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Both Annette Lareau and Bronislaw Malinowski situate their research and give an
account of their research aims. Bronislaw Malinowski in order to situation his
research on the Trobriander Islanders in his introduction to Argonauts of the Western
Pacific in 1922 gives a description of the subject, method and scope of his study, and
in doing so is defining his study as produced by a scientific method and thus a valid
form of knowledge (Malinowski 4 : 1922). His ethnography is a science practiced
away from laboratories out in the field that adhered to his three stated principles of
scientific aims, immersion in the native way of life and the collection and analysis of
research data. Annette Lareau was investigating social class differences in
contemporary American family life and how these effected schooling and educational
performance (Lareau 200 : 1996), her research was conducted in two schools, Colton
school as a low socioeconomic school and Prescott as a upper middle class school and
this ethnographic research was the basis of her book titled Home Advantage: Social
Class and Parental Intervention in Elementary Education (Lareau 2000). She has
subsequently developed the concept of “ concerted cultivation” (Lareau 2 : 2003)
(Bodovski & Farkas 2008), a child rearing strategy associated with middle and upper
class parents and the concept of “the accomplishment of natural growth” (Lareau 3 :
2003) (Bodovski & Farkas 2008) as a child rearing strategy practiced by poor and
working class parents and this theory has been supported by quantitative studies
(Bodovski & Farkas 2008). The location of their fieldwork is indicative of
transformations in the practice of fieldwork (Shokheid 5630 : 2001), Malinowski is
studying another culture while Annette Lareau is investigating an aspect of her own
society.
Writing in 1996 Annette Lareau does not have to justify her research as scientific, she
is operating in an established tradition that recognises her participant observation
fieldwork being a qualititative method as part of a range of methodologies and is
aware of issues associated with the way data is collected. Historically there are
examples of problematic fieldwork, which includes Margaret Meads observations in
Samoa subsequently challenged by Derick Freeman (Shokheid 5629 : 2001), Oscar
Lewis challenging Robert Redfields study of the Tepoltzlan (Shokheid 5629 : 2001)
and Patrick Tierney challenging the research by Timothy Asch and Napoleon
Chagnon as found in the ethnographic film A Man called Bee: Studying the
Yanomomo (Gregor & Gross 687 : 2004). Annette Lareau is aware of the issue in
participant observation of introducing information to her subjects of her own creation
(Shokheid 5629 : 2001) and in retrospect she doubts her research question, “How does
social class influence childrens schooling” was appropriate to a qualitative
methodology. She considers that qualititative data is useful for demonstrating the
meaning of events and not so useful for the demonstration of correlations (Lareau 224
: 1996).
For Malinowski the neccessary premise of the ethnographer having “real scientific
aims” (Malinowski 6 : 1922) is similar to the neccessity of asking the appropriate
research questions with respect to the methodology and Malinowski expands this
statement to include the neccessity of knowing values and criteria of ethography as
taught by R.Rivers and C.G. Seligman. I would argue that to contemporary
anthropolgy Malinowski’s research question for studying the Trobriand Islanders was
ambitious, to derive an outline of the society, cultural processes and understand native
psychology and behaviour (Malinowski 12 : 1922). This type of research question is
appropriate to the evolutionary theoretical basis of his time, which included the ideas
of Frazer and Durkheim (Malinowski 9 : 1922) (Senf 629 : 2006). The Golden Bough
written by James Frazer is a compendium of folk lore and myths that was obtained
from the literature and archival study, it is an example of the “arm chair” (Shokheid
5628 : 2001) anthropology that Malinowski’s method is repudiating (Senf 629 :
2006). The central idea of this type of work was the idea of cultural evolution
(Shokheid 5628 : 2001) and Malinowskis synoptic charts compiled before going into
the Trobriand Islands (Malinowski 14 : 1922) (Senf 629 : 2006) indicate a
functionalist theoretical approach based on observation instead of evaluating the field
experience in terms of evolutionary schemes (Young 2001) (Shokheid 5628 : 2001).
Malinowski’s idea of culture was as a self sustaining system of cultural institutions,
(Firth 1957 : 16) an idea acheivable on an island with an interest on the uses and
functions of culture as formed by customs, institutions and belief (Firth 1957 : 16).
He was preoccupied with the difference between biological and sociological
components of human nature. Malinowski’s classification schemes included a theory
of needs (Firth 1957 : 16) that held that the functions of culture were to satisfy
particular needs of individuals and the community and thus a distinction between the
needs of the individual and the needs of the community for maintenance and cohesion
could point to the components of human nature that were biological and sociological
(Firth 1957 : 16).
Malinowski’s second principle was for the individual to be in the correct condition for
ethnographic work, to attempt immersion into their way of life. Malinowski’s method
requires him to live in contact the natives, he is an outsider with limited ability to
communicate, alone1 and unskilled in the local technologies of subsistence
(Malinowski 5 : 1922). This principle was developed by his initial experience of
ethnography when studying the Mailu of the south coast of Papua New Guinea for
five months (Young 2001). Malinowski was directed there by Seligman and during
this experience he found that the more time spent in the village away from European
contact the more detailed his data got (Young 2001). This condition of living with the
people of his study means that when something important occurs he can investigate it
at the very moment of its incidence (Malinowski 8 : 1922), during his participant
observation fieldwork he describes loneliness but because of his isolation from other
Europeans he seeks out the company of the Trobriand Islanders and gets to know
them better, with richer data because of it (Malinowski 18: 1922). This description
of the experience of fieldwork for Malinowski sounds like friendship, there is a need
to gain the trust and loyalty of ones informants and the anthropologist as observer is
also being observed (Corsino 278 : 1987) and has to adopt a consistent ethical stance
to maintain informant relations in the community, friendship contains ethical
obligations that could result in role conflict (Beer 5807 : 2001).
Firth, Raymond . ( 1957). Culture in Malinowski’s Work. In Man and his Culture.
An Evaluation of the work of Bronislaw Malinowski.( Edited by Raymond Firth). ( 2nd
Edition 1960). Published by Routlegde, Kegan Paul, London. Pages 1-23
Gregor, Thomas A. & Gross, Daniel R. (2004). Guilt by Association: The Culture of
Accusation and the American Anthropological Association’s Investigation of
Darkness in El Dorado. In AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST, Vol. 106, Issue 4.
Pages 687 to 698.
Lareau, Annette. (2000). Home advantage: social class and parental intervention in
elementary education. Published by Rowman and Littlefield Publishers Inc. Printed in
the United States of America. Pages 20- 66.
Lareau, Annette, (2003). Unequal Childhoods: Class, Race, and Family Life.
University of California Press, Berkeley. Pages 1 to 30.
Senf, Gunter. ( 2006). A biography is the strictest sense of the term. In the Journal of
Pragmatics : Book Review. Volume 36. Pages 610 to 637