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Drpnnnuemro or BrHr Culrunnu

Atti del Convegno

Colonie di colonie:
le fondazi oni sub-coloniali
greche tra colonizzazi one
e colonialismo
Lecce 22-24 Giugno 2006

A cura di
Mario Lombardo e Flavia Frisone

UI{IVERSITA DEL SALtrNTO

DIPARTIMtrI{TO DI BENI CULTURALI


Collana del Dipartimento, 16

COLONIE DI COLONIE
Ltr FOI{DAZIONI SUB.COLONIALI GRECHE
TRA COLONIT-,ZAZIO}TE E COLOI{IALISMO
Atti del Convegno Internazionale

(Lecce, 22-24 giugno 2006)

a cura di MARIO LOMBARDO e FLAVIA FRISONE

ESTRATTO

Tpgntvfo*

Le(LL'

CONGEDO trDITORE

2oog

Gocne R. TsnrsxsLADZE

SECONDARY COLONISERS IN THE BLACK SEA:


SINOPE AND PANTICAPAEUM

Iltroduction
Ancient Greek colonisation has long been the
subject of scholarly attention and endeavour, but
much remains to be donel. Greek colonial activity
in the Archaic and Classical periods produced
about 230 colonies and settlements outside East
Greece and the Greek mainland2, between 75 and

90 of them around the Black Sea3. Black Sea


colonisation is ofrather late date and is connected
mainly with Ionia and its main city, Miletusa. Before examining the two parbicular cases of Sinope
in the southern and Panticapaeum in the norbhern
Black Sea, I shall address some general considerations and methodological problems.

In recent years, the terminology to be used,


especially for describing the colonisation process
itself, has become one of the most keenly debated topicss. This has implications for our understanding of secondary colonisation and what we

mean by it. Without going into detail, terms


such as migrationo, Greek overseas settlement7,
apoikisations, kleroukhisatione, etc. have been
proposed in place of, or in partial substitution
I would like to express my gratitude to Prof. M. Lombardo
for inviting me to participate in this most stimulating conference and for the hospitality he and his colleagues extended to me. My thanks also go to Prof. Sir John Boardman and
Dr. J.G.F. Hind for their comments on this paper.

For the latest summary of the state of our knowledge


on Greek colonisation, see TsntsxutADzn 2006a;2007b; see
also Dp Axcnlrs 2007 and 2009. I am most grateful to F. De
Angelis for allowing me sight and use of the manuscript of
his forthcoming article.
1

llwsoN, Nrni-spN 2004, p.

152. The inventory contains aI-

together 279 colonies, 50 of which were situated in Hellas. Different publications give different numbers of Greek colonies or
overseas settlements. John Graham listed 139 founded between 800 and 500 BC (Gnerreu 1982, pp. 160-62); R. Osborne
(OssoRNr 1996, pp. 1.2L-25) lists 146 from the beginning ofthe
Dark Age to the end of the Archaic period; G.R. Tsetskhladze
(Tsnrsrcr-qlzo 2006a, pp. lxvii-bL{iii) has 149, all from the Archaic period. T. Figueira's chapter on Classical colonisation lists
25 Athenian Classical colonies, 7 Athenian kleroukhies and 47
instances ofAthenian re-colonisation (FIGLTIRA 2008, tabls. 13).
3

The number 75 is given by Seneca (.He|u.,7,2);90 by

for,'colonisation'. There is no general agreement


about which term(s) to use and what meaning to
impute to it. How far any term may adequately
reflect reality has also been doubted. Maybe we
are spending too much time examining words
and not enough considering the actual evidence.
It is more important to understand the process
that all have called colonisation, even if we are
somewhat unsatisfied with the term. It seems to
be the best we havelo.
Further effort has been devoted to classifiring
the initial colonies - were Lhey poleis, or emporia,
or just simply apoilziaill? Anachronistically, we
continue to use sources ofthe Classical period and
later to do this. There are exactly the same problems in classifying secondary colonies. Some believe that secondary colonies were always poleis,
but in reality many were (jtrst) emporial2.

The earliest colonial foundation in the


Mediterranean was Pithekoussai (in about the
middle of the Sth century BC or soon afterwards), and within another 50-75 years all major colonies were establishedl3. But this was not
Pliny (NI/, V, 112). These numbers are most probably exaggerations and include Hellenistic and later foundations (see,
for example, Hwo 1999). In the Copenhagen Inventory, 53
Archaic and Classical foundations are listed. Another 24 are
given as pre-Hellenistic settlements not attested as poleis

(Arnau. HrNo, TsrrsrHreozn 2004).


a On Greek colonisation of the Black Sea and Greek set-

it, see TsnrsxHLADZE 1994;1998;2002;


2003; forthcoming a; Awau, Htwn, TsersxHLADzE 2004.
5 See, for example, Tsprsxnletzo 2006a, pp. xxv-xxviii,

tlements around
with bibliography.
6 See,
7

As

for example, Tsptsxnr,elzo 2003, p. 130.

in the title of Tsrrsxnulzo 2006b.

8 DE ANGELIS
s Dn ANcor,rs

2009.
2009.
10
Wurrr-sv 2001, p. I25.

TsrtsxHlanzn 2006a, pp. xxxviii-xlii, with bibliograthepoljs for the latest, see H-qNSsN 2006a; 2006b.
12 For the latest on the meaning of emporion, see
11

phy. On

HANSEN 2006c.
13 For a brief conspectus of Greek colonies and settlements in the Mediterranean and the Black Sea, see TsotsKHLADZE 2006a, pp. lxiilxvi. On Greeks in Itaiy and Sicily,

see GRrco 2006; n'AcosrINo 2006; DoMiNcuEZ 2006a.

