Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
DOI 10.1007/s10835-015-9250-5
For a period of five hundred years, from the twelfth to the seventeenth century, a pointed cap called a pileus cornutus served as a distinguishing sign for
Jews in the Holy Roman Empire. It features prominently on church fronts in
northern Italy and France and throughout German-speaking Europe, as well
as in illustrated manuscripts (e.g., fig. 1), on coins, and on sculpted valuables
from England to Hungary. But why a hat? Where did it come from and what
did it signify?
Little is known about the pileus cornutus before its sudden appearance in
art of the twelfth century.1 Just last year, however, historian Sara Lipton was
1 The Jewish hat has not yet been the subject of a monograph. Excellent shorter contributions
on the development of the Jewish hat have been provided by art historian Ruth Mellinkoff,
who noted instances in which non-Jewish outcasts were depicted with Jews hats, but she ultimately found these representations too inconsistent to provide a basis for generalization. Ruth
Mellinkoff, Outcasts: Signs of Otherness in Northern European Art of the Late Middle Ages
(Berkeley, 1993). Medieval Jewish studies scholar Danile Sansy provides some evidence
that Jewish hats were models for stigmatizing headwear in Chapeau juif ou chapeau pointu?
Esquisse dun signe dinfamie, in Symbole des Alltags, Alltag der Symbole: Festschrift fr
Harry Khnel zum 65. Geburtstag, ed. Gertrud Blaschitz et al. (Graz, 1992), 365. However,
she leaves the questions raised by her observation for future scholars to address.
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Figure 1. Illustration of the poet Ssskind von Trimberg, Codex Manesse, 13001340, Zurich.
Universittsbibliothek Heidelberg, Cod. Pal. Germ., fol. 355r.
able to shed new light on its origins and significance. She identified its earliest
known manifestation in an illustrated manuscript from about 1015, in which
a Jewish prophet wears a pointed hat similar to the hats of the three magi, the
royal astrologers from the East.2 The hat became more widely distributed in
the following centuries and came to identify Jews specifically. But it spread
at a time when anti-Jewish discourse was rampant, and its prestige plummeted. Jews were charged with being unable to see the truth of Christian
faith because their vision was deceptiveit was merely physical, excluding
the spiritualand Jews and pointed hats became entwined in a discourse of
visual fallacy.
Taking Liptons findings as a point of departure but extending her time
frame backward and forward, into the distant past and up to recent times,
this study looks at the Jewish hats migration. How did it become a sign
of the magis priestly/royal authority and their Eastern exoticism in the first
place? What changed when hats were imposed on Jews, and how did Jews react to their mandatory headwear? Which other figures came to be associated
with pointed hats? Specifically, how did a discourse on Jewish deception influence the iconography of disbelievers, criminals, and dwarfs? Drawing on
2 Sara Lipton, Dark Mirror: The Medieval Origins of Anti-Jewish Iconography (New York,
2014), 25, 47, and Unfeigned Witness: Jews, Matter, and Vision in Twelfth-Century Christian
Art, in Judaism and Christian Art: Aesthetic Anxieties from the Catacombs to Colonialism,
ed. Herbert L. Kessler and David Nirenberg (Philadelphia, 2011), 4573.
Figure 2. Royal or divine figure with high conical headdress, eighteenthseventeenth century
BCE, Syria-Levant. Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.
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Figure 3. Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III, erected 825 BCE, Nimrud. British Museum,
London.
to Assyrian soldiers, horsemen, and mariners by about 700 BCE. In neighboring Egypt, on the other hand, hats took on many shapes, some rounded
and drooping downward, others high but wide, and still others elaborately
shapedbut seldom conical.5
On the Black Obelisk from Nimrud (fig. 3), a frieze erected in 825 BCE to
celebrate the reign of Shalmaneser III, King of Assyria (859824 BCE), both
Shalmaneser and his ally, King Jehu of Israel, wear special hats.6 The hats are
not equal: Jehus floppy cap has toppled over backward while he bows down
5 See, e.g., statuette of Amun, 945712 BCE, and kneeling statuette of King Amasis, 570526
Figure 4. Votary, sixth century BCE, Cyprus. The Cesnola Collection, Metropolitan Museum
of Art, New York.
to Shalmaneser, who, by contrast, stands large and erect, wearing a threetiered planter-shaped hat with an added peak at its top.7 As the hat was a
symbol of authority, its different depictions communicate a hierarchical order
between the two men and their countries: Assyria was the greatest political
force in the region from 934 to 609 BCE, while Israel was an ally, small in
size but strategically located.8
Other reliefs, sculptures, and actual helmets from roughly the same era
show how conical hats spread across Cyprus (fig. 4), Anatolia, Mesopotamia,
and Persia and reached as far west as Etruria (fig. 5), which traded with
Assyria during its Orientalizing period in the seventh and sixth centuries
BCE.9 With an increasingly narrow tip made of olive wood, termed an apex,
7 In contrast to this depiction, Jehu is remembered as a powerful man who killed his predecessor, King Joram, in a coup; he also killed both King Ahazia of Judah and Jezebel and dismantled the house of Ahab. He is given credit for destroying the Baal cult (2 Kings 10:1928),
although the bloodbath he carried out remains a controversial feat (Hosea 1:45).
8 On a stele showing Judaean captives being led out of Lachish, hats are a symbol of hierarchy,
with the warden wearing a pointed hat and bearing a stick while the captives remain bareheaded; stone relief from the South-West Palace of Sennacherib, ca. 704681 BCE, British
Museum, London.
9 For Cyprus, see also terracotta statuette of a man, 750600 BCE, Metropolitan Museum
of Art, New York. For Anatolia, see orthostate relief of a lion hunt, found at Sakagz,
750 BCE, and Helmet, Samal (Zincirli Hyk), 900700 BCE, both in the Antikensammlung, SMB, Berlin. For Mesopotamia, see wall panels with scenes showing campaigning in
southern Iraq, 640620 BCE, Nineveh, South-West Palace, Assyria, and wall panel of a battle scene, 728 BCE, Nimrud Central Palace, later South-West Palace, Assyria, both in the
British Museum, London. For Persia, see figure of a horseman, fifthfourth century BCE, Iran
(Achaemenid), Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.
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Figure 6. Flamines, west side of the Ara Pacis, 13 BCE, Rome. Photograph by Wolfgang
Rieger.
the pointed priests hat survived in this modified shape into the second
century CE in the vesture of priestly flamines (fig. 6). It remained holy:
the highest representative, flamen dialis,10 was required to keep his hat on
10 Joseph Georg Wolf, Lanx und licium: Das Ritual der Haussuchung im altrmischen Recht,
in Sympotica Franz Wieacker: Sexagenario Sasbachwaldeni a suis Libata, ed. Detlev Liebs
(Gttingen, 1970), 6364; Rudolf Hadwich, Die rechtssymbolische Bedeutung von Hut und
Krone (PhD diss., Johannes Gutenberg-Universitt Mainz, 1952), 5.
Figure 7. Limestone statue of Artemis Bendis (detail), third century BCE, Kourion. The Cesnola Collection, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.
at all times11 and would lose his office should it fall or be blown off his
head.12
A second pointed hat, the Phrygian hat, derived from Persia and Phrygia. It was originally constructed from a bulls teat or nipple, which could be
made soft, with the tip bending over forward, or stiff, with the tip pointing
straight upward.13 In the sixth century BCE, it became a sign of Asians
or barbarians when artists in Greece reproduced it as an attribute for Easterners, including Eastern gods, rulers, and royal children on vase imagery,
statues, and reliefs.
The Phrygian hat identified, among others, the Phrygian god of vegetation, Attis;14 the Thracian hunting goddess, Bendis (fig. 7);15 and the divine mortal Ganymede, whom Zeus, in the guise of an eagle, abducted from
Troy.16 The historical figures who were given Phrygian hats were not particularly venerable: King Midas from Phrygia was remembered as a fool and
11 Sine apice sub divo esse licitum non est, Gellius, Noctes Atticae, 10.15. (Here the term
apex is used metonymically for the hat itself.)
12 At < Q. > Sulpicio inter sacrificandum e capite apex prolapsus idem sacerdotium abstulit,
occentusque soricis auditus Fabio Maximo dictaturam, C. Flaminio magisterium equitum deponendi causam praebuit. Valerius Maximus, Facta et dicta memorabilia, 1.1.5.
13 This hat was originally believed to lend its wearer the animalistic strength of the slain bull.
See G. Seiterle, Die Urform der Phrygischen Mtze, Antike Welt 16, no. 3 (1985): 113.
