PRESIDENTIABLES

Jejomar Binay[edit]
When questioned by the media at the Coconut Palace in September 2011, Vice
President Jejomar Binay confirmed his plans of running as president.[1]
In May 2015, Binay remarked that he would run for president because the country has to
have leaders with "experience and competence", insinuating Grace Poe's relative
inexperience in politics.[2] Poe replied aside from experience and competence, the
country's leaders have to be honest, this time insinuating Binay's corruption cases while
he was mayor of Makati.[3] A day later, Binay suggested that Poe should be his running
mate,[4] which was rebuffed by Poe, saying that she doesn't see it happening right now,
emphasizing that honesty and scrutiny is important, and that they differ on those
aspects.[5] Binay, in a 24 Oras interview, said that he respected Poe turning down his
offer, and clarified that his statement on experience and competence did not refer to
anyone in particular.[6]
In June 2015, Binay resigned from the Aquino cabinet, but said that he would issue a
statement later. His daughter, representative for Makati Abigail Binaypersonally
delivered the resignation letter to Malacaang Palace.[7] Two days later, Binay addressed
the public from his Coconut Palace offices, branding the current administration as
"manhid at palpak" (insensitive and bumbling), but did not mention Aquino by name. He
also accused the administration of committing sins against him and the people. [8] On July
1, the United Nationalist Alliance launched Binay's presidential campaign at the Makati
Coliseum.[9]
Grace Poe[edit]
Grace Poe's surprising first-place finish in the 2013 Senate election made her a likely
contender for the presidency but she dismissed any plans of running in April 2014,
saying she was not considering "anything higher at this point."[10]
On President Aquino's state visit to Canada on May 2015, the president disclosed that he
had met with Poe prior to the trip, although he didn't say on what the meeting was for.
[11]
A couple of days later, Poe confirmed that she did meet with Aquino. Poe said that
"We discussed his intention to choose a candidate who, first and foremost, has the trust
of the nation, and, secondly, has the potential to win in the election, in order to sustain
the reforms especially against corruption and the pro-poor programs of the government."
Poe expects more meetings with Aquino in June.[12]
On June 2, UNA interim president Toby Tiangco, responding to calls for Jejomar Binay to
"come clean" on his corruption allegations, said in a press conference that Poe is not
qualified to run either for president or vice president after citing her certificate of
candidacy in the 2013 Senate election which stated that she is a resident for six years
and six months; adding three years for the 2016 election, nine years and six months or
six months short mandated by the constitution.[13] Two days later, before a Senate

session, Poe said that she wrote "six years and six months" because it was on April 2006
that her home in the United States was sold. Poe, who had been a resident of the United
States for 13 years, returned to the Philippines after her father Fernando Poe, Jr. died on
December 2004. She said that she a proof that she had been living in the Philippines
since February 2005. She said, that despite being a congressman for Navotas, Tiangco
lives elsewhere, and that her decision on whether to run in 2016 is "50%" sure. Poe also
observed that the attacks from UNA only began after she signed the Senate Blue Ribbon
subcommittee report recommending plunder and graft cases against Binay.[14]
By August, Grace Poe had already met with the Nationalist People's Coalition three times,
together with Francis Escudero.[15] On September 16, at a gathering at the University of
the Philippines Diliman in Quezon City, Poe announced her intention to seek the
presidency, saying that "No one person or group has a monopoly on a straight path
advocacy" of President Aquino, a shot against Aquino's party's nominee Roxas, who is
advocating for continuation of the the "Daang Matuwid" (straight path) advocacy of
Aquino.[16]
Mar Roxas[edit]
Senator Franklin Drilon said in January 2013 "In so far as the LP is concerned, [and] in so
far as I am concerned, we believe that he is best qualified for 2016."[17]
More than two years later, Drilon divulged on a radio DZIQ interview that "As of now, Mar
Roxas has expressed interest internally that he wants to offer his candidacy to the public,
and the party will probably endorse that. So as of now, its Mar Roxas." Drilon added that
the Liberal Party has yet to express its preference. President Aquino is expected to
announce his preferred successor in June.[18]
After the revelation of the May 2015 meetings between Poe and Aquino, Budget
Secretary Florencio Abad suggested that Roxas may step down as vice president, just
like what happened in 2010.[19] Senate President Drilon, for his part, said that Roxas
should declare his intentions "now". Furthermore, Drilon said that the Liberals, while had
not made a decision yet on who to nominate for president, prefer that the nominee
should come from their ranks.[20] Eastern Samar Representative Ben Evardone dismissed
the suggestions of Roxas sliding down as vice president, saying it "to convince the voters
to shun a non-winner, and that Roxas won't give way for Poe.[21]
The next month, House Speaker Feliciano Belmonte said "If I were him, I'm not going to
wait for the President's OK. If the President says OK, then thank you, if I don't get his
okay, I'll have to stand on my own feet," urging Roxas to declare his candidacy at the
soonest possible time.[22] Meanwhile, Abad said that Roxas' candidacy has the approval of
Aquino, and urged the Liberal Party members to support his candidacy. [23]
On his June 12, 2015 Independence Day speech in Iloilo, Aquino praised Roxas' abilities
as Secretary of the Interior and Local Government, and credited him with the creation of
the Negros Island Region, but stopped short of an outright endorsement.[24]