230

Gocha R. Tsetskhladze

the end of colonisation. Many further colonies appeared in the first half to middle of the 7th century
and later. These were often what we call 'secondary colonies'- which means that the earlier
colonies had expanded and were now establishing
their own colonial off-shoots. The reasons for this
were many and various: through natural growth
or the arrival of a new wave of settlers, the original colony might no longer be able to support its
population; alternatively a colony, from a combination of economic and political reasons, might seek
to expand its influence through a gradual penetration of the lands of the local population, whether
peaceable or forcible. In other instances, particular
local circumstances may have produced particular

lish so many. We should remember that Ionian


colonies existed in the West as well1?.
We need to explain how these other settlements

came to exist. The major initial colonies around


the Black Sea were, starting in the west and moving clock-wise, Apollonia Pontica, Odessos, Histria,
Olbia, Theodosia, Nymphaeum, Panticapaeum,
Phanagoria, Hermonassa, Dioscurias, Gyenos,
Phasis, Amisus, Sinope and Heracleia Ponticals.
Chersonesus in the Crimea and Callatis in the
west became major colonies from the Classical period, but they were secondary colonies of Heracleia
Ponticale. I shall concentrate on two important
colonies, Sinope in the south and Panticapaeum in
the north, and on their own secondary colonies.

local responses.

Much of our attempt to understand secondary


colonisation has focused on developments in souther"n Italy and Sicilyla. This is not surprising: these
are the most intensely studied regions of the colonial world, and a broad spectrum of evidence exists. Other areas witnessed secondary colonisation
as well, but here much work remains to be done.
The work and results of our Italian colleagues can
provide an instructive model15.

The Black Sea


As I noted above, up to 75-90 colonies were established here, mainly by Ionians (fig. 1). Of these
only about 15 were major primary settlements; the
others were small towns, villages, fortresses or
harbours whose names are known to us principally from various written sources, about which we
seldom have archaeological data, or whose locations remain unknown (as is the case, for example,
of the southern Black Sea where 85 places are
named, many of them mentioned in connection
with the voyage of the Argonauts to Colchis)16. It is
obvious that not all of these small settlements
were the results of initial colonisation. It is inconceivable that Ionia, especially Miletus, could estab1a

See, for instance, DouiNcupz 2006a, pp. 283-311.


ls See the papers published in the present volume.
r6 For a discussion of written sources, see Avnelt,

Tsprsxnleozn 2OO4, pp. 924-31.


r7 See, for example, LoMeeRoo 1999;

HINI,

Monrl 2006;

Dol,riNcusz 2006b.
18

For the establishment of these cities, see Tsnr-

SKHLADZE 19941 Avnanr, Hrso, Tsr:rsrnLADz,E 2004.


re See A. Avram's paper in the present volume

and HtNo
1998; SaenrxrN 1998; Avnau, HrNo, Tsnrsxnmnze 2004, pp.
933-34; 941-44; 955-58.
20 Mentioned in Hdt., I,76,1; Xen., An., Y, 5,7-8; Aen.

Sinope
Sinope20 was not just one of the major colonies
of the southern Black Sea but of the whole Pontic
region (fiqg. l-2). There is little evidence about it,

at least for the Archaic period. What we have in


written sources comes mainly from the Classical
period and later21. All sources name Miletus as its
mother city (Xen., An., YI,7,75; D. S., XIV, 31,2;
Str., XII, 3,11, etc.) but do not agree about its date
of foundation. According to one it was before 756
BC, others give 631/30 BC. There is the same contradiction in modern writings too22. Some scholars
consider that Sinope was founded by Corinthians

in the frrst half of the 8th century, others that it


was founded in the second half of the 7th century,
and a third group that it was not until the end of
7th centr"rry. In modern literature one can find
Sinope I and Sinope II mentioned - which reflects
the supposed founding of Sinope in two stages, before and after the Cimmerian campaign in Anatolia23. And that campaign is also a matter of debate,
especially now in view of the new chronology applied to Gordion and its 'Cimmerian destruction
level'- which has implications for the whole of
Anatolia2a.

Tact.,40.4; Arist., fr. 599; Ps. Scymn., r'v. 981-97; Plrt., Luc.,
23; Str., XII,3,11; D. S., XI,3,8; and many others.
21 For a
discussion ofthe written sources, see HIwI 1988;
IvaxrcHrx 1998; Awanr, HrNn, TsnrsxHuqozn 2004, pp. 96061.
22 See, for example, HrNo 1988 and Ivewrcslx 1998, and
the literature they cite.
23 For the latest discussion, see AvRel,r, Hrno, TsorSKHLADZE 2004, pp. 960-61 (with literature).
2a DrVnrns, Seus, Vorct 2005; K-oeluoron 2005, pp. 10-

55: MUSCARELLa 2003: KEENAN 2004.

Secondary colonisers in the Blach Sea: Sinope and Panticapaeum

ZJ\

TICAPA;UM

PORTHME

MYRMEKION

li4-$,fSilloo'"'

irl'13^-cocctPPra

ILUR,AT
5

THEODOSIA

CHERSONESUS

KRA

NYMPHAEUM

'\l h.roerc
ll
I HERMONASSA
-\
KEPOI

5EA
gVNCK

prcHVNARl

sr

NoPt
KERASOS

*%"F*i*",;$J,ib1,6

tJ

/{

HERAKLEA
BYZANTION

CHALKEDON

rr'b'?rb$9rltt

Fig. 1 - Map of the Black Sea showing major


Greek colonies and local tribes (after TsrrsKHLADZE 1998a, p.23, fig. 1).
Fig.2 - Map of Sinop promontory (aJter DooNAN 2004, p. 5,

-,? t
.t

TsrKHrSDZrRr.

fig. 1.4).