14 See, e.g., figurine of Attis dancing, 300250 BCE, Beotia, Louvre, Paris; figurine of Attis
dancing, holding a flower in his hand, 150100 BCE, Louvre, Paris; figurine of Attis playing
the syrinx, 200150 BCE, Amphipolis, Louvre, Paris.
15 Bendis is labeled both under her Thracian name and as her Greek counterpart, Artemis. See
also figurine of Artemis Bendis, Tanagra, 350 BCE, Louvre, Paris.
16 Statue, Ganymede and the eagle, Greek and Roman Antiquities, British Museum, London.
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Figure 8. Medea and the Peliades, second century CE, Roman copy of Greek original from
420410 BCE. Antikensammlung, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Berlin. Photograph by Jrgen
Liepe. Antikensammlung der Staatlichen Museen zu BerlinPreuischer Kulturbesitz.
King Rhesus of Thrace as an enemy who fought alongside the Trojans, while
Anchises from Dardania was Aphrodites disavowed lover.17 From the Greek
perspective, Easterners were conquered people, threatening foes, and exotic
foreigners, if not worse: Medea, the daughter of King Aetes of south Caucasian Colchis, was a notorious child murderer. She was depicted with the hat
(fig. 8),18 as were the sons of King Priam of Troy, Paris (the infamous abductor of Helen) and his brother Hector.19 Mythical creatures, such as Typhon,
a winged beast with snake-legs and horse-ears from Cilicia, or the singlebreasted Amazons from the Black Sea, were also given hats with pointed
tips.20 The hat was extended to Greeks who traveled to the East, such as
Odysseus and Bellerophon (fig. 9), and became confounded with a pointed
cap called a pilos that was worn by, among others, slaves and lower-class
laborers such as welders.21
17 See, e.g., two volute craters showing the death of the Thracian King Rhesus, 340 BCE, Altes
Museum, SMB, Berlin. On Anchises, see Hadwich, Die rechtssymbolische Bedeutung, 12.
18 See, e.g., Lucanian calyx-krater with Medea, ca. 400 BCE, attributed to the Policoro Painter,
Cleveland Museum of Art, Cleveland, Ohio.
19 See, e.g., red-figure bell-krater with Helen and Paris, 380370 BCE, Louvre, Paris; volute
crater with Hector taking leave of Andromache, 340 BCE, Altes Museum, SMB, Berlin.
20 See, e.g., Chalcidian water jug with Typhon, ca. 550 BCE, Staatliche Antikensammlung,
Munich.
21 Among the travelers, the pilos characterized both Bellerophon, who was Corinthian by birth
but travelled across Anatolia to slay the notorious beast Chimera, and the errant Odysseus,
who spent years abroad. Pliny noted the inconsistent depictions of Odysseus (who at times is
shown with a hat and at other times without) and attributed the first images of Odysseus with
Figure 9. Terracotta bail-amphora, detail, Pegasus with Bellerophon, attributed to the Ixion
Painter, 330310 BCE, Greece. Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.
In the world outside art, the question as to who should wear a hat was,
in at least one document, a cause of violence: the inciter of the Maccabean
revolt (167160 BCE), Antiochus IV Epiphanes (215164 BCE) is recorded
as having forced young Jewish men to wear a hat. Though this particular
hat was the broad-brimmed petasos, the episode nevertheless suggests that
imposing hats on a conquered and subject people was a cause of tension.22
Jews themselves used the Phrygian hat as a cultural sign at Dura Europos (ca.
a hat to Nikomachos of Thebes, who painted from 360 to 320 BCE (Pliny, Naturalis historia
35, 108). But many artifacts showing Odysseus with a hat are dated earlier (e.g., cheek part of
a helmet with resting warrior, Odysseus or Philoktet, fourth quarter of the fifth century BCE,
Antikensammlung, SMB, Berlin; terracotta figurines with Ulysses and Penelope, 450 BCE,
Louvre, Paris. See also red figure situla with Odysseus, Lycurgus painter, 360 BCE, Museo
Nazionale Archaeologico, Naples). Mariners such as the underworld ferryman Charon also
wear the pilos; see, e.g., the depiction of Charon on the Monterozzi necropolis, tomb 5636,
built ca. 250200 BCE, Tarquinia, Italy. The Greek-Aetolian twins Castor and Pollux received
the hat as adventurers, acclaimed horsemen, and the patrons of sailors; see, e.g., tetradrachme
of the Seleucid Antiochus VI with the Dioskouri, 144143 BCE, Staatliche Antikensammlung,
Munich; helmet of Castor or Pollux, Sons of Zeus, Isis Temple, third century BCE, Samari,
Israel, Jewish Museum, New York. For depictions of slaves and laborers with pointed hats, see
figurines of ordinary people, thirdfirst century BCE, and figurine of a blacksmith hammering,
510500 BCE, Attic Greece, both in Altes Museum, SMB, Berlin.
22 For he built gladly a place of exercise under the tower itself, and brought the chief young
men under his subjection, and made them wear a hat. 2 Maccabees 4:12. The hat was a
petasos, a broad-brimmed hat associated with the god Hermes. John R. Bartlett, The Cambridge Bible Commentary on the New English Bible (Cambridge, 1973), 246. See also Samuel
Krauss, The Jewish Rite of Covering the Head, in Beauty in Holiness: Studies in Jewish
Customs and Ceremonial Art, ed. Joseph Gutman (Jersey City, NJ, 1970), 428.
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244 CE)but for their neighbors, not for themselves: in the wall paintings
the Jewish men are bareheaded, while the Persians Ahasueros and Haman
wear Phrygian caps.23
In Rome, the Eastern cap and the priestly/royal hat merged under the
Latinized Greek term pileus, a derivation of either the Greek pilos or the
Latin pilus (hair). On the one hand, Romans drew on the Greek tradition of
depicting Asians with pileifor instance, on a sculpture of an Oriental captive (1200 CE; fig. 10) and on the arch commissioned by Roman Emperor
Galerius in Thessaloniki (fourth century CE).24 On the other hand, they resorted to Etruscan-Assyrian customs of marking spiritual and social elevation
by means of priestly pilei. The most prominent example is the pileuss ceremonial function as a key prop in the manumission of slaves. One image of
this ritual still exists in a first-century BCE marble relief that shows the emancipation of two slaves with conical hats, one kneeling, the other standing and
extending his hand to his counterpart as a freeman (fig. 11).25
When it was used as a metonym for emancipation and liberation, the
pileus had a positive appeal. War hero Q. Terentius Culleo drew on its symbolic force when he wore a pileus at Scipio Africanuss triumph (201 BCE) to
23 In these same wall paintings, however, both Jewish and non-Jewish priestsAron, Isaia,
and a Zoroastrian priestwear headwear of various shapes (round, square, and pointed, respectively).
24 Other sculptural images of barbarians wearing Phrygian hats are the battle scenes on the
Great Ludovisi sarcophagus (260 CE, Museo Nazionale Romano, Rome) and on the sarcophagus discovered in 1830 in a tomb at Vigna Ammendola on the Via Appia (17080 CE, now at
Figure 11. Scene of manumission, first century BCE, probably Rome. Muse royal de
Mariemont, Belgium.
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Figure 12. M. Iunius Brutus and L. Plaetorius Cestianus, denarius, 4342 BCE. Mnzkabinett, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Berlin. Photograph by Reinhard Saczewski.
Jakob Winckelmann uncovered and described a bas-relief of Libertas wearing a pileus. The rediscovered liberty hat became the image of the French
Revolution and is still today the identifying feature of Marianne, the female
embodiment of France. It is also featured on a number of South American
flags, emblems, and crests as a sign of those countries newfound independence.31
In 100 CE to 300 CE, the pileus became the central icon of Mithraism,
a clandestine religious cult worshipping the Persian bull-slayer Mithras
(fig. 13) that had more adherents in and around Rome than any other religion. In the Mithraic context, all of the hats referencesAssyrian, Greek,
Etruscan, and Romanresurfaced and merged: Mithras wore a pileus as a
god, a priest, and a Persian. Former slaves and foreigners living in Rome,
who were particularly drawn to Mithraism, wore them as his followers. The
hat was so central to Mithraic iconography that it was used as a symbol for
Mithras when the Persian god could not be shown in his entirety (fig. 14).32
falciferi senis diebus, / regnator quibus inperat fritillus, / versu ludere non laborioso / permittis, puto, pilleata Roma (On the old Scythe-bearers feastful days, whereof the dice-box is
king and lord, you, cap-clad Rome, allow me, I wot, to trifle in verse untoilsome). Martial,
Epigrammaton 11.6.4, trans. Walter C. A. Ker (London, 1919). On clothing conventions, see
Hendrik S. Versnel, Saturnus and the Saturnalia, in Transition and Reversal in Myth and
Ritual, vol. 2 of Inconsistencies in Greek and Roman Religion (Leiden, 199093), 147.
