
acknowledging race differences and combatting color
ignorance
No essentialismthe aff recognizes the common experience of
racism not a universal identity
Nielson 9 (Cynthia Nielson is a blogger that transcripted the interview between Jonathan Derbyshire and
Tommie Shelby provided by The Prospect, April 8, 2009, An Interview with Harvard Professor Tommie Shelby: Racial
Identities and Contemporary Politics percaritatem.com/2009/04/08/an-interview-with-harvard-professor-tommieshelby-racial-identities-and-contemporary-politics/#sthash.rK7ojvUB.dpuf, //ekr)
JD: In your book, We Who Are Dark, you try to articulate a non-essentialist conception of black racial identity as the basis for political

we should
think of black political solidarity as resting not on a common black identity, but on
the common experience of racism and the joint commitment to work together to
combat it. Despite the diversity within the black population in the US, Obama received overwhelming black support, not just in
solidarity. Is it plausible to try to understand Barack Obamas campaign in these terms? TS: In my book, I claim that

the general election, where as a Democrat he could expect to get at least 88 per cent of the black vote, but also in the primary
against Clinton, where a number of blacks thought he was unfairly criticised because of his race. I think this black support, especially
in the south, reflects in part the historical commitment of blacks, despite their many internal differences, to stand together in the
fight for racial justice. Obama is seen by many blacks as a symbol of the successes of our collective historical struggle, and he gives
us hope that further progress lies ahead. Moreover, Obama received overwhelming black support despite the fact that his mother is
white and his father is not a descendent of black American slaves. Because he is generally regarded as black (given the one-drop
rule) and strongly identifies as black, he is accepted as an equal member in the black community and can lay claim to the legacy of
the historic African-American fight for justice. The fact that he attended a black church, is married to an African-American woman,
and has mastered elements of traditional black oratory also helped to solidify his black support. JD: Does an Obama victory also

Many whites
are weary, and have long been weary, of black claims of grievance. Most whites are impatient
with black claims about the continuing significance of racism . They dont think there is a serious
race problem anymore, and they will point to Obamas election as proof that racism does not
affect black life chances, at least not in any serious way. They think that black political solidarity
is no longer necessary and that blacks should stop suggesting that America is a
racist society and reconcile with their fellow white citizens, dropping all talk of
black America. For some whites, this is the significance of Obamas victory-it undermines black claims of grievance and
puts the last nail in the coffin of black identity politics. The fact that Obama ran on a platform of racial
reconciliation, did not specify any concrete proposals for how to combat racial discrimination
in employment and housing or segregation in public schools, and did not make any
overt racial appeals to black voters only seems to buttress the legitimacy of this postracial stance. As this stance becomes more entrenched, and I expect it will, blacks will find it even
more difficult to put problems of racial injustice on the public agenda.
herald the end of a particular way of doing politics? Specifically, identity politics or the politics of recognition? TS:

They Say: reformism

This was answered by Shelby and Pricereformism recreates
White Supremacy because whites are structurally positioned to
disadvantage black people. Only an independent system can
challenge
Black Nationalism
Posey 13 (Sean Posey - is a photographer, activist, and historian. He is the
Urban Issues Department chair at the Hampton Institute; September 13, 2013; The
Hampton Institute; Will Black Nationalism Reemerge?;
http://www.hamptoninstitution.org/blacknationalism.html#.Va01ZvlVhBc)//CC
Shortly before he died, Kwame Ture (Stokely Carmichael) said in an interview with CSpan, "Black Power has not been arrived at; we don't have Black Power yet."[24]
There is no political will to deal with the catastrophe facing black America. The
recent bankruptcy of Detroit, the largest majority black city in the nation, is a potent
reminder of that. Indeed, black political power is fading, ironically in the age of the
first black president. Liberal electoral politics by themselves cannot and will not
solve these problems, As Dr. Brittney Cooper pointed out after the fiftieth
anniversary of the March for Jobs and Freedom: "Black liberal advocacy in this
country for more jobs, less poverty, more education, less prisons, more life chances
and less gun deaths doesn't have a fighting chance without a visible radical
alternative."[25] Where will this all lead? Austerity, continued stagnation, and the
refusal to address urban and suburban poverty, puts black America at a crossroads.
It's unclear what impact the disappointing Obama legacy will have for the future of
black politics. Still, regardless of whether a Democrat or a Republican occupies the
White House in 2017, it's doubtful any agenda addressing black communities will be
discussed, much less enacted. In the months and years ahead, it is possible that we
will see the rebirth of a new, almost certainly unique and unexpected version of
Black Nationalism. If so, it will come at the darkest hour, and if it does-look for it in
the whirlwind.

Idolizing reforms and progressive change only serves to

delay Black Liberation
Price 9 (Melanye Price, Assistant Professor of Africana Studies at Rutgers, B.A.
(Magna cum Laude) in geography with a political science minor at Prairie View A&M
University, PhD in political science with a specialty in the field of American politics
at the Ohio State University Dreaming Blackness: Black Nationalism and African
American Public Opinion Accessed via Kindle Books//ekr)
The election of Barack Obama and its consequences for those who subscribe to and
mobilize from a Black Nationalist perspective also has the potential to create a
protest/protection impulse. This impulse represents a desire for African Americans
to protect those members or segments of their community that they see as
embodying the best of that community. This need to protect can be in direct conflict

with the ability to critique or protest the actions of those they have lifted up. It is a
category that is often reserved for those African Americans who have achieved
financial, athletic, or academic success. Cathy Cohen (1999) points to internal
tensions within the African American community between the impulse to protect the
image (or at least counteract prevailing negative stereotypes) and the need to
adequately address certain community problems. She demonstrates this through an
examination of African Americas response to the AIDS/HIV crisis. African American
church officials and community activists on the front line of dealing with the
AIDS/HIV crisis have had to grapple with fulfilling their role as service providers and
coming to grips with the moral dilemmas created by their interactions with the
populations most affected (i.e., gay men, sex workers, and IV drug users). It is likely
that a similar tension will exist in an Obama administration . While racial problems
will continue to exist despite Obamas victory, there will be a strong desire among
African Americans to preserve this historic moment by protecting Obamas image
and refraining from making protest demands that may call for the upheaval of the
status quo. This is particularly interesting given that much of the political progress
made by African Americans has resulted directly from protest demands. The
controversy during the campaign over Obamas pastor, Jeremiah Wright, again,
illustrates this point. There were dueling problems surrounding this controversy. On
one hand, African Americans were singed by what they saw as an overt attack on
their most powerful community institution, the black church. Alternatively, they
wanted to make sure that this problem did not tank Obamas candidacy. Obamas
chances were in clear conflict with the need to defend this critical political and
cultural institution of the black community. This kind of tension will only increase
when Obama begins to govern and is forced to makes choices that potentially
conflict with black preferences and needs.

Reliance on forming the political system engages in wishful

thinking that simplifies the problem.
Price 9 (Melanye Price, Assistant Professor of Africana Studies at Rutgers, B.A.
(Magna cum Laude) in geography with a political science minor at Prairie View A&M
University, PhD in political science with a specialty in the field of American politics
at the Ohio State University Dreaming Blackness: Black Nationalism and African
American Public Opinion Accessed via Kindle Books//ekr)
Those who both reject Black Nationalist tenets and seek to reshape the nature of their
relationship with the American political system adhere to a guiding principle that calls for America
to live up to its expressed ideals of having a society in which people are judged by the content of their character.
Myrdal (1962, 4) suggests that this belief is based on ideals of the essential dignity of the individual human being,
of the fundamental equality of all, and of certain inalienable rights to freedom, justice and fair opportunity. King
believed black Americans should seek and would be able to have full citizenship rights. Echoing the earlier ideas of
Douglass, King (1986a, 211) cautioned, If we are to implement the American dream we must get rid of the notion
once and for all that there are superior and inferior races. Kings beliefs were essentially two-pronged. First, blacks

Implicit in his assertion is the idea

that one must simply expose whites to the plight of blacks and they would change.
The treatment blacks had received at the hands of whites would weigh too heavily
on white consciences, and whites would not prevent the integration process
initiated by blacks because In their relation to Negroes, white people discovered that they rejected the very
would gain their rights by appealing to the moral dissonance of whites.

center of their own ethical profession. They could not face the triumph of their lesser instincts and simultaneously

whites had rationalized their treatment of

blacks by adopting a belief in black inferiority. Once this belief was shattered through peaceful
have peace within (1986d, 75). In Kings estimation,

demonstrations, whites would have to contend with their own conscience and with the demands of blacks. This led
to the second part of Kings strategy: blacks would adopt the tactic of nonviolent direct action. Following the
Gandhian model, blacks would enact political change by taking the moral high ground. King (1986b) suggests that
black protesters do not seek to defeat or humiliate the opponent, but to win his friendship and understanding. The
nonviolent resister must often voice his protests through noncooperation or boycotts, but he realizes that
noncooperation and boycotts are not the ends themselves; they are the means to awaken the end of moral shame

this process is necessary for the creation of the beloved

community, which he saw as an interracial society based on freedom for all. For King
and others, African Americans must recognize their importance and not abandon a
nation and associated rights they have earned by contributing to the nation-building
process. DuBois (1995 [1903]) in his earlier works suggested that American blacks should work to gain their civil
King went on to suggest that

rights through planned campaigns and multiracial coalitions.11 Additionally, Booker T. Washington insisted on

Thus, those
who reject Black Nationalisms more separate and self-deterministic
approach are basically seeking equal access to American institutions , which
would allow them equal opportunity to pursue the vision of the framers. However, the situation is more
complicated when determining potential political goals because its proponents
emphasize alternative or competing identities rather than a singular racial filter and stress
individual effort as a mechanism for change. This leads them to take factors other than racial
group membership and uplift into consideration when making political judgments.
interracial harmony and white good will as prerequisites for Negro advancement (Meier 1991).

They Say: but like Barack Obama means things

are getting better
1. I shouldnt need a card to answer this because that kind
of thought is what justifies the affirmative and
LOL Obama isnt all black ppl but okay
Price 9 (Melanye Price, Assistant Professor of Africana Studies at Rutgers, B.A.
(Magna cum Laude) in geography with a political science minor at Prairie View A&M
University, PhD in political science with a specialty in the field of American politics
at the Ohio State University Dreaming Blackness: Black Nationalism and African
American Public Opinion Accessed via Kindle Books//ekr)
Some have argued that the election of Barack Obama represents, for the first time,
the full integration of African Americans as U.S. citizens. At various times in history,
there have been halfhearted attempts to decrease the level of marginalization
experienced by blacks. For example, there was the passage of the Thirteenth,
Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments, which (outside of the Reconstruction era)
were not fully enforced until more than a century later. If Obamas victory truly
represents a fully integrated black America, then the ability of Black Nationalists to
mobilize a mass movement should be greatly diminished. Black Nationalism thrives
in an environment of continued marginalization of blacks by a white power
structure. Can blacks continue to make claims based on racial oppression and
exclusion when one of their racial group members occupies the most powerful
elected position in the country? The answer to the question is, obviously, yes.
The election of one African American does not erase persistent inequalities or
prejudices. One mans individual success (even of this magnitude) cannot account
for centuries of marginalization or continued contemporary discrimination. Nor can
one mans voice fully articulate the preferences of an entire group. In light of this,
there will be an ongoing need for black activists to engage in more robust debate
with each other and make race-based petitions to the federal government. Barack
Obamas candidacy was widely characterized as race-transcendent. According to
news pundits, Obamas failure to rely on traditional civil rights tropes and whites
willingness to vote for a black candidate demonstrated that Americans had moved
beyond past racial tensions. In fact, his campaign style represented an existing
electoral strategy developed by black mayors called deracialization (Persons 1993).
Candidates who run deracialized campaigns avoid discussing issues that are
explicitly or implicitly racial such as welfare, crime, and so on. Instead, they
emphasize a political agenda that can be viewed as race neutral. Recent African
American elected officials such as Michael White (former mayor of Cleveland, Ohio),
Corey Booker (mayor of Newark, New Jersey), and Deval Patrick (governor of
Massachusetts) all exemplify this growing cadre of deracialized (or race-neutral)
black politicians. This strategy has some relevance for understanding contemporary
expressions of Black Nationalism, which are predicated on a sense of racial group
consciousness. Black Nationalism relies on explicit and collective racial appeals that
are less likely to be made in a race-transcendent or deracialized context. This
means that any problem uniquely impacting African Americans has to either be

couched in a universal narrative or abandoned. Black Nationalists do not support

either of these strategies.

They Say: Robinson turn

Integration and reformism amounts to colorblind policies that
never result in racial equality
Valls 10 (Andrew Valls, Associate Professor Political Science Program Coordinator Political Science Program
School of Public Policy, August 2010, A Liberal Defense of Black Nationalism American Political Science Review Vol.
104, No. 3// ekr)

In recent years political theorists and philosophers have devoted a great deal of
attention to issues of nationalism, self-determination, and multiculturalism, and in
the process they have challenged the notion that liberal values and principles
require the integration and assimilation of minorities (see Kymlicka 1995; Laden and
Owen 2007; Levy 2000; Tamir 1993; Taylor 1994). Indeed, Will Kymlicka has
suggested that there is now a consensus among liberal theorists in support of
liberal [multi]culturalismthe idea that certain group rights are compatible with
liberal principles. The issue, he suggests, is no longer whether this is the case but
rather what specific policies and institutional arrangements are appropriate for
particular kinds of minorities (Kymlicka 2001, chap. 2). Despite this shift in liberal
theory toward a more friendly view of group rights, public and legal discourse in the
United States with regard to African Americans continues to emphasize integration
and colorblindness as the route to racial equality (Peller 1995; Cochran 1999). In the
case of other minorities, liberal theorists have shown that integration and groupblindness impose considerable and unfair costs on minority group members, and
hence that justice requires groupconsciousness rather than group-blindness,
group autonomy rather than integration and assimilation. Yet this position
has not been prominent in liberal discourse on race. Liberal multiculturalists usually
focus on minorities that are defined foremost by cultural differences, and this has
led to an estrangement in work on minority rights, where African Americans are
treated in one literature and cultural minorities are treated in another. As one
observer put it, when liberal political theorists tackle matters of group difference,
they often evade race in general and the case of African Americans in particular. On
the subject of multicultural challenges to liberal neutrality, for instance, political
theorists tend to focus on minority groups with a high level of cultural cohesion
(Fogg-Davis 2003, 557). Because African Americans are not necessarily a cultural
minority, liberal theorists interested in minority rights have had too little to say
about them (but see Cochran 1999; Gutmann 1996; Ingram 2000; Spinner 1994).

