Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
QPQ K Index....................................................................................................................... 1
1NC................................................................................................................................. 2
1NC................................................................................................................................. 3
Link 2NC Block.............................................................................................................. 4
Link 2NC Block.............................................................................................................. 5
Link - Reconstruction / Development.............................................................................. 6
Link - Foreign Assistance................................................................................................. 7
Link Behavior Modification............................................................................................ 8
Impact 2NC................................................................................................................... 9
Impact QPQ Economy Violence..............................................................................10
Impact Epistemology Argument................................................................................. 11
AT: Perm........................................................................................................................ 12
AT: Perm........................................................................................................................ 13
AT: Link Turn.................................................................................................................. 14
AT: Realism.................................................................................................................... 15
AT: Realism.................................................................................................................... 16
AT: Realism.................................................................................................................... 17
Representations Matter................................................................................................. 18
Representations Matter................................................................................................. 19
Framework Cards.......................................................................................................... 20
1NC
The affirmatives offer of assistance is based on an exchange
paradigm which engages a narcissistic economy that guarantees
extinction
Vaughan, Director of the Foundation for a Compassionate Society, 1998
Genevieve, Jacob Wrestles with the Angel, http://www.gifteconomy.com/articlesAndEssays/jacobWrestles.html
Since the gift paradigm is based on giving to the other it allows or encourages giftgivers to give to those who are practicing the other paradigm - the exchangers.
the exchange paradigm encourages giving to the self, it fosters mirroring of the self
and re-cognition of the self. A kind of socio-economic narcissism is created in which external
images of exchange validate its point of view over and over. This hall of mirrors effect
makes it possible for the exchangers to see and give value only to themselves and their own
Since
processes while receiving from the giftgivers without recognizing them and without giving back to them. The equation 'x = y' appears to be fair and neutral because
we do not see how many gifts are being given to exchange. The world view of exchange receives a great deal of energy from those practising the gift paradigm, but
neither group re-cognizes the importance of what the giftgivers are doing. The gift paradigm encourages us to take the point of view of the other, while the exchange
paradigm promotes the ego's self confirming point of view. Thus the exchangers assert their superiority while considering the giftgivers inferior and the gift givers
internalize this attitude - because they take the point of view of the exchangers (their 'others') about themselves. Because of our growing participation in the labor
market, many women are now in the situation of maintaining both paradigms at the same time internally. This creates an internal conflict. Although we women may
behave in giftgiving ways and feel the emotions arising from others' unsatisfied needs, we discount our own values and motivations, giving credit to the point of view
of the exchange paradigm-which validates me-first behavior. I believe that women are socialized to be mothers. Since babies cannot 'pay back' for what they receive,
someone must satisfy their needs free, without an exchange. This functional other-orientation is made necessary not by the 'nature' of women but by the nature of
babies who cannot satisfy their own needs. Society reads the biological differences to mean that women must mother. The job is so difficult and time consuming, and
The
exchange paradigm has created a large number of interlocking mis perceptions which
together make up a sort of many faceted fly's eye lens through which we collectively see
reality, misunderstand it and act upon it according to our misunderstandings. Then we
construct reality in the image of our image of it. In our society the gift paradigm seems to have many defects, even to be
its values so foreign to the values of exchange, that we must be encouraged in that direction from childhood, taking our own nurturing mothers as models.
dysfunctional. I submit that its defects are all due to its forced coexistence with the exchange paradigm. For example, giftgiving is difficult, even self-sacrificial in
scarcity. However, if we look at it in another way, we can see that scarcity serves the exchange paradigm by keeping its patterns in place. If abundance existed there
would be no need to exchange because giving would become easy. It would be enjoyable for people to satisfy each others' needs directly. Therefore abundance
threatens exchange, and it is not allowed to accrue. For example abundant peaches are plowed under when they would flood the market and lower the price. But on a
larger scale 18 billion dollars is spent every week on armaments world wide while that amount of money would be enough to feed all the hungry people on earth for a
year. The military and the arms business do not produce any nurturing good. Humanity's effort to maintain itself has to come from other sources, doing without the
wealth that has been wasted. Over the years a huge drain on the economy occurs through military and other make-waste spending. Because there is also a short
cycle of money through a few pockets, the arms business itself (like the drug business) is lucrative for those who engage in it. However because they do not produce
any nurturing good, these businesses drain the economy as a whole, causing scarcity and thus ensuring the ability of the exchange economy to prevail. Another
The exchange
paradigm seems to be the 'human' way to behav e. Getting to the top of the heap appears
to be the way to survive and thrive in 'reality'. Actually we are creating the heap ourselves.