31 David Hackett Fischer, Liberty and Freedom: A Visual History of Americas Founding Ideas
(Oxford, 2005), 41.
32 Common ground between Mithraism and Judaism lay in their Levantine heritage and their
adherents, who were foreigners. Among the Jews, many migrated to Rome from Palestine
and Asia Minor; still others were brought to Rome as war captives and slaves. Inscriptions in
the catacombs reveal the influence of the constitutions of Asia Minor as well as Palestinian
Figure 14. Mitreo di felicissimus, mosaic, seventh panel, Ostia Antica, second century CE.
This mosaic designating a space for Mithraic practice shows the pileus as the most prominent
of four cultic objects.
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Figure 15. The three magi, mosaic, 526 CE (renovated in the nineteenth century). Cathedral
of Sant Apollinare Nuovo, Ravenna.
Figure 16. Three youths refusing to worship an idol, fresco, fourth century. Catacomb of
Saints Mark and Marcellian, Rome.
panel of the tomb of the exarch Isaac (seventh century), their hats and elegant
attire are indicative of Asian wealth.34
Eastern Jewish figures were represented with pointed hats as well. On
a sixth- or seventh-century Syrian ivory carving, a pileus adorns Daniel in
the lions den; he also wears a luxurious cape rivaling those of the magi.35
Other Jewish wearers of the Phrygian hat are the three handsome youths of
Jerusalem who refused to worship an idol in Babylon and were condemned
to death in a fiery furnace (Daniel 3). The youths and their hats are depicted
on frescoes at the Catacomb of Priscilla in Rome (third and fourth centuries),
at the Catacombs of Saints Mark and Marcellian in Rome (fourth century;
fig. 16) and at Wadi Sarga in Egypt (sixth century, now in the British Museum).36 Yedida Kalfon Stillman, a scholar of Arab dress, has shown that
high hats did in fact surge in esteem during the Golden Age of Islam (from
the eighth to the thirteenth century). The hats of the magi, Daniel, and the
youths, therefore, were not only carriers of symbolic meaning but also actual
coveted garments.
Besides Phrygian caps, a pointed hat termed a qalansuwa (fig. 17)a reference to Qalansawe, a city that borders on Netanya todaygrew in sta34 Relief with the three magi on the tomb of the exarch Isaac, Museo Nazionale, Ravenna.
For a photograph of the tomb, see Henri Pirenne, ed., Mohammed und Karl der Grosse: Die
Geburt des Abendlandes (Stuttgart, 1993), fig. 53.
35 Ivory carving of Daniel in the lions den, sixthseventh century, probably Syrian, British
Museum, London.
36 Thomas Mathews, The Clash of Gods: A Reinterpretation of Early Christian Art (Princeton,
NJ, 1993), 84.
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Figure 17. Qalansuwa, eleventhtwelfth century, Syria. Cleveland Museum of Art, Cleveland,
Ohio.
tus and in size.37 Suspended upon a high frame made of reeds or wood,
qalansuwas were varied and individuated, strung with pearls or embellished
with a bulb. Some had turban bindings at their base. Since qalansuwas communicated wealth and authority, the founder of Baghdad, Caliph al-Mansur
(71475), ordered his courtiers to enlarge theirs.38 By the ninth century, their
use, size, and material had become ever more opulent and they were put under regulation by sumptuary laws.39
Early medieval luxury-goods traders from the Arabic Mediterranean
spread the custom of wearing high hats all along the silk route. The hats
appeal reached as far east as China, as far north as the North Caucasus, and
as far west as Spain. In China, figurines of heavily mustached or bearded
Semitic merchants from eighth-century tombs wear pointed hats as attendants
to the deceased, ensuring their good appearance in the afterworld (fig. 18).40
A complete silk cap with a gold-threaded tip from the eighth or ninth cen37 See also a similar garment simply termed hat, Egypt, 10001400, Victoria and Albert
Museum, London.
38 Arab historians of the Middle Ages credited [the qalansuwas] introduction on a wider
scale for people at court to the Abbasid caliph al-Mansur (ruled 754775 . . .). Yedida Kalfon
Stillman, Arab Dress: A Short History; From the Dawn of Islam to Modern Times, ed. Norman
A. Stillman (Leiden, 2000), 3536.
39 Use of the qalansuwa by non-Muslims was regulated in ninth-century Muslim dress legislation. Ilse Lichtenstadter, The Distinctive Dress of Non-Muslims in Islamic Countries,
Historia Judaica (1943): 4647.
40 A similar figurine is among the collection at the Eretz Israel Museum in Tel Aviv.
Figure 18. Figurine of a Semitic merchant, mid-eighth century (Tang Dynasty), China. Jewish Museum, New York. Photograph by Ardon Bar Hama.
Figure 19. Cap / helmet, eighthninth century, Mocvaja Balka, Northern Caucasus.
tury survived in the north Caucasian Mocvaja Balka tomb site (fig. 19).41
Meanwhile, stiff qalansuwas gained adherents in Spain as well (fig. 20).
In the tenth century, privileged people in the Latin West, among them clerics and aristocrats, began to wear pointed hats.42 The miter (from the Greek
mitre, meaning headband or tiara and used synonymously with pileus) became a Christian ritual item, as can be seen on coins portraying St. Peter
minted by Sergius III (90411) and Benedict VII (97483).43 Miters subse41 Anna Ierusalimskaja and Birgitt Borkopp, eds., Von China nach Byzanz: Frhmittelalterliche Seiden aus der Staatlichen Ermitage Sankt Petersburg (Munich, 1996), 39.
42 Lipton, Dark Mirror, 17.
43 Joseph Braun, Mitre, in Catholic Encyclopedia (New York, 1913).
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Figure 20. Man wearing a qalansuwa, miniature from El Libro de Juegos (1283), commissioned by Alfonso X of Castile (Alfonso el Sabio). Library of the monastery at Real Sitio de
San Lorenzo de El Escorial, Madrid, Ms. T.I.6, fol. 14r.
quently became official liturgical clothing to be bestowed and accepted ceremoniously. A bull from Pope Leonis IX in 1049 decrees that the Archbishop
Eberhard von Trier and all of his successors should be afforded this headwear: For the investiture of the highest office, your head shall be adorned
with the Roman miter, which you and your successors in ecclesiastical service shall wear following Roman fashion.44 South of Trier, the custom of depicting spiritual leaders wearing pointed hats reached Montecassino in 1087,
as we can see in an Exultet scroll (fig. 21).
Aristocrats adopted pointed headwear along with Asian-patterned material in the early Middle Ages.45 Carolingian helmets in French and Germanic
cultures took on Phrygian bends46 or were conical at the center.47 The inspiration for this style might have been the military valor of Arab forces, which
had conquered vast regions around the Mediterranean wearing pointed helmets. On his tomb plaque at the Cathedral of St. Julien in Le Mans, Geoffrey
44 Pro investitura ipsius primatus, Romana mitra caput vestrum insignivimus; qua & vos &
successores vestri in Ecclesisaticis officiis, Romano more, semper utamini. Johannes Christianus Lnig, Des Teutschen Reichs-Archiv Spicilegii Ecclesiastici, Fortsetzung des I. Theils
von Erz-Stifftern / auch Teutschem- und Johanniter-Orden (Leipzig, ca. 1716), chap. 18, 202.
This was the first explicit decree to ordain headwear. Paul Hinschius, System des katholischen
Kirchenrechts mit besonderer Rcksicht auf Deutschland (Berlin, 1869), 1:609 n. 9.
45 Annemarie Stauffer, Die mittelalterlichen Textilien von St. Servatius in Maastricht (Riggisberg, 1991).
46 Hilda Amphlett, Hats: A History of Fashion in Headwear (Buckinghamshire, 1974), 21;
Hadwich, Die rechtssymbolische Bedeutung, 89.
47 See, e.g., Spangenhelm, sixthseventh century, Byzantine or Germanic, found in the Saone
River near Trevoux, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.