2ACOff Case

2ACDA

2AC FrontlineStem
1. No linkplan gets circumvented, but still resolves the
impacts of the 1ACthats Schulberg and Reilly
2. No link: We are supporting the creation of new
institutions, not defending actions of existing state
institutions
3. Traditional risk assessment strips us of our relations to
others and our dignitythis obscures how structural
violence contributes to large-scale destruction

OBrien 2kPhD, environmental scientist and activist (Mary, 2000, MIT Press,
Making Better Environmental Decisions: An Alternative to Risk Assessment,
Gigapedia, p. xvii-xviii,)

This book is based on the understanding that it is not acceptable for people to tell you that
the harms to which they will subject you and the world are safe or insignificant. You deserve
to know good alternatives to those harms, and you deserve to help decide which alternative
will be chosen. Underlying this book, however, is a less explicitly stated personal belief,
namely that we humans will never dredge up enough will to alter our habitual, destructive
ways of behaving toward each other and the world unless we simultaneously employ
information and emotion and a sense of relationship to othersother species, other cultures,
and other generations. Using information while divorced from emotion and using information
while insulated from connection to a wide net of others are how destruction of the Earth is
being accomplished. Risk assessment of narrow options is a classic example of using certain
bits of information in such a way as to exclude feeling and to artificially sever connections of
parts to the whole. Risk assessment rips you (and others) out of connection to the rest of the
world and reduces you (if you are even considered at all in the risk assessment) to a
number. You are then consigned to damage or death or risk, depending on how your
number is shuffled around in models, assumptions, and formulas and during risk
management. Assessment of the pros and cons of a range of reasonable alternatives allows the connections to
remain. The cultural emotions connected to a given alternative, for instance, can be a pro or a con, and may be
both, depending on which sector of the community you inhabit. An advantage or a disadvantage of a given
alternative can be social, religious, economic, scientific, or political. Risk assessment is one of the major

methods by which parts (corporations such as Monsanto or Hyundai, private landowners,

industrial nations) can act on their wants at the expense of wholes (e.g., whole communities
and countries, or the seventh generation from now) without appearing to be doing so. Risk
assessment lets them appear simply scientific or rational as they numerically estimate
whether or how many deaths or what birth defects will be caused, and ignore other regions
of human experience that also matter to people. Always, some groups of humans will be
trying to exercise their power at the expense of the whole. Decisions arrived at by risk
assessment can be homicidal, biocidal, and suicidal, but they are made every day. Risk
assessment is a premier process by which illegitimate exercise of power is justified. The
stakes of installing alternatives to risk assessment, therefore, are the whole Earth (just as
are the stakes of fashioning democratic control over corporations, or of requiring changes in
behavior of those who have wreaked irreparable damage). Installing alternatives assessment
is one step in the struggle to use information, feeling, and a sense of relationship to others
to stop socioenvironmental madness.

4. Victim Blaming DA: Their link continues the problematic

accusation that black people are responsible for white
Americas actionsthat proves inherency for the case
victim blaming is a reason to vote aff because it solidifies
the need for blacks to govern themselves rather than be
blamed for policy failures of the USFG
5. We control root cause of all your impactswhite
supremacy structures war and genocide, thats Rodriguez
6. *insert impact defense*

Terror Security K
All of their impact evidence is epistemologically biased. Terror
threats are manufactured by the FBI to justify surveillance.
Greenwald 15 (Glenn Greenwald, Glenn Greenwald is a former Constitutional and civil rights litigator and
is the author of three New York Times Bestselling books: two on the Bush administration's executive power and
foreign policy abuses, and his latest book, With Liberty and Justice for Some, an indictment of America's two-tiered
system of justice. Greenwald was named by The Atlantic as one of the 25 most influential political commentators in
the nation. He is the recipient of the first annual I.F. Stone Award for Independent Journalism, and is the winner of
the 2010 Online Journalism Association Award for his investigative work on the arrest and oppressive detention of
Bradley Manning. WHY DOES THE FBI HAVE TO MANUFACTURE ITS OWN PLOTS IF TERRORISM AND ISIS ARE SUCH
GRAVE THREATS? https://firstlook.org/theintercept/2015/02/26/fbi-manufacture-plots-terrorism-isis-grave-threats/,
2/26/15 SMahajan)

this latest arrest appears to be quite similar to the overwhelming majority

of terrorism arrests the FBI has proudly touted over the last decade . As my colleague
Andrew Fishman and I wrote last month after the FBI manipulated a 20-year-old loner who
lived with his parents into allegedly agreeing to join an FBI-created plot to attack
the Capitol these cases follow a very clear pattern: The known facts from this latest case
seem to fit well within a now-familiar FBI pattern whereby the agency does not
disrupt planned domestic terror attacks but rather creates them, then
publicly praises itself for stopping its own plots. First, they target a
Muslim: not due to any evidence of intent or capability to engage in
terrorism, but rather for the radical political views he expresses . In most
cases, the Muslim targeted by the FBI is a very young (late teens, early 20s), adrift,
In this regard,

unemployed loner who has shown no signs of mastering basic life functions, let alon

e carrying out a serious

and has no known involvement with actual terrorist groups. They then find
another Muslim who is highly motivated to help disrupt a terror plot : either because
theyre being paid substantial sums of money by the FBI or because (as appears to be the
case here) they are charged with some unrelated crime and are desperate to please
the FBI in exchange for leniency (or both). The FBI then gives the informant a detailed
attack plan, and sometimes even the money and other instruments to carry it out, and the informant
then shares all of that with the target. Typically, the informant also induces, lures, cajoles, and
persuades the target to agree to carry out the FBI-designed plot. In some instances where the target
refuses to go along, they have their informant offer huge cash inducements to the
impoverished target. Once they finally get the target to agree, the FBI swoops in at the
last minute, arrests the target, issues a press release praising themselves for
disrupting a dangerous attack (which it conceived of, funded, and recruited the operatives for), and the
DOJ and federal judges send their target to prison for years or even decades (where they are
terror attack,

kept in special GITMO-like units). Subservient U.S. courts uphold the charges by applying such a broad and

we
should all pause for a moment to thank the brave men and women of the
FBI for saving us from their own terror plots . One can, if one really wishes, debate whether
the FBI should be engaging in such behavior. For reasons I and many others have repeatedly argued, these
cases are unjust in the extreme: a form of pre-emptory prosecution where
vulnerable individuals are targeted and manipulated not for any criminal
acts they have committed but rather for the bad political views they have
expressed . They end up sending young people to prison for decades for crimes which even their sentencing
permissive interpretation of entrapment that it could almost never be successfully invoked. Once again,

judges acknowledge they never would have seriously considered, let alone committed, in the absence of FBI
trickery. Its hard to imagine anyone thinking this is a justifiable tactic, but Im certain there are people who believe

Were constantly
bombarded with dire warnings about the grave threat of home-grown terrorists,
lone wolf extremists and ISIS. So intensified are these official warnings that The New York Times
that. Lets leave that question to the side for the moment in favor of a different issue.

earlier this month cited anonymous U.S. intelligence officials to warn of the growing ISIS threat and announce the

how serious of a threat can all of this be, at

least domestically, if the FBI continually has to resort to manufacturing its
own plots by trolling the Internet in search of young drifters and/or the mentally ill
whom they target, recruit and then manipulate into joining ? Does that not, by
itself, demonstrate how over-hyped and insubstantial this threat
actually is ? Shouldnt there be actual plots, ones that are created and fueled without the help of the FBI, that
the agency should devote its massive resources to stopping? This FBI tactic would be akin to having
the Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA) constantly warn of the severe threat posed by drug addiction while
it simultaneously uses pushers on its payroll to deliberately get people hooked on drugs
so that they can arrest the addicts theyve created and thus justify their own
warnings and budgets (and that kind of threat-creation, just by the way, is not all that far
off from what the other federal law enforcement agencies, like the FBI, are actually doing). As we
prospect of a new global war on terror. But

noted the last time we wrote about this, the Justice Department is aggressively pressuring U.S. allies to employ
these same entrapment tactics in order to create their own terrorists, who can then be paraded around as proof of

Threats that are real, and substantial, do not need to be manufactured

and concocted. Indeed, as the blogger Digby, citing Juan Cole, recently showed, run-of-the-mill
lone wolf gun violence is so much of a greater threat to Americans than
domestic terror by every statistical metric that its almost impossible to overstate the
disparity: In that regard, it is not difficult to understand why domestic terror and
homegrown extremism are things the FBI is desperately determined to
create . But this FBI terror-plot concoction should , by itself, suffice to
demonstrate how wildly exaggerated this threat actually is . That is the FBIs
terrorism strategy keep fear alive and it drives everything they do .
the grave threat.

1ARUtil
Utilitarian ethics are used by dominant power groups to mask
the need for reform when body counts are the only ethic for
determining value, bodies that arent visible to dominant
power groups are never counted. This allows for structural
violence in the shadows where the official body counts ignore
the impact on marginalized communities thats OBrien.
Ethical concerns should shape your decision calculus the
only way to avoid talking ourselves into atrocity is to create a
set of ethics that are inviolable. Theres always a path to
justify genocide utilitarianism never provides a coherent
method to evaluate competing proposals.

2ACFramework

2AC Frontline (Curtail Surveillance)

1. We meet: we defend the hypothetical enactment of a
United States federal government policy **add specs
depending on the round**
2. Reading framework is white surveillance of black
performance in debatethe negative interp reinscribes
problematic hierarchies that monitor and regulate bodies
within the debate spaceespecially when we read a
topical affirmative that defends fiat. This just proves the
inherent divide between blackness and whiteness in the
debate space, supercharges uniqueness and the need for
secession
Reid-Brinkley et al, University of Pittsburgh prof, 13
(Shanara, Assistant Professor of Public Address and Advocacy Director of Debate,
William Pitt Debating Union, PhD, Amber Kelsie, M.A. Doctoral Student, Department
of Communication University of Pittsburgh, Nicholas Brady, Doctoral Student,
Department of Culture & Theory University of California, Irvine, Ignacio Evans, B.A.
History Towson University, 10-06-13, We Be Fresh As Hell Wit Da Feds Watchin: A
Bad Black Debate Family Responds, da 7-9-15,
http://resistanceanddebate.wordpress.com/2013/10/06/we-be-fresh-as-hell-wit-dafeds-watchin-a-bad-black-debate-family-responds/, mee)

Bankeys positioning of himself at the borderland while excluding (multiply situated) black people in debate from that same space

Black people have never not had to be in close

relation to whiteness. This is Dubois theory of double consciousness (which, though especially emblematic of black experience,
makes little sense to those familiar with the history of race in America.

Black people have always existed in

an in-between space of blackness and whiteness with anti-blackness serving as the
context for this relationship. Black folks in America are always already in an interracial relationship
is a way of understanding the world that can be learned by non-blacks).

with whiteness; this is especially true in the context of debate. The tone of Bankeys criticism assumes black people

debate practices demonstrate the direct

manner in which white people exclude black people from interracial dialogue in the
debate space. An even more recent example of how structural racism functions is the exclusion of Elijah Smith, the reigning
exclude white people from their space, but MPJ and other

NDT champ, from the Kentucky Round Robin, and the attempt to change the rules pertaining to transfer students. We are

black people must be constantly

accessible to whites even while white people disavow the structure of policed
segregation in supposedly common spaces. In fact, it seems quite likely that this thesis will
inspire debate arguments that produce exclusions of black students rather than an
inclusive space of participation. We find it highly unlikely that it will produce an authentic communication or
disalienation. There are countless examples of the manner in which black people attempt
to meet the communicative and bodily expectations of dominant culture and
dominant debate. Code-switching is part and parcel of our interracial romance with
debate, an example of our commitment to compromise. Black people often codeswitch into white-people speak when dealing with white people while using black
language and tonal intonations (regionally specific) when in majority black spaces
disappointed by this addition to the consistent complaint made by whites that

(in fact, it seems that it is when we speak authentically in the presence of whites
share ourselves with whitesthat we are charged with the crime of being
intentionally unintelligible). Within debates, (vis--vis framework for example) there is a denial or a
disavowal of even the possibility of an engagement across rhetorical difference , which is the move Bankey makes.
He refuses to code switch in the thesis by not attempting to understand the kinship networks in debate for black people or to
engage in rhetorical practices to demonstrate a commitment to engaging difference at the level of method and performance.[9]
How often do we encounter white people who can code-switch (and no we dont mean the latest hip hop slang) into the

The black is always already at the

borderland. But double consciousness is something that for most peopleespecially non-blacksmust be learned and
communicative and socio-political practices of black culture?

practiced. We believe that these kinds of practices and attempts on the part of black people to meet whites more than half-way are

in communication studies codeswitching, the vernacular, counter-publics, and many other concepts evoke the
double-sidedness of rhetorical practice in ways that complicate the very notion that
there could ever be a pure communication . We therefore invite Bankey to read the Communication Studies
section of the library as well as the Black Studies section. Our relationship to debate can easily be
described as an interracial love affair. The debate community is majority white and
whiteness characterizes the performative and stylistic norms of competitive policy
debate. We need not only refer to Reid-Brinkleys thesis for this kind of analysis. Shelton K. Hill and Pamela Stepps work on
black participation in debate and white stylistic practice has been overlooked for far too long. We think that our relationship
to debate is a romantic/desirous coupling, a flirtation across racial lines that has
often left many of us bruised and bloody at the hands of whiteness and white
people. We are in an abusive relationship, one that denigrates and maligns our
black thinking while engaged in (neo-)liberal efforts to capture our black bodies .
Nonetheless, we work to create an erotics of debate that can affirm our selves in the
face of such denigration. The borderland space that black debaters, judges,
coaches, and directors occupy offers a unique perspective from which to view both
the beauty and the ugliness of our community and its practices. Such a perspective
provides new insights and new avenues of engagement toward changing the
conditions necessary for producing new knowledgethe kind that does not block
the development of black thought based on misdirected accusations of antiintellectualism.
evident for those who choose to see. But also we must point out that

3. We access all of their standards okie

Defense to Agonism
Agonism and deliberation suppress alternate forms of
communication and assume a level playing field
Dryzek 5 (John Dryzek is a PhD, Professor of Political Science and Australian Research Council Federation Fellow. He is a
Fellow of the Academy of Social Sciences in Australia, former Head of the Departments of Political Science at the Universities of
Oregon and Melbourne and the Social and Political Theory program at ANU, and former editor of the Australian Journal of Political
Science, Deliberative Democracy in Divided Societies: Alternatives to Agonism and Analgesia, Political Theory,
http://www.chinesedemocratization.com/materials/6DryzekDeliDemDividedSocieties.pdf //ekr)