On July 31, 2015, at a gathering at the Club Filipino in San Juan, Roxas was announced to
be the Liberal party standard bearer as he is officially endorsed by President Benigno
Aquino III
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------On May 9, 2016, the Philippines will go to the polls to choose a new head of
state, bringing to an end the six-year term term served by incumbent President Benigno
Aquino III. Under the current constitution, one often disparaged as being in desperate
need of reform, Philippine presidents can only hold one six-year service in Malacancang
Palace, the analogous White House of the Philippines.
As of today, only one person has come forward to officially declare their intention to run
for president former Vice President Jejomar Binay, who, on June 22, announced that he
would be leaving his post, giving him ample time to focus on his 2016 campaign.
That extra time looks to be much needed. A recent poll by the Social Weather Station, a
social research institution in the Philippines, showed that Binays popularity has begun to
wane, putting him in second position, with a preference rating of 34 per cent just after
Senator Grace Poes 42 per cent. The other two possible candidates on the survey
included Interior Secretary Mar Roxas (21 per cent) and Davao City Mayor Rodrigo
Duterte (20 per cent).
Whoever the winner will be, he or she faces expectations from the public to sustain the
economic momentum instated by the Aquino administration, its inclusive growth policies
and anti-corruption drive.
But how much do we really know about these candidates, and what would the Republic
of the Philippines look like under their leadership?
Investvine takes a look at the profiles of the possible contenders for the presidential race
in the Philippines next year.
Jejomar Jojo Binay
If Jejomar Binay is known for his reputation as a distinguished statesmen, having been
the longest standing mayor in the history of Makati City, then he equally is notable a
personality for the corruption allegations he has amassed during that tenure. Binay is a
quintessential Philippine clansman of controversy. He, like many of the political dynasties
in the country, has groomed a powerful offspring of politicians: his daughter, Nancy
Binay, is in the senate, and his son, Jejomar Erwin Junjun Binay Jr., is his successor, the
current standing mayor of Makati City.