Our validation of patriarchal competitive values only operates because we are inside the
paradigm and therefore cannot see the exchange economy for what it is - an artificial
parasite which derives its sustenance from the gift economy. If we can understand how the
parasite is created we can liberate ourselves and humanity from it. If we cannot we will
continue proposing the same wrong solutions to our socio-economic problems until we
finally destroy life on earth.
consequence of the coexistence of giftgiving and exchange is that the giftgivers do not see that what they are doing is valuable .
Again, it is essential that we conceptualize these strategies as both containing and making imaginative geographies;
goes beyond merely the military action or aid programmes that governments follow, but
Our concern lies specifically with the ways in which the US portrays
certain parts of the world as requiring involvement, as
threats, as zones of instability, as rogue states, states of concern, as global hotspots, as well as
the associated suggestion that by bringing these within the integrated zones of
democratic peace, US security both economically and militarily can be preserved . Of
course, the translation of such imaginations into actual practice (and certainly results) is
never as simple as some might like to suggest. Nonetheless, what we wish to highlight here is how these
strategies, in essence, produce the effect they name. This, again, is nothing new: the United States has long
constituted its identity at least in part through discourses of danger that materialize others as
a threat (see Campbell, 1992). Equally, much has been written about the new set of threats and enemies that emerged
and will re-occur throughout it.
to fill the post-Soviet void from radical Islam through the war on drugs to rogue states (for a critical analyses see, among
others, Benjamin and Simon, 2003 and Stokes, 2005; on the genealogies of the idea of rogue states see Blum, 2002 and
Litwak, 2000).
1NC
Our alternative is to refuse the politics of the 1AC this political act
is key to exposing the fissures of the dominant ideology which is
the most productive mechanism of dissent
Burke, School of Political Science and International Studies, University of Queensland,
2002
(Anthony, Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 27.1 page InfoTrac OneFile)
It is perhaps easy to become despondent, but as countless struggles for freedom, justice, and social transformation have
proved, a sense of seriousness can be tempered with the knowledge that many tools are already available--and where they
are not, the effort to create a productive new critical sensibility is well advanced.
opening
There is
also
a crucial political
within the liberal problematic itself, in the sense that it assumes that power is most effective when it is absorbed
larger social, cultural, and economic implications of the everyday forms of desire, subjection, and discipline they encounter,
to challenge and rewrite them, and that in turn contribute to collective efforts to transform the larger structures of being,
is to open up
aporetic possibilities that transgress and call into question the boundaries of the self,
society, and the international that security seeks to imagine and police.
The second seeks new ethical principles based on a critique of the rigid and repressive
forms of identity that security has heretofore offered. Thus writers such as Rosalyn Diprose,
exchange, and power that sustain (and have been sustained by) these forms. As Derrida suggests, this
William Conolly, and Moira Gatens have sought to imagine a new ethical relationship that thinks difference not
on the basis of the same but on the basis of a dialogue with the other that might allow space for the unknown
and unfamiliar, for a "debate and engagement with the other's law and the other's ethics"--an encounter that
involves a transformation of the self rather than the other. (63) Thus while the sweep and power of
security must be acknowledged, it must also be refused: at the simultaneous levels of individual
identity, social order, and macroeconomic possibility, it would entail another kind of work on
"ourselves"--a political refusal of the One, the imagination of an other that never returns
to the same. It would be to ask if there is a world after security, and what its shimmering possibilities might be.
As we argue throughout this paper, the distinctive thing about recent National Security Strategies is their deployment of
of law, confront corruption, and firmly reject terror, they can count on American support for the creation of a Palestinian
state (The White House, 2002b: 9). Likewise, it can be found in some of remarks of the British Prime Minister Blair (2004)
about the significance of democracy in Afghanistan, Africa and Iraq. Equally Bush's notorious axis of evil speech did not
simply name North Korea, Iran and Iraq as its members, but suggested that states like these, and their terrorist allies,
A comparison of
the like, alongside the with the terrorists is actually a more complicated approach to the
choosing of sides and the drawing of lines than is generally credited . Simple binary
oppositions are less useful to an understanding here than the process of incorporation and
the policy of integration.