Gocha R. Tsetskhladze

232

Fig. 3 - Plan of Sinop town showing approximate positions of


some

ofthe

1951-53 excavations and

later research in Sinop

town: 1. Early citadel atea;2. Sinop kale north-west, site of


precolonial port; 3. Kumkapi cemetery; 4. Classical houses
(sth-4th centuries BC) founded on bedrock. Roman homes
with lavish mosaics; 5. Heilenistic (earliest) domestic occupation; 6. Hellenistic (earliest) and Roman domestic habitation; 7. Hellenistic temple, earlier deposits (sacred?) as early
as 7th century BC; 8. Archaic and later refuse disposal (after
DooNaN 2004,

p.77, fig. 4.3).

Unfortunately, archaeology is not much help


either2s. Excavation of Sinope is practically impossible because it lies underneath the modern
city (frg. 3). Rescue excavations in the city centre in 1951-53 discovered a cemetery - the pot-

tery from the graves is largely from East


with a little Corinthian, and the earliest
dates from the late 7th century. Only very brief
information has been published about this,
whilst the material itself remains largely unpublished. From the earliest archaeological material so far found, Sinope would seem to have
been established in the late 7th century. This
would be quite consistent: the earliest Greek
settlements around the Black Sea were indeed
established in the last third ofthe 7th century26.
For the Classical period our main source for
Sinope is Xenophon's Anabasls. From his evidence, taken in conjunction with other sources
Greece,

25 See, with bibliography, HrNo 1988; DooNaN 2003;


2004; Avnan, HtNo, TsprsxnLADzE 2004, pp. 960-63; TsrtSKHLADzE 2O07, pp. 165-68. In this article I cite varrous
chapters from GnalrunNos, Pnrnoeoulos 2003; one should
be aware. however. that most of the contributors were not

fluent in Western European languages, and their (barely


edited) writings are often opaque.
26 See TsotsrsLADzE 1994, pp. 115-18.

and inscriptions27, Sinope looks to be a typical


Greek polis, in terms of its constitution, after
the tyrant Timesileos was expelled in 436 BC by
Athenian intervention2s, and its political institutions, and had very strong connections with
other Greek Black Sea colonies and with cities
in the Mediterranean and elsewhere. The clearest evidence ofthese connections is proxeny and
honorary decrees and funerary inscriptions.
Sinopeans were present in Panticapaeum, Chersonesus, Olbia, Histria, Tomis, etc. in the preRoman period. Beyond the Black Sea they were
known in Athens (about 60 Sinopeans recorded
between the 4th century BC and the 3rd century
AD, most of them between the 4th and 2nd centuries BC), Chios, Halicarnassus, Rhodes, Thasos, Eretria, Histiaea, Claros and even Egypt.

The number of foreigners in Sinope (from

Athens, Cos and Callatis) appears to have been


significantly less than the number of Sinopeans
living abroad, but this may be explained, at
least in part, by the comparatively small number of inscriptions so far recorded in Sinope overall 2232s.
According to Strabo (XII,3,11), Sinope built a
naval port and this enabled her to rule the local
waters and even participate in many of the
struggles of the Greeks beyond the Black Sea.
Sinope also helped the Persians and provided
Xerxes with some ships (D. S., XI,3,8).

In the written tradition (Xen., An., IY, 8,22;


Y,3,2; V4-8), Sinope founded at least three of
her own colonies: Cotyora, Cerasus and
Trapezus, eastward of the mother city on the
500 km of coast stretching towards Colchis.
Cotyora was established, probably sometime
in the 6th century BC, in the land of the local
Tibarenoi, about 20 km west of Cape Carambis,
the shortest crossing of the Black Sea to the
Crimea (fig. 1). According to Strabo (XII,3,10):
Cytorum was once the emporium of the Sinoit was named after C1'torus, the son
ofPhryxus, as Ephorus says. The most and the

peans; and

27 Xen., An., IY, 8,22; Y,3,2; V,4-B; Polyaen., YII,21.,2;


PhL., Per., 20; I nsc rip tio ns of S inope, 1-7 ; etc.
28 The only
source is Phtt., Per.,20. There is no corroborating source. The interpretation ofthis passage is a matter
of disagreement, as is the reality of Pericles' Black Sea expedition (see Tsrrsxnleozn 1997a, with bibliography).
2e On Sinopeans abroad and foreigners in Sinope, see
Ruscu 2008.

Secondary colonisers in the Blach Sea: Sinope and Panticapaeum

233

Fig. 4 - Map of Colchis with major sites (after Tsnrsxnu.ozo, Vxut<ov 1992, p. 360, frg. 1).

best box-wood grows in the territory of Amastris, and particularly round C1-torum.

In the Sth century Cotyora had walls, a market and private houses (Xen., An., Y,5,11). Unfortunately, there is no archaeological evidence
from this site3o. From Xenophon (An., V 5,7-10)
we know that it was paying tribute to Sinope:
Meanwhile ambassadors came from Sinope,
full of fears not only for the city of the Cotyorites (for it belonged to them and its inhabitants paid them tribute), but also for its territory, because they heard it was being laid
waste. And coming to the Greek camp they
spoke as follows, Hecatonymus, who was re-

garded as a clever orator, being their


spokesman... These Cotyorites are our
colonists, and it was we who gave over to them
this land, after we had taken it away from barbarians; therefore they pay us a stated tribute,
as do the people of Cerasus and Trapezus;
hence whatever harm you mav do to these Con0 AvRAM, HrNo, TsnrsrHLADzE 2004, p.959. Cytorum
and Cotyora may be two distinct places muddled and con-

tyorites, the city of the Sinopeans regards

as

done to itself.