Deliberation across divided identities is hard . On a widely shared account, deliberation is what
Bessette calls the mild voice of reason2 exactly what is lacking in tough identity issues, at best an aspiration for

Deliberative
democrats influenced by Rawls might follow him in excluding the background culture from the
purview of public reason. But, as Benhabib points out, issues generated by the background
culture and its comprehensive doctrines can be especially pressing.3 Gutmann and Thompson
believe that deliberation can be extended to deep moral disagreements, but the precondition is
commitment on all sides to reciprocity, the capacity to seek fair terms of cooperation for its own
sake, such that arguments are made in terms the other side(s) can accept .4 Again,
mutual acceptance of reasonableness is exactly what is lacking in divided
societies. Gutmann and Thompson require adoption by all sides of a particular moral psychologyopenness to
how opponents might one day learn to interact once their real differences are dissolved.

persuasion by critical argumentthat is in fact not widely held, and explicitly rejected by (say) fundamentalist
Christians.5 Moreover,

they apply the reasonableness standard to the content of

contributions to debate, not just the motivation of speakers. Thus they are vulnerable to criticism from
difference democrats such as Young, who accepts reasonableness as a norm for motivation but not for the content

because that involves suppression of alternative communicative

forms.6 More radical difference democrats and agonists see deliberation in terms of
the erasure of identity, a form of communication stuck in neutral that does not
recognize difference, partial in practice to well-educated white males, especially when it prizes
of statements,

the unitary public reason advanced by Rawls and his followers. Those asserting identities for their part may feel
insulted by the very idea that questions going to their core be deliberated. What they want is instead cathartic

I argue for a discursive

democracy that can handle deep differences. The key involves partially decoupling the
deliberative and decisional moments of democracy, locating deliberation in engagement of
discourses in the public sphere at a distance from the sovereign state. I approach this
communication that unifies the group and demands respect from others.7

argument by examining two very different responses to divided societies. The first is agonistic, seeking robust
exchange across identities. The recent history of agonism owes much to Hannah Arendt, William Connolly, and
Bonnie Honig,8 but I focus on the work of Chantal Mouffe, because she explicitly advocates agonism against
deliberative democracy in plural societies. The second response is consociational, seeking suppression of
interchange through agreement among well-meaning elites. I do not treat these two as straw man extremes
between which a moderate path should be sought. Indeed, I argue that a defensible discursive democracy for
divided societies can develop elements of both.

Resolved
Resolved doesnt require certainty
Websters 9 Merriam Webster 2009
(http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/resolved)
# Main Entry: 1resolve # Pronunciation: \ri-zlv, -zolv also -zv or -zov\ # Function: verb # Inflected Form(s):
resolved; resolving 1 : to become separated into component parts; also : to become reduced by dissolving or
analysis 2 : to form a resolution : determine 3 :

consult, deliberate

2ACNationalism PIC

2AC Frontline
1. Permute: do boththe aff reclaimed notions of nationalism to create
a new inclusive communal culturethats Price
2. The aff is a pre-requisite nationalism was gendered by civil
society the aff escapes those structures the pic as an isolated
instance of resistance cannot solve
Schram 95 (Sanford F. Schram, Associate Professor of Political Science at
Macalester; 1995; Words of Welfare: The Poverty of Social Science and The Social
Science of Poverty; Discourses of Dependency: The Politics of Euphemism,, 2123)//CC
The deconstruction of prevailing discursive structures helps politicize the institutionalized practices that inhibit

Isolated acts of renaming, however, are unlikely to

help promote political change if they are not tied to interrogations of the structures
that serve as the interpretive context for making sense of new terms.6 This is especially the case when
renamings take the form of euphemisms designed to make what is described
appear to be consonant with the existing order. In other words, the problems of a politics of
alternative ways of constructing social relations.5

renaming are not confined to the left, but are endemic to what amounts to a classic American practice utilized
across the political spectrum.7 Homeless, welfare, and family planning provide three examples of how isolated
instances of renaming fail in their efforts to make a politics out of sanitizing language. [end page 21] Reconsidering
the Politics of Renaming Renaming can do much to indicate respect and sympathy. It may strategically recast
concerns so that they can be articulated in ways that are more appealing and less dismissive .

Renaming the
objects of political contestation may help promote the basis for articulating latent
affinities among disparate political constituencies. The relentless march of
renamings can help denaturalize and delegitimate ascendant categories and the
constraints they place on political possibility. At the moment of fissure, destabilizing renamings
have the potential to encourage reconsideration of how biases embedded in names are tied to power relations.8 Yet
isolated acts of renaming do not guarantee that audiences will be any more predisposed to treat things differently
than they were before. The problem is not limited to the political reality that dominant groups possess greater

political economies, such as liberal postindustrial

capitalism, whether understood structurally or discursively, operate as institutionalized systems
of interpretation that can subvert the most earnest of renamings .9 It is just as dangerous to
resources for influencing discourse. Ascendant

suggest that paid employment exhausts possibilities for achieving self-sufficiency as to suggest that political action
can be meaningfully confined to isolated renamings.10 Neither the workplace nor a name is the definitive venue for
effectuating self-worth or political intervention.11 Strategies that accept the prevailing work ethos will continue to
marginalize those who cannot work, and increasingly so in a post industrial economy that does not require nearly as

Exclusive preoccupation with sanitizing names

overlooks the fact that names often do not matter to those who live out their lives
according to the institutionalized narratives of the broader political economy, whether
large a workforce as its industrial predecessor.

it is understood structurally or discursively, whether it is monolithically hegemonic or reproduced through allied, if

disparate, practices. What is named is always encoded in some publicly accessible and ascendent discourse. 12

Getting the names right will not matter if the names are interpreted according to
the institutionalized insistences of organized society. 13 Only when those insistences
are relaxed does there emerge the possibility for new names to restructure daily
practices. Texts, as it now has become notoriously apparent, can be read in many ways, and they are most often
read according to how prevailing discursive structures provide an interpretive context for reading them.14 The
meanings implied by new names of necessity [end page 22] overflow their categorizations, often to be
reinterpreted in terms of available systems of intelligibility (most often tied to existing institutions). Whereas
renaming can maneuver change within the interstices of pervasive discursive structures, renaming is limited in
reciprocal fashion. Strategies of containment that seek to confine practice to sanitized categories appreciate the

discursive character of social life, but insufficiently and wrongheadedly. I do not mean to suggest that discourse is
dependent on structure as much as that structures are hegemonic discourses. The operative structures reproduced
through a multitude of daily practices and reinforced by the efforts of aligned groups may be nothing more than

Structure is the alibi for discourse. We need to destabilize

this prevailing interpretive context and the power plays that reinforce it, rather than
hope that isolated acts of linguistic sanitization will lead to political change .
stabilized ascendent discourses.15

Interrogating structures as discourses can politicize the terms used to fix meaning, produce value, and establish
identity. Denaturalizing value as the product of nothing more than fixed interpretations can create new possibilities
for creating value in other less insistent and injurious ways. The discursively/structurally reproduced reality of
liberal capitalism as deployed by power blocs of aligned groups serves to inform the existentially lived experiences
of citizens in the contemporary postindustrial order.16 The powerful get to reproduce a broader context that works
to reduce the dissonance between new names and established practices. As long as the prevailing discursive
structures of liberal capitalism create value from some practices, experiences, and identities over others, no matter
how often new names are insisted upon, some people will continue to be seen as inferior simply because they do
not engage in the same practices as those who are currently dominant in positions of influence and prestige.
Therefore,

as much as there is a need to reconsider the terms of debate, to interrogate

the embedded biases of discursive practices, and to resist living out the invidious
distinctions that hegemonic categories impose, there are real limits to what isolated
instances of renaming can accomplish .
3. Permute: do the CP-- CP must be both textually and functionally
competitive. Voting Issue: focuses on artificial mechanisms of the
plan rather than the substantive portions- moots 8 minutes of the
1AC and destroys education and fairness, steals affirmative ground,
skews 2AC strategy, and forces the affirmative to argue against
ourselves

4. No linkThe McClintock evidence is hyper-specific to nationalisms in

the context of things like WWIIwe are a movement away from
structures of oppression.
5. Operating within dominant discourse is key to redeploying meaning
Stychin 95 (Carl Stychin is the Dean and Professor of Law, City Law School, City University London,
Doctor of Laws, University of Reading, Master of Laws, Columbia University in the City of New York,
Juris Doctor (with honours), University of Toronto, Bachelor of Arts (with distinction), University of
Alberta, Law's Desire: Sexuality And The Limits Of Justice Chapter 1: Identities, Sexualities, and the
Postmodern Subject: An Analysis of Artistic Funding by the National Endowment for the Arts. Accessed
via Google Books. //ekr)
From this theoretical standpoint, the possibility exists for active intervention by the marginal subject, historically
defined as the other" against which the universal subject is constituted, in the very structure that creates the
appearance of the universal. The power of the "universal" metanarrative operates through a matrix of constraints
by which "the subjection of localized, fragmented knowledge is a necessary condition for appearance of the

if discourse is never actually totalized for the subject that is

discursive resistance remains possible. Thus, an identity can be
forged within the very discourse through which one's subjectivity has been denied
articulation.59 This potential for resistance also suggests that a measure of commonality may be found
discourses of authority."58 However,
defined by an absence,

between a feminist and a postmodern conception of subjecthood. (Elements Of the postmodern critique address the
ethical issue that feminism raises: the need to retain agency. They thus posit a subject that is capable Of resistance
and political action. This conception Of the subject is articulated not by retaining a Cartesian concept of agency but
by emphasizing that

subjects who are subjected to multiple discursive influences create

modes Of resistance to those discourses out of the elements of the very discourses
that shape them. While the dialectical conception of the subject rests on a definition of agency that is
imported from the Cartesian subject as a given, the postmoderns attempt to formulate concepts of resistance and
creativity apart from Carte- Sian concepts. The capacity for resistance can be linked to a political agenda that
focuses on the formation of identities denied by the universal discourse of subjecthood. The destabilization of the
universal subject position through practices of resistance opens up a realm of cultural space for the establishment

attempts to problematize the norm become a

precondition for articulating difference .61 Moreover, by operating within the dominant
discourse, subjects that have been historically denied participation can appropriate
and redeploy the terms of the dominant discourse. It is this cultural phenomenon of
of identities that have been silenced. Thus,

discursive appropriationa parasitic redeployment Of the excess of dis- cursive meaningthat amounts to the
cultural practice of postmodern theory That (postmodernism) has achieved such diverse cultural currency as a term

terms are
by no means guaranteed their meanings, and that these meanings Can be
appropriated and redefined for different purposes , different contexts, and, more
important, different causes. In fact, this politics Of appropriation, for so long
exclusively the discursive preserve Of the colonizer, has more recently been crucial to
groups on the social margin, Who have preferred, under certain circumstances, to struggle for recognition
thereby demonstrates what has been seen as one of postmodernism's most provocative lessons; that

and legitimacy on es- tablished "metropolitan" political ground By operating within and utilizing the terms Of the
dominant dis- course in subversive fashion, new identities are shapedsubjectivities that emerge in an oppositional
relationship to the universal.

They Say: That Justifies Slurs

Under their interpretation, it wouldnt be okay to say the plan
because its racist. As long as there is a justification for the
effects of the plan, then it is justified. Same with other
discourse.
Offensive language is an extreme example that crosses red
lines and can be rejected
Frank 97 (David A., Assistant Prof and Director of Forensics U Oregon,
Argumentation & Advocacy, Spring, p. 195)

debate culture should establish well-developed red lines that place

restrictions on the verbal behavior in the debate classroom. To be sure, any ethical attempt to
refute, critique and deconstruct an opponents argument on the resolution should be encouraged. Yet attacks on
the selfconcepts and self- esteem of others should not be tolerated and are inconsistent with the
I believe the

intent of academic debate. The existence of such red lines should not discourage vigorous debate, for there are
many available arguments that deal with substantive issues on any resolution. Our task as a community of debate
educators is to develop judging paradigms that integrate a commitment to the values of diversity and impartiality.

The judge should represent and enforce communal and personal values that exist to promote
the health of argument and the public sphere. At the same time, judges can remain
impartial adjudicators of substantive arguments. While some will cluck about political
correctness and censorship, the debate round is not a speakers corner or a talk show, it is a classroom. If it is a
classroom, then some preconditions must exist if students are to learn. Among these preconditions should be a
guarantee that a persons race, gender, ethnicity, etc., will not be the target of abuse or harassment.

1ARExt Stychin
Discourse shapes reality through social structures
Goueffic 96 -[Louise Goueffic. Author and speaker on discourse, BA graduate studies in
France, Breaking the patriarchal code 1996, http://www.amazon.com/Breaking-PatriarchalCode-Linguistic-Sexual/dp/1879198177] N.H

To address this question, one can consider, for example, why one persons terrorist
is another persons freedom fighter; the contexts in which one would use the terms
liberal, collateral damage or axis of evil; what people mean by woman by
colour', 'hooded youths', 'male nurse', or 'spinster'; and how much information is
conveyed (or not) by the term 'domestic violence'. In addition, violent, shocking, or
high impact events, for example, war, provide vivid and highly charged contexts
where language is paramount. During the Second World War, the Japanese were
constructed as the dehumanized enemy, described as 'specimens' to be 'bagged'. In
Rwanda, during the 1994 genocide, the Tutsis were described as 'cockroaches', the
target of 'bush-clearing' by the Hutus, who were ordered to 'remove tall weeds'
(adults) and 'shoots' (children). The killing of people in wars has typically been reconceptualized as 'action', 'severe measures', 'evacuating', or 'rendering harmless'.
In many cases, 'war' has become 'conflict', 'killing fields' have become 'free fire
zones', and 'killing civilians' has become 'collateral damage' (Bourke, 1999,2001).
These re-conceptualizations help constitute particular versions of events, such as a
bombing, and particular social and power relations, such as those between 'us' and
the 'other' (whoever the doer(s) and the receiver(s) of an action may be). Similarly,
in terms of gender, the use of phrasing such as 'male nurse' or 'female doctor' or
'lady doctor' effectively constitutes particular versions of the social world, where it
is necessary or important for speakers to index gender in that way. The view of
language not as a fixed or closed system, but as dynamic, complex and subject to
change, assumes that every time we use language, we make meaningful selections
from the linguistic resources available to us (Antaki, 1994). This is hardly a
straightforward process, not least because these selections are embedded in a
local/immediate, as well as broader/institutional and socio-cultural context (Antaki,
1988,1994; Fairclough, 1992). Consider, for example, a public debate on the topic of
abortion. The language that may be used to write or talk about this topic must be
viewed in the context of the particular social occasion (e.g. at school, in parliament,
in the media); of the medium (e.g. spoken, written); of who argues (e.g. a doctor, a
leg- islator, a campaigner); for what purpose(s) (e.g. to convince, to change a
situation) and from what perspective. The range of perspectives on abortion may
vary according to the participants' age, sex, education, race, class, or religion, but
also their expecta- tions, experiences, knowledge, expertise, and involvement.
Different perspectives will also reflect and promote different assumptions (or
discourses, as we will see in Chapter 3) around gender, for example, about
women's position in a society, their relative power in terms of decision-making, the
role of parenting, a society's views about sex, and so on. It then becomes obvious
that in order to understand the role that language plays in establishing and
maintaining any social relations, including gender relations, we have to look outside

of language itself, at the wider social processes in which language plays a part
(Graddol and Swann, 1989).