With the Makati constituency as their camp, the Binay family will prove a potent force of
populism in the upcoming election year. But first, Binay must smartly unshackle himself
from the corruption case(s) being built against him by President Aquino; no president
hopeful can reasonably expect a winning campaign when they are facing graft and
plunder charges.
His net worth increased from 2.5 million pesos ($55,400) in 1988 to 60 million pesos
($1.33 million) in 2013; official public salaries dont measure up to these gains.
Platform:
Binay has stated, on the record, his aspirations to keep in toe with the inclusive
developmental economic policies created by the Aquino administration. Amending the
so-called pro-Filipino provision of the 1987 Constitution has also been part of his
platform. By lifting the 40 per cent-limit ban of foreign ownership on land and local
companies, Binay hopes to begin to address such policy and infrastructure
misalignments, which he says continue to stifle the development of tourism and energy
infrastructure, among other sectors.
Grace Poe
Grace Poe was discovered abandoned at a cathedral in Iloilo City by a single nanny when
she was an infant. There, the parish priest gave her the game Grace, saying that it was
by the grace of God that she was saved. The nanny, Sayong Militar, passed on Grace
to sugar heiress Tessie Ledesma Valencia; later, she was adopted by Susan Roces and
Fernando Poe Jr., then one of the most popular showbiz couples in the country.
Grace was educated in the Philippines and the US, where she would remain for most of
her adult life, becoming a teacher and later a product manager after graduating Boston
College with a degree in political science. It wasnt until her celebrity fathers disputed
election bid in 2004 that came back to the Philippines, which she did to campaign for
free and fair elections after her father died later that year.
In 2013, Poe won a first-time seat in the senate, running as an independent affiliated
with Aquinos Liberal Party; surprisingly, she obtained more votes than any other
candidate. Her swift rise to prominence aside of the Aquino administration and relatively
little experience has made her a target of conservative opponents, who claim that
because she has no documental proof of her biological parents, she may not be Filipino,
and thus cannot run for president. To date, the campaign to discredit her has been
largely deflated.
Platform:

Grace Poe established a platform for her 2013 senate bid by associating herself with her
late celebrity father, Fernando Poe Jr., who made a failed run for president in 2004. Like
her father, her political platform builds on three core areas: poverty alleviation,
opportunities for all, especially the children, and, most pertinent for her familys
historical legacy, electoral reform.
Manuel Mar Roxas II
Mar Roxas is the grandson of Manuel Roxas, the first president of the Third Philippine
Republic (1946-65) and proud face of the 100-peso bill. A Wharton School graduate,
Roxas forged a reputation as a Man of Markets, having established himself as an
intuitive investment banker with a gift for luring venture capital to fund small and
medium companies. This profile led him to be appointed as the Secretary of Trade and
Industry for two former presidents Joseph Estrada and Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. He
resigned from both posts: first, during the height of the second EDSA revolution in 2001;
second, in 2004, to pursue a seat in the Senate.
The first mention of his presidential ambitions came during campaigning for the 2010
general election, when he eventually decided to step down to allow for then-Senator
Benigno Aquino III to run, both of them belonging to the Liberal Party (LP).
Then, in a highly contested poll, he lost to Jejomar Binay in the race for vice president.
The two have balanced an odd relationship, at times inclined toward voicing vociferous
distaste for one another, and they continue to exchange barbed words in Philippine-style
mudslinging.
A top man of President Aquinos cabinet, Roxas has served as both Secretary of Transport
and Communications and Secretary of Interior and Local Government, proving to be a
loyal member of the administration and party. However, analysts now interpret that the
shared party line will not guarantee an official endorsement by Aquino for Roxas bid;
Aquino may choose Grace Poe instead.
Platform:
Belonging to the same political party as President Aquino, Roxas has molded a platform
that promises to carry the legacy of the LP leader, as well as its shortcomings. Most
pointedly, Roxas position as the head of interior government made him a high-profile
target during the fallout following the blundered military operation in Mamasapano, now
considered by analysts to be proof to the electorate that Aquinos administration is still
seriously lacking in its security credentials. But Roxas would also bring together the
status quo of economic inclusiveness and clean governance; a visible, long-term political
player, he is known as one of the cleanest politicians in the country. If Roxas decides to
step down again, allowing Poe to run for president, he could instead side himself with her