Figure 21. Auctoritas spiritualis, miniature from the Barberini Exultet scroll, 1087, Montecassino. Biblioteca Vaticana, Barb Lat 592, fol. 5. Also reproduced and described in Heidi
Blcher, Die Mitren des hohen Mittelalters (Riggisberg, 2012), 31.
Figure 22. Tombstone of Geoffrey Plantagenet, 115155, Cathedral of St. Julien, Le Mans,
France.
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Figure 23. Detail from the Guelph family tree, late twelfth century. Hochschul- und Landesbibliothek Fulda, manuscript D 11, Kat.-Nr. II.A.20, fol. 13v.
Moreover, their clothing was said to be recognizably Jewish: Saint Rimbert, Archbishop of Bremen-Hamburg (83088), remarked in passing that
Jesus wore Jewish clothing, looking dignified and radiant.52 And even
four centuries later, in 1215, the Fourth Lateran Council stated that in some
provinces a difference of dress distinguishes the Jews and Saracens from the
Christians.53 Jews in France wore ostentatious hats, which the French Rabbi
Rashi (10401105) criticized for their immodesty: Kohanim are permitted
to keep on their caps at the Dukan [desk, lectern] if they do so because of
the cold but not if they do so for ostentation.54 Finally, diasporic Jews fostered their Levantine heritage in ways other than dress. Early Ashkenazic
Jewish communities consisted of families of long-distance traders from the
Land of Israel (via Italy) and Babylon (via Spain and southern France) who
sold their wares to the Christian aristocratic elite.55 They showed a strong
cultural interest in Eastern language and rabbinic legislation. Jewish Apulian
gravestones, which had been inscribed in Greek and Latin up to the seventh
. . . such as give them an aristocratic appearance. Solomon Grayzel, The Church and the
Jews in the 13th Century, vol. 1, 11981254 (Philadelphia, 1933), 62. See also Lipton, Dark
Mirror, 20.
52 Da kam ein Mann durch die Thre von hohem Wuchs in jdischer Kleidung mit einem
wrdevollen Antlize. Aus seinen Augen strahlte der Glanz der Gottheit wie eine Feuerflamme. Saint Rimbert, Archbishop of Bremen-Hamburg, Das Leben der Erzbischfe Anskar
und Rimbert, trans. J. C. M. Laurent (Berlin, 1856), 12. The man is Christ himself, his inner
brilliance matched by shimmering cloths and shining beads.
53 The full text of Canon 68: In nonnullis provinciis a Christianis Judos seu Saracenos
habitus distinguit diversitas: sed in quibusdam sic qudam inolevit confusio, ut nulla differentia discernantur. Unde contingit interdum, quod per errorem Christiani Judorum seu
Saracenorum, & Judi seu Saraceni Christianorum mulieribus commisceantur. Ne igitur tam
damnat commixtionis excessus per velamentum erroris huiusmodi, excusationis ulterius
possint habere diffugium; statuimus ut tales utriusque sexus, in omni Christianorum provincial, & omni tempore, qualitate habitus publice ab aliis populis distinguantur, cum etiam per
Mosen hoc ipsum legatur eis injunctum. Johannes Dominicus Mansi, Sacrorum conciliorum
nova et amplissima collectio, vol. 22, Anni 11661225 (Venice, 1767; Paris, 1903, repr., Graz,
1961), 1055, canon 68. Translation in Joseph Black, ed., The Broadview Anthology of British
Literature: The Medieval Period (Toronto, 2009), 1:640.
54 Krauss, Jewish Rite, 42067 (Rashi, 465).
55 Before the ninth century, there were no structured groups of Jews living in German-speaking
territory. Starting around 800, individual Jews began to arrive, and by the tenth century communities were established. According to demographic historian Michael Toch, the mental
and religious make-up of the early Ashkenazic Jewry exhibits a twin heritage, an Italian one
deriving from the Land of Israel and a southern French one going back to Spanish and ultimately late antique Babylonian sources. Michael Toch, Jewish Migrations To, Within, and
From Medieval Germany, in Peasants and Jews in Medieval Germany: Studies in Cultural,
Social, and Economic History (Hampshire, 2003), 64041. See also Kenneth R. Stow, Alienated Minority: The Jews of Medieval Latin Europe (Cambridge, MA, 1992), 73.
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Figure 24. Jewish caricatures on the bronze doors of Verona cathedral, mid-twelfth century.
century, were written in Hebrew thereafter.56 In the ninth century, Mediterranean Jews viewed the Babylonian Geonim (heads of religious schools in
Sura and Pumbedita) as the highest authorities in Jewish law.57 In this Orientophilic context, it is hard to imagine that early medieval Jews would not
have worn the elegant Eastern hats they were depicted with.
The twelfth century, however, marked a change in cultural orientation.
Early medieval Orientophilia gave way to late medieval Orientophobia after
the First Crusade set out in 1096 to open a route to Muslim-ruled Jerusalem
and massacred Jewish communities in Speyer, Mayence, and Worms on their
way. At this point, the conical hat became a key element of anti-Jewish slander. The quantity and complexity of anti-Jewish iconography featuring hatted
Jews starting in the twelfth century is well documented; the following examples stand for innumerable others.58 A fresco from 1100 in Jelling, Denmark, shows John the Baptist speaking in front of a group of Jews, who are
disindividuated as a crowd of hatted figures, with a number of excess hats
in the background.59 Mobs of hatted Jews violently capture Jesus on the
mid-twelfth-century bronze doors of the Verona cathedral (fig. 24) and on
56 Stow, Alienated Minority, 73.
57 Ibid., 72.
58 For a sense of the large number of mostly deprecating visual representations of Jews, see
Heinz Schreckenberg, Die Juden in der Kunst Europas: Ein historischer Bildatlas (Gttingen, 1996). One major reason for the inconsistencies in representations of Jews and their hats
was that a favorite motif of medieval Church imagery was the nativity scene, which included
Joseph, who was a respected figure as the father of Christ despite being Jewish. As a Jew, he
nevertheless wore a Jewish hat. This inconsistency is well presented in Mellinkoff, Outcasts.
59 Jesus, John the Baptist, and Jews, ceiling fresco in the church of Jelling, Denmark, ca. 1100;
Vox clamantisc in deserto, manuscript, Jelling, Denmark, 1100, depicted in Schreckenberg,
Die Juden in der Kunst Europas, 220. See also Lipton, Dark Mirror, 2539, 46.
Figure 25. Flagellation of Christ, ca. 1480 (artist unknown). Jagdschloss Grunewald, Berlin.
Figure 26. Juden-Sau sculpture, 1270 (replica). Ritterstiftskirche Bad Wimpfen, Heilbronn.
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At the same time, aristocratic and priestly headwear became more diversified, each in its own way. The shape of the Christian miter morphed starting
in 1100, distinguishing itself from the pileus by means of two peaks instead
of onea shape that it still has today.63 Meanwhile, aristocrats began to
wear their pointed helmets in bashlyk-style, with side lappets or headdress
hoods.64
Jews public lives changed dramatically when, in what was to become the
first pan-European sartorial legislation, the Fourth Lateran Council decreed
that Jews in all Christian countries be visibly distinguished from non-Jews.65
The first countries to act upon the councils order required identifying badges
for Jews:66 England prescribed a badge with two tablets in 1217 and Aragonia a badge with a wheel in 1228.67 After a delay of a half century or more,
German-speaking lawmakers ordained the pileus cornutusfirst in Breslau
(1266) and then in Vienna (1267), Nuremberg (1290), and Erfurt (1389).68
63 Mellinkoff was able to reconstruct how the miter with two tips developed out of a horned
headdress with animalistic peaks on the sides of the head: it was later turned so that the
horns appeared in the front and the back. Ruth Mellinkoff, Christian and Jewish Mitres,
146. Grayzel notes that church documents complain that Jews are mistaken for members of
the clergy and receive the respectful salutation of the rustic folk who may happen to be in the
city. Grayzel, Church and the Jews, 1:62.
64 See, e.g., the thirteenth-century Spanish relief panel, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New
York, and the Boppard-Pyrmont Tombstone, Marienberg, end of the fourteenth century, Neues
Museum, SMB, Berlin.