These examples indicate the policy of integration or exclusion being adopted by the US and followed by
certain allies. It warns those failing to adopt US values (principally liberal representative democracy and
market capitalism), that they will be excluded from an American-centric world . The place of US allies
constitute an axis of evil, arming to threaten the peace of the world (Bush, 2002a, emphasis added).
in these representations is not unimportant. Indeed, the strength of the US discourse relies also on its reflection and
reiteration by other key allies, especially in Europe. Above and beyond the dismissive pronouncements of Rumsfeld about
Europe's Old and New a conception that was inchoately articulated as early as the 1992 DPG the dissent of (even
some) Europeans is a problem for the US in its world-making endeavours (see Bialasiewicz & Minca, 2005). It is not
surprising, then, that following his re-election, George W. Bush and Condoleeza Rice embarked almost immediately on a
bridge-building tour across Europe, noting not trans-Atlantic differences but the great alliance of freedom that unites the
United States and Europe (Bush, 2005).
QUID PRO QUO the affirmatives logic of conditional offers flips the
standard binary to include the ultimate justification for violence
countries can either work beside us or suffer the consequences of
opposing American-centric ideologies
Campbell, Intl Boundaries Research At Durham, et al, 2007 David, Political Geography
26.4, ScienceDirect
It is important to highlight the way performativity's idea of reiteration calls attention to changes in historically established
imaginative geographies. While US foreign policy has been traditionally written in the context of identity/difference
expressed in self/other relationships (Campbell, 1992), we detect in recent strategic performances a different articulation of
enunciated over the last 15 years through popular-academic books, think-tank documents, policy programmes and security
exchange, which is
adversarial, with each trying to get more and give less, creates competition and hierarchy.
Exchange is "ego" oriented because one satisfies the need of the other only to satisfy h/er
own need, while giving directly to the other is "other" oriented. Capitalism is built upon exchange and
incorporates the Patriarchal values of competition and hierarchy. In fact Capitalism needs Patriarchal
needs of all kinds, whether material, psychological or spiritual, creates community, while
We sense the rational policymaker's frustrated desire: the world is supposed to work like a
machine, ordered by a form of power and governmental reason which deploys machines
and whose desires and processes are meant to run along ordered, rational lines like a
machine. Kissinger's desire was little different from that of Cromer who, wrote Edward Said:
Adam had fallen once more, but into a world which refused to acknowledge its renewed intimacy with contingency and evil.
empire over creation -- his discovery of the innermost secrets of matter and energy, of
the fires that fuelled the stars -- had not 'enhanced human power and dignity' as Bacon
claimed, but instead brought destruction and horror. Scientific powers that had been
consciously applied in the defence of life and in the hope of its betterment now threatened
its total and absolute destruction. This would not prevent a legion of scientists, soldiers and national security
Man's
policymakers later attempting to apply Bacon's faith in invention and Descartes' faith in mathematics to make of the Bomb a
rational weapon.
The gift has been ignored by those who study the economy but actually from our perspective, surplus labor, the labor above
the value of the workers' salary, in other words profit, is a gift to the capitalist from the worker. The motivator of the market,
necessary. Capitalist patriarchy accords privilege to the few and wastes 'excess' wealth to maintain scarcity.
Within Capitalism there are many areas of gift giving, beginning with those in which people are trying to satisfy the big
picture needs of society for systemic change. For example there is the anti globalization movement, which is trying to save
the collective gifts of the common people from the corporations. There is the peace movement, there is the movement
against domestic violence; there is even a movement of the capitalists themselves to satisfy the need to change the system:
the funding movement for social change.
There are also cross-overs in these movements, for example anti global Native American funders for social change,
matriarchal goddess spirituality artists, people working on domestic violence, who see how it is connected to war and
All of these attempts to satisfy needs, and to give gifts, are discredited by the
ideology of exchange and self interest. That ideology ignores the importance of needs and of giving to satisfy
them. Instead it privileges 'effective demand' , a market category which privileges the needs that people must
international violence.
pay to satisfy and for which they possess the necessary money. Even education and the media which should satisfy the
needs of the people for knowledge are becoming commercialized to the extent that they only satisfy the needs of Capital
These insights have direct relevance to the international conduct of states. Christine Sylvester has argued that
there is a pernicious "normativity of sex" structuring international relations , while Tickner
argues that statecraft is dominated by an image of "hegemonic masculinity" that is "sustained through its
opposition to various subordinated and devalued masculinities such as homosexuality . . . and through its
relation to various devalued feminities." In international policy, the characteristics of hegemonic
masculinity "are projected onto the behaviour of states whose success as international
actors is measured in terms of their power capabilities and capacity for self-help and
autonomy." (53)
What this achieves is a whole series of exclusions (and norms of action) based on the
dichotomy between masculine and feminine . This generates a chain of analogous
oppositions that align maleness with reason, activity, objective truth, and the mind, and
woman with passion, passivity, subjective truth, and the body--realms and values
constructed as perpetually threatening, backward, and disruptive. By then aligning these with
two other crucial dichotomies--between savage and civilized, and the commonwealth and the state of nature-this chain of oppositions gives life to the progressive movement of being central to a post-Enlightenment
politics of security.