 the Poe-Roxas ticket and run for vice president instead. This is not only a serious
proposition, but a more desirable and likely to be advantageous one for the country in
the long term, Budget Secretary Florencio Abad said in May.
Rodrigo Duterte
Like so many political heavyweights of the country, Duterte was born into a family of
political prestige. His father was a previous governor of Davao, a role that Duterte later
occupied.
A lawyer by profession, Dutertes name has becomesynonymous in the country with the
fight against crime and drugs. Yet, his name also conjures up the extremist vigilante
tactics he condoned. The Davao Death Squad as the media has dubbed them
allegedly conducted extrajudicial killings of criminals, drug dealers and anti-government
insurgents for over a decade; their activities were supported by Duterte, giving him the
distinction of controversially creating the ninth safest city in the world and a
condemnation from the UN.
Today, Davao is noted for having maintained a coveted sense of peace and order in an
otherwise raucous nation, with an enforced citywide speed limit of 30 kph, public
smoking ban and omnipresent rule of law.
Platform:
Mayor Duterte recently announced that he will not be seeking the presidency, but there
is still a possibility that he will back Roxas. I do not covet it. I will tell this to you now,
my family doesnt want me to run. Even my daughter, and shes very vocal about it,
Duterte said at a recent event in Makati. (Known for his blunt character, he also jokingly
said that he wouldnt seek presidency unless he finds a First Lady to accompany him.)
Meanwhile, the LP has said that they have high hopes Duterte would lend his support
to Roxas, given that the two are close friends. The move would set up Duterte to stand
for vice president, while throwing his large southern constituency behind Roxas.

SAF 44
Mamasapano clash
The Mamasapano clash, also known as the Mamasapano Massacre, was a police
operation, codenamed Oplan Exodus, which took place on Sunday, January 25, 2015, at
Tukanalipao, Mamasapano, Maguindanao, by Special Action Force (SAF) of the Philippine
National Police (PNP) (allegedly joined by United States Army Special Forces) against

the Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters (BIFF) and the Moro Islamic Liberation
Front (MILF). The operation was intended to capture or kill wanted Malaysian terrorist and
bomb-maker Zulkifli Abdhir and other Malaysian terrorists and/or high-ranking members
of the BIFF.
Originally a mission to serve arrest warrants for high-ranking terrorists, it led to the
deaths of 44 members of SAF, 18 from MILF and 5 from the BIFF, and several civilians,
and the death of Zulkifli Abdhir confirmed by the FBI and the PNP at 6:30 p.m. of
February 4, 2015 due to a matching DNA result. He was one of FBI's most wanted
terrorists. Getulio Napeas, the relieved SAF commander, estimates about 250 casualties
from the combined MILF, BIFF, and private militias during the encounter although this
was not confirmed and was met with skepticism since aside from the fact that there was
no actual body count, there is no acceptable level of evidence to prove his claim.[23]
[24]
Napenas' estimate was also debunked by the MILF and by the local government
of Mamasapano.[25][26][27]
The operation caught the attention of many for the relatively high number of police
officers killed. The clash has been dubbed as the biggest loss of government elite force
in history.[28] The mission was called Oplan Exodus, initially misattributed as Oplan
Wolverine by the local media. Oplan Wolverine refers to three of the other nine prior
operation attempts targeting Marwan; Oplan Wolverine 1, 2 and 3 launched in December
2012, March and May 2014 respectively.[21][29] by the PNP-SAF. The incident caused
the Philippine Congress to halt the passage of the Bangsamoro Basic Law, effectively
endangering the peace process between the government and the MILF.
The Federal Bureau of Investigation later participated in identifying Zulkifli's body.
Incident
On Sunday, January 25, 2015, three platoons of the elite SAF police squad entered the
guerrilla enclave of Tukanalipao,Mindanao, Philippines, with the goal of detaining two
high-ranking Jemaah Islamiyah-affiliated, improvised-explosive-device experts, Zulkifli
Abdhir (also known as Marwan) and Abdul Basit Usman. The SAF troops raided the hut
where they believed Marwan was located, and the man they believe to be Marwan
engaged them in a firefight and was killed. The SAF initially planned to take his body for
identification. However, the shooting alerted the BIFF and MILF 118th Command in the
area. The SAF had no time to retrieve the body so they just cut off a finger, took a photo,
and left his body there. By 6:18 AM UTC+8 (PST), an SMS message was sent by the
Commander of SAF 61D Battalion to SAF Director Getulio Napeas that they were pinned
down at coordinates 6.92489N 124.52047E.[3] What followed was a bloody encounter
that left 44 SAF, 18 MILF, and 5 BIFF dead.

