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To cite this article: Margaret M. Gilmore M.D. & Edward Nersessian M.D. (2000) J. Allan Hobson and Edward Pace-Schotts
Response: Commentary by Margaret Gilmore and Edward Nersessian (New York), Neuropsychoanalysis: An Interdisciplinary
Journal for Psychoanalysis and the Neurosciences, 2:2, 202-211, DOI: 10.1080/15294145.2000.10773306
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15294145.2000.10773306
Gilmore-Nersessian
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interaction between acetylcholine stimulation and serotonergic and noradrenergic inhibition in the pons in
REM sleep generation (Hobson and McCarley, 1977;
Hobson, 1999). We also recognize his courage in proposing his activation-synthesis model for dream formation based upon those findings (Hobson and
McCarley, 1977; Hobson, 1999). In addition we admire the flexibility in model building that Hobson has
demonstrated by amending his original activation-synthesis hypothesis to incorporate new data
from neurochemical studies of transmitters, brain imaging, and brain lesion studies. We applaud his willingness to acknowledge an "unexpectedly prominent
role of the limbic system" (Hobson, 1999, p. 157)
during sleep following instigation of REM, as well as
his willingness to address data indicating that lesions
of the deep frontal lobes impair dreaming (Hobson
and Pace-Schott, 1999).
However, we are deeply dismayed at Dr. Hobson's refusal to openly acknowledge the major change
in his dream model from his original activation-synthesis model in which he viewed dream content as
"vacuous" (Braun, 1999) to his present model in
which he suggests that "salient memories and emotions serve as the primary shaper of dream plots,
rather than playing a secondary role" (Braun, 1999,
p. 196). As Braun notes, in his new model Hobson
acknowledges an active participation of forebrain
mechanisms in dream generation-not simply a secondary senseless response to chaotic brainstem
events" (Braun, 1999, p. 196).
What happened to Hobson's original activation-synthesis hypothesis in which the forebrain passively synthesized images in response to the activity
of the oculomotor system or vestibular system which
had been activated by the automatic firing of the brainstem? Let us compare the two models of dream formation: In the original activation-synthesis model the
cortex was passively receiving information from the
eye movements and then synthesizing the visual imagery appropriate to them. "An hypothesis is that the
oculomotor activity is generated at the brainstem level
and that the cortex is then provided with feed-forward
New York Psychoanalytic Institute; Clinical Associate Professor of Psychiatry, Cornell University Medical College, New York.
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and basal forebrain areas raises the possibility that
psychological events might make contributions to
dream formation.
In summary, we find Hobson and Pace-Schott to
be very careful neurophysiological researchers and
their neurophysiological results regarding brainstem
activation during REM sleep to be compelling evidence for the importance of the brainstem activation
of REM sleep. We appreciate Hobson's masterly overview of the state of information on brain functioning
during sleep and welcome these findings, which advance our understanding of sleep and dreaming. However, we object strenuously when they extrapolate
from these neurophysiological results to propose a
model of dream formation (a psychobiological phenomenon) that is based on the apriori assumption that
only neurophysiological events can be causative in
dream formation. We object to their scientific methodology when they select only their own interpretation
of the neurophysiological data (that if certain brain
areas are activated during dreaming then this activation must cause the dream content). They then exclude
alternative hypotheses; for example, if certain brain
areas are active during dreaming this may reflect not
only the impact of brain activation on dream content
but also the possibility that some of these areas of
brain activation reflect psychological functioning during sleep, which may, in turn, influence which areas
of brain are activated during dreaming sleep. Furthermore, we object to their biased stance in their treatment of psychological data gathered from patients'
dream reports and the relevance of this data to understanding the emotional salience of dreams. While Hobson and Pace-Schott accept the psychological data that
they have, a priori, decided to be relevant-the patient's conscious dream report and some associations-they reject as "unscientific" all psychological
data gathered by the psychoanalytic method (see below for discussion of biological reductionism).
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ated assumption that there is no unconscious goaldirected mental functioning during sleep. Third, Hobson deprives mental (psychological) data other than
that which confirms his thesis (conscious dream reports and sometimes even those associations are ignored-see below), and in particular psychoanalytic
data, of any scientific status. Fourth, Hobson ignores
the scientific principle that the data observed depend
upon the method of observation when he claims that
psychoanalytic data are invalid because he does not
observe them in psychotherapy.