In the liberal chain that links subjectivity, economy, and geopolitics, gender is simultaneously a work on the
self, a principle for the participation of individuals in society, and one for the conduct of the state in managing
subject populations and constructing geopolitical space. Hegemonic masculinity has also been crucial
to universalizing the liberal mode of economic subjectivity based around the subjugation,
control, and exploitation of nature--with the implicit exclusion of other possible modes of
economic life. (54) A pivotal figure here is Descartes, whose philosophical account of method and the
division between mind and body has underpinned many characteristics of the modern liberal order: its
obsession with political and epistemological certitude (stability and equilibrium), the vision of nature implicit in
modern economics, and the control and production of international space. Genevieve Lloyd emphasizes how
the separation of mind and body was essential to his vision of a "unitary pure thought" t hat secured the
foundations of modern science, yet simultaneously separated it from the rest of life. Lloyd also draws out the
links between Cartesian method and Hegel's association of male attainments with universality. Maleness
becomes a technical attribute achieved by breaking away from the nature associated with
woman, and thus analogous to modern theories of technological, political, and economic
progress based on the manipulation and control of nature . (55)
10
Impact 2NC
The drive for ontological certainty closes off the ability to contest
the truth claims of the aff guarantees infinite violence
Burke, Senior Lecturer in Politics and IR, University of New South Wales, 2007 Anthony,
As for Robert Kagan, for Barnett the United States' role is predicated upon, above all, a privileged knowledge of the rule sets
(the ability to define good and bad states), a privileged understanding of the ways the world works, but also the
willingness to enforce those rule sets. America is the Gap's Leviathan: if other Core powers want a greater say in how we
exercise that power, they simply need to dedicate enough defense spending to develop similar capabilities. Absent that,
America earns a certain right for unilateralism in the Gap (Barnett, 2004: 173, 174). Similarly echoing Robert Kagan's
dismissal of Europeans' Kantian illusions, Barnett is even more resolute in affirming that such illusions have no place in
today's chaotic and dangerous world. In justifying the United States resistance to the International Criminal Court, Barnett
suggests that it is not a question of American exceptionalism but rather the fact that America needs special consideration
for the security roles it undertakes inside the Gap. In effect, we don't want fellow Core members applying their Kantian rule
Insecurity comes not from a specific threatening other but from all those
unwilling to integrate; all those refusing their (prescribed) place on the map . As Monmonier puts
past and predictive of future action.
it, the map's lines and labels not only rationalize the current [Iraqi] occupationbut also argue for future interventions
throughout the Gap (Monmonier, 2005: 222). This understanding was clearly articulated in Barnett's first book (Barnett,
US
interventions are thus presented as inevitable, until the messiness of the world is made to
match the geometries of the Pentagon's New Map.
2004), but is even more explicit in the follow-up volume, revealingly entitled Blueprint for Action (Barnett, 2005).
11
at the top of the economic wheel often find that their lives are barren while those in the middle pursue the illusion of 'having
more' and those at the bottom struggle to barely survive.
When I came back to the US in 1983 I was determined to use my money for social change according to the theory I had
developed. Now after 15 years and having used up most of my money, I have finally published the book which contains the
theory.
12
For-Giving is an attempt to describe this state of affairs, to explain why it happens and how it works in order to make it
exchange paradigm is at an advantage because it promotes the values of competition. The gift paradigm is at a
disadvantage because it promotes the values of cooperation. In fact those who practice it appear to lose the competition
while actually they are simply not competing.
13
The epistemology of violence I describe here (strategic science and foreign policy doctrine) claims positivistic clarity about
techniques of military and geopolitical action which use force and coercion to achieve a desired end, an end that is supplied
power but ontologises itself in a technological image of 'man' as a maker and user of things, including other humans, which
in the aftermath of the 2006 Lebanon war, whose obvious strategic failure for Israelis generated fierce attacks on the army
and political leadership and forced the resignation of the IDF chief of staff. Yet in its wake neither ontology was rethought.