On Wednesday, February 4, 2015, the FBI confirmed to the PNP that the DNA sample
from the finger matched that of Marwan's brother detained in a U.S. facility.
A MILF spokesman accused the SAF squads of initiating the firefight, claiming that the
rebels acted in self-defense, and proposed the continuation of the peace process. [30]
Abu Misri Mama, BIFF spokesman, said that his rebel group's relationship with the MILF's
105th Command headed by Ustadz Zacaria Guma is positive. We're all family, Mama
commenting on BIFF's relationship with Guma's unit. Mama said that there is no
distinction between BIFF members and members of Guma's unit and claims that all of
them are either relatives or friends of each other. It was reported that Guma's unit would
engage other MILF units over disputes such as clan feuds. It was also reported that
Guma is not on good terms with other MILF units which Guma views as "Munafiq", or
hypocrites.[10]
A ranking military intelligence officer who spoke on condition of anonymity said that BIFF
leader Ameril Umbra Kato ordered the killing of the SAF members by his group and
members of the MILF involved in the incident. The official also quoted Kato as saying
Leave no one alive and take all their firearms, ammunition, and personal belongings. A
colonel from the Philippine Army, who also spoke on condition of anonymity, confirmed
the information and said that SAF personnel who were still alive but wounded were shot
dead by some BIFF members.[11]
A private armed group led by Datu Bahnarin Ampatuan was reportedly among those
involved in the killings of the SAF members. Bahnarin Ampatuan, who is also implicated
in the Maguindanao massacre case, is the brother of Mamasapano mayor Benzar
Ampatuan. Bahnarin and Benzar Amputuan were rivals at the 2010 Mayoral elections.
Benzar expressed doubt of his brother's participation and believes that Bahnarin would
not associate himself with such groups like the BIFF nor to people like Abdul Basit
Usman who made an attempt to kill Benzar's grandfather
Casualties
Special Action Force[edit]
A total of 44 SAF personnel were killed during the encounter. #Fallen44 became a
worldwide trend on social media site Twitter as an effort to honor the 44 slain SAF
members.[31] The SAF casualties were later dubbed as the Fallen 44. The incident saw one
of the highest fatalities of government forces in a single peace time operation.
United States Army[edit]
According to a local farmer, a "blue-eyed" American soldier was among the casualties.[2]
[32]
However, the U.S. embassy later denied any involvement in the clash.[33]

Targets[edit]
The two agencies that cooperated during the battle, the Philippine National Police and
the Federal Bureau of Investigation, confirmed on Wednesday February 4, 2015 at
6:30 p.m. that Zulkifli Abdhir, also known as Marwan, was officially killed during the
Mamasapano encounter due to a matching DNA test.[34][35][36][37][38][39][40][41] The MILF later
said that, based on an intelligence report that they had received, Marwan was dead as a
result of an encounter. MILF chairman Al-Hajj Murad Ebrahim said that, based on their
information, Marwan who was in his nipa hut home was surrounded by SAF troops and
was reported to open fire first and that SAF officers were able to shoot Marwan dead.
Marwan's body was reportedly left at the hut and was immediately buried. Ebrahim also
said that Abdul Basit Usman, who was also pursued by SAF troops, was able to escape.[42]
Moro Islamic Liberation Front[edit]
Mohagher Iqbal said that 18 MILF personnel were killed during combat, while 14 were
injured.[17]
In the other hand, According to one of official of MILF said they have 17 of their members
were killed in the clash. Then PO2 Christopher Lalan, lone survivor of the clash, at least
11 members of the combined forces of MILF, BIFF, and private armed groups were taken
down by SAF troopers from his Company, he said. Former PNP-SAF head Chief Supt, he
added that the Saf sniper was able to shoot down between 25 to 30 attackers. In which
the total of casualties are 250 in MILF, BIFF and in Mamasapano clash Napeas.[25][43]
Civilians[edit]
Moro group, Suara Bangsamoro, claimed in a post-fact finding mission report that at
least 7 civilians were killed and 3 others were injured during the Mamasapano clash.
Jerome Succor Aba, national spokesperson of the group, said that residents of Barangay
Tukanalipao were preparing for their daily activities when SAF commandos entered the
area and opened fire at the residence of the Panangulon family, resulting in the death of
five-year-old child Sarah Panangulon and leaving her parents Tots and Samrah wounded.
Badrudin Langalan, a farmer, was found dead hogtied at the wooden bridge in the
barangay. Aba describes Langalan's body as being riddled with bullets and eyes as
gouged out. Aba said that five other people were killed who were heading to the mosque
in Sitio Inugog and said that based from stories of residents that the SAF was behind
their deaths. Civilians bore the brunt of the botched operations, they were made to
suffer on suspicions that they are harboring terrorists. Suara calls for justice and
recognition of the true victims and accountability to the police and Aquino
administration, Aba said.[19]
It was reported that Badruddin Langalan was killed by stray bullets. Badruddin's wife
Sarah Langalan recalled that her husband went to charge his cellphone but never came