We wish to be quite clear here that we are not
objecting to Hobson's data or theorizing on the
grounds that the biological and the psychological represent two different domains of study that require two
different sets of data and theory-a model of parallel
dualism (Reiser, 1999). Rather, we maintain the position that there is mind-brain, that while these are two
different domains with two different requirements for
data, these domains interact. This model involves
mind-brain interaction (Sperry, 1983) in which the
mind may direct brain functioning and the brain may
direct mind functioning. In this interactionist model,
there is a possibility of finding correlations between
brain activity and mental activity. We wish to distinguish this mind-brain model from Hobson's biological
reductionism in which the dreaming mind is an epiphenomenon of brain activity.
As to the first point, Hobson's model for dream
formation claims that all the psychological phenomena of dreaming are determined by biological events.
For example, Hobson (1999) states, "The loss of orientational stability (which is at the cognitive root of
dream bizarreness) and the loss of self reflective
awareness (which is the basis of the delusion that we
are awake in our dreams) are two related deficits
which could be caused by the aminergic demodulation
of the brain in sleep" (p. 160). Note also his model
for dream amnesia, "Without the aminergic neuromodulators norepinephrine and serotonin, the mnemonically weak dream trace cannot be converted into
dream recall" (Hobson and Pace-Schott, 1999, p.
212). Dream amnesia is the result of a weak dream
trace due to a shift in neuromodulation. If this is so,
why do we ever recall dreams or why is there variation
in the clarity with which we recall individual dreams
at different points in time? But more importantly, this
form of biological reductionism is disputed by studies
indicating that psychological states and thoughts can
influence brain functioning. For example, in studies
using positron emission tomography (PET), Pardo,
Pardo, and Raichle (1993) measured cerebral blood
flow in subjects at rest and again as the subjects imagined or recalled sad situations. The investigators found
that there were significant differences in regional
blood flow between the two states (Gabbard, 1994).
Gabbard concludes that one implication of these preliminary findings is that psychological influences can
cause neurophysiological changes in the brain (1994,
p. 4); Gabbard extends this reasoning to his summary
of Kandel's experiments on the marine snail indicating
that "synaptic connections can be strengthened and
permanently altered through the regulation of gene
expression connected with learning from the environment" (p. 4). Gabbard (1994) quotes Kandel in his
statement that "it is only insofar as our words produce
changes in each other's brains that psychotherapeutic
intervention produces changes in patients' minds"
(Kandel, 1979).
Our second problem with Hobson's model is that
his biological reductionism eliminates psychological
data as scientific data in the study of the mind or the
brain. We attribute Hobson's statements, such as that
"we find Freud's theory to be scientifically unfounded" (Hobson and Pace-Schott, 1999) to reflect
Hobson's refusal to accept Freud's psychological data
from patient associations in analysis as valid information useful to describing dreams and dream mentation.
We ask Hobson: How does he account for Freud's
accurate description of aspects of dream mentation
such as the importance of long-term memory, vivid
visualization, condensation, displacement, plastic representation, affectively driven plots, regression with
loss of reality testing, and delusional belief in the
dream and dream amnesia? Did Freud make up this
description out of whole cloth or did he derive these
descriptions and models from his psychoanalytic data
garnered from dream analyses? How does Hobson explain Freud's suggestion that there exists two methods
by which the mind can process thoughts, memories,
impulses, and emotions: the primary and secondary
process with the primary process most characteristically observed during dreaming and the secondary process most characteristically observed in waking
thought?
Third, we argue that Hobson's form of biological
reductionism leads him to the assumption that during
sleep there is no unconscious mental functioning that
could impact the brain states. Hobson makes this assumption despite evidence of thinking during sleep
derived from sleep laboratory studies in which patients
were awakened during NREM sleep and reported
thoughts. Also, is Hobson unaware that Freud also
proposed that there were thoughts during nondreaming
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Schott refuse to use the patient's free associations or
the analytic method (microscope) of observation.
We would like to add here that Hobson's claim
that psychoanalysts think all dreams must be transference dreams is a creation of Hobson's. This claim is
not a finding of Freudian analysis. By the way, was
such a claim made about the "green" dream?