Cerasus was situated in the lands of the local


Chalybes (Xen., An., Y, 3,2) (fig. 1). Again, we
have no archaeological evidence, but we can suppose that it was established in the 6th century.
From the 5th century BC at least, it was a polis
(Xen., An.,Y,3,2; Ps. Skyl., 89; D. S., XIV, 30,5).
It too paid tribute to Sinope (Xen., An.,Y,5,710). In written sources its establishment is connected with Sinope (Xen., An.,Y,5,7-10).
T?apezus is called a polis in a few written
sources (Xen., An.,'N, 8,22; V, 5,15; Ps. Skyl., 85).
Xenophon has it as founded by Sinope (An.,IY,
8,22).It was situated in the lands of the localColchoi (Xen., An.,N,8,22) ffrg.1). Like the other two
sub-colonies, it paid tribute to Sinope (Xen., An.,Y,
5,7-10). The surrounding territory abounded in
timber and silver and Tbapezus issued its own silver coins in the late 5th-earlv 4th centurv 8C31. As
flated by Strabo (XII,3,10; cf. XII,3,17) and others.
31
Ar,nau, HrNr, Tsnrsxut l'oza 2004, p.964.

,aA

Gocha R. Tsetskhladze

is the case with nearly all Greek settlements


along the southern Black Sea, we do not have

is the clay of which they are made local, they


are also found in the remains of pottery kilns in

archaeological materials2.

Dioscurias (figg. 5-6).

Thus, the three sub-colonies mentioned


above were probably of 6th-century date; from
the 5th century they were p oleis but paying tribute to Sinope, which could place them in the category of 'dependent poleis'3s. Sinopean expansion continued beyond the Archaic period. Step
by step, the Sinopeans extended their influence,
certainly their economic influence, towards the
eastern Black Sea (Colchis) (fig. 4). During exca-

vation of Colchian settlements, large quantities


of Sinopean coins and pottery have been
foundsa. One site, Pichvnari (on the outskirts of
modern-day Kobuleti, not far from Batumi)35,
yielded the largest number of Sinopean coins as
well as hoards containing them36. Although a
few coins date from the 5th century BC37, most
are from 360-320 BC38. Thanks to the excavation of a large number of Greek graves of the beginning of the 5th century BC and after, we
know that a Greek quarter existed within this
local settlement. Whilst frnds of coins or pottery
alone are not sufficient grounds for supposing
that Sinopeans lived here (or in other Colchian
or Greek settlements in Colchis) from the middle ofthe 4th century, one particular category of
pottery - find indeed suggests that they did Colchian amphorae (previously described in the
literature as brown-clay amphorae)3e. The shape
of the earliest Colchian amphorae, which date
from the mid-4th to the late 3rd century BC,
echoes that of Sinopean amphorae, and not only

32 TSETSKHLADzF,

33

2007 , pp. 173-76.

In the terminology introduced by the Copenhagen Po-

Iis Centre (for the latest,

see HaNsnN,

Ntnlsru 2004, pp.

87-

It is obvious that these so-called Colchian


amphorae were copying Sinopean shapes. This
prompts the question: who was making them?
To answer this, a petrographical analysis has
been undertaken ofthe clay notjust ofColchian
and Sinopean amphorae but of a whole range of
Colchian and Sinopean pottery and examples of
Heracleian and other amphorae (altogether 109
samples of ancient pottery)4o. The results revealed that the recipe for the preparation of the
clay used for some so-called Colchian amphorae
(Sub-group A) was Sinopean, allowing us to conclude that these vessels were produced by Sinopean potters who had migrated to Colchis, working there with Colchian clay, using Sinopean
techniques. Perhaps the temper for this production was imported from Sinope, or deposits of
sand were found on the spot, which after a certain amount of 'enrichment' was identical with
the temper used in Sinopeal. Most probably
these migrant potters established Sinopean emporia within local settlementsa2. Another very
interesting fact is that these Sub-group A
Colchian amphorae are found in the Greek settlements of the northern Black Sea (fig. 7)43,
which may indicate"that economic relations between Colchis and the northern Black Sea were
in the hands of Sinopean agents based in
Colchisaa.

Why did Sinope establish her own settlements? We must frrst examine the geography of

guish three sub-gr:oups: A. The same clay formula used in


Sinope; 82. The clay formula is local Colchian; 81. An intermediate group (see Tsotsxulaozp, VNuxov 1992, pp. 374-85;
VNuxov 2003, pp. 160-94)

94).
3a

On the Greek colonisation of Colchis and trade relations between Greeks and locals, see Tsptsxslalzn 1998c,
pp. 5-109. See also Avnau, HINn, Tsnrsxulaozn 2004, pp.
952-53.
35 On Pichvnari, see Tsorsrglenzr 1999; VIcKERS,
Kexntozn 2004. On a Syracusan silver coin of co. 340 BC
from Pichvnari, see VelsualoMIDZE 2005.
:16
On Sinopean coins from Pichvnari and other Colchian
sites, see DUNDUA, Durvoue 1999, pp. 108-10; 2006, pp. 4337

KaxHrozr, Iesnvru, Vlcxnns 2001, pp. 283-84.


38 Tsnrsxnlelzu 1999, pp. 39-40; 109.
3s On Colchian amphorae and amphora stamps, see
Tsnrsr<nlanzr 1991b; 1992; TSETSKHLADZE, VNuxov 1992;
a0

From petrographic analysis

Tsrrsrnaozn, VNur<ov 1992, pp. 374-85.

a2

For the latest on emporoi and hatoihoi in Colchis,

see

HrNr 2005, pp. 13-14. There is a suggestion that some potters from Sinope emigrated to Chersonesus in the second
half of the 4th century, and that craftsmen from the eastern
Mediterranean were involved also in setting up the production of 'Megarian bowls' in the Bosporus (see Tsnrslcri,eozn,
Vttuxov 1992, p. 383, with literature).
a3

VNur<ov 1992.

aa

44; DuNoue 2004, pp. 160-61.