1ARExt Schram
Their isolated instance of laptop sticker activism does
nothing but shut down interrogations of the structures that
informed the oppression
Theyre a form of fake radicalism that shuts down
conversations and distracts from material change. A private
discussion about language choices is a better approach.
Ahmad 15 Asam Ahmad, Coordinator of the Youth Program at the Metropolitan
Action Committee for the Prevention of Violence Against Women & Children,
Coordinator of the It Gets Fatter Projecta body positivity group started by fat
queer people of color, 2015 (A Note on Call-Out Culture, Briarpatch Magazine,
March 2nd, Available Online at http://briarpatchmagazine.com/articles/view/a-noteon-call-out-culture, Accessed 03-05-2015)
Call-out culture refers to the tendency among progressives, radicals, activists, and
community organizers to publicly name instances or patterns of oppressive
behaviour and language use by others. People can be called out for statements and
actions that are sexist, racist, ableist, and the list goes on. Because call-outs tend to
be public, they can enable a particularly armchair and academic brand of activism:
one in which the act of calling out is seen as an end in itself .
What makes call-out culture so toxic is not necessarily its frequency so much as the
nature and performance of the call-out itself. Especially in online venues like Twitter
and Facebook, calling someone out isnt just a private interaction between two
individuals: its a public performance where people can demonstrate their wit or
how pure their politics are. Indeed, sometimes it can feel like the performance
itself is more significant than the content of the call-out. This is why calling in
has been proposed as an alternative to calling out: calling in means speaking
privately with an individual who has done some wrong, in order to address the
behaviour without making a spectacle of the address itself.
In the context of call-out culture, it is easy to forget that the individual we are
calling out is a human being, and that different human beings in different social
locations will be receptive to different strategies for learning and growing. For
instance, most call-outs I have witnessed immediately render anyone who has
committed a perceived wrong as an outsider to the community. One action
becomes a reason to pass judgment on someones entire being, as if there is no
difference between a community member or friend and a random stranger walking
down the street (who is of course also someones friend). Call-out culture can end
up mirroring what the prison industrial complex teaches us about crime and
punishment: to banish and dispose of individuals rather than to engage with them
as people with complicated stories and histories.

It isnt an exaggeration to say that there is a mild totalitarian undercurrent not just
in call-out culture but also in how progressive communities police and define the
bounds of whos in and whos out. More often than not, this boundary is constructed
through the use of appropriate language and terminology a language and
terminology that are forever shifting and almost impossible to keep up with .
In such a context, it is impossible not to fail at least some of the time. And what
happens when someone has mastered proficiency in languages of accountability
and then learned to justify all of their actions by falling back on that language? How
do we hold people to account who are experts at using anti-oppressive language to
justify oppressive behaviour? We dont have a word to describe this kind of perverse
exercise of power, despite the fact that it occurs on an almost daily basis in
progressive circles. Perhaps we could call it anti-oppressivism.
Humour often plays a role in call-out culture and by drawing attention to this I am
not saying that wit has no place in undermining oppression; humour can be one of
the most useful tools available to oppressed people. But when people are reduced
to their identities of privilege (as white, cisgender, male, etc.) and mocked as such,
it means were treating each other as if our individual social locations stand in for
the total systems those parts of our identities represent. Individuals become
synonymous with systems of oppression, and this can turn systemic analysis
into moral judgment . Too often, when it comes to being called out, narrow
definitions of a persons identity count for everything.
No matter the wrong we are naming, there are ways to call people out that do not
reduce individuals to agents of social advantage. There are ways of calling people
out that are compassionate and creative, and that recognize the whole individual
instead of viewing them simply as representations of the systems from which they
benefit. Paying attention to these other contexts will mean refusing to unleash all of
our very real trauma onto the psyches of those we imagine represent the systems
that oppress us. Given the nature of online social networks, call-outs are not going
away any time soon. But reminding ourselves of what a call-out is meant to
accomplish will go a long way toward creating the kinds of substantial, material
changes in peoples behaviour and in community dynamics that we envision and
need.

Conquergood Module
**note dont read this with the other Schram and Stychin cards, it would critique
their focus on artificial meanings of words and would be a double turn**
1. Focus on written knowledge is an exercise of Western imperialism
that reproduces White Supremacy
Conquergood 2 (Dwight Conquergood was an associate professor of performance
studies at Northwestern University and an Assistant Professor of Rhetoric and
Communication at the State University of New York , Masters in Communication
from the University of Utah, Ph.D. in Performance Studies from Northwestern
University Performance Studies Interventions and Radical Research
http://www.csun.edu/~vcspc00g/301/psinterventions-tdr.pdf //ekr)
Since the enlightenment project of modernity, the first way of knowing has the Of it
has qualified and repressed other Ways of knowing that are rooted in embodied
experience, oratory; and local contingencies. Between objective knowledge that is
consolidated in texts, and local know-how that circulates on the ground within a
community of memory and practice, there is no contest. It is the choice between
and "Old Wives' tales" (note the gendered as feminine). Michel Foucault coined the
term "subjugated knowledge's" to include all the local, regional, vernacular, naive
knowledges at the bottom of the hierarchy the low other of science (1980:81-84).
These are the nonserious ways of knowing that dominant culture neglects,
excludes, represses, or simply fails to recognize. Subjugated knowledges
have been erased because they are illegible; they exist, by and large, as active
bodies of meaning, outside of books, eluding the forces of inscription that would
make them legible, and thereby legitimate (see de Certeau 1998; Scott 1998). What
gets squeezed out by this epistemic violence is the whole realm of complex, finely
nuanced meaning that is embodied, tacit, intoned, gestured, improvised,
coexperienced, covertand all the more deeply meaningful because of its refusal to
be spelled out. Dominant epistemologies that link knowing with seeing are not
attuned to meanings that are masked, camouflaged, indirect, embedded, or hidden
in context. The visual/verbal bias Of Western regimes of knowledge blinds bewilders
researchers to meanings that are expressed forcefully through intonation, silence,
body tension, arched eyebrows, blank stares, and other protective arts of disguise
and secrecywhat de Certeau called "the elocutionary experience of fugitive
communication" (2000: 133; see Conquergood 2000). Subordinate people do not
have the privilege of explicitness, the luxury of transparency, the
presumptive norm Of clear and direct communication, free and open
debate on a level playing field that the privileged classes take for granted.
In his critique of the limitations of literacy, Kenneth Burke argued that print based
scholarship has built-in blind spots and a conditioned deafness: The [written] record
is usually but a fragment of the expression (as the written word omits all telltale
record of gesture and tonality; and not only may our literacy keep us from missing
the omissions, it may blunt us to the appreciation of tone and gesture, so that even
when we witness the full expression, we note only those aspects of it that can be
written down). ([1950] 1969:185) In even stronger terms, Raymond Williams
challenged the class-based arrogance of scriptocentrism, pointing to the error

and delusion of highly educated people who are so driven in on their reading
that they fail to notice that there are other forms of skilled, intelligent, creative
activity such as theatre and active politics. This error resembles that of the
narrow reformer who supposes that farm labourers and village craftsmen were once
uneducated, merely because they could not read. He argued that the contempt
for performance and practical activity, which is always latent in the highly literate,
is a mark of the observers limits, not those of the activities themselves ([1958]
1983:309). Williams critiqued scholars for limiting their sources to written materials;
I agree with Burke that scholarship is so skewed toward texts that even when
researchers do attend to extralinguistic human action and embodied events they
construe them as texts to be read. According to de Certeau, this scriptocentrism
is a hallmark of Western imperialism . Posted above the gates of modernity, this
sign: Here only what is written is understood. Such is the internal law of that
which has constituted itself as Western [and white] (1984:161).
Their focus on textual meaning of words is a form of Western academic
privilege that erases other forms of understanding
Conquergood 91 (Dwight Conquergood was an associate professor of performance
studies at Northwestern University and an Assistant Professor of Rhetoric and
Communication at the State University of New York , Masters in Communication
from the University of Utah, Ph.D. in Performance Studies from Northwestern
University Rethinking Ethnography: Towards a Critical Cultural Politics,
http://www.csun.edu/~vcspc00g/301/RethinkingEthnog.pdf, //ekr)
The performance paradigm can help ethnographers recognize "the limitations Of
literacy" and critique the textualist bias of western civilization (Jackson, 1989).
Geertz (1973, p. 452) enunciates the textual paradigm in his famous phrase: "The
culture of a people is an ensemble of texts, themselves ensembles, which the
anthropologist strains to read over the shoulders Of those to whom they properly
belong." In other words, the ethnographer is construed as a displaced, somewhat
awkward reader Of texts. Jackson vigorously critiques this ethnographic textualism
(1989, p. 184): By fetishizing texts, it dividesas the advent of literacy itself did
readers from authors, and separates both from the world. The idea that "there is
nothing outside the text" may be congenial to someone whose life is confined to
academe, but it sounds absurd in the village worlds where anthropologists carry out
their work, where people negotiate meaning in face-to-face interactions , not as
individual minds but as embodied social beings. In other words, textualism tends to
ignore the flux Of human relationships, the ways meanings are created
intersubjectively as well as ' 'intertextually embodied in gestures as well as in
words, and connected to political, moral, and aesthetic interests. Though possessed
Of a long historical commitment to the spoken word rhetoric and communication
suffer from this same valorizing of inscribed texts. A recent essay in the Quarterly
Journal Of Speech (Brummett, 1990, p. 71; emphasis mine) provides a stunning
example of the field's extreme textualism: "Such a (disciplinary I grounding can only
come about in the moment of methodological commitment when someone sits
down with a transcript Of discourse and attempts to explain it to students Or
colleaguesin that moment we become scholars of communication." In the quest
for intellectual respectability through disciplinary rigor, some communication and

rhetorical scholars have narrowed their focus to language, particularly those

aspects of language that can be spatialized on the page, or measured and counted,
to the exclusion of embodied meanings that are accessible through
ethnographic methods of "radical empiricism" (Jackson, 1989). linguistic and
textualist bias Of speech communication has blinded many scholars to the
preeminently rhetorical nature of cultural performanceritual, ceremony,
celebration, festival, parade, pageant, feast, and so forth. It is not just in nonwestern cultures, but in many so-called "modern" communities that cultural
performance functions as a special form of public address, rhetorical agency:
Cultural performances are not simple reflectors or expressions of culture or even of
changing culture but may themselves be active agencies of change, representing
the eye by which culture sees itself and the drawing board on which creative actors
sketch out what they Performative reflexivity is a believe to be more apt or
interesting "designs for living. condition in which a sociocultural group, or its most
perceptive members acting representa- tively, turn, bend Or reflect back upon
themselves, upon the relations, actions, symbols, meanings, codes, roles, statuses,
social Structures, ethical and legal rules, and other sociocultural components which
make up their public "selves." (Turner, 1986, p. 24)

2ACFiat PIC

2AC Frontline
1. No linkTheir args assume we are reformism and that the state
creates progressive laws

2. Reject plan inclusive advocacies: steals affirmative ground, skews 2AC

strategy, and forces the affirmative to argue against ourselves- voter for
fairness and education
3. Black nation building is a necessitythe PIC fails to create the
institutions required to combat White Supremacy
4. Regardless of the outcome, struggles and discourses in support of
Black Nationalism are still good.
Singh 04 Simboonath Singh, Assistant Professor of Sociology at the University
of Michigan-Dearborn, 2004 (Resistance, Essentialism, and Empowerment in Black
Nationalist Discourse in the African Diaspora: A Comparison of the Back to Africa,
Black Power, and Rastafari Movements, Journal of African American Studies,
Winter, Vol. 8, No. 3, Accessible Online via subscribing institution to Springer Online,
accessed on 7-15-15)
What motivates groups to construct and reconstruct their identity and culture? By
challenging the negative cultural depictions of blackness , the Black Power, Back to
Africa and Rastafari movements were able to redefine black ethnicity by injecting
into the minds of the masses such things as "pride of past" (African culture and
history), and "collective memory" (the experiences of slavery and colonialism) as
their strategy for transforming culture and ethnic identity. By recasting black
ethnicity into a more positive light, they were able to recreate and re-imagine
African history and culture, thereby redefining African-Caribbean identity, and thus
creating a New World African diasporic identity. The Black Power, Garvey, and
Rastafari movements illustrate the power of activism to inspire individual as well as
collective forms of ethnic identification, ethnic consciousness, and ethnic pride.
Irrespective of whether the outcomes were real or imaginary , or merely symbolic
struggles to reverse social structures and ethnic identities , the Black Power, Garvey,
and Rastafari movements were, nonetheless, instrumental in allowing particular
segments of the African-Caribbean community the opportunity to reinvent and
redefine who and what they were and wished to be. It would have been a failure of
the imagination not to have recognized in a world that has used racism as a means
of exploiting people of color, that the very political , psychological and
philosophical attempts to resist such systems would necessarily take the form of a
validation and reassertion of the denigrated.