back. 16-year-old Saat Manadal was also wounded due to stray bullets and is under the
intensive care unit of the Cotabato Regional Medical Center.
Aftermath
The incident sparked the internal displacement of several hundred families amidst fears
of continued clashes.[44]
The chairman of the Philippine Senate Committee on Local Government, Ferdinand
Marcos, Jr., stated that hearings regarding the involvement of security and armed forces
provisions of the Bangsamoro Basic Law were halted. Senator Alan Peter Cayetano also
claimed that his coalition will withdraw its support for the Bangsamoro Basic Law,
endangering the ongoing peace process.[44] While thePhilippine House of
Representatives also suspended its hearings on the Bangsamoro Basic Law,
[45]
Speaker Feliciano Belmonte said that the lower house remained supportive of the
measure, although it had been somewhat "eroded" due to the killings. He also took note
that unlike in the Senate where Cayetano and JV Ejercito had withdrawn their
sponsorship of the bill, no congressman had done the same, and that the measure would
be passed on time.[46]
The Philippine National Police relieved Special Action Force head Director Getulio
Napeas of his post following the clash in Maguindanao; he was replaced by deputy SAF
director Chief Superintendent Noli Talio. In a press briefing at Camp Crame, Deputy
Director General Leonardo Espina and Secretary of Interior and Local Government Mar
Roxas announced the establishment of a board of inquiry tasked with the investigation of
the police encounter in Maguindanao.[15]
President Aquino delivered a televised address on January 28. He said that the MILF
should identify those who were involved in the killing of the members of the SAF, return
the slain SAF members' guns and personal belongings, and allow the government to
continue their operation against the terrorists. In addition, he also declared January 30 as
a "National Day of Mourning", and pressed for the immediate Congressional approval of
the proposed Bangsamoro Basic Law.[47] Aquino admitted that there was a "lack of
coordination" among the government forces and the MILF, that he and suspended police
chief Alan Purisima personally knew of the operations, and that both Roxas and Espina
were not notified of it beforehand. Furthermore, Aquino was not able to explain why
these two officials were unaware of the operations. Earlier, a Manila Standard
Today article claimed that Purisima not only knew of the operation, but even took control
of the operations despite being suspended from duty.[48]
A video of the killings the allegedly one of the SAF was uploaded on YouTube, but has
since been taken down from the site, those who manage to download the video are sold

in DVD format in the streets of Manila.[49] Also, the video was uploaded in social media
siteFacebook.[50]
In an effort to mend relations with the villagers in the area where the clash occurred, in
2015 the government began construction of a bridge over the river by the field where
the 44 policemen were killed. The bridge was named "The Bridge of Peace."[51]
8 months later, on September 22, 2015, criminal charges were filed by the NBI, against
90 individuals, 25 from the MILF, 12 from the BIFF, and 52 from private armed group or
with unknown affliation who involved in the clash.