VNuxov 2003, pp. 160-94.

ar

it is possible to distin-

Economic links between Colchis and the northern


Black Sea littoral are demonstrated not just by finds of
Colchian amphorae but of Colchian coins and pithoi in the
northern Black Sea and also of some coins of Panticapaeum,
Nymphaeum and Theodosia in Colchis (mainly in Pichvnari)
(see Tsnrsxslelzn 1990; 1991a; KexuIozn, Iesnr,rlr, VIcKERS
2001, pp. 284-87; Kexnrozr, Taveversuvllr 2005).

235

Secondary colonisers in the Blach Sea: Sinope and Panticapaeum

o12

o5

n
Fig. 5 - Colchian amphorae: I. 4th century BC; II. Late 4th-3rd century BC (after Tsntsrcl-mzo, VNut<ov 1992, p. 362, fiqg.3-4).

236

Gocha R. Tsetskhladze

lr
IT

lt".r 1
01

6--0q

LYO4J '

p
(\

$
(

'S:w8S

rJi,ry
ol

ll5

n
Fig. 6 - Colchian amphorae: I. Spikes of late 4th-Srd century BC;
SKHLADZE, VNuxov 1992, p.364, fig.6; p.3?1, fig. 13).

II.

Stamps and marks on Colchian amphorae (after Tsrr-

Secondary colonisers in the Black Sea: Sinope and Panticapaeum

qcn

Fig. 7 - Map of the northern Black Sea littoral showing locations of finds of Coichian amphorae: 1. Panticapaeum;

2.

Nymphaeum; 3. Patraeus; 4. Chersonesus; 5. Scythian Neapolis; 6. Kara-Tobe; 7. Chaika; 8. Zaozernoe;9. Yuzhno-Donuzlavskoe; 10. Belyaus; 11. Novo-Fyodorovka; 12. Elizavetovskoe; 13. Myrmekion (after TssrsxHLADZE, VNUKov 1992, p. 361,
fig.2).

the southern Black Sea coast. It is nearly 1000


km from Byzantium to Colchis. Despite this
huge distance, there are few Greek settlements
and only three major ones: Heracleia Pontica,
Sinope and Amisus (frg. 1). Much of the area is
unsuited to coastal settlements, with high cliffs
falling straight into the sea, and, as ancient
written sources underline (Xen., An., YI, 4,2-6),
some habitable areas were already populated by
locals hostile towards the Greeks. Thus, the areas for establishing chorai and agriculture were
limited. OnIy one city, Amisus, had access to the
hinterland of Central Anatolia - along the River
Halys. Sinope and Heracleia Pontica lacked
anything comparable45.
Strabo (XII,3,11) gives a detailed description
of the geographical situation of Sinope:
Sinope is beautifully equipped both by nature

and by human foresight, for it is situated on


the neck of a peninsula, and has on either
side of the isthmus harbours and roadsteads
and wonderful pelamydes-fisheries... Furthermore, the peninsula is protected all round by
a5 On the geography,
Greek cities and local population of
the southern Black Sea, see Tsotst<sleDzu 2007 (with litera-

ture

).

a6

More than 20,000 pieces of Sinopean amphorae were


found around the Black Sea. On Sinopean amphorae and

ridgy shores, which have hollowed-out places

in them, rock-cavities, as it were, which the


people call 'Choenicides': these are filled with
water when the sea rises, and therefore the
place is hard to approach, not only because of
this, but also because the whole surface ofthe
rock is prickly and impassable for bare feet.
Higher up, however, and above the city, the
ground is fertile and adorned with diversified

market-gardens; and esnecially the suburbs

ofthe city.

From the 4th century BC, Sinope's superb


harbours allowed it, like Heracleia Pontica, to
develop extensive trade links with other Greek
colonies around the whole of the Black Sea, as
the large number of Sinopean amphorae and
amphora-stamps testify46 - this trade counterbalanced the lack of possibilities for trading
with the Anatolian hinterland, controlled as it
was by the neighbouring Greek city of Amisus,
which had better access to it. French excavations in the suburbs of modern Sinop have
brought to light workshops in which amphorae
amphora-stamps, see CoNovtcr 1998; 2005; Ftoosnnv 1999;
Genlex 2004; MoNexHov 2003, pp. 145-60. On Heracleian
amphorae and amphora-stamps, see Kqc 2003; PAvLTcHENKo
1999; MoNercrov 2003, pp.123-44. On the natural resources
and industries ofSinope, see DooNeN 2002.

238

Gocha R. Tsetskhladze

F-4,9

{fi;2,

g'E-'[:-,

Fig. 8 - Plan of Panticapaeum.


I. Top Plateau of Mount Mithridates; II. Western Plateau of Mount Mithridates; III. 'Rock top' of Mount Mithridates; IV. 'Second Armchair' of Mount Mithridates; V Round tower of western iine of city fortifications, investigated archaeologically; VI.
Section ofnorthern city wall; VII. Church ofJohn the Baptist.
1. Tower N1 of the acropolis; 2. Basileia - the palace ensemble of the Spartocids; 3. Citadel atop the 'FirstArmchair'of Mount
Mithridates;4. Section ofsouthern wall ofthe acropolis, investigated archaeologically;5. Section offortifications separating
the Western Plateau from the Top Plateau of Mount Mithridates.
Key: 1. Section of fortifrcations, investigated archaeologically; 2. Hypothetical section of fortifications; 3. Supposed ancient
coastline (afber Tolsrrrov 2002, p. 40, frg. 2).

and other pottery were produced4T. At the same


time, the chora of Sinope was not at all extensive. Many years of investigation by an American survey project have found practically no rural settlement of the Archaic, Classical or even
Hellenistic periodsa8. In these circumstances, especially before Sinope developed as a Pontic ecoa7

Genr-qN, TkrucAN 1999; GAH-AN 2004; K\iiqqe TEZ,oR 1999.