They Say: Normativity

No Link and Turn critical theory deconstructs the
bureaucracy. Rejecting normativity strips us of agency and
undermines change.
Michelman and Radin 91 Frank Michelman, Robert Walmsley University
Professor Emeritus of Law at Harvard Law School, L.L.B. from Harvard Law School,
B.A. in Philosophy from Yale University, and Margaret Radin, William Benjamin Scott
& Luna M. Scott Professor of Law at Stanford University, L.L.D. from Illinois Institute
of Technology, J.D. from the University of Southern California, 1991 (Pragmatist And
Poststructuralist Critical Legal Practice, University of Pennsylvania Law Review, Vol.
139, Accessible Online at http://scholarship.law.upenn.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?
article=3745&context=penn_law_review, Accessed On 07-20-15)
Other critical practitioners evidently try to abstain from commitment to any
jurisprudence and devote themselves abstemiously to excavating the hidden ,
mystifying , self-enclosing , but also self-liquidating , structures they know (and
so do we) they can find in every candidate jurisprudence that comes along. We
think even their practice cannot be non-normative in the broadest sense in which
some of them use the term, because (as we explained in Parts I and II) no discursive
utterance-and in particular no argument can be seriously entertained as nonnormative in so broad a sense. Still, these most fastidious critical practitioners
apparently try to refrain from ever saying explicitly that there is anything we ought
to do; they confine their arguments to assault on (other) normative frameworks. Are
their arguments, then, perhaps nonrmative in a pragmatic sense, since they refrain
from inviting us to do anything (except engage with them)?
It has, after all, been said by way of explaining such a determinedly negative
practice that it is just, well, fun. But of course that is rarely, if ever, all that's said or
intimated by way of explanation. The more satisfying explanation, the explanation
that allows this critical practice to retain its momentum and its audience, is
different . It is pragmatic . (Of course, it is poststructuralist, too.) And it is
normative. It is the belief-the situated judgment-that under current conditions,
normative projects are bound to the reproduction of evil until relentless application
of the negative can break the grip on our acculturated imaginations of a particular,
historically situated, pernicious world-view.
Thus understood, anti-normativism is not foundational ; it is only temporarily and
not atemporally privileged . Thus understood, antinormativism is a pragmatically
inflected project. Those who still attack all jurisprudences and embrace none must
be judging in context that the moment for reconstruction is not yet here. When and
for whomever that moment does arrive, the conceptual truth that each and every
normative project is liable to deconstruction no longer works as a foundational
objection against engagement in such projects; it becomes just one more problem
to be understood and negotiated. When and for whomever that moment comes, the
perpetual anticipation of mockery no longer counts as a reason to quit. It remains,
of course-an ambiguity that we live with, a risk that we take.

It seems a possibility worth considering that there is not, and is not going to be, any
critical speaker for whom the reconstructive, the visionary, the committed moment
is not always already coming, and thus is not always already here. We can
deconstruct because we can reconstruct; we are anti-normative insofar as we are
normative. As the reconstructive moment seems ineradicable, so too does the
human experience of agency. It seems, in other words, a possibility worth
considering that the problematic, elusive, "humanist" experience of subjectivityagency-is an historically irreversible , inexpungible , constitutive aspect of our
experience of (human) being. Part of what we do, as concept-making strivers caught
in forms of life, is think about the good-the better-world and ourselves acting
towards it. We cannot deny our own agency . (We cannot speak the sentence of
denial except as speaking subjects, affirming by speaking the sentence what the
sentence means to deny.) We can call agency into question, and we had better, but
to call into question is also to (re)affirm , (re)create , (re)construct.

2ACAfropessimism K

2AC Frontline
1. They misunderstand the relationship between blackness
and Civil Societyit is ontic not ontological
Hudson 13 Peter Hudson, Senior Lecturer in Politics at the University of the
Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2013 (The state and the colonial unconscious,
Social Dynamics, Volume 39, Number 2, Available Online to Subscribing Institutions
via Taylor & Francis Online, p. 265-266)
Thus the self-same/other distinction is necessary for the possibility of identity itself. There always has to exist an
outside, which is also inside, to the extent it is designated as the impossibility from which the possibility of the
existence of the subject derives its rule (Badiou 2009, 220). But although the excluded place which isnt excluded
insofar as it is necessary for the very possibility of inclusion and identity may be universal (may be considered
ontological), its content (what fills it) as well as the mode of this filling and its reproduction are contingent. In
other words,

the meaning of the signifier of exclusion is not determined once and for

all: the place of the place of exclusion, of death is itself over-determined, i.e. the very framework for deciding the
other and the same, exclusion and inclusion, is nowhere engraved in ontological stone but is political and never

the
specific modes of the othering of otherness are nowhere decided in advance (as
[end page 265] a certain ontological fatalism might have it) ( see Wilderson 2008).
The social does not have to be divided into white and black, and the meaning of
these signifiers is never necessary because they are signifiers . To be sure,
colonialism institutes an ontological division, in that whites exist in a way barred to
blacks who are not. But this ontological relation is really on the side of the ontic that
is, of all contingently constructed identities, rather than the ontology of the social
which refers to the ultimate unfixity, the indeterminacy or lack of the social . In this
terminally settled. Put differently, the curvature of intersubjective space (Critchley 2007, 61) and thus,

sense, then, the white man doesnt exist, the black man doesnt exist (Fanon 1968, 165); and neither does the

division is constitutive of
the social, not the colonial division . Whiteness may well be very deeply
sediment in modernity itself, but respect for the ontological difference (see Heidegger
1962, 26; Watts 2011, 279) shows up its ontological status as ontic . It may be so deeply
sedimented that it becomes difficult even to identify the very possibility of the
separation of whiteness from the very possibility of order, but from this it does not
follow that the void of black being functions as the ultimate substance, the
transcendental signified on which all possible forms of sociality are said to rest.
What gets lost here, then, is the specificity of colonialism, of its constitutive axis, its
ontological differential. A crucial feature of the colonial symbolic is that the real is not screened off by
colonial symbolic itself, including its most intimate structuring relations

the imaginary in the way it is under capitalism. At the place of the colonised, the symbolic and the imaginary give
way because non-identity (the real of the social) is immediately inscribed in the lived experience (vecu) of the
colonised subject. The colonised is traversing the fantasy (Zizek 2006a, 4060) all the time; the void of the verb
to be is the very content of his interpellation. The colonised is, in other words, the subject of anxiety for whom the
symbolic and the imaginary never work, who is left stranded by his very interpellation.4 Fixed into non-fixity, he
is eternally suspended between element and moment5 he is where the colonial symbolic falters in the
production of meaning and is thus the point of entry of the real into the texture itself of colonialism. Be this as it

whiteness and blackness are (sustained by) determinate and contingent

practices of signification; the structuring relation of colonialism thus itself comprises a
knot of significations which, no matter how tight, can always be undone . Anti-colonial
may,

i.e., anti-white modes of struggle are not (just) psychic6 but involve the reactivation (or desedimentation)7 of colonial objectivity itself.

No matter how sedimented (or global), colonial

objectivity is not ontologically immune to antagonism. Differentiality, as Zizek insists (see

Zizek 2012, chap- ter 11, 771 n48), immanently entails antagonism in that differentiality both makes possible the
existence of any identity whatsoever and at the same time because it is the presence of one object in another
undermines any identity ever being (fully) itself. Each element in a differential relation is the condition of possibility
and the condition of impossibility of each other. It is this dimension of antagonism that the Master Signifier covers
over transforming its outside (Other) into an element of itself, reducing it to a condition of its possibility.8

2. Permutation: do bothcreating black nationalist

communities and moving away from the state is not
inconsistent with the alternative
3. Their Fatalism decimates agency and destroys
opportunities for change.
Ehlers 12 Nadine Ehlers, Professor, School of Social Sciences, Media, and
Communication Faculty of Law, Humanities, and Arts University of Wollongong, 12
[Racial Imperatives: Discipline, Performativity, and Struggles against Subjection,
p. 9-12, footnote from p. 145]
the study pivots on the desire to make dear
the false homogeneity of subjects that are denoted by these terms and the arbitrariness of
race per se. In the same moment that I employ these terms as critical tools of analysis, then, I hope to
expose the mechanisms of their production and mark possibilities for their
rearticulation. The final portion of this study is concerned with examining what
forms of agency and resistance are possible within the context of this binary
construction of black and white identities. Guiding this analysis is the question of how individuals
While I deploy these terms for analytic convenience,

struggle against subjection and how racial norms might be recited in new directions, given that the coercive
demands of discipline and performative constraints makes it seem like race is an insurmountable limit or closed

That race operates as a limit appears particularly so for black

subjects. For despite the fact that all subjects are produced and positioned within
and by the discursive formations of race, the impact of that positioning and what it
means for experience is markedly different . Black subjects are situated within an
antiblack context where the black body/self continues to be torn asunder within the relations of civil society.
This means that, as Yancy (2008, 134 n. n) insists, " the capacity to imagine otherwise is
seriously truncated by ideological and material forces that are systematically linked to the history of
white racism!'
system.

A number of scholars have examined these realities and advanced critical accounts of what they identify as the

Marriot, for instance, argues that "the occult presence

of racial slavery" continues to haunt our political and social imagination: "nowhere,
but nevertheless everywhere , a dead time which never arrives and does not stop arriving" (2007, xxi).
resulting condition of black existence. David

Saidiya Hartman, in her provocative Lose Your Mother: A journey Along the Atlantic Slave Route (2007) refers to this
haunting as slavery's afterlife. She insists that we do not live with the residue or legacy of slavery but, rather, that
slavery lives on. It 'survives' (Sexton 2010, 15), through what Loic Wacquant (2002, 41) has identified as slavery's
fu nctional surrogates: Jim Crow, the ghetto, and the prison. For Hartman, as echoed by other scholars, slavery has
yet to be undone:
Black lives are still imperiled and devalued by a racial calculus and a political arithmetic that were entrenched
centuries ago. This is the afterlife of slavery- skewed life chances, limited access to health and education,
premature death, incarceration, and impoverishment. I, too, am the afterlife of slavery. (2007, 6)

Wilderson III, in his Red, White, and Black: Cinema and the Structures of U.S. Antagonisms (2009),
powerfully frames slavery's afterlife as resulting in a form of social death for black
subjects and, more than this, he argues that black subjectivity is constituted as
ontological death. For Wilderson, " the Black [is) a subject who is always already positioned as Slave"
Frank B.

(2009, 7) in the United States, while everyone else exists as "Masters" (2009, 10 ).8

Studies of slavery's afterlife and the concept of social death have inarguably made
essential contributions to understandings of race.9 The strengths of such analyses lie in the salient ways they
have theorized broad social systems of racism and how they have demanded the foregrounding of suffering, pain,
violence, and death. Much of this scholarship can be put or is productively in conversation with Foucault's account
ofbiopolitics that, as I noted earlier, regulates at the level of the population. Where sovereignty 'took life and let
live,' in the contemporary sphere biopolitics works to 'make live.' However, certain bodies are not in the zone of
protected life, are indeed expendable and subjected to strategic deployments of sovereign power that 'make die.' It
is here that Foucault positions the function of racism. It is, he argues, "primarily a way of introducing a break into
the domain of life that is under power's control: the break between what must live and what must die" (2003b,
254). Thus, certain bodies/subjects are killed - or subjected to sovereign power and social death- so that others
might prosper. 10

Hartman
examines the 'must die' imperative of social death understood broadly as a lack of
social being-but she also illuminates how, within such a context, slave "performance
and other modes of practice . .. exploit[ed), and exceed[ed] the constraints of
domination" (1997, 54, my emphasis). Hartman analyzes quotidian enactments of slave
agency to highlight practices of "(counter)investment" (1997, 73) that produced "a
reconstructed self that negates the dominant terms of identity and existence" (1997,
72). 11 She thus argues that a form of agency is possible and that , while "the conditions of
domination and subjugation determine what kinds of actions are possible or effective"
(1997, 54), agency is not reducible to these conditions (1997, 55).'2 The questions that I
In Scenes of Subjection: Terror, Slavery, and Self-Making in Nineteenth-Century America (1997),

ask in this analysis travel in this direction, and aim to build on this aspect of Hartman's work. In doing so I make two

despite undeniable historical continuities and structural d)'namics, race is

also marked by discontinuity; and second, race is constantly reworked and transformed within
relations of power by subjects . 13
key claims: first, that

For Vincent Brown , a historian of slavery, ''violence, dislocation, and death

actually generate politics, and consequential action by the enslaved" (2009, 1239) . He
warns that focusing on an overarching condition or state potentially obscures seeing
these politics . More than this, however, it risks positioning relations of power
as totalizing and transhistorical , and it risks essentializing experience or the lived
realities of individuals. 14 I scale down to the level of the subject to analyze both (a) how subjects are
formed, and (b) how subjects black and white alike have struggled against conditions in
ways that refuse totalizing, immutable understandings of race. This book does not seek
to mark a condition or situa tion then, but instead takes up Brown's challenge (made within the context of
studies of slavery) to pay attention to efforts to remake condition . Looking to those efforts to
remake condition and identity grapples with the microphysics of power and the practices of daily life, enacted by
individuals and i11 collective politics, to consider what people do with situations: those dynamic, innovative

my work focuses
then on "examining ... social and political lives rather than assuming . . . lack of
social being " in order to think about how subjects can and have "made a social
world out of death itself" (Brown 2009, 1233) or how, more generally, race can be
contestations of (a never totalizing) power. Echoing the call raised by Brown (2009, 1239),

reconfigured within the broader workings of what I am calling racial discipline and
performative imperatives.
this study insists on a
shift in perspective in terms of how power is thought about . As I have remarked, I am not
But in addressing the quotidian and those efforts to remake condition and identity,

focused on biopolitics or what can be seen as solely sovereign forms of power that are deployed to condition who
will live and who will die. Instead, I am concerned with disciplinary power, which is articulated simultaneously but at
a different level to biopolitics (and despi te the exercise of sovereign forms of power} (Foucault 2003a, 250). For

this form of power is not absolute , nor does it exist in opposition to

resistance. Rather, power is seen as always fragmentary and incoherent, and power
and resistance are seen as mutually constitutive . Disciplinary power is productive, in that it
generates particular capacities and forms of subjectivity (and, necessarily, agency). And finally, though
subjects are formed in power, they are not reducible to it, not determined
by power.
Foucault,

[BEGIN ENDNOTE]

Brown, in his "Social Death and Political Life in the Study of Slavery" (2009), has
examined a number of scholars who seemingly take up such a viewpoint, in that they broadly
position blackness as a totalizing state that, historically and in the present, renders
slavery synonymous with social death and blackness as always already synonymous
with slavery. Brown focuses specifically on the academic uptake and what he sees
as the problematic distillation and extension of Orlando Patterson's (1981) concept
of"slavery as social death;' where social death indicates a lack of social being. As a scholar of slavery,
Brown is most concerned with examining the limitations of this idea in relation to the enslaved, but he is also
interested in how the idea is used in relation to the present . For Brown, Patterson's
"slavery as social death," and contemporary usages of this concept to
account for the present, advance a troubling transhistorical
characterization of slavery He argues in line with I-Ierman Bennett (quoted in Brown 1009, 1133),
14. Historian Vincent

who has observed:

As the narrative of the slave experience, soclardeath assumes a uniform African, slave, and ultimately black subject
rooted in a static New World history whose logic originated in being property and remains confined to slavery. It
absorbs and renders exceptional evidence that underscores the contingent nature of experience and consciousness.

normative assumptions about the experiences of peoples of African descent

assert a timeless, ahistorical, epiphenomenal "black" cultural experience .
Thus,

4. Aff 1stPrice indicates cognitive liberation is necessary to

recognize the illegitimacy of the American political system
the affirmative starting point is key to consolidating the
call for the end of the world
5. Their links dont assume negative state actionwe are an
eraser to the lawthe fact that they cant explain how
they go from anti-black America to no America proves the
necessity of tearing down the law.