Hobson and Pace-Schott asked us (p. 207) why
the patient would need to disguise or symbolize his
mother's disapproval of his temptations or would we
think that if the patient simply dreamt that he was
talking to his mother and she explained concern about
his impulsiveness that he would awaken. Our answer
is that now it is not his mother's disapproval or his
own internal disapproval that must be disguised. What
the patient must disguise is his satisfaction of his sexuallongings: the patient defies his mother and his conscience in his dream and returns to the scene in
childhood in which he defied the prohibitions and
gained sexual satisfaction. The dream protects the patient's sleep only to the degree to which the dream
represents the patient's present sexual longings as satisfied in a sufficiently disguised form. Sexual excitements left over from the previous day are making
demands on the sleeper's mind that he find satisfaction
for them. These demands leave the sleeping patient in
the situation of either having to awaken to find sexual
satisfaction in the present or, if Freud were right, to
maintain sleep by dreaming of sexual satisfaction and
thus trying to delude himself that these demands have
been satisfied. As we said in our report, we agree
with Hobson and Pace-Schott, this dream fails and the
patient awakens. His sleep is not protected.
For another example of Hobson and PaceSchott's unscientific approach to building models for
dream formation, let us focus on their reaction to the
issue of the dream as guardian of sleep. Despite Hobson and Pace-Schott's assertion that psychoanalysts
do not question their theory, Mark Solms (1999) correctly reported that this psychoanalytic proposition
has never been tested and suggested clinicopathological studies. Hobson's argument for his disagreement
with the thesis that the dream might act as the guardian
of sleep underscores the non-data-driven assertions
that he makes. He and Pace-Schott state, "We have
grave doubts about (i) the philosophical assumptions
of the hypothesis (how can a dream, which is a psychological experience, serve a physiological function?), (ii) its intrinsic validity (dreaming might have
many other functions or even be an epiphenomenon),
and (iii) its testability" (p. 220). Is it beyond Hobson
and Pace-Schott's consideration that a psychological
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reasons for disguising from himself the connection between his present sexual longings and the gratified
but prohibited (then by mother, and now by his own
conscience) incestuous activities of childhood? Perhaps Drs. Hobson and Pace-Schott assume Freud's
ideas to be mythology because they refuse to consider
the possibility of unconscious mental processes affecting conscious experience?
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sory perceptions for possibilities for satisfaction available in the external world.
In The Interpretation of Dreams, Freud asserted
that the mind continued throughout sleep to respond
to demands placed upon it by the body and its internal
perceptions and also by some weakened perceptions
received from the external world. He proposed that
while this mental processing took place throughout
sleep, that at some points there was an upsurge in
some appetitive demands from within the body. This
upsurge in appetitive demands from the sleeping body
made upon the sleeping mind coincided with a weakness in the mental apparatus characterized by severely
decreased executive functions of the mind (secondary
process functions) and severely decreased reception
of sensory information from the external world to the
mind (blocking of sensory input from the external
world). He also stated that this appetitive upsurge and
weakening of the executive functions of the mental
apparatus was usually accompanied by a motor paralysis. Freud proposed that manifest dreams were the result of the mental apparatus responding to these
demands by processing them with primary process
mechanisms.
From the data he gathered from dream analyses
on adults, Freud hypothesized that frustrated appetitive longings from the previous day, when they were
reenforced by earlier, more primitive, and unsatisfied
appetitive demands, made demands of sufficient intensity to require that the mental apparatus respond with
some gratification. In order that the sleeping mind attempt to satisfy these demands in the awake mind's
usual secondary process manner, including rational
thoughts leading to rational motor actions in reality,
the mind would have to awaken its executive mental
functions, its executive control over motor actions, and
its conscious perception of sensory information from
the external world. Thus, in order to try to satisfy the
demand by processing it in its usual adult secondary
process manner, the sleeping mind would have to
awaken.
Again, from the data he gathered from the patient's associations to dreams, Freud hypothesized the
following process for the formation of a dream. During sleep, the mental apparatus registered the upsurge
of an intense appetitive demand in a verbal secondary
process manner. Freud suggested that the intense appetitive demand was capable of obtaining verbal representation from the executive function of the mind
during sleep because although the executive functions
were severely weakened during sleep, there was still
some weak executive functioning available. Actually,
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he suggested that the amount of available executive
mental functioning probably varied throughout the
sleep cycle according to the varying level of consciousness of the patient. Freud further suggested that
the weakened executive function of the secondary process also had the capacity to reject this now verbal
demand as unacceptable for psychological reasons for
further representation and treatment by the secondary
process. He labeled the executive function responsible
for this rejection the censor. Next, the sleeping mind,
in response to the blocked access to secondary process, treated this now verbal appetitive demand
through a different, more archaic and primitive mode
of handling demands. Freud labeled this archaic mode
the primary process, and it handled a demand by rapidly recalling prior experiences of gratification (memories) and presenting them to the mind as present
experiences; that is, as hallucinated present realities.