48

DooNAN 2004:2006

nomic power from the 4th century BC, the best


means of her securing economic and other development was to establish her own sub-colonies
beyond Amisus (such as Cotyora, Cerasus and
Tlapezus) - in the other direction lay Heracleia's
area of influenceae. Later Amastris joined the
competition, and we know of a treaty of symae Sinope was situated not far from Cape Carambis, the
southern end ofthe shortest crossins ofthe Black Sea to the

Secondary colonisers in the Black Sea: Sinope and Panticapaeum

mdchia concluded between Sinope and Heracleia Pontica sometime between 35312-346/5 BC,
which Amastris and Cromna are mentioned as
being able to join if they so wish5o.

239

ginning with Parisades and Leuco proved to be


equitable rulers.

In the Cimmerian Bosporus there were five


other major colonies (fig. 1): Nymphaeum5a,
Theodosia55, Phanagorias6, Hermonassas7 and

Panticapaeum

Another colony to found its own subcolonies was Panticapaeumsl, situated on the
Cimmerian Bosporus in the northern Black
Sea (fig. 1)52, established by Miletus in the
570s BC53. It was the largest settlement in the
area (fig. 8). Many ancient authors describe
Panticapaeum but Strabo (VII,A,4) provides
the fullest account of both the citv and events
connected with it:
Panticapaeum is the metropolis of the Bospori-

ans and is situated at the mouth of Lake


Maeotis. ... the district is everywhere productive of grain, and it contains villages, as well
as a city called Nymphaeum, which possesses
a good harbour. Panticapaeum is a hill inhabited on all sides in a circuit of twenty stadia. To
the east it has a harbour, and docks for about

thirty ships; and it also has an acropolis. It is a


colony of the Milesians. For a long time it was
ruled as a monarchy by the dynasty of Leuco,
Satyrus, and Parisades, as were also all the
neighbouring settlements near the mouth of
Lake Maeotis on both sides, until Parisades
gave over sovereignty to Mithridates. They
were called tyrants, although most of them be-

Kepoi58. They are very often mentioned in written sources, which describe them as poleis and
name their mother citiesse. Various written
sources name a further 20 urban settlements as
situated hereabouts, without providing any information on their status and seldom naming
those who established them; several of them

have not been located archaeologically6o.

Not far from Panticapaeum are three settlements, mentioned several times in written
sources but also known from archaeological evidence - Myrmekion, Tlritake and Porthmeus.
No ancient author identifies their mother cities
or provides any information which would allow
us to consider these settlements as independent
poleis. Myrmekion6l is situated 4 km east of
Panticapaeum and covered an area of about 6
tra (figg. 1; 9). It was established soon after Panticapaeum. Regular planning and temples date
from the 5th century, and the city walls from the
beginning of the 4th, but there was an'acropolis'
with fortifrcation walls dating from the second
half of the 6th century62.
Tlritake6s is 11 km west of Panticapaeum,
founded at the same time as Myrmekion (figg. 1;

Crimea (Str., \rII,4,3), which was an important trade route.


Sinope sought to control this traffic through establishing vilIages not far from the Cape: 'After Carambis one comes to
Cinolis, and to Anticinolis, and to Abonuteichus, a small
town, and to Armene... It is a village of the Sinopeans and
has a harbour'(Str., XII,3,10).
50 Inscriptions of Sinope,1. Amastris is mentioned by its
former name, Sesamos. Cromna was one of four katoihiai
(the others were Sesamos, C1'torum and Tieions) which united
as tt'e polis Amastris in ca. 300-290 BC (see Str., XII,3,10;
Ai,nq,u, Hir{r, Tsorsxut lltze 2004, pp. 959-60).
51 Mentioned by Dem., )OO(V, 31-34; Ps. Skyl., 68; Str.,
YII, 4,4; Plin., NII, IV 26; IVB6; Amm. Marc., XXII, 8,36;
D. S., )Oq 24,2;St.Byz., s.u.; and many others.
52 There is a large literature on the Greek cities of the
Cimmerian Bosporus, the vast majority of it in Russian and
Ukrainian. In this article I shall cite mainly the latest writings, particularly those in Western European languages. For
summaries of the archaeological investigations containing
comprehensive bibliographies, see Ge.rouKEVIa 1971; Kosuor,rNxo, KnuclrKovA, DoLGoRUKov 1984, pp. 58-152; KossrLENKo 1992; TsprsrHr,lnzr 1997b; Avn.lrr.t, HtNo, Tsrr-

5a On Nymphaeum, see Sorolove 2000/0I;2003; Avnqu,


HrNr, Tsrrsxur,ADZE 2OO4, p.948.
55 On Theodosia, see Kervusnrx 2003; Avnarra, HtNo,

pp. 944-52.
On Panticapaeum, see Tolsrrxov 2002; 2003; TnusroR
2002; Ar,nav, HrNo, TsorsxHL^Dzu2004, pp. 948-50.

SKHT.ADZE 2004, pp. 947 -48.


63 Mentioned by Ptol., Geog.,IIl,6,3;

sKHr-ADZE 2004,
53

TsErsKirLADzE 2004, pp. 951-52.


56

On Phanagoria, see KuzNntsov 2001;20O2;2003;

Tsnrsxnlenzp 2002; Avneu, HrNo, TsnrsxuLADzE 2004, pp.