6. Their links arent assumptive of black nationalismwe

create black institutions that counter white supremacy
thats Shelby
7. Permutation: do the plan then the althaving the state
pass a blatantly anti-black law is the paradigmatic
analysis their authors call forit forces the state to reveal
its central antagonism
8. Interpretations of whiteness/structural antagonism
understands it solely as transhistorical domination of one
racial class over another. This erases the political power
and inputs people of color have in racial formationsturns
any positive potential for movements
***This card isnt super necessary
Michael OMI, Associate Professor at UC Berkeley, AND Howard WINANT,
Sociology at the University of California, Santa Barbara, 13 [Resistance is futile?: a
response to Feagin and Elias, Ethnic and Racial Studies, Vol. 36, Issue 6, 2013]

there are
many points of agreement between the racial formation and systemic racism
theories. Where we disagree most strongly is over our respective understanding of racial
politics. Feagin and Elias focus so intensely on racism that they lose sight of the
complexities of race and the variations that exist among and within racially defined
groups. In their systemic racism account white racist rule is so comprehensive
and absolute that the political power and agency of people of colour virtually
disappear . Indeed, the white racial frame (Feagin 2009) is so omnipotent that white
racism seems to usurp and monopolize all political space in the USA. Yes, counter
framing is present, but it appears marginal at best, unable effectively to challenge the
pervasiveness, persistence and power of white racism. Since Feagin and Elias
dismiss ideas of racial democracy tout court, their perspective makes it difficult
to understand how anti-racist mobilization or political reform could ever
have occurred in the past or could ever take place in the future . They see
racism as so exclusively white that any notion of white anti-racism is virtually ignored
Their essay has an overly tendentious tone and sometimes misreads and misinterprets our book. Still

and completely unexplained.

Despite Feagin and Elias's good intentions of linking their analysis to anti-racist practice, we believe their
views have quite the opposite effect: without intending to do so, they dismiss the political
agency of people of colour and of anti-racist whites. In Feagin/Elias's view, systemic
racism is like the Borg in the Star Trek series : a hive-mind phenomenon that

assimilates all it touches. As the Borg announce in their collective audio message to intended
targets, Resistance is futile.
We have a smaller space than the main essay, so we'll dispense with a point-by-point refutation of their
understanding of racial formation theory. We assume readers of Racial Formation and of our other work know that

we consider racism a foundational and continuous part of US

history (and indeed modern world history), that we agree that whites have been the
primary creators and beneficiaries of racist institutions and practices, and that we not only
we are not closet neocons, that

respect but also situate ourselves in the black radical tradition, especially the Duboisian tradition. We will focus on

our fundamental point of disagreement with Feagin and Elias how we respectively
understand the very nature of racial politics in the USA.
Here we will engage Feagin and Elias on a few important questions that will highlight both where we agree and
where we disagree. Our topics are as follows:
What is the relationship between race and racism?
What is distinctive about our own historical epoch in the USA from post-Second World War to the present with
respect to race and racism?
What are the political implications of contemporary racial trends?
We discuss these questions with the intent of clarifying racial formation theory as well as sharpening the debate
with the systemic racism perspective. We appreciate the opportunity to do so.
What is the relationship between race and racism?

the concepts of race and racism should be distinguished

and not be used interchangeably (Omi and Winant 1994, p. 71). Some have argued that race
is solely a product of racist domination; on that account race does not exist outside
of racism. As readers of Ethnic and Racial Studies well know, many writers place quotation marks around race
In Racial Formation we suggest that

(race) to distinguish their use of the concept from popular biological notions of human variation. This is meant to
designate the wobbly social scientific status of the race concept.
In contrast to this perspective,

we consider race to be real because it is real in its

consequences.1 Our ideas about how the meaning of race is produced are basically Duboisian and Jamesian:
we all make our racial identities, though we do not make them under circumstances
of our own choosing. Race and racism do not exist merely because of white
domination, but also because of resistance and independent action : what C. L. R.
James called self-activity (James, Lee, and Castoriadis 2005 [1958], p. 99). The process of making and
remaking race racial formation is fundamentally political . It is about the freedom
dreams (Kelley 2002) that shape racial conflict as much as the white racism emphasized by Feagin and Elias.

we have developed a fairly detailed approach to racial

politics, centred on the constant and cumulative interaction of what we call racial
projects . In our account, racial formation proceeds through such projects , which
both signify upon race (representing it, interpreting it) and reciprocally structure
social relationships (of power, inequality, solidarity, etc.) according to race. If there
is a disagreement with Feagin and Elias here, it seems to be about how much power people
of colour have in this process of race-making, this racial formation process. In their
account, the very meaning of race is overwhelmingly, if not totally, shaped by a white
racial frame . By contrast, we believe that people of colour have a lot of power in the
production of racial meanings, much more than Feagin and Elias are willing to concede.
As Feagin and Elias acknowledge,

OK, what about racism? There are points of agreement and difference between Feagin and Elias's perspective and
ours. We provide a hard-core definition and extensive discussion (Omi and Winant 1994, pp. 6976), defining

racism as a racial project that combines essentialist representations of race

(stereotyping, xenophobia, aversion, etc.) with patterns of domination (violence, hierarchy, superexploitation, etc.). Racism marks certain visible characteristics of the human body for
purposes of domination . It naturalizes and reifies these instrumental distinctions.
Racism is the product of modern history : empire and conquest, race-based
slavery, and race-based genocide have shaped the modern world; they have been
met with resistance and sometimes revolution , also race-based in crucial ways. This is where
race comes from: the drive to rule, and the imperative to resist .
Feagin and Elias think (white) racism shapes race . Although they read us quite selectively and
negatively here, they recognize that we also identify whites as the most comprehensive
practitioners and by far the greatest beneficiaries of racist practices. We agree that
racism is a ferocious force, a deeply structured-in dimension of US (and world) society. But
this is apparently not enough: Feagin and Elias also want to confine racist agency to whites
and whites alone. We argue that not all racism is white, and that people of colour can practise racism
as well.

Who is white? Beyond the question of the contingent

boundaries of this group lies the question of whether there are any
positive dimensions of white identity or whether it is a purely negative
quality , signifying only the absence of colour .2

Let us look more deeply at this question.

and highly porous

Then there is the white privilege question, which builds on Du Bois's analysis (1999, p. 700) of the psychological
wage received by poor whites in virtue of their race. While we are in substantial agreement with the privilege

How
do we account for white anti-racism if we understand privilege as the source of
racism? Is white anti-racism even possible, if racism is envisioned as a n economistic
zero-sum game in which clear winners and losers are demarcated?
argument regarding whites possessive investment in racism (Lipsitz 1998), there are problems there too.

race is so profoundly a lived-in and lived-out part of both social

structure and identity that it exceeds and transcends racism thereby allowing
for resistance to racism . Race, therefore, is more than racism ; it is a fully
fledged social fact

We think that

like sex/gender or class. From this perspective,

race shapes racism as much as racism

shapes race . Racial identities (individual and group), and other race-oriented concepts as well, are
unstable . They are not uniforms; races are not teams; they are not defined
solely by antagonism to one another . They vary internally and ideologically;
they overlap and mix; their positions in the social structure shift; in other words they are shaped by
political conflict.
white racist rule in the USA appears unalterable and
permanent. There is little sense that the white racial frame evoked by systemic
racism theory changes in significant ways over historical time. They dismiss
important rearrangements and reforms as merely a distraction from more ingrained
In Feagin and Elias's account,

structural oppressions and deep lying inequalities that continue to define US society (Feagin and Elias
2012, p. 21). Feagin and Elias use a concept they call surface flexibility to argue that
white elites frame racial realities in ways that suggest change, but are merely
engineered to reinforce the underlying structure of racial oppression .
Feagin and Elias say the phrase racial democracy is an oxymoron a word defined in the
dictionary as a figure of speech that combines contradictory terms. If they mean the USA is a contradictory and

If they mean that people of

colour have no democratic rights or political power in the US A, we disagree. The USA
is a racially despotic country in many ways, but in our view it is also in many respects a
racial democracy, capable of being influenced towards more or less inclusive and
redistributive economic policies, social policies, or for that matter, imperial policies.
incomplete democracy in respect to race and racism issues, we agree.

What is distinctive about our own epoch in the USA (post-Second World War to the present) with respect to race and
racism?

Over the past decades there has been a steady drumbeat of efforts to contain and
neutralize civil rights, to restrict racial democracy, and to maintain or even increase racial
inequality. Racial disparities in different institutional sites employment, health,
education persist and in many cases have increased . Indeed, the post-2008 period has seen a
dramatic increase in racial inequality. The subprime home mortgage crisis, for example, was a major racial event.
Black and brown people were disproportionately affected by predatory lending practices; many lost their homes as

It would be easy to conclude, as Feagin

and Elias do, that white racial dominance has been continuous and unchanging
throughout US history. But such a perspective misses the dramatic twists and turns
in racial politics that have occurred since the Second World War and the civil rights era.
a result; race-based wealth disparities widened tremendously.

Feagin and Elias claim that we overly inflate the significance of the changes wrought by the civil rights movement,
and that we overlook the serious reversals of racial justice and persistence of huge racial inequalities (Feagin and
Elias 2012, p. 21) that followed in its wake. We do not. In Racial Formation we wrote about racial reaction in a
chapter of that name, and elsewhere in the book as well. Feagin and Elias devote little attention to our arguments

While we argue that the right wing

was able to rearticulate race and racism issues to roll back some of the gains of
the civil rights movement, we also believe that there are limits to what the right
could achieve in the post-civil rights political landscape .
there; perhaps because they are in substantial agreement with us.

present prospects for racial justice are demoralizing at best. But we do

not think that is the whole story. US racial conditions have changed over the postSecond World War period, in ways that Feagin and Elias tend to downplay or neglect. Some of the major
reforms of the 1960s have proved irreversible; they have set powerful democratic
forces in motion. These racial (trans)formations were the results of unprecedented
political mobilizations, led by the black movement, but not confined to blacks
alone . Consider the desegregation of the armed forces, as well as key civil rights
movement victories of the 1960s: the Voting Rights Act , the Immigration and Naturalization Act
(Hart- Celler), as well as important court decisions like Loving v. Virginia that declared antimiscegenation laws unconstitutional. While we have the greatest respect for the late Derrick Bell, we
do not believe that his interest convergence hypothesis effectively explains all these
developments. How does Lyndon Johnson's famous (and possibly apocryphal) lament upon signing the Civil
So we agree that the

Rights Act on 2 July 1964 We have lost the South for a generation count as convergence?

The US racial regime has been transformed in significant ways. As Antonio Gramsci
argues, hegemony proceeds through the incorporation of opposition (Gramsci
1971, p. 182). The civil rights reforms can be seen as a classic example of this process;
here the US racial regime under movement pressure was exercising its
hegemony . But Gramsci insists that such reforms which he calls passive
revolutions cann ot be merely symbolic if they are to be effective: oppositions
must win real gains in the process. Once again, we are in the realm of politics, not
absolute rule .So yes, we think there were important if partial victories that shifted
the racial state and transformed the significance of race in everyday life. And yes, we think
that further victories can take place both on the broad terrain of the state and on the
more immediate level of social interaction: in daily interaction, in the human psyche and across civil
society. Indeed we have argued that in many ways the most important accomplishment of the anti-racist movement
of the 1960s in the USA was the politicization of the social. In the USA and indeed around the globe,

race-based

movements demanded not only the inclusion of racially defined others and the
democratization of structurally racist societies, but also the recognition and validation by both
the state and civil society of racially-defined experience and identity. These
demands broadened and deepened democracy itself . They facilitated not only the democratic
gains made in the USA by the black movement and its allies, but also the political advances towards equality, social
justice and inclusion accomplished by other new social movements: second-wave feminism, gay liberation, and
the environmentalist and anti-war movements among others.

By no means do we think that the post-war movement upsurge was an

unmitigated success . Far from it: all the new social movements were subject to the
same rearticulation (Laclau and Mouffe 2001, p. xii) that produced the racial ideology of
colourblindness and its variants; indeed all these movements confronted their mirror images in the
mobilizations that arose from the political right to counter them. Yet even their incorporation and
containment, even their confrontations with the various backlash phenomena of the past few decades, even
the need to develop the highly contradictory ideology of colourblindness, reveal
the transformative character of the politicization of the social . While it is not
possible here to explore so extensive a subject, it is worth noting that it was the long-delayed eruption of racial
subjectivity and self-awareness into the mainstream political arena that set off this transformation, shaping both the
democratic and anti-democratic social movements that are evident in US politics today.