Consider how a reserve soldier, while on brigade-sized manoeuvres in the Golan Heights in early 2007, was quoted as
saying: 'we are ready for the next war'. Uri Avnery quoted Israeli commentators explaining the rationale for such a war as
being to 'eradicate the shame and restore to the army the "deterrent power" that was lost on the battlefields of that
unfortunate war'. In 'Israeli public discourse', he remarked, 'the next war is seen as a natural phenomenon, like tomorrow's
sunrise.' 22
obviously at work in the U.S. neoconservative doctrine that argues, as Bush did in his 2002 West Point speech, that 'the only
path to safety is the path of action', which begs the question of whether strategic practice and theory can be detached from
strong ontologies of the insecure nation-state.23 This is the direction taken by much realist analysis critical of Israel and the
Bush administration's 'war on terror'.24 Reframing such concerns in Foucauldian terms, we could argue that obsessive
ontological commitments have led to especially disturbing 'problematizations' of truth.25 However such rationalist critiques
rely on a one-sided interpretation of Clausewitz that seeks to disentangle strategic from existential reason, and to open up
14
underlying political ontologies that I have sought to unmask and question here. Many realists have quite
nuanced and critical attitudes to the use of force, but ultimately affirm strategic thought
and remain embedded within the existential framework of the nation-state . Both liberal
internationalist and just war doctrines seek mainly to improve the accountability of
decision-making in security affairs and to limit some of the worst moral enormities of war,
but (apart from the more radical versions of cosmopolitanism) they fail to question the ontological claims
of political community or strategic theory.82
15
AT: Perm
All of our link arguments are Disads to the plan their double bind
argument is arbitrary and not logical our alternative doesnt have
to overcome the status quo it only has to create the conditions for
productive politics extend the Burke evidence from the 1NC
The current political enframing makes change in the system
impossible the permutation does not challenge the structures of
truth that create our impacts
Burke, Senior Lecturer in Politics and IR, University of New South Wales, 2007 Anthony,
Theory & Event, 10.2
My argument here, whilst normatively sympathetic to Kant's moral demand for the eventual abolition of war, militates
against excessive optimism.86 Even as I am arguing that war is not an enduring historical or anthropological feature, or a
neutral and rational instrument of policy -- that it is rather the product of hegemonic forms of knowledge about political
action and community -- my analysis does suggest some sobering conclusions about its power as an idea and formation.
Neither the progressive flow of history nor the pacific tendencies of an international
society of republican states will save us. The violent ontologies I have described here in fact
dominate the conceptual and policy frameworks of modern republican states and have
come, against everything Kant hoped for, to stand in for progress, modernity and reason. Indeed what Heidegger
argues, I think with some credibility, is that the enframing world view has come to stand in for being
itself. Enframing, argues Heidegger, 'does not simply endanger man in his relationship to himself and to everything
that is...it drives out every other possibility of revealing...the rule of Enframing threatens man with
the possibility that it could be denied to him to enter into a more original revealing and hence to experience the call of a
more primal truth.'87
What I take from Heidegger's argument -- one that I have sought to extend by analysing the militaristic power of modern
builds one structure of truth on another until a course of action, however violent or dangerous, becomes preordained
16
within the
instrumental utilitarianism of 'enframing' and the stark ontology of the friend and enemy. They are certainly
tremendously aggressive and energetic in continually stating and reinstating its force.
But is there a way out? Is there no possibility of agency and choice? Is this not the key normative problem I raised at the
outset, of how the modern ontologies of war efface agency, causality and responsibility from decision making; the
responsibility that comes with having choices and making decisions, with exercising power? (In this I am much closer to
Connolly than Foucault, in Connolly's insistence that, even in the face of the anonymous power of discourse to produce and
limit subjects, selves remain capable of agency and thus incur responsibilities.88) There seems no point in following
Heidegger in seeking a more 'primal truth' of being -- that is to reinstate ontology and obscure its worldly manifestations and
consequences from critique. However we can, while refusing Heidegger's unworldly89 nostalgia, appreciate that he was
searching for a way out of the modern system of calculation; that he was searching for a 'questioning', 'free relationship' to
technology that would not be immediately recaptured by the strategic, calculating vision of enframing. Yet his path out is
somewhat chimerical -- his faith in 'art' and the older Greek attitudes of 'responsibility and indebtedness' offer us valuable
clues to the kind of sensibility needed, but little more.