65 Though the 1215 decree was the first Europe-wide vestimentary legislation, Caliph Umar
b. al-Kattab had probably already imposed such a decree on Christians, Jews, and other nonMuslims in 634, as had Umar b. Abd Al-Aziz in 71720. The original law was justified as
a means to control intermarriage, but since special taxes were imposed, financial issues were
evidently also a consideration. Laws regulated the use of silk and long tunics. Belts (zunnars)
were restricted, as was the length and quilting of qalansuwas. The twisting of shoe-straps was
controlled. In the ninth century, nonbelievers were made to wear yellow clothes and badges on
their headwear. A dress distinction for non-Muslims reached Egypt and Spain in the ninth century. Lichtenstadter, The Distinctive Dress of Non-Muslims, 45, 3840, 46, 48, 4345. See
also Esther Juhasz, Externally Fashioned Aspects of Jewish Dress, in The Jewish Wardrobe:
From the Collection of the Israel Museum, Jerusalem (Jerusalem, 2012), 16; Stow, Alienated
Minority, 247.
66 Felix Singermann, Die Kennzeichnung der Juden im Mittelalter: Ein Beitrag zur sozialen
Geschichte des Judentums (Berlin, 1915), 17. See also Eric Myles Zafran, The Iconography
of Antisemitism: A Study of the Representation of the Jews in the Visual Arts of Europe,
14001600 (PhD diss., New York University, 1973).
67 Singermann, Die Kennzeichnung der Juden, 17, 19.
68 Synodus Wratislavientis (Breslau, 1266), par. 12; Concilium Viennense (1267), in Solomon
Grayzel, The Church and the Jews in the 13th Century, vol. 2, 12541314, ed. Kenneth R.
Stow (New York, 1989), 24447; Singermann, Die Kennzeichnung der Juden, 37.
Figure 27. Italian Jew drawn in the margins of a Hebrew manuscript, 1469. British Library,
London, Ms. Add. 26957, fol. 43v.
But unlike badges, which were clearly defined in terms of size, motif, and
application, the shape of the pileus (Judenhut in German) was rarely specified. The Schwabenspiegel (1275), for example, declared only that the Jews
should wear hats that are pointed,69 while the Deutchenspiegel (127475)
simply states that the Jews should no longer leave their schools and synagogues without a Jewish hat.70 As a result, several different types of
Jewish hats emerged that deviated from the conical hats initially depicted.
Many were elaborate, with cascading brims and golden spheres atop their
mandatory peaks (figs. 2730). To be sure, the various shapes were not always tolerated: Duke Leopold IVs Judenordnung, promulgated in Freiburg
on September 14, 1394, forbade elaborate hats and enforced the unpopular
69 Die iuden suln hte tragen, die spiz sin; da mit sint si uz gezeichent von den cristen, daz
man si fr iuden haben sol. Heinrich Gottfried Gengler, ed., Des Schwabenspiegels Landrechtsbuch (Erlangen, 1875), 177.
70 Most Jewry laws from German-speaking cities are similarly vague: 6. Der jode sal ok
ut syner synagogen nymer komen ane joden hud, Berliner Stadtbuch (1397), quoted in
P. Clauswitz, Das Berlinische Stadtbuch aus dem Ende des XIV. Jahrhunderts (Berlin, 1883);
47. Von ersacztem alden rechte sal keyn iodde usz der synagogen gen ane hud, Meiener
Rechtsbuch (135787), quoted in Friedrich Ortloff, Das Rechtsbuch nach Distinctionen nebst
einem Eisenachischenn Rechtsbuch (Jena, 1836); 117,2. Dissen eid sal die jode dun up
Moyses bken. Die jode sal ok nmmer t siner schule oder ut siner sinagogen komen
ane joden hud, Deutschenspiegel (127475), quoted in Karl August Eckhardt and Alfred
Hbner, eds., Deutschenspiegel und Augsburger Sachsenspiegel, Nova Series of Monumenta
Germaniae Historica: Fontes Juris Germanici Antiqui, ed. Gesellschaft fr ltere deutsche
Geschichtskunde (Hannover, 1933). All are also reproduced in Guido Kisch, Jewry-Law in
Medieval Germany: Laws and Court Decisions Concerning Jews (New York, 1949), 98,
88, 68.
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Figure 28. Joseph with Jews hat, miniature, first half of the fourteenth century. Wrtembergische Landesbibliothek Stuttgart, HB XIII6, fol. 274r.
Gugel, a pointed hood;71 other codes, such as Johannes Purgoldts Rechtsbuch (15034), banned spherical ornaments.72
Yet attempts to curb the manifold hat designs proved futile. Italian Renaissance scholar Flora Cassen documents five different Jewish hats and one
collar that appeared contemporaneously in sixteenth-century Italy: beretto,
capello, pileus, cappuccino, cendallo, and vello.73 By all accounts, Jews in
71 Der Anzug der Juden hat knftig in Mnteln und groen Gugelhten von einer Farbe Tuch,
nur nicht roth oder grn zu bestehen. Heinrich Schreiber, Geschichte der Stadt und Universitt Freiburg im Breisgau, 5 vols. (Freiburg, 1857), 2:41.
72 Johannes Purgoldts Rechtsbuch states: Allen enden sullen dye iuden underscheit haben
an husern, an kleydern und an andern dingen. Ihr huser sullen gesundert sey us den cristen
und bey einander, und seyle uber dye gassen gezcogenn. Ir kleyder sullen auch gesundert
seyn von den kleydern der cristen: dy man sullen keyne kogeln tragen, sundern hoer filtzhut.
Das schribt der babst Innocentius der erste. Darufo stehet auch geschriben in dem wichpildsrechte, das kein iude us seyner schule ader us syme huse gehen sulle uf die strasse
ane huett. Dye man sullen auch stefeln an tragen, und ane holtzschun gehen; dy wyber mit
umbgewunden sleygern und mit witen heubtfenstern an denn menteln, und ane holtzschun;
quoted in Friedrich Ortloff, Das Rechtsbuch Johannes Purgoldts nebst statuarischen Rechten
von Gotha und Eisenach enthaltend (Jena, 1860), 255. A similar prescription was passed in
Erfurt, while a document in Nuremberg (1290) allowed established Jews to wear elaborate hats
but enforced the felt Gugel on recent foreigners and newcomers. Singermann, Die Kennzeichnung der Juden, 38.
73 Cassen relates the story of a Jew from Piedmont, Leone Segele, who travelled to the Duchy
of Milan in 1560 to see his sister and conduct business. There, a young man told him that his
black Jewish hat was illegal and that he would need to wear a different one. Seeking clarity,
Segele consulted a hat maker: Maestro, I want to travel to Lodi and then on to other places, so
make me a hat according to the law . . . regarding the hats of the Jews. This new hat was not
right either, however; days later, the podest of Lodi arrested him because it was not the right
Figure 29. Jew, miniature, in an illuminated Pentateuch (and other biblical books) written by
Joshua b. Elijah, dated October 22, 1309, Brussels, Brabant. Staatsbibliothek Hamburg, Codex
Levy 19, fol. 625r.
Figure 30. Miniature, details, in the Darmstadt Haggadah, written by Israel ben Meir of Heidelberg, fourteenth century. Hessische Landes- und Hochschulbibliothek, Cod. or. 8, fol. 48v.
western Europe had ceased to wear the simple, conical hat that had originally
been chosen to identify them.
To what extent Jews felt stigmatized by the hat has been debated by scholars: Rafael Straus, the first scholar to write an article on the medieval Jewish
hatin 1942believes that Jews actively avoided it. He points out a discrepancy between Jewish self-depictions in Hebrew manuscripts and Chrisshade of yellow. Flora Cassen, From Iconic O to Yellow Hat: Anti-Jewish Distinctive Signs
in Renaissance Italy, in Fashioning Jews: Clothing, Culture, and Commerce, ed. Leonard J.
Greenspoon (West Lafayette, IN, 2013), 3536.
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tian caricatures of Jews, arguing that Jews sought to round out their hats and
created bent and vaulted . . . forms with a barely noticeable point or none at
all, as well as rolled forms of considerable length or those in which the roll is
indicated only by means of a crease.74 Besides testing the definition of the
word Spitz (point), Jews were clearly also testing municipal control: council decrees from Breslau (1266) and Vienna (1267) deplore that Jews were
abandoning their hats in public.75
Other documents, however, suggest that at least in some communities
Jews attempted to reclaim the hat as a source of pride.76 It was discussed as a
religious item: Menachem Meiri (12491310) contended that head coverings
were signs of modesty, worn to express respect for a God above.77 Rabbi Jacob ben Rabbenu Asher (ca. 12701340) advised all Jewish males to follow
Rabbi Huna and never walk any considerable distance without a head covering,78 while Rabbi Yerucham ben Meshullam (12901350) went so far as to
forbid Jews to recite a blessing bareheaded.79 Rabbi Israel ben Hayyim Bruna
(140080) agreed, issuing a pronouncement that male bareheadedness vio74 Straus posits that curved forms were completely victorious over the pointed shapes.