Thus, the sleeping mind employing primary process
tried to convince the dreamer that his appetitive demand was being satisfied and thus there was no need
to awaken.
Freud suggested that the primary process was
characterized by affective-driven motivation; visual
rather than verbal memory representation; and rapid
recall of multiple different memories of experiences
of gratification. These memories could be associated
easily on the basis of one shared characteristic or affective tone (displacement) and could easily be combined into one image or one composite image
(condensation), and be presented as a present experience in which the dreamer believed delusionally (loss
of reality testing). The primary process lacked the verbal encoding, categorization of memories, verbal
thinking in thoughts, and logical treatment of thoughts
that characterize the secondary process. Freud claimed
that the primary process treated words and thoughts,
not as symbolic representations with specific meanings, but as concrete objects that could be chopped up
and associated with one another, like any other concrete object such as a chair or a person on the basis
of a single characteristic such as their accompanying
sound. Thus the word nun could be substituted by the
associated word none, not on the basis of shared definition of the symbolic meaning of the word but only
on the basis of the sound of the word. Or the word
nun could be associated by sound to none and then
represented in plastic visual manner by an empty container (none). Thus, the words expressing the appetitive demand, when subjected to treatment by the
primary process during dream formation, would be
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continues to think throughout the night but only sometimes does this "thinking" take the form of a dream?
Were these observations and proposals, which are all
part of Freud's dream theory, complete mythology so
that if dream censorship is disproved then nothing is
left of Freudian dream theory?
To continue with Freud's model of dream formation. Freud proposed that mind continued to make
modifications to dream material throughout its awakening from sleep and often throughout the following
day. He based this hypothesis on his observation that
patients continued to make changes in their reported
dreams when asked to repeat them or when they spontaneously repeated them. Freud suggested that as the
mental apparatus awakened and gained access to more
secondary process functions, the awakening or awake
patient added secondary process comments such as
"This is only a dream" or rearranged dream content
in more narrative sequential order-secondary revision-in order, if necessary, to further disguise the
gratified but prohibited dream event. Freud pointed
out that in these instances, the awakening or awake
mind employs the secondary process in a defensive
manner (as contrasted with the primary process contributions to dream formation that result in more bizarre
dream content). Now the awake or awakening patient
can employ his increasingly available secondary process functions, including repression (forgetting or the
ability to ignore unacceptable mental content), to defend the awake patient from recognition of his having
satisfied the prohibited appetitive demand during
dreaming sleep. If successful in his secondary process
defense, the patient will repress his awareness of the
appetitive demand and forget his dream. Thus, Freud
explains dream amnesia by the ability of the secondary
process executive functions of the awake mind to ignore the unacceptable appetitive demands.
Finally, we wish to emphasize that Freud's model
of dream formation includes a dynamic balance between the appetitive drive and its prohibition and dynamic balance between primary and secondary
process treatment of this appetitive demand. Freud
proposed that the sleeper passed through different levels of consciousness throughout the night (and daytime
also for that matter), and that perhaps the primary and
secondary processes corresponded to different levels
of sleep-wakefulness.
Now for Hobson's and Pace-Schott's questions.
As for their first question regarding stimulus discharge, our definition of psychic stimuli as the appetitive demand should help to clarify the confusion raised
by our use of the word stimulus in our previous synop-
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sis. We are referring to a psychological stimulus and
not to an electrical neurochemical stimulus. Their
question is simply why do we need psychological solutions to psychological stimuli? Why can't we have a
purely physiological sleep maintenance model? Our
answer is that there probably is a physiological sleep
maintenance function, but the evidence from analytic
dream interpretations is that there is also a psychological sleep maintenance function that comes into play
when psychobiological demands arising during sleep
threaten to prematurely disrupt sleep. In these instances, dreams help maintain sleep by misleading the
sleeper into believing that these demands have been
satisfied, at least temporarily.
As for the answer to their second question regarding the biological correlates in brain functioning for
the mental phenomena of primary process, we think
Drs. Hobson and Pace-Schott are in a much better
position as expert neurophysiologists and researchers
to answer the question about possible brain activity
site correlations. However, perhaps the limbic lobe
regional activation and posterolateral cortical activation in combination with the relative defrontalization
of REM sleep, to which Hobson and Pace-Schott
(1999) attribute dream bizarreness, are correlates?