When we consider the problem of policy, the force of this analysis suggests that choice
and agency can be all too often limited; they can remain confined (sometimes quite wilfully)
within the overarching strategic and security paradigms. Or, more hopefully, policy
choices could aim to bring into being a more enduringly inclusive, cosmopolitan and
peaceful logic of the political. But this cannot be done without seizing alternatives from
outside the space of enframing and utilitarian strategic thought , by being aware of its
presence and weight and activating a very different concept of existence, security and
action.90
17
AT: Perm
No net benefit to the permutation our epistemology arguments
prove that the affirmative advantage is a construction the plan is
not necessary to solve the aff the alternative alone creates the
only political arena that can hope to solve international violence
extend the Burke evidence
THEORY the permutation either severs or is intrinsic our
alternative rejects the politics of the 1AC severance of that
strategy is a voting issue because it denies us any link arguments
and if they add co-operation to refusal that is a political act that is
in neither the 1AC nor 1NC voting issue because it allows them to
add infinite political strategies
The permutation is the politics of integration that we criticize
radical politics will become technologies of control and Iraq proves
that the incorporation of radical politics creates the stability
necessary to justify violence
Campbell, Intl Boundaries Research At Durham, et al, 2007 David, Political Geography
26.4, ScienceDirect
In the aftermath of September the 11th it has become commonplace to argue that the world has fundamentally changed.
President Bush claimed as much when he declared the attacks of that day meant the doctrine of containment just doesn't
hold any water and the strategic vision of the US had to shift dramatically (Bush, 2003). As a result, integration into a
western and American set of values and modus operandi has become the new strategic concept. Distinct from the
This paper has traced the emergence of integration as the basis for the imaginative geography of the war on terror. It has
Yet in practice the materialization of such strategies and imaginations has rarely been straightforward. In fact, in many
instances the opposite of the intention has been created. We could point, for example, to the ways in which territorial
integrity was repeatedly mobilized as a war-aim in the invasion of Iraq and yet the consequence has been the creation of a
state which is unable to protect its borders, cannot project its power effectively within them and is in danger of
18
19
I am serious in arguing that the aporias of security do create important room to move, to disrupt its claim to
universality and truth, to imagine new possibilities that escape its repressive dialectic of self and other. Yet
here we also encounter a disturbing irony. Security forms a political technology whose power
partly derives from its aporetic structure. A generalized opposition between society and its
others has worked as an effective technology of fear to construct and police forms of
national and ethnic identity; while illusions of universal security have simultaneously
worked as a smokescreen for a realpolitik that purchases the security of the self at the
20
expense of the other. In short, security's power lies in the very slipperiness of its
significations, its ironic structure of meaning, its ability to have an almost universal appeal
yet name very different arrangements of order and possibility for different groups of
people. This is why it is pointless to try and stabilize security's ontology . It is better to
track security's tactical and discursive power though its development as a constitutive
account of the political-one that is simultaneously structured, enabled, and fissured by its
aporias.
This opens up significant questions about the structure and operation of security as a concept: however
much they disavow it, Derrida reminds us that all such metaphysical ideals exist in a relation
of
dependence to a subordinated term they claim to supersede or expel . Security is no
different. While betraying pretensions to absolute self-presence, security only ever exists
in relation to "insecurity": it thus operates according to the Hegelian economy that incorporates this
dichotomy into a "dialectical" movement that poses the second term as the anathema of the first, which
becomes an ideal state, or goal, toward which one aspires in a movement away from the second. Security
then becomes a powerful signifier of an ideal political, economic, and cultural order,
opposed to "others" designated as inferior or threatening. Yet its promise breaks down
when we consider that, because "security" is bound into a dependent relation with
"insecurity," it can never escape it: it must continue to produce images of "inse curity" in
order to retain meaning.