650-51.
57 On Hermonassa, see FrNocpNove 2003; Avnela, HINI,
Tsrrsxnr-erzn 2004, p. 945.
58 On Kepoi, see KuzNntsov 2001; 2002; 2003; TsBrsKHLADzE, KuzNnrsov 2000; Avnelt, HIt'to, Tsnrsr<HLADZE
2004, p.946.
5e For more details, see KosunleNro, KuzNrrsov 1996;
TsETSKHLADZE 1997b; Awan, HrNo, TsprsrcnNtzn 2004, pp.
944-52. The exception is Nyphaeum, whose mother-city in
not mentioned in ancient st-rurces.
60 KosHor,ENro, KuzNrrsov 1996; TsErsKHuqozr 1997b.
61 Mentioned by Ps. Skyl., 68; Str., VII,4,5; XI,2,6; Pto].,
Geog., lIl,6,3; AeI. Herod., 373.2O; Ps. Arr., Peripl. M. Eux.,
76; Mela, II,3; PIin., N11, IV87; St. Byz., s.u.
62 On Myrmekion, see VtNocnmov, BurvacrN, VexnrtNa
2003; VAKHTINI, VrNocnenov 2001; Avneru, HrNo, Tspr-

Eux,76; St. Byz., s.u.

Ps. Arr., Peripl. M.

tw

,w

3N

trffi

t3

Fig.9 - Plan of Myrmekion:

1. 6th-5th centuries

BC;2.4tln century BC; 3. 1st-3rd centuriesAD;4. Stone - paved;5.3rd-1st

centuries BC (after KosHolonxo et Atn 1984, p. 128).

24r

Secondary colonisers in the Black Sea: Sinope and Panticapaeum

t
!

'r'l

I!,

\1'
t'-

'r

,//

.:::si.w

f)'r
\Y/

n
\l i\

.,,/)!
I

>-.-)s

.v

SK
F;\

)L'--,4

l----J

,/-)

;r71,

' /l'

i,

r,-t i. . ..-.

ti"',i*,2

u''4
e'
i\1
\1\
6,\

N
wkl
g

tl

c.:

Fig. 10 - Plan of Tlritake: 1. Excavated area.2. Number of trenches; 3. City wall of the 5th century BC; 4. City wall of the
Hellcnistic period; 5. Walls of buildings (after Kossot tlxxo et Atrr 7981, p. 129).

9A'

Gocha R. Tsetskhladze

rt'

_,_ lujt

Fig. 11 - Plan of Porthmeus (aftcr KosttpLttNt<o et Attr 7981, p. 131).

10). l'ortifications appeared in the Sth century6a.


The third settlement, Porthmeus65, also lies not
far from Panticapaeum, at a strategic point on
the north-west coast of the Kerch Strait, flom
which it could control the crossing of the strait
from the European to the Asiatic Bosporus (figg.
1; 11). Excavation has revealed that it was a
fortress-type settlement (teichos) established in
the middle of the 6th century; its area is less
than t ha66.
All three settlements were founded soon after Panticapaeum, are within 10-12 km of it,
and are sited on capes at the entrance to the
bays behind which Panticapaeum was situated.
Thus, it is reasonable to assume that Panticapaeum established them to act as defensive

lookouts, especially if we look at the information

6a On
\ritake, see TsnlsxulAl)zn 1997b, p. 62; Avn,u't,
HrNn, Tsnrsxur,rozn 20O4, p.952.
65 Mentioned by Ael. Herod., 360.17; Ps. Arr., Peripl. M.

6i On the r:hora of Panticapaeum (and the rural territories of other Greek cities of the Cimmerian Bosporus), see

Eux,69,76; St. Byz., .s.u.

254-62; Tsotsrut,'rozr 1997b, pp. 71-77; 1998a, pp. 36-40;


Srpnvxrx 2006.

66

On Porthmeus, see VlttHtINe 2003; Vtsoc;neuor',

BurvecrN, V.lxlrtNe 2003: Vexu t'tl;,1, VIxor+Renov 200I

given by Herodotus (IV,28), who tells us that


this area was a route along which nomadic
Scythians passed from the Crimea to the Kuban
region via the Taman Peninsula. He also states
that the strait froze over in the winter; hence it
was very easy for the Scythians to drive their
carts across the ice and into the land of the Sindi, although Herodotus never says that the passage of the Scythians was a threat to Panticapaeum.

There is a more plausible explanation. Panticapaeum had very few chorai or rural settlements in the 6th and 5th centuries BC67: in the
Archaic period only three rural settlements are
known; for the Sth century about 12 ffigg. 12-

M,lsr.rNr'-rxor' 200 1 ; 2003 ; KosHrlrNxo, KuzNntsor'

998, pp.

Secondary colonisers in the Black Secr: Srnope and Pan.ticapaeum

Fig. 12 - Map of the Kerch


Peninsula showlng cities
(1), 'small towns'(2), rural
settlements (3), and earthworks and ramparts (4) of
the European Bosporus rn
the 6th-5th centuries BC.
Principal rural settlements:
1. Mys Zynk;2. Chokrak-

St'.N

243

^ r oV
OF '\"

skii Mys and Chokrakskii


Rodnik; 3. Kazantip (wcst);
4. Andreevka-Yuzhnaya; 5.
Yuzhno-Churubashskoe; 6.

Ceroevka l; 7. Kimmeris-

Kholm; 8. Chebakskava
Balka: 9. Mys Takil: 10. Zuvetnoe; 11. Kostyrino; 12.
SJyusarevka: 13. Ogonki:

14. Mikhailovkal

ts

15.

Chelyadinovo; 16. Krasnaya Gorka; 17. Vasilevka;

18. Aivazovskoe;

9.

Tarkhan (after MesLrNNIKov 2001, p.248, fig. 1).