Question number three about the reason an experience must become verbal in order to be in the system
conscious, is a question of definition of the characteristics of the system conscious or secondary process
functioning as described by Freud. He spawned these
confusions by his inconsistent use of the words conscious and unconscious. Freud's original use of the
labels conscious and unconscious were as purely descriptive of whether the person was consciously aware
or not of the particular psychological phenomena or
perception. However, in The Interpretation ofDreams,
Freud used the term the system conscious to denote
the secondary process system of treating appetitive
demands and the system unconscious to denote the
characteristics of the primary process treatment of appetitive demands. A characteristic of secondary process treatment by the mental apparatus was that the
demand be represented by a verbal symbol that would
allow the demand to be specifically categorized, and
thought about logically. Freud claimed that some feelings, thoughts, and impulses were treated by the secondary process or system conscious but that the
process could take place in a descriptively unconscious
or preconscious state of awareness. Thus, a person
could process thoughts with the system conscious, using secondary process mental function but do so in a
descriptively unconscious state of awareness; that is,
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be consciously unaware of his thinking. Thus some of
Hobson's premonitions and intuitions may be the result of descriptively unconscious thoughts that are
nevertheless processed by the system conscious and
to which the person only has some feeling awareness.
In question number four, Hobson and PaceSchott point out that cortical areas known to be involved in verbal processing and expression are relatively deactivated in REM and NREM sleep and they
ask how could this neurophysiological data correlate
with the Freudian claim that associations to manifest
dream reports reveal that word play and plastic representation of words contribute to manifest dream content? This word play and plastic representation are
consistent with Freud's model of the dreaming mind
as employing the nonverbal primary process in which
words are treated as concrete things (see explanation
above). The point is that the words are not treated as
symbolic representations of their specific referents but
rather as objects characterized by their sound or implied shapes. Thus the Freudian model would predict
a relative deactivation of brain areas correlated with
verbal and executive functions (frontal lobes?) and an
increased activation of brain areas that might correlate
with more primitive primary process functioning in
which words would be treated as things.
Could Freud's hypothesis that there are two
methods by which the mind may treat appetitive demands, the archaic primary process and the newer secondary process, be correlated with relative shifts in
activity level in older and newer brain areas? Could
not Freud's hypothesis be correlated with Hobson and
Pace-Schott's physiological claims that the biological
brain in sleep is characterized by "a brain state in
which there is selective activation in the pontine brainstem, the deep mediobasal subcortex, the limbic system, the paralymbic cortices, unimodal associative
cortices, and the parieto-tempero-occipital-junction"
and by "selective deactivation of the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex" (Hobson and Pace-Schott, 1999), p.
219.
The answer to Hobson's question as to why
dreams of convenience are rare in adults is that Freud
concluded from analyzing the dreams of adults that
only when the minor appetitive demands arising during the night (hunger, thirst, etc.) could gain force by
linking up with more forceful, primitive demands that
remained unsatisfied in daily life due to their prohibition in the civilized person, would the minor appetitive
demand reach sufficient intensity to require some satisfaction through dream formation. Otherwise, even
the weakened adult mental apparatus of sleep was ca-
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and which reject the scientific validity of psychoanalytic data and dismiss the possibility that mental processes, both conscious and unconscious, may dictate
brain functioning. However, these neurophysiological
explorations are challenging and expand our knowledge of brain processes during sleep and dreaming and
we hope these fruitful discussions continue.
Conclusion
References
We would like to conclude this commentary by thanking Drs. Hobson and Pace-Schott for providing us with
such a thorough review of the present neurophysiological information on sleep and dreaming. More especially, we would like to thank them for their trenchant
critique of Freudian dream theory, because this critique stimulated our thinking about mind-brain models
based upon either assumptions about mind-brain interaction or mind-brain biological reductionism. This increased our curiosity about the results of more recent
PET studies on the brains of people that image them
in different psychological situations or when they are
recalling particular types of memories. Hobson and
Pace-Schott's tough questions challenged us to clarify
our description of Freudian dream theory.
Finally, as Dr. Braun (1999) stated, we recognized that neurophysiologists and psychoanalysts now
agree on many aspects of dream investigation: the
emotional salience of dreams; the importance of early
memories in dreams; the descriptions of characteristics of manifest dream mentation; the descriptions of
the differences in the form of mentation in dreaming
and waking thought; and the forgetting of dreams. The
neurophysiological findings on the dreaming brain
raise interesting correlations between Freud's model
of dream formation and the neurophysiologist's model
of brain functioning during REM sleep. However,
there are also important disagreements between the
psychoanalysts and some of the neurophysiologists.
We object to theories that rely strictly upon unproven
and contradicted models of biological reductionism