21
AT: Realism
Realism is a reductionist falsehood its overarching theory is not
universal and it produces mass sacrifice of life
Richmond, School of International Relations, University of St. Andrews, 2007 Oliver,
There is much in the present condition that centers on a conception of the past that naturalizes and reifies. As Michel
analyses of such relations must move beyond the dichotomy between structure and event, for "the important thing is to
avoid trying to do for the event what was previously done with the concept of structure" since events differ in their "capacity
to produce effects." (3)
Judaic and Greek thought, it crystallised in philosophical terms most powerfully during and after the Renaissance. The key
figures in this process were Francis Bacon, Galileo, Isaac Newton, and Ren Descartes, who all combined a hunger for
22
political and ontological certainty, a positivist epistemology and a nave faith in the goodness of invention. Bacon sought to
create certainty and order, and with it a new human power over the world, through a new empirical methodology based on a
harmonious combination of experiment, the senses and the understanding. With this method, he argued, we can 'derive
hope from a purer alliance of the faculties (the experimental and rational) than has yet been attempted'.63 In a similar
move, Descartes sought to conjure certainty from uncertainty through the application of a new method that moved
progressively out from a few basic certainties (the existence of God, the certitude of individual consciousness and a divinely
granted faculty of judgement) in a search for pure fixed truths. Mathematics formed the ideal image of this method, with its
strict logical reasoning, its quantifiable results and its uncanny insights into the hidden structure of the cosmos.64 Earlier,
Galileo had argued that scientists should privilege 'objective', quantifiable qualities over 'merely perceptible' ones; that 'only
by means of an exclusively quantitative analysis could science attain certain knowledge of the world'.65
Such doctrines of mathematically verifiable truth were to have powerful echoes in the 20th Century, in the ascendancy of
systems analysis, game theory, cybernetics and computing in defense policy and strategic decisions, and in the awesome
scientific breakthroughs of nuclear physics, which unlocked the innermost secrets of matter and energy and applied the
23
AT: Realism
Their argument is wrong realism does not explain the
international arena it sanitizes violence and erases the suffering
caused by state centric ideologies aesthetic and emotional
ideologies rule the current political order
Bleiker, School of Political Science and Intl Studies, University of Queensland, 2006
Nussbaum's impressive study on the topic is particularly significant here since she demonstrates
that emotions do not just highlight our vulnerability toward events that lie outside of
control, such as terrorist attacks. They are also important forms of knowledge and
evaluative thought. Literature, music, and other works of art offer possibilities to express these emotional insights in
ways that cannot easily be achieved through conventional accounts of events. This is why, Nussbaum stresses,
emotional intelligence and aesthetic ways of representing them should be accepted,
alongside more conventional sources, as legitimate elements in the formulation of ethical
and political judgment. (58)
insight. Martha
24
AT: Realism
Realist enframing of international relations guarantees universal
destruction of life in the name of scientific certainty their theory
makes persons means to ends
Burke, Senior Lecturer in Politics and IR, University of New South Wales, 2007 Anthony,
Theory & Event, 10.2
Instead, Oppenheimer saw a process frustrated by roadblocks and ruptured by irony; in his view there was no smooth,
unproblematic translation of scientific truth into social truth, and technology was not its vehicle. Rather his comments raise
Heidegger's insights into this phenomena I find especially telling and disturbing -- because they underline the ontological
force of the instrumental view of politics. In The Question Concerning Technology, Heidegger's striking argument was that in
the modernising West technology is not merely a tool, a 'means to an end' . Rather
technology has become a governing image of the modern universe, one that has come to
order, limit and define human existence as a 'calculable coherence of forces' and a
'standing reserve' of energy. Heidegger wrote: 'the threat to man does not come in the first instance from the
potentially lethal machines and apparatus of technology. The actual threat has already affected man in his essence.'77
This process Heidegger calls 'Enframing' and through it the scientific mind demands that
'nature reports itself in some way or other that is identifiable through calculation and
remains orderable as a system of information'. Man is not a being who makes and uses machines as
means, choosing and limiting their impact on the world for his ends; rather man has imagined the world as a machine and
humanity everywhere becomes trapped within its logic. Man, he writes, 'comes to the very brink of a precipitous fall...where
he himself will have to be taken as standing-reserve. Meanwhile Man, precisely as the one so threatened, exalts himself to
the posture of lord of the earth.'78 Technological man not only becomes the name for a project of lordship and mastery over
army colonel told the Washington Post that 'Israel is attempting to create a rift between the Lebanese population and
Hezbollah supporters by exacting a heavy price from the elite in Beirut. The message is: If you want your air conditioning to
work and if you want to be able to fly to Paris for shopping, you must pull your head out of the sand and take action toward
shutting down Hezbollah-land.'81
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Representations Matter
In the context of Cuba representations shape political realities
domination of Cuba
Brenner professor of international relations at American University 2010 Philip The
Power of Metaphor: Explaining U.S. Policy toward Cuba Diplomatic History 34.2 wiley
online
The central premise of Cuba in the American Imagination is first that the metaphors U.S. officials used to
describe Cuba defined their reality regarding Cuba. Second, while the depictions of
Cuba changed over time, their messages were roughly constant: the United States is
superior to Cuba, has a natural right to possess it, and is morally responsible for
shaping Cuba's affairs.