Raphael Straus, The Jewish Hat as an Aspect of Social History, Jewish Social Studies
4 (1942): 66. But others disagreee.g., Thrse and Mendel Metzger, who believe that starting in the fourteenth century, the funnel-shaped hat took on a flat brim, while the centerpiece
became narrow and was topped with a bulb. Thrse Metzger and Mendel Metzger, Jdisches
Leben im Mittelalter nach illuminierten hebrischen Handschriften vom 13. bis 16. Jahrhundert, trans. Ilse Wirth (Fribourg, 1983), 124.
75 Item statuimus atque ordinaviums, ut Iudei cornutum pileum, quem quondam in istis partibus consueverunt deferre et sua temeritate deponere praesumpserunt, resumerent, ut a christianis discerni valeant evidenter, sicut olim in gernerali concilio fuit definitum. Quicumque
autem Iudeus sine tali signo deprehensus fuerit incedere, ad morem terrae poena pecuniaria
puniatur. Julius Aronius et al., eds., Regesten zur Geschichte der Juden im Frnkischen und
Deutschen Reiche bis zum Jahre 1273 (Hildesheim, 1970), 302. The text is also reproduced
(with variations in spelling) in Christine Magin, Wie es umb der iuden recht stet: Der Status
der Juden in sptmittelalterlichen deutschen Rechtsbchern (Gttingen, 1999), 156.
76 Curator and Jewish clothing historian Esther Juhasz writes: Although the historical evidence is not conclusive, it is contended by some that in Christian countries Jews began to
emphasize head covering in part as a reaction to the Christian practice of uncovering ones
head in public as a sign of reverence, particularly in church. Esther Juhasz, Mens Head
Covering, in The Jewish Wardrobe: From the Collection of the Israel Museum, ed. Esther
Juhasz (Jerusalem, 2012), 64.
77 Menachem Meiri, Bet Ha-Behirah, commentary on Kiddushin 311, cited by and commented
on in Wayne Allen, Further Perspectives on Jewish Law and Contemporary Issues (Bloomington, IN, 2011).
78 Jacob ben Asher, Arbaah Turim, Orah Hayyim 2 and 91, cited in Allen, Further Perspectives on Jewish Law, and Krauss, Jewish Rite, 465.
79 Netiv 16, cited by Solomon Luria, eelot u-teuvot Maharshal (Jerusalem, 1969), 72.
lated religious law.80 In the Shulhan Arukh, Joseph ben Ephraim Karo (1488
1575) made headwear mandatory for speaking the name of God and for going
into synagogue.81 Others objected: Rabbi Solomon Luria (151073), for instance, sought like-minded supporters to overrule those in favor of the hat.82
The papal decree of 1215 spurred a long debate and left an enduring legacy:
wearing a yarmulke today, as Esther Juhasz argues, is a vestige of medieval
rabbinical attempts to recast the Judenhut as a mark of defiance.83 Incidentally, it still today remains a convention, not a religious requirement.84
spectives on Jewish Law, and Krauss, Jewish Rite, 456; Juhasz, Mens Head Covering, 64.
82 Simon Hurwitz, The Responsa of Solomon Luria (Maharshal): The Legal Decisions of the
Famous 16th Century Sage (New York, 1969), 10911.
83 The humiliating Jewish Judenhut [transformed] in medieval Germany into a proudly worn
mark of identity. Esther Juhasz, Externally Fashioned Aspects, 23. Juhasz cites Alfred
Rubens, A History of Jewish Fashion (London, 1973), where this is not stated so clearly.
84 Krauss, Jewish Rite, 422.
85 In the original Flemish Bible from 1160, the sponge-bearer wears a Jewish hat, as does
Pilate in the Psautier of Lige from the thirteenth century. In the principal scene of the midfourteenth-century Bible des pauvres from Tegernsee, where Judas receives the salary of his
treason from the priests, they are depicted with Jewish physiognomies and the pointed hat.
Bernhard Blumenkranz, Le juif mdival au miroir de lart chrtien (Paris, 1966), 103, 97, 88.
See also Colum Hourihane, Pontius Pilate, Anti-Semitism, and the Passion in Medieval Art
(Princeton, NJ, 2009), plates 6, 7, and figs. 33, 38, 46, 64, 66, 76; Sara Lipton, Images of
Intolerance: The Representation of Jews and Judaism in the Bible moralise (Berkeley, 1999).
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Figure 31. Heathen. Johann Prss, Strassburger Heldenbuch, ed. Joachim Heinzle (Gppingen, 198187), 238.
who had relationships with Jews to wear them as a punishment.86 From then
on, the hat proliferated onto dubious men, especially those faulted for engaging in non-Christian activity. In the 1421 municipal law of Ofen, in Hungary, men convicted of sorcery were forced to wear a pointed Jews hat
(eynen gespizten judenht . . . auf dem hapt).87 Heathens and thieves in Johan Prsss 1483 Strassburger Heldenbuch wear pointed hats and helmets
(fig. 31),88 as do the culprits in the illustrated news reports collected by Johann Jakob Wick, such as a mean-looking man at a heathen ritual in an illustration of an article from September 3, 1568, about a mother who married
86 Hans-Friedrich Foltin, Die Kopfbedeckungen und ihre Bezeichnungen im Deutschen
(Giessen, 1963), 4344; Michael Toch, Between Impotence and Power: The Jews in the
Economy and Polity of Medieval Europe, in Peasants and Jews in Medieval Germany, 226.
87 Der damit vormerct wirt unnd uberwundenn, czum ersten mal sal man yn setczen auf eyn
leiter, und eynen gespitzten judenhut sol er haben auf dem haupt, daran dy heiigen engil seyn
gemalt, damit er ummbget. Andreas Michnay and Paul Lichner, eds., Ofner Stadtrecht von
MCCXLIVMCCCCXXI / Buda Vrosnak Trvnyknyve MCCXLIVMCCCCXXI (Pressburg, 1845), 178. See also Armin Friss, Magyar-zsid oklevltr [Monumenta Hungariae Judaica] (Budapest, 1903), 146. In a document described by Joshua Trachtenberg, Jews and
magicians were equated in an alphabetical register of existing laws from the second half of
the fourteenth century that listed under Juden details on the punishment of sorcerers. Joshua
Trachtenberg, The Devil and the Jews: The Medieval Conception of the Jews and Its Relation
to Modern Anti-Semitism (Philadelphia, 1983), 67. Which document Trachtenberg refers to
could not be determined from the source provided.
88 Johan Prss, Strassburger Heldenbuch, ed. Joachim Heinzle (Gppingen, 198187).
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Figure 33. Merlin. Hartmann Schedel, Liber chronicarum (Nuremberg, 1493), fol. 138r.
of the life of Christ; their existence was proof of his. On the other hand,
Christians needed to explain Jews refusal to follow Jesus, which they did
by claiming that Jews vision was faulty. Jews ability to perceive, they contended, was purely physical; they could see only the material and not the
spiritual world. As Lipton writes, Jews embodied the tension between deprecation of reliance on physical vision as inconsonant with faith and longing
for direct, visual experience of the divine.97 To keep Jews from disappearing
from sight, like dwarfs, they were made to wear special clothing. And to keep
Christians from questioning Jesuss invisible divinity, Jewish and dwarfish
perception was portrayed as perilous.98
The garment used to expose Jews, the pointed hat, subsequently migrated
onto dwarfs. In a variety of stories, pointed hats became the device by which
dwarfs either revealed themselves to or concealed themselves from human
sight.99 One example is Knig Laurins Rosengarten, a folktale from around
1250, in which the dwarf Laurin wreaks havoc by kidnapping and raping
women in and around Bern.100 When the hero Dietrich of Bern challenges
Laurin to battle, and victory is nigh, Laurin puts on his hat to trick him:
Do greiff es in die teschen sin, [He reached into his pockets]
dorus nam es ein helmkeppelin, [and took out his concealing cap]
der vil cleine recke, [the very small warrior]
domit er sich bedeckte, [to cover himself with]
das sin der Berner nit ensach. [so that the Berner would not see
him]101
In this scene of combat, Laurins magic hat hides him, leaving the superior
warrior, Dietrich of Bern, wondering whether he can trust his vision. Puzzled, he addresses the air around him from which the physical Laurin has
just disappeared, saying: Du bist in kurczen stunden / vor mynen ougen
verswunden (In a short time you have / disappeared before my eyes).102
Intriguingly, two ancestors of dwarfs in antiquity already wore pointed
hats. The Greek god Hephaestus, who was a recluse and a welder, was sometimes portrayed wearing a pilos like those worn by outsiders to Greek society
97 Ibid.
98 In the case of Jews, the argument was that their vision was merely physical; they were able
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and low-level craftsmen. And Roman incubi and succubi, house demons who
purportedly took sexual advantage of sleeping women, also sometimes wore
pointed caps in the tradition of Eastern deities and house slaves.103 Yet medieval dwarfs did not inherit their hats from antique representations directly,
for the instances in which Hephaestus, the demons, and classical dwarfs were
depicted wearing pilei were haphazard at best,104 and, more importantly, little was known about these figures in the Middle Ages and even less was
known about their clothes.105 Rather, dwarfs were portrayed with the hat because they were tricksters, figures of deception, and vision manipulators to
be marked as such by the prevalent symbol of visual deception, the Jews hat.