1arExt Hudson
Theyre still wrong
Social death ignores historical patterns
Brown 9 Vincent, Prof. of History and African and African-American Studies @
Harvard Univ., December, "Social Death and Political Life in the Study of Slavery,"
American Historical Review, p. 1231-1249
THE PREMISE OF ORLANDO PATTERSONS MAJOR WORK, that enslaved Africans were natally alienated and culturally isolated, was challenged even before he published his influential thesis, primarily by scholars concerned with
survivals or retentions of African culture and by historians of slave resistance. In the early to mid-twentieth century, when Robert Parks view of the Negro predominated among scholars, it was generally assumed that the slave

historians
argued
that while enslaved Africans could not have brought intact social,
political, and religious institutions with them to the Americas, they did maintain
significant aspects of their cultural backgrounds
trade and slavery had denuded black people of any ancestral heritage from Africa. The

Carter G. Woodson and W. E. B. Du Bois and the anthropologist Melville J. Herskovits

the

opposite. Their research supported the conclusion

.32 Herskovits ex- amined Africanismsany practices that seemed to be identifiably Africanas

useful symbols of cultural survival that would help him to analyze change and continuity in African American culture.33 He engaged in one of his most heated scholarly disputes with the sociologist E. Franklin Frazier, a student of
Parks, who empha- sized the damage wrought by slavery on black families and folkways.34 More recently, a number of scholars have built on Herskovitss line of thought, enhancing our understanding of African history during the

studies have evolved productively from assertions about general cultural

heritage into more precise demonstrations of the continuity of worldviews
categories of belonging, and social practices from Africa to America.
preservation of distinctive cultural forms has served as an index both of a resilient
social personhood, or identity, and of resistance to slavery itself.
era of the slave trade. Their

For these scholars, the

35

Scholars of slave resistance have never had

much use for the concept of social death. The early efforts of writers such as Herbert Aptheker aimed to derail the popular notion that American slavery had been a civilizing institution threatened by slave crime.36 Soon after,
studies of slave revolts and conspiracies advocated the idea that resistance demonstrated the basic humanity and intractable will of the enslavedindeed, they often equated acts of will with humanity itself. As these writ- ers turned
toward more detailed analyses of the causes, strategies, and tactics of slave revolts in the context of the social relations of slavery, they had trouble squaring abstract characterizations of the slave with what they were learning
about the en- slaved.37 Michael Craton, who authored Testing the Chains: Resistance to Slavery in the British West Indies, was an early critic of Slavery and Social Death, protesting that what was known about chattel bondage in the
Americas did not confirm Pattersons definition of slavery. If slaves were in fact generally dishonored, Craton asked, how does he explain the degrees of rank found among all groups of slavesthat is, the scale of reputation

How could they have formed the fragile families

documented by social historians if they had been natally alienated by definition
if slaves had been uniformly subjected to permanent violent
domination, they could not have revolted as often as they did or shown the varied
manifestations of their resistance
social control
and slave resistance falsified Pattersons description of slavery even as the tenacity
of African culture showed that enslaved men, women, and children had arrived in
the Americas bearing much more

and authority accorded, or at least acknowledged, by slave and master alike?

Finally, and per- haps most tellingly,

that so frustrated masters and compromised their power, sometimes fatally.38 The dynamics of

than their tropical temperament.

The cultural continuity and resistance schools of thought come together pow- erfully in an important

book by Walter C. Rucker, The River Flows On: Black Re- sistance, Culture, and Identity Formation in Early America. In Ruckers analysis of slave revolts, conspiracies, and daily recalcitrance, African concepts, values, and cul- tural

the perseverance of African

culture even among second, third, and fourth generation creoles
New York Citys 1712 Coromantee revolt 1741 conspiracy 1739 Stono
rebellion
the transformation of a shared cultural heritage that shaped collective
action against slavery corresponded to the various steps Africans made in the
process of becoming African American in culture, orientation, and identity
metaphors play the central role. Unlike Smallwood and Hartman, for whom the rupture was the story of slavery, Rucker aims to reveal

.39 He looks again at some familiar events in North

America

and

, the

in South Carolina, as well as the plots, schemes, and insurgencies of Gabriel Prosser, Denmark Vesey, and Nat Turnerdeftly teasing out the African origins of many of the attitudes and actions of the black

rebels. Rucker outlines how

2ACBlack Feminism K

2AC Frontline
1. NO linkwe create new institutions that are inclusive and
built upon identity formation and creationthats Price
2. Black Nationalism is key to Black Feminism dismissal
empirically fails and undermines struggles.
Higashida 11 Cheryl Higashida, Associate Professor of Ethnic Studies at the
University of California, Boulder, Ph.D. in Ethnic Studies from Cornell University, M.A.
in Ethnic Studies from Cornell University, B.A. in Ethnic Studies from the University
of California, Berkley, 2011 (Introduction, Black Internationalist Feminism,
Published by the University of Illinois Press, ISBN: 9780252093548, pgs. 7-10)
Yet as Neil Lazarus points out, even the most crushing of these failures , of which
there have been many, cannot eradicate the historical fact of anticolonial
independence and its impact on hundreds of millions throughout the world.
Moreover, Lazarus writes, "the concrete achievements of this struggle for national
liberation are still intact and continue to provide a vital resource for present-day
social and cultural practice" Whether by reminding us that the rights of small
nations and struggles for sovereignty continue to matter or that rich traditions of
resistance to U.S. neoimperialism and alternative formulations of transnational
citizenship point beyond the impasses of the war on terror or that woman of color
and/or lesbian feminisms have been forged out of battles for self-determination ,
political movements centrally concerned with national liberation, such as the
postwar Black Left and the Black Power movement to which it helped give rise, are
major landmarks on the terrain of progressive politics and culture.
This is not to say that the triumphs of Third Worldist national liberation movements
negate their often-virulent heteropatriarchy, but that their limitations with respect
to gender and sexuality do not primarily define their (ir)relevance to
contemporary social movements, especially when considering African American
women writers on the postwar Black Left. Their work challenges the narrative of
decline of anticolonial nationalism as a historical force, which Aijaz Ahmad dates to
the mid-1970s. As Timothy Brennan observes, this periodization does not fit details
like the rise Of the New People's Army of the Philippines, the right-wing clerical antiimperialism of the Iranian revolution, the victory Of the New Jewel movement in
Granada (sic, and the battle of Quito Carnavale in Angola between the Cuban and
South African armies that led directly to the Namibian accordsall of them post1975, and all of them (again) With resonant activist effects in the metropolis,
particularly in the form Of the American antiapartheid movement as well as Jesse
Jackson's foreign-policy statements in the 1984 presidential elections.
Audre Lorde, who was inspired by Grenada's New Jewel Movement to make national
liberation central to her feminism; Lorraine Hansberry, whose Fanonian analysis in
her posthumously completed play, Les Blancs (1970), remained relevant to the

unfolding Angolan revolution; and Alice Childress and Rosa Guy, who revisited the
histories and politics of the anticolonial Black Left in novels published in 1979 and
1995, demonstrate that revolutionary nationalism continued to shape Black feminist
and queer politics well into the late twentieth centuryand that radical Black
women writers reshaped revolutionary nationalism. When we dismiss intellectual
and political formations that hold national liberation to be indispensable to
emancipatory politics, we silence a rich strand of Black feminism and deny
the very heterogeneity it strives to foster.

3. Permutation: Do Both. Modern Black Nationalism can help

with formation of resistance strategies their link
evidence underestimates our revolutionary potential.
Gaines 13 Rondee Gaines, Ph.D. candidate in Communications from Georgia
State University, M.A. in Communications from the University of Alabama, 2013 (I
am a Revolutionary Black Female Nationalist: A Womanist Analysis of Fulani Sunni
Ali's Role as a New African Citizen and Minister of In-formation in the Provisional
Government of the Republic of New Africa, Georgia State University, May 10th,
Accessible Online at http://scholarworks.gsu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?
article=1044&context=communication_diss, accessed on 07-14-15)
Considering the black feminist perspective that oftentimes denies the agency and
complexity of female black nationalists, Africana womanism and Black Nationalism
actually support male-female complementarity . Not ignoring patriarchal
oppression, Hudson-Weems, from an Africana womanist perspective, acknowledges
that sexism plays its part in dividing our [black] community, as this menacing
factor wreak[ed] havoc on the sanctity and harmony of the Africana family (81).
However, the problems that plague black communities, whether it is sexism,
capitalism, or white supremacy, do not interfere with black men and women
collectively confronting these issues and continuing to struggle for black liberation.
While womanism brings additional insights about racially gendered activism in the
Republic of New Africa, the practice of Black Nationalism, from a revolutionary
stance, also expands the margins of a womanist method . When Phillips
characterized womanism as antioppressionist, she, like other scholars, did not
explore the practicality of developing an antioppressionist womanist agenda in a
radical secessionist setting. In other words, if people are actively engaged in
effectively transforming politics, they must be equipped mentally, socially, and
especially physically. A history of struggle, which is assumed if one is opposed to
oppression, should clearly include concrete problem-solving tactics and resistive
strategies to domination and repressive forces. Studying more closely how Sunni Ali
attempted to achieve the seemingly insurmountable task of building a national
citizenry and freeing the land is an excellent opportunity for studying such
tactics and strategies. There must be an internal and external revolution, as noted
in Republic of New Africa Nation Building Classes. By adapting some of the Black
Nationalists revolutionary tactics, there is the conceivable possibility of expanding
the practical boundaries of womanism.

4. Black Feminism privileges Western Perspectives while

papering over other conditions
Blay 8 (Yaba Amgborale Blay is a research faculty member in Africana Studies and Womens
Studies at Lehigh University, where she directs the Joint Multicultural Program. She received her
doctorate in African American Studies and Womens Studies from Temple University. All the Africans
are Men, all the Sistas are American, but Some of Us Resist: Realizing African Feminism(s) as an
Africological Research Methodology The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.2, no.2 March 2008 // ekr)

Though Black feminist, Womanist and Africana womanist perspectives continue to

vie for the disciplines primary consideration, each regarding itself the more
appropriate viewpoint, in their treatment (or lack thereof) of issues related to
gender in African and African Diasporic spaces, it is argued here that Black
feminism, Womanism and Africana womanism all present themselves in similar
paternalist fashion as does Western feminism, often prioritizing a version of reality
that is contextualized by their particular experiences of gender, namely as it is
informed by the legacy and experience of being African in America. From whose
center are we operating? Black Feminism In her highly-cited text, Black Feminist
Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of Empowerment, Patricia Hill
Collins discusses U.S. Black Feminism in a Transnational Context (Chapter 10). While
Hill Collins acknowledges that the matrix of domination experienced by Black
women transcends U.S. borders, she also notes that the experiences of women of
African descent globally will vary across space and time according to the specific
organization of these particular matrices. Nevertheless, it appears that the purpose
of engaging Black women transnationally, according to Hill Collins, is more for a
better understanding of U.S. Black women, than it is for the women under study.
She argues that shifting to a global analysis..reveals new dimensions of
U.S. Black womens experiences in the particular matrix of domination
that characterizes U.S. society (Hill Collins 231). What becomes clear is that in
form similar to many Western feminists, Hill Collins situates the experience of
gender as universal and conceives a global gendered apartheid of sorts wherein
there exists, the exploitation of labor of women of colour everywhere (Emphasis
mine) (Hill Collins 232). But who is defining what constitutes oppression those
within the society or those outside of the society? Given that she positions the
intersecting oppressions of race, class, gender and sexuality as the ties that bond
Black women globally with no mention of history or culture, and that she
assumes that it is possible for Black feminists to [place] U.S. Black womens
experiences in the center of analysis without privileging those experiences, (Hill
Collins 228) it appears that in this context, it would be through U.S. Black feminist
eyes that we would have to witness what constitutes exploitation everywhere.

5. Alt Fails: Disciplinary policing bad excluding various

disciplines from black feminism dooms it to failure.
Nash 09 Jennifer Nash, Assistant Professor in African Studies at George
Washington University, Ph.D. in African American Studies from Harvard University,
J.D. from Harvard Law School, A.B. in Womens Studies from Harvard College, 2009
(Review Essay: Un-Disciplining Intersectionality, International Feminist Journal of

Politics, December, accessible online via subscribing institutions to Taylor and

Francis Online, accessed on 7-11-15)
Despite the pervasive anxiety that intersectionality is an exercise in impossibility,
that the sheer complexity of lived experience cannot ever fully be captured, these
four texts ambitiously strive to craft a more robust intersectionality theory. Yet all
four texts brush up against the limits of disciplinarity in their imaginings of
intersectionalitys future. Indeed, each text mobilizes the methodological and
theoretical tools of its respective discipline history, political science, philosophy
and sociology to re-think intersectionality. However, the texts reveal that
disciplinarity itself is a hindrance to the radical border-crossing thinking that
intersectionality requires. Creative thinking about subjectivity and inequity in an era
increasingly marked by contingent, shifting, hybrid identities necessitates scholarly
exchanges across the at-times heavily policed disciplinary borders that shape
the contemporary university.
Intersectionality has a long and deeply interdisciplinary history . The power of
intersectionality to transcend disciplinary borders suggests that it might also have
the power to transform disciplinary borders. The panoply of scholarly interventions
committed to re-thinking and revising intersectionality suggest that it is an
opportune time to un-discipline intersectionality. Un-disciplining intersectionality will
allow scholars to harness the tools of a wide array of disciplines in our ongoing
attempts to capture the messy social construction of identity.

2ACAcademy K of Black Feminism

Their K commodifies Black feminism and uses it as a voice for
the Other
Alexander-Floyd 12 (Nikol G. Alexander-Floyd is an associate professor of
womens and gender studies at Rutgers University and a feminist theorist whose
work and teaching integrates the study of politics, law, womens studies, and black
studies., 2012, Disappearing Acts: Reclaiming Intersectionality in the Social
Sciences in a PostBlack Feminist Era Feminist Formations, Volume 24, Issue 1,
Spring 2012, pp. 1-25 //ekr)
In her seminal essay The Occult of True Black Womanhood (1996), black feminist
Ann duCille dissects the cultural and political dimensions of the newfound interest in
black women as academic subjects in the closing decades of the last millennium. As
she notes, where black feminist studies across fields had for decades remained a
marginalized academic space advanced by pioneering black feminists whose work
represented a labor of love, the 1980s and 1990s brought with it an explosion of
interest in black womens studies, particularly by white feminists, black men, and
others who were not black feminists. Although duCille and others advocated for
increased attention to black feminism and black women as academic subjects, the
frenzy surrounding the study of black women in the academy reached occult
status. For duCille, moreover, the occult of true black womanhood represented a
contemporary example of the commodification of black women. bell hooks likens
such commodification to the consumption or eating [of] the Other (hooks, qtd. in
duCille 1996, 82). This commodification and consumption had deleterious effects on
both black women academics and black women as subjects of research. In terms of
the former, the occult of true black womanhood heightened the crisis of Black
female intellectuals (118). The right to claim expertise in the study of black women
was open to everyone, but black womennot the scores of scholars partaking in the
occultwere in high demand as purveyors of gendered, racial
representation (especially, for instance, to serve on committees to speak as or for
the Other). As to the latter, the occult of true black womanhood, duCille observed,
was marked by scholarship that, in fact, diminished the very subject that it wanted
to honor by treating it not like a discipline with a history and a body of rigorous
scholarship underpinning it, but like an anybody-can-play pickup game played on an
open field (95). In this way, the black feminist academic terrain was
misappropriated. Scholars, moreover, driven by this occult, hailed their work as
new scholarship, go[ing] . . . in fact [where] others have gone before (ibid.).