Political leaders do not use metaphors merely to make their speeches more lively. They are an efficient
means of communicating a complex reality in commonly accepted terms that
then provide the basis for acceptable action. As George Lakoff observes, they limit what
we notice, highlight what we do see, and provide part of the inferential structure that we
reason with.1 While officials may not always use metaphors with intentionality, Prez notes, in the case
of Cuba they were not deployed randomly. . . . Metaphorical constructs provided
a normative grounding for a version of reality and validation of conduct (p. 36).
The domination of Cuban affairs became the reasonable discharge of North
American moral conduct. This mode of relating to Cubans became so normal
that Americans rarely questioned whether it was appropriat e, which Prez argues
provides corroboration of the power of metaphor to reproduce premise as
proof (p. 22).
Metaphors alone do not explain U.S. policy. But they are an appropriate starting point for
considering political and economic factors, because nearly all of the metaphors,
Prez concludes, functioned in the service of U.S. interests. . . . Americans came to
their knowledge of Cuba principally by way of representations entirely of their
own creation (p. 22). Their Cuba, he remarks, was, in fact, a figment of their own
imagination and a projection of their needs (p. 23).
Language only has any meaning as a shared set of rulesthe more who speak a language, the more who understand and
follow the rules, the more powerful the language. Moreover, a speaker cannot randomly string words togetherhe must
follow the understood rules of speech in order to make sense. There is no way to determine what a speaker will sayagency
26
The material reality of security studies is given meaning and purpose by the
language that enables its use.
2002).
(propagated lately by
Habermas, but also not strange to a certain Lacan) of language, symbolic order, as the medium of
reconciliation/mediation, of peaceful co-existence, as opposed to the violence of immediate
raw confrontation: in language, instead of exerting direct violence on each other, we debate, we exchange
words, and such an exchange, even when it is aggressive, presupposes a minimum of recognition of the other.
The idea is thus that, insofar as language gets infected by violence, this occurs under the influence of
contingent empirical pathological circumstances which distort the inherent logic of symbolic communication.
What if, however, humans exceed animals in their capacity to violence precisely because
they speak? [7] As already Hegel was well aware, there is something violent in the very
symbolization of a thing, which equals its mortification; this violence operates at multiple
levels. Language simplifies the designated thing, reducing it to a unary feature; it dismembers the
thing, destroying its organic unity, treating its parts and properties as autonomous; it
inserts the thing into a field of meaning which is ultimately external to it.
27
Representations Matter
The study of international relations has little to teach us outside of
questions of representation
Jabri, Senior Lecturer in IR at King's College, U of London, 2003 Vivienne, Borderlands
ejournal Vol2 No2 online
10. International Relations, as discipline, and as orthodoxy, seeks predominantly to describe
events in global politics, where the term theory is often applied to what are essentially descriptive
accounts of interactions at the global level, descriptions that are often framed in causal terms. Even where
structural continuities are taken into account as, for example, in constructivist approaches to the subject, the
discourse is representational, assuming a form of correspondence, even as such correspondence is
recognised to be a product of the constitutive role of language. In many senses, International Relations the
discipline, with all its taken for granted, formulaic representations of the world, is far removed from the
world, specifically where this world remains unrepresented, somehow beyond easy predictability.
International Relations with its givens, the state, order in international society, strangely has little to
28
Framework Cards
Resorting to solely notions of policy making marginalizes all
alternative insights leads to reliance on military intervention
Bleiker School of Political Science and Intl Studies, University of Queensland, 2006
understand how the operations of power in the present condition limit politics, produce particular subjectivities, and
practices of government (defined as is evident here in Foucault's understanding of governmentality) occur at local, national,
institutions, making use of military forces and networks of intelligence, as well as domestic jurisdictions. (12)
The political subject that emerges is one that is uniformly defined, differentiated from its
unacceptable other, molded as the perfect subject of global capital , content to put up with
struggles relating to lifestyle and impervious to or ignorant of the impoverishment of the
other. Hegemonic order requires such compliant subjectivity if it is to succeed. It further requires
the dissolution of the political subject into an entity that is both participant in and object of
a focus-group orientation to technocratic governmentality . Through such practices, efficiency and
certainty are ensured as the bedrock of a form of a Third Way politics that seeks to reconcile the late-modern welfare state to
neoliberal imperatives. (13)
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order conduct, a capacity that has its base in institutionalized rationalizing practices
ranging from the regulation of exchange relations to policing across borders.
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