11/9/2015

UGTTs Position in Tunisias New Political Order

NOVEMBER 5, 2015

UGTTs Position in Tunisias New Political Order

BY NAIM AMEUR

Hussein Ab assi, head of the Tunisian General Lab our Union (UGTT), leaves his office in Tunis Tunisia, Octob er
9, 2015. (Reuters)

Tunisia celebrated the Quartets selection to win the Peace Nobel Prize for its role in steering the national
dialogue on October 9. Composed of the Tunisian General Labor Union (UGTT), the Tunisian
Confederation of Industry, Trade, and Handicraft (UTICA), the Human Rights League, and the Tunisian
Order of Lawyers, the Quartet successfully resolved a complicated political crisis, paving the way for the
countrys first democratic parliamentary and presidential elections in late 2014. This award, however, is
the tree that hides the forest. In 2015, UGTTs relations with both the government and UTICA deteriorated
considerably. Using its significant political cloutfurther supported by the Nobel Prizethe UGTT has
entrenched its position and taken a harder line on labor issues.
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UGTTs Position in Tunisias New Political Order

The UGTT quickly built its political influence during the last days of Zine El Abidine Ben Alis rule by
contributing to protests and launching the demonstration in January 2011, which led to Ben Alis
departure. In 2013 and 2014, that influence grew as it led the national dialogue. Now, despite the UGTTs
claim to defend workers purchasing power, observers link the disruptive strikes in the country to the
UGTTs determination to occupy a dominant position in the new political landscape, particularly after its
leading role in the national dialogue ended. Thus, the UGTT defies the government and organizations to
remain relevant and sustain its influence.
With 750,000 members embedded across Tunisia, the UGTT outstrips all other organizations as the
largest and most influential network in the country, granting it the power to paralyze the countryif it so
decides. More than 125 labor strikes and protests in the private sector and twenty-nine in the public
sector over wages and working conditions resulted in double the loss of working days in 2015 than the
year before. The UGTT also blocked any attempts to change social welfare and labor policies. In one
case, the government tried to raise the retirement age from sixty to sixty-two years-old to reduce a
pension fund deficit, but the UGTT promptly scuttled the proposal by publicly condemning the policy and
threatening more strikes. Labor unions also engaged in new types of strikes. The UGTT-affiliated General
Basic Education Union boycotted exams to oblige the government to increase wages and grant
exceptional promotions. The Public Health Workers Union also called a twelve-day strike, resulting in
large financial losses for the state and a disruption in public health services.
Prime Minister Habib Essid and his government have tried to ration public spending toward
macroeconomic sustainability and a favorable position with international lenders, but revolutionary
pressures have paralyzed government reform initiatives. The government, already facing financial
difficulties and a terrorist threat, warned of the negative impact that increased strikes could have on
social stability and economic revitalization. Worried about the ability to provide basic services, the
government has only hesitantly taken steps toward reform for fear of aggressive strikes in sensitive
public sectors: health, education, and transportation.
As citizen resentment toward worker strikes and their damaging effect on the economy increased, Essid
issued circular N15 of May 25, 2015 regulating the length of time for strikes. The government continues
trying to negotiate with syndicated unions to buttress its legitimacy and rebuild the public trust, but the
UGTTs refusal of truce agreementseven after the shocking terrorist attacks in Bardo and Sousse
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UGTTs Position in Tunisias New Political Order

have hardened political differences and paralyzed reform.

The conflict between employers union UTICA and the UGTT emerged after UGTT General Secretary
Houcine Abassis interview in April 2015 with Al-Arabi Al-Jadid, in which he declared that most of
businessmen in Tunisia evade taxes, do not invest in the interior regions, and call for public agencies to
privatize, which would dramatically increase unemployment. UTICA quickly announced its displeasure
with Abassis declarations, claiming that the attack threatened the organizations relationship and carried
serious political and economic repercussions. UTICA has argued that the noticeable increase in strikes
and protests discourages foreign investment and many firms have left the country. At the local level,
employers from different economic sectors represented by UTICA also reported that protests have
damaged the business environment in Tunisia. The UGTT, however, places the onus on the government
and the private sector, with corruption and tax evasion as the main reason for the state budget deficit,
economic stagnation, and unmet social demands.
The two organizations also diverge on the issue of wage increases in the wake of UGTTs successful
efforts to convince the government to increase public sector wages for 2015 and 2016. The UGTT
claimed that wage increases were retroactive beginning in 2014, but UTICA had not made a decision on
the matter and fears that increased public sector wages would limit government lending and hurt private
sector development. The UGTT also hopes to expand this benefit to workers in the private sector, but
employers adamantly refuse.
Although a classic struggle between workers and employers, some feel that UGTTs outsized political
weight has the potential to damage Tunisias transition and derail economic recovery in its narrow pursuit
of labor benefits through strikes. Other observers argue, however, that the UGTT has lost control of
some unions. The best example here is the continuous strikes at the majority state-owned Gafsa
Phosphate Company, which caused production to shut down for several monthseven after the UGTT
called for an end to protests. The transportation sector also witnessed several strikes taking place
independent of UGTT coordination.
In either case, the UGTT leadership has not abandoned its hope to institutionalize the national dialogue
and maintain its role as mediator. Yet despite its powerful network in the different ministries, companies,
and regions still influencing public and private sector activities, UGTT struggles to remain the most
relevant organization on the Tunisian political scenewhich explains its more hardline behavior. Abassi
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has argued repeatedly that the general union will play a political role whenever the situation in the country
needs it, with or without the permission of any other power.
Union leaders consider the national dialogue a living organism, but the coexistence of an elected
government alongside a dialogue body can negatively affect perceptions of decision making authority and
legitimacy. While the national dialogue was and should remain a temporary instrument for hard political
impasses, the responsibility lies with the current government to deal with political, economic, and
security issues. If the UGTT continues to insist on taking the lead role in national issues, Tunisias
nascent democratic government will have a hard time building public confidencein it as an institution.
Naim Ameur is a political and economic analyst based in Tunis. He specializes in North Africa, with a
focus on Tunisian and Libyan affairs.
Original

Rafik Hariri Center for the Middle East

Tunisia

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