In essence, late medieval dwarfs wore the hat of their ancestors as mediated
by the debates of their time.
In fact, during the millennium between antiquity and the late Middle
Ages, dwarfs did not wear hats at all. When artists of the early and High
Middle Ages designed figures of dwarfs, they looked in the first instance to
Scandinavia, which had a rich tradition of both dwarf narratives and aristocratic pointed helmets, but not of the two together. In the Edda, a series of
mythical stories written by the Icelandic historian Snorri Sturluson (1176
1241) that served as inspiration for the Nibelungenlied, pointed helmets are
headgear not for dwarfs but for warriors such as Odin, who wears a golden
helmet when he sets out for battle.106 A helmet called Oegishjalmr allows
its wearers to change shape,107 but this device too was not worn by dwarfs,
who resorted instead to magical belts and gloves.108 In mainland Europe,
the earliest known medieval depiction of a dwarf appears in the entourage of
William the Conquerer on the eleventh-century Bayeux Tapestry, wearing a
103 Petronius (2766) recorded this legend: Sed quomodo dicuntego nihil scio, sed
audiviquom Incuboni pilleum rapuisset, et thesaurum invenit (Some people sayI dont
know this myself, but Ive heardthat he [Trimalchio] tore off an incubuss pileus and found
a treasure). Petronius, Satiricon Liber 40; my translation.
104 See, e.g., the bareheaded and bald figure of a dwarf, first century, Augusta Raurica, Augst,
near Basel, and the equally bareheaded, bald figurine Dancing dwarf, Macedonian and Ptolemaic, 332150 BCE, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.
105 Historian Jean Seznec has shown that artists were not interested in reproducing Greek gods
according to their Classical appearance and clothing: Gleichgltig gegen die Mythologie, die
sie im brigen nicht kennen, halten sie bei jeder Gestalt die allgemeinen Zge fest, doch ohne
ihren Typ, ihr Kostm und ihre griechischen Attribute bewahren zu wollen. Jean Seznec, Das
Fortleben der Antiken Gtter: Die mythologische Tradition im Humanismus und in der Kunst
der Renaissance, trans. Heinz Jatho (Munich, 1990), 118.
106 Snorri Sturluson, The Prose Edda, trans. Jesse L. Byock (London, 2005), 72. Even a
woman wears a war helmet (82).
107 Sturluson, The Prose Edda, verses 1617.
108 Ibid., 55.
simple round hood,109 while many of the aristocratic warriors wear spiked
helmets.110
Pointed caps with magical properties appeared on dwarfs just as laws
were passed to make pointed hats legally binding for Jews. The stealthy entry of these hats into folklore can be traced in the garments terminology. In
the early manuscripts of the Nibelungenlied, the dwarf Alberich is said to
wear a tarnkappe, or concealing cape, according to the original sense of
the word kappe.111 Alternatively, the magical garment is termed tarnkleit, or
concealing cloak, in the chivalric epic Song of Alexander (1170).112 But
a change took place between the thirteenth and fifteenth centuries, when
the twenty-four textual witnesses of the Nibelungenlied were recorded. By
the sixteenth century at the latest the word kappe had begun to designate
a cap, and the invisibility cape morphed into a visibility cap. In a
late Viennese manuscript of the Nibelungenlied written between 1504 and
1517, the tarnkappe is interpreted as a torenkappe, or fools hat.113 In other
manuscripts, the garment is called a tarnhut.114
A similar change occurs in Knig Laurins Rosengarten. In the eighteen surviving manuscripts written from the fourteenth to the sixteenth centuries, the dwarfs coat mutates from a hellkappe (disappearing cloak) to a
109 Betty M. Adelson, The Lives of Dwarfs: Their Journey from Public Curiosity toward Social
would have been worn by King Harolds soldiers at the Battle of Hastings. . . . It is conical in
shape and reinforced around the rim. Adelson, The Lives of Dwarfs, 151.
111 In his Middle High German dictionary, Matthias Lexer accounts for the lack of clarity and
consistency as to the garment by defining kappe as a coat-like outer garment with a hood
to cover the head (mantelartiges, mit einer kapuze versehenes kleid, das von mnnern und
frauen, bes. auf reisen getragen wurde). Matthias Lexer, Mittelhochdeutsches Taschenwrterburch (Stuttgart, 1992), 104. This definition would not apply to the composite helmkappe
(helmet-hat).
112 Daz twere ruft d in sn her / vil balde unde ber lt: / all die mnen und diu brt, / die
ziehen ab ihr tarnkleid. / und lt iuz niht wesen leit, / daz iuch der knic beschouwe / hie f
diser ouve, / daz er daz wizze sunder wn, / daz ich in niht betrogen hn. Strassburger Alexander, verse 137. See J. V. Zingerle, Anteloye und Alexander, in Germania: Vierteljahrsschrift
fr deutsche Alterthumskunde 18 (1873): 224.
113 Michael S. Batts, ed., Das Nibelungenlied: Paralleldruck der Handschriften A, B und C
nebst Lesarten der brigen Handschriften (Tbingen, 1971), 3031.
114 The Bavarian pronunciation makes toren a particularly close approximation of tarn. 3.
Aventiure [chapter], verse 97, version held by the sterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna,
Ser. Nov. 2663. Four variants in the Nibelungenlied, verse 337, 1, are tarnhut (A), Tarnhut (B), Tarnhuot (C), tornhaut (D). Karl Lachmann and Wilhelm Wackernagel, eds., Zu
den Nibelungen und zur Klage (Berlin, 1836), 48. I thank Michael Stolz, Bern, for information
on this issue.
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Figure 34. The dwarf Melot, Tristan Room, Runkelstein Castle, ca. 1410.
Figure 35. Adoration of the Magi on sarcophagus of St. Severus, 1363. Collegiate Church of
St. Severus, Erfurt.
by Bugiardini (fig. 37) and one custom-made to match his suit in Antonio
Moros Dwarf of Cardinal Granvella (1545).120 Incidentally, dwarfs were
literary antecedents for court entertainers, musicians, and fools.121 Dwarf
scholars August Ltjens and Isabel Habicht believe that the fools hat is an
offshoot of the dwarfs hat, which would relate it to the Jews hat as well.122
120 Antonio Moro, Dwarf of Cardinal Granvella, 1545, Louvre, Paris.
121 Vor dem Hintergrund der intertextuellen Auseinandersetzung mit dem Modell des chr-
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Figure 36. Lucas Cranach, Der schlafende Herkules und die Pygmaen, 1551. Staatliche
Kunstsammlungen, Dresden.
Figure 37. Giuliano Bugiardini, Darstellung aus dem Leben des jungen Tobias, sixteenth century, Florence. Gemldegalerie, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Berlin.
The historian of early modern Europe Charles Zika argues that cleric Paulus
Frisiuss story Dess Teuffels Nebelkappen (The devils hoodwink; Frankfurt,
court jesters, heretics from entertainers. The classical fools hat with two peaks over the ears
has been explained as reference to an ass (which goes back to Greek representations of the
Phrygian king Midas, who was portrayed as a fool). See Lynn E. Roller, The Legend of
Midas, Classical Antiquity 2, no. 2 (October 1983): 299313. Since the pointed hat proliferated to various non-Jewish figures, the depiction of fools wearing Jews hats could have come
directly from other sources without dwarfs serving as intermediaries.