The Academy consumes and repackages black feminist

discourse to steal its liberatory potential
Alexander-Floyd 12 (Nikol G. Alexander-Floyd is an associate professor of
womens and gender studies at Rutgers University and a feminist theorist whose
work and teaching integrates the study of politics, law, womens studies, and black
studies., 2012, Disappearing Acts: Reclaiming Intersectionality in the Social
Sciences in a PostBlack Feminist Era Feminist Formations, Volume 24, Issue 1,
Spring 2012, pp. 1-25 //ekr)

As noted at the outset, disciplinary pressure to conform research to dominant

modes of inquiry constitutes one of the major forces shaping intersectionality.
Underlying the push for empirical research is the siren call of scientific validity.
Although feminists and others who are nonpositivists have assailed its claims,
positivisms magnetic pull still draws our attention to quantitative research as our
center of scholarly authority. Appeals to empiricism in the name of championing
intersectionality in political science more broadly disqualifies and diminishes
scholarship that seeks to focus on women of colors marginalization and the varied
forces through which they are assailed. In a related vein, although women of color
social scientists like Hancock may draw on their lived identity in some part to think
through intersectionality in their work, disciplinary structures condition
intersectionalitys expression in their work in ways that are more determinative than
their subject-position. Of course, the subject-position of women of color adherents
to postblack feminist intersectionality adds legitimacy to its support, particularly
among white scholars, as it travels within the mainstream of disciplines. Finally,
efforts to systematize intersectionality should be viewed with skepticism, as they
also ultimately work to disappear black women by altering their knowledge
production in ways that undermine its import. Hancock (2007b) argues that [c]alls
have emerged for the consolidation of intersectional research into a paradigm that
animates work in a variety of fields, offering her work as one such effort (64). Calls
to unify knowledge present opportunities for re-codification and recolonization (Foucault 1980, 86). Current efforts to universalize intersectionality, to
consolidate its meaning such that it is disconnected from the lived experiences of
women of color and made available to larger numbers because of a focus on an
academic demand for quantitative methods, can serve to colonize intersectionality
and redeploy it in ways that deplete its radical potential. Indeed, at its best,
intersectionality decenters the project of positivism and neo-positivism altogether.

1ARBlack Nationalism k2 Black Fem

1. Their critiques of Black Nationalism are based off a flawed
model not our aff and a black feminist nationalism is
possible the perm solves
Collins 06 (Patricia Hill Collins - is currently Professor of Sociology at the
University of Maryland, She is also the former head of the Department of African
American Studies at the University of Cincinnati, and the past President of the
American Sociological Association Council; January 1, 2006; From Black Power to Hip
Hop; Introduction; 11-12)//CC
Ironically, in the context Of the new racism, politics has seem- ingly shifted into the
terrain Of identity and culture. Projects for self- definition, the portion Of Black
nationalist projects devoted to values, culture, and new Black identities not only
survived the challenges Of the new racism but seemingly flourished within the
increasingly conser- vative racial climate in the United States, where cultural
arguments that explained class inequalities rose in importance. The Nation Of Islam
and Black studies programs in higher education that Overtly espoused Afrocentric
philosophies constitute two nationally visible organiza- tional sites for Black cultural
nationalism. With their emphasis on Black identity and culture, these projects
maintained their strength via the seeming failure Of racial integration. In the
absence of a richly textured Black nationalist debate, the ideas and actions of a few
orga-nizations became the new archetypes of Black nationalism. A good deal of
recent Black intellectual criticism of Black nationalism, much of it apparently quite
convincing to others in the academy, seems directed toward a relatively small
segment of Black nationalist thought, espe- 'ally its misogynistic elements. 12 After
all, if the Nation of Islam and Afrocentric Black studies programs become the straw
men who stand for all Black nationalism, then it becomes relatively straightforward
to dismiss Black nationalism in total by criticizing the limitations of these
expressions of Black cultural nationalism. Socialism and similar class-based
initiatives, the third major ideol- ogy shaping Black politics, also floundered in
responding to the new racism. In contrast to the European acceptance Of socialism,
African Americans advancing socialism since the 1950s have had a hard time being
heard in Ameriea.14 Several themes have suppressed socialist ideology within
African American communities, among them the McCarthy era Of the 1950s and its
attack on communism; the assassi- nation Of Martin Luther King Jr. in 1968 (when
he began to advance a class-based, global agenda for human rights); and
government per- secution in the 1970s Of Black radical organizations such as the
Black Panther Party for Self-Defense that offered critiques Of capitalism. Moreover,
the 1990 collapse of the Soviet Union as a major communist world power
simultaneously elevated capitalism's Status as the domi- nant global economic
System and nationalist ideologies in which groups competed with one another in the
new global marketplace. As a result, socialism has rarely been tested within African
American poli- tics, and when it has, its language has been coopted. Black
feminism, a fourth major ideology shaping African American politics, experienced a
renaissance in the 1970s and 1980s but also proved unable to sustain its radical
potential in the face Of the new racism. Historically, because African American

women lived racially segregated lives, Black feminism found expression within the
confines of Black community polities. This meant that African American fem-inism
had a dialectical and synergistic relationship with Black nation-alism as a "Black
feminist nationalism" or "Black nationalist feminism." Black women participated in
community politics, and the models that developed there moved into modern Black
feminism of the 1970s and 1980s. Individual African American women also
participated in and continued to work within U.S. mainstream feminism during this
pe- riod, a fact that is lost on those who argue that feminism is for VY11ite women.
African American women have been in feminism since its in- ception, and during the
1970s and 1980s they launched a distinctive, albeit less well known, Black feminist
movement. IS Like mainstream feminism, conservative forces that set Out to
dismantle women's rights also affected Black feminist politics in the 1980s and
1990s. Black feminism garnered increasing recognition within the academy, yet it
also began to succumb to the pressures Of the new racism to eschew group-based
polities Of all sorts. Currently, the shift away from its roots in Black political activism
has led some to ask: Whatat has Black femi- nism built within African American
communities?

1ARIntersectionality Bad
Intersectionality homogenizes the experiences of black women
Nash 11 (Jennifer Nash, Assistant Professor in African Studies at George
Washington University, Ph.D. in African American Studies from Harvard University,
J.D. from Harvard Law School, A.B. in Womens Studies from Harvard College,
Hometruths on Intersectionality
https://www.academia.edu/2391042/Hometruths_on_Intersectionality, //ekr)
This narrower intersectionality has been detrimental to black feminism for three
reasons. First, while race/gender has become the primary intersection that captures
black feminist attention, marginalization has emerged as the principal analytic used
to study this intersection. Because intersectionality has come to equate black
women's lived experiences with marginalization, black feminism has neglected to
rigorously study the heterogeneity of "black woman" as a category. 7 Second,
because black feminism attends to race/gender almost exclusively, black feminism
has effectively subcontracted out explorations of other intersections to a range of
related intellectual projects. Third, and most importantly, because intersectionality
has become the preeminent black feminist lens for studying black women's
experiences, intersectionality itself is never subjected to critical scrutiny. Instead,
intersectionality is now often treated as synonymous with black feminism or, as
Ange-Marie Hancock argues, with "women of color studies,' rather than as a product
of black feminism. Intersectionality's synonymity with black feminism allows it to
enjoy an invisible theoretical monarchy, 9 so that it is now treated as "a primary, if
not singular, feminist method, and the paradigmatic frame through which women's
lives are understood and theorized, as the only tool necessary to study the intimate
relationship between race, gender, and a host of other social categories. This Article
suggests that intersectionality's current relationship with black feminism is neither
inevitable nor the effect of historical accident; instead, it is the result of a set of
historical convergences. This Article traces shifts in black feminism'S conception Of
intersectionality over time to better understand the particular relationship between
black feminism and intersectionality in our current moment. Ultimately, I am
interested in examining changes in intersectionality's interaction with black
feminism over time, challenging the tendency to elide intersectionality's historical
formations and transformations.

1AR Perm Cards

The Permutation is best coalitions prevents cooption
and are key to mobilize resistance to the state.
Collins 90 Patricia Hill Collins, Distinguished University Professor of Sociology
at the University of Maryland, Ph.D. in Gender Studies from the University of
Cincinnati, M.A. in Social Science Education from Harvard University, 1990
(Defining Black Feminist Thought, Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge,
Consciousness, and the Politics of Empowerment, Published by Routledge Press,
ISBN: 978-0-04-445137-2, pgs. 39-40)
By advocating, refining, and disseminating Black feminist thought, other groupssuch as Black men, white women, white men, and other people of color- further its
development . Black women can produce an attenuated version of Black feminist
thought separated from other groups. Other groups cannot produce Black feminist
thought without African-American women. Such groups can, however, develop selfdefined knowledge reflecting their own standpoints. But the full actualization of
Black feminist thought requires a collaborative enterprise with Black women at the
center of a community based on coalitions among autonomous groups.
Coalitions such as these require dialogues among Black women intellectuals and
within the larger African-American women's community. Exploring the common
themes of a Black women's standpoint is an important first step. Moreover,
finding ways of handling internal dissent is especially important for the Black
women's intellectual community. Evelynn Hammond describes how maintaining a
united front for whites stifles her thinking: "What I need to do is challenge my
thinking, to grow. On white publications sometimes I feet like I'm holding up the
banner of black womanhood. And that doesn't allow me to be as critical as I would
like to be" (in Clarke et al. 1983, 104). Cheryl Clarke observes that she has two
dialogues: one with the public and the private ones in which she feels free to
criticize the work of other Black women. Clarke states that the private dialogues are
the ones that "have changed my life, have shaped the way I feel ... have mattered
to me" (p. 103).
Coalitions also require dialogues with other groups. Rather than rejecting our
marginality, Black women intellectuals can use our outsider-within stance as a
position of strength in building effective coalitions and stimulating dialogue. Barbara
Smith suggests that Black women develop dialogues based on a "commitment to
principled coalitions, based not upon expediency, but upon our actual need for each
other" (1983, xxxiii). Dialogues among and coalitions with a range of groups, each
with its own distinctive set of experiences and specialized thought embedded in
those experiences, form the larger , more general terrain of intellectual and
political discourse necessary for furthering Black feminism . Through
dialogues exploring how relations of domination and subordination are maintained
and changed, parallels between Black women's experiences and those of other
groups become the focus of investigation.

Dialogue and principled coalition create possibilities for new versions of truth .
Alice Walker's answer to the question of what she felt were the major differences
between the literature of African-Americans and whites offers a provocative glimpse
of the types of truths that might emerge through an epistemology based on
dialogue and coalition. Walker did not spend much time considering this question,
since it was not the difference between them that interested her, but, rather, the
way Black writers and white writers seemed to be writing one immense story, with
different parts of the story coming from a multitude of different perspectives. In a
conversation with her mother, Walker refines this epistemological vision: "I believe
that the truth about any subject only comes when all sides of the story are put
together, and all their different meanings make one new one. Each writer writes the
missing parts to the other writer's story. And the whole story is what I'm after"
(1983, 49). Her mother's response to Walker's vision of the possibilities of dialogues
and coalitions hints at the difficulty of sustaining such dialogues under oppressive
conditions: "'Well, I doubt if you can ever get the true missing parts of anything
away from the white folks,' my mother says softly, so as not to offend the waitress
who is mopping up a nearby table; 'they've sat on the truth so long by now they've
mashed the life out of it'" (1983, 49).

Perm solves - black nationalism is an adaptable ideology

Van Deburg 97 (William L. Van Deburg - Professor of Afro-American Studies at
the University of Wisconsin-Madison; 1997; Modern Black Nationalism: From Marcus
Garvey to Louis Farrakhan; 3-4)//CC
It goes without saying that such encouragements to group solidarity may, on
occasion, backfireactually decreasing the level of unity and national
Consciousness within a targeted community. Potential in-group Supporters turned
off by the nationalists' theoretical assumptions, opera- tional agenda, or
overzealous promotional efforts may opt to cling ever tighter to a competing belief
system. At such times, nationalist recruiting agents can take comfort in the fact that
they are attempting to "sell" an ideology, not a magazine subscription or an
overpriced time-share condo. As with any such intellectual construction, nationalism
can be blended with a host of related "isms" and approachesto better ad- dress
the specific needs Of individual adherents Or to more easily adapt to changed social
conditions. Nationalists can lean either to the right or to the left of their customary
place on the political spectrum. They can be "classical" or "modern" sometimes
even "neo" or "proto." Their issue orientation may tend toward territorial, religious,
economic, or cultural concerns. Nevertheless, if it can be determined that a person's
predominant passion is both galvanized by and rooted in fundamental nationalist
tenets, it is likely that the individual in question will be considered for membership
in the grand and honorable nationalist con- fraternity.

They Say: No Women in Black Nationalism

This claim is wrong and unfairly revisionist reject it on face.
Gaines 13 Rondee Gaines, Ph.D. candidate in Communications from Georgia
State University, M.A. in Communications from the University of Alabama, 2013 (I
am a Revolutionary Black Female Nationalist: A Womanist Analysis of Fulani Sunni
Ali's Role as a New African Citizen and Minister of In-formation in the Provisional
Government of the Republic of New Africa, Georgia State University, May 10th,
Accessible Online at http://scholarworks.gsu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?
article=1044&context=communication_diss, accessed on 07-14-15)
Conclusions
Sunni Alis revolutionary development, continuing the legacy of the black womens
resistance tradition, was an ongoing process from her childhood throughout the rest
of her life. Her experiences, ranging from Civil Rights to the Black Power
Movements, clearly correct the imbalanced black feminist account, which
occludes the revolutionary black female nationalist perspective . Examining her
role as a community organizer, a Republic of New Africa citizen, the Minister of
Information for the PGRNA, the chairperson for the Peoples Center Council, and a
grand jury resister, we see she was a central figure in the long tradition of black
liberation. Moreover, she, like other African-American female activists, worked
tirelessly with black and white women and men to achieve her goals.
My womanist analysis of Sunni Alis role in black social movements has attempted
to accomplish several things. First, by interrogating the historical context of her
politicization from childhood to adulthood, we saw that Sunni Ali, like other black
women before and during her time of activism, faced the race-versus-sex
dichotomy, which greatly impacted the priorities and choices for black female
activists. Nonetheless, revolutionary black female nationalists, such as Sunni Ali ,
Elaine Brown , Assata Shakur , and Afeni Shakur , artfully negotiated their
identities and roles in the Black Power Movement and as Black Nationalists. Her
archival materials, along with her first-person account, added complexity and
diversity to the black womens resistance tradition and Black Power Movement
narratives. Black women obviously had both presence and agency in this history.