1583) was key to proliferating the dwarfs hat to other deceiving figures
witches, for instance, and the devil as master conjurer (Gaukelmeister),
arch-trickster (Erzgaukler), and master magician (Schwartz Caspar).123
If the pointed hat was the dwarfs most conspicuous Jewish appropriation,
it was not the only one. Dwarf narratives also fell in line with discussions of
Jewish character, Jewish cohesion, and Jewish customs: Germanic dwarfs
were Orientale, commissioners to Asia, or newcomers to Europe from mysterious, splendid countries.124 In the Nibelungenlied, Alberichs workshop is
located in a mountainous region called Geigelsas, Gckelsass, Goukelsahs,
or Berg zu gloggen sachsen, all of which are linguistic morphisms of Caucasus.125 Likewise, Laurins uncle Walberan is king of the dwarfs across a
realm spanning Albania, Sinai, Judaea, and the Caucasus.126
In addition to their shared status as migrants, dwarfs and Jews also share
their knowledge of, and trade in, luxury items. In early narratives, dwarfs
are commissioners to the court, welcome visitors, and even residents: in
the Strassburger Alexander, for example, dwarfs elegantly dressed in gold
accompany Queen Candacis across the court.127 They come as experts in
earthly goods, bringing with them gems, rhinestones, precious metals, and
expensive fabricsfrom Arabia and Caucasia, for instance. As the Nibelungenlieds Alberich discloses: The rings are the smallest ever made and are
of the purest gold, without alloy and clear as glass. There is nothing on earth
123 Charles Zika, Exorcising Our Demons: Magic, Witchcraft, and Visual Culture in Early
Modern Europe (Leiden, 2003), 491. Zika makes a connection between the Nebelkappe and
the anti-Jewish discourse of blindness and faulty vision, but he refers to the blindfolded Synagoga, not to the Judenhut (511). Another possibility is that the sorcerers hat derived from the
Judenhut directly, in line with long-standing beliefs, tales, and talk of Jewish sorcery.
124 Differences between the two figures would be the dwarfs solitariness, his knowledge of
the earth, his dwelling in caves, and his skilled handicraftin sum, the characteristics deriving
from Hephaestus.
125 Ltjens, Der Zwerg, 37.
126 See, e.g., the description in the epic tale Walberan, an extension of the Laurin narrative:
Albrch des doch niht enliez, / den boten erdoch fr sich hiez. / Ez nam den boten den ez
vant, / den sande ez in ter twerge lant, / hin ber mer verren / ze einem grzen herren, / der
was gewaltec aller twerge / diu enhalp mers wrn in den bergen. / Ein berc hiez Armen, / in
dem selben wonte ez d. / Ouch hiete ez in sner phlege / Sin den berc alle wege. / Dar
zuo diente sner hant / Ein berc Tabr genannt. / Alle die wrn in Jud, / di muosten ime
dienen d; / und daz birg ze Kaukasas / im allez undertnec was. Jnicke et al., Deutsches
Heldenbuch, 1:238. See also Ltjens, Der Zwerg, 4344.
127 Uor si gingen getwerge / zo der herberge. / di waren alle wol gezogen, / daz merket
uor ungelogen. / di trugen phelline wat. / di was mit golde wol genat. si trugen gra unde
bunt . Strassburger Alexander, verses 606369. H. F. Massmann, ed., Deutsche Gedichte des
zwoelften Jahrhunderts und der naechstverwandten Zeit (Quedlinburg, 1837), 1:130; Ltjens,
Der Zwerg, 18.
N. LUBRICH
Arb. / daz golt ist valsches ne und ist lter sam ein glas. / ich namz an einem berge, der
heizet Kaukasas. Ortnit 114, in Jnicke et al., Deutsches Heldenbuch, 3:17. Translation in
Ortnit and Wolfdietrich: Two Medieval Romances, trans. J. W. Thomas (New York, 1986), 8.
See also Ltjens, Der Zwerg, 36.
129 Ltjens, Der Zwerg, 87.
130 The narrative about Saint Brandons adventures includes his encounter with the dwarf Pert.
The story derives from a late twelfth-century poem from the Lower Rhine region. Brendanus
Sanctus, Von sant Brandon ein hbsch lieblichs lesen, was er wunders auff dem Meer erfahren
hat (Nuremberg, 1508), pt. 7. See also Ltjens, Der Zwerg, 1617.
131 Tarantul, Elfen, Zwerge und Riesen, 174.
132 Stories in which dwarfs draw magical strength from their treasures are Orendel, Ortnit (the
fable of the helper from the Elbe), and the Nibelungenlied. Ltjens, Der Zwerg, 35.
133 Ibid., 7980; Tarantul, Elfen, Zwerge und Riesen, 15960.
134 Michael Toch, Between Impotence and PowerThe Jews in the Economy and Polity of
Medieval Europe, in Peasants and Jews in Medieval Germany, 239.
135 Even King Solomon is recorded as hoarding treasures in the anonymous early fifteenthcentury German translation of Petrus Comestors Historia scholastica. See D. Hans Vollmer,
ed., Eine deutsche Schulbibel des 15. Jahrhunderts: Historia Scholastica des Petrus Comestor
in deutschem Auszug mit lateinischem Paralleltext (Berlin, 1927), 2:481.
136 Kenneth Stow reconstructed how popular belief held that the departing Jews had hidden
away vast, untapped treasures. Stow, Alienated Minority, 282.
briefe die sie hettent uber schulde wider geben. Fritsche Closeners Chronik (1362), in Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Die Chroniken der oberrheinischen Stdte: Straburg
(Leipzig, 1870), 1:130. See also Diethard Aschoff, Die Judenverfolgung des Jahres 1350 in
der lteren westflischen Geschichtsschreibung, in Begegnungen zwischen Christentum und
Judentum in Antike und Mittelalter: Festschrift fr Heinz Schreckenberg, ed. Dietrich-Alex
Koch and Hermann Lichtenberger (Gttingen, 1993), 34.
138 Especially in court narratives, dwarfs adhere to knightly conventions. Ltjens, Der Zwerg,
106. While many popular narratives paint a picture of dwarfs as unreliable and prone to trickery, Habicht and Ltjens agree that court narratives tamed dwarfs, reducing their trickery to
a minimum. Habicht speaks of a disempowerment: Ganz anders gestaltet sich die Konzeption des Zwergs in der hfischen Literatur. . . . Der Zwerg erscheint hier als rationalisiertes,
gleichzeitig aber auch depotenziertes Wesen. Habicht, Der Zwerg, 237; Ltjens, Der Zwerg,
68, 106.
139 Ltjens, Der Zwerg, 97, 100, 105.
140 Habicht, Der Zwerg, 239; Ltjens, Der Zwerg, 107.
141 Der Gold raffende, unsichtbar-anonyme, ausbeutende Alberich, der achselzuckende,
geschwtzige, von Selbstlob und Tcke berflieende Mime . . . all die Zurckgewiesenen
in Wagners Werk sind Judenkarikaturen. Theodor Adorno, Versuch ber Wagner (Frankfurt,
1981), 19, translated by Rodney Livingstone as In Search of Wagner (London, 2009), 1213.
N. LUBRICH
Adorno, Germanist Marc A. Weiner argues that Wagners palette of antisemitic dwarf stereotypes includes physical attributes such as being small
and hairy, greedy and horny, and speak[ing] and shriek[ing] with nervous energy in a high and nasal voice, exuding foul odors associated with pitch, flatulence, and sulfur; they also emphatically limp.142 While this may be true,
Wagner did not invent a connection between Jewish distortions and dwarfs
but simply tapped into a rich, age-old repertoire of social branding initially
connected by medieval concepts of deception.
As fairytales became the staple of an increasingly soothing bedtime literature for children, dwarfs were tamed. Today, they are friendly helpers, in
fiction and as figurines on the lawns of Germanys Schrebergrten; in fantasy
art, illustration, film design, and the production of toys and garden decorations, the dwarfs pileus thrives. Its Jewish reference, meanwhile, is long
forgotten.
Since its inception as a sign of divinity in Bronze Age civilizations over
twenty-five hundred years ago, the pointed hat has transferred from culture to
culture, taking on new functions without shedding the old. Its course changed
sharply when it became a legal requisite and a stigma for Jews; as a result,
it crystallized as a symbol of deception and proliferated onto tricksters and
criminals as well as onto dwarfs, whose trademark it remains today. Where
might the hat go next?
142 Marc A. Weiner, Richard Wagner and the Anti-Semitic Imagination (Lincoln, NE, 1995),
270.