THfoD(xil*

tr=-|-

o_J
c*fu
a-z

r*

caF

g !,'

Ll

'7SLA

N?.O\

i
a4

Fig. 13 - Map of the


Kerch Peninsula
showing local burial
mounds and graves

of'thc 6th-5th centuries BC: 1. Barrowtype burials of the


early Scythians: 2.

Burial grounds

con-

sisting of stone cists


surrounded by round

a.

stones; 3. Burial
ground containing

g,

flat gravcs at Fron( afler


tovoe I

Kl-

M.rsr,nNNrxor, 2001
p.250, fig.2l.

Gocha R. Tsetskhladze

13). In the 4th century the number increased


dramatically to 200. In these circumstances, the
three abovementioned settlements might also
have been agricultural and trading off-shoots of
Panticapaeum. For instance, excavation of
Myrmekion has revealed several wine-making
complexes and, most recently, a hoard of 99 Cyzicene electrum coins found in a bronze olpe, all
dating from the Sth century BC but most proba-

bly buried in the earliest part of the 4th


century6E.

In the Classical period the development of the


Cimmerian Bosporus took on a completely different aspect, marked by Panticapaeum's rise to
prominence as the central city of the region, exercising expanded political and economic influence.
The academic literature suggests that the political situation in the Cimmerian Bosporus changed
dramatically from the end of the 6th-beginning of
the 5th century, leading to the formation of the
Greek Bosporan kingdom under the leadership of
Panticapaeum in about 480 BC6e. For the first 42
years it was ruled by tyrants of the Archaeanactid dynasty, probably of Milesian origin. This was
the period when Panticapaeum tried to incorporate other Greek cities situated on the Kerch and
Taman Peninsulas.
Despite almost universal acceptance of this
version of events and the supposed creation of
the Bosporan kingdom in co. 480 BC, things are
not as clear as they seem. The only source for all
of this is Diodorus (XII, 31,1), and his information invites a different interpretationTo. Combined study of all available evidence gives us
grounds to question accepted opinion;l; it looks
that the Bosporan kingdom came into existence
only when a new dynasty, the Spartocids, proba-

68

Myrmehion. Hoord 2004.

6e

On the Bosporan kingdom, see G.tlltrxnvrc 1971, pp.


32-169; HrNl 1994; Tsnrsxsr,eozs 1997b, pp. 77-80.
i0 See, for example, Vestlrv 19921 ZAvolKrN 2001.
;1 I shall not provide a icngthy discussion of thc dctails
here. I am preparing a paper, 'The Greek Bosporan Kingdom:
Regionalism and Globalism in the Black Sea', which addresses this matter. It will appear in F. Dr Arcn,ts (ed.), Regional
i,sm an,cJ Globalism in An.tiquitl, (the Proceedin.gs of an in.ternational cortference hekl in Van.couuer in Morch 20071 . See also HIsl 1994, pp. 488-502 and Sepnrr<rx 2003, p. 24.
i2 Mentioned by Str., VII,4,6I XI,2,10: XI,2,l2; XI,2,14;
Arr., Peripl. M. Eux,18-19; Ps. Arr., Peripl. M. Eur.,62; Plin.,
NI1, VI,18; St. Byz., s.u.; etc.
;'r On Gorgippia, see Altrsulr'',t 2O02; 2003; AvH.ut,
Hrxn, TsnrsxHLADZE 2004, p.944.

bly of Thracian origin, came to power in Panticapaeum in 436 BC and ruled for over 300
years, calling themselves archons (a few ancient
authors describe them as tyrants - Str., VII,4,4,
for example). They consolidated the primacy of
Panticapaeum and the creation of the kingdom,

but the process was not completed until the


middle-second half of the 4th century BC when
Theodosia, Nymphaeum and Phanagoria, the
cities most strongly opposed to the power of
Panticapaeum, were gradually incorporated,
though only by force.
Panticapaeum continued to establish subcolonies, expanding its colonising activity to areas not far from the Taman Peninsula, known
as the Asiatic Bosporus. First was Gorgippiat2,
established on the site of a previous colony
(Sindice/Sindic Harbour) in the first half of the
4th century BC in the land of the local Sindi
(.fig. l4); Gorgippos, brother of the Bosporan
king, became its governor. This city was vital for
Bosporan rulers: it had access to fertile lands
populated by locals. It started to mint its own
coinst3. In the European Bosporus (eastern
Crimea), Cytaiia, Akra and Cimmericum75 were
founded (figg. 1; 12). All were small, never exceeding 5 ha in extent; all situated at 35-50 km
from Panticapaeum. These settlements are very
often mentioned in ancient written sources but
their political status is never described. Excavation has shown that they had stone buildings
and fortification systems, the latter from the
4th-3rd centuriesT6.
Another kind of settlement, established by
the Bosporan kings in the lands of the local population in the Kuban area, deserves our attention. The Kuban is not far from the Taman Penin-

;a On Cytai, scc MoLE\, 2003; A','n,lr'r, HrNo, TsnrsKrlr\r)Zlr 200,1,, p. 947


T5 See AeRelro\', Z.\\rorKrN 2003; Avn.ur, HrNr, Tsrr'sNHr.\nzE 2004. pp. 946-11.
76 There
are some places on or near the Taman Peninsula,
such as Patraeus, Corocondame, T\'ramba and Bata, which are
not oftcn mcntioncd in writtcn sources; if they arc, they are
called hctme. Ttying to locate them archaeologically has caused
problems, although several suggestions have been made. It is
possible that they were established by Panticapaeum during
the Late Archaic-Classical periods, but it cannot be excluded
that they were founded by Phanagoria, the second largest city
of the Cimmerian Bosporus and the 'metropolis of the Asiatic
Bosporians' ( Str., XI,2, 10). For details, see Tst't'srctr-urrr. 7997b,
pp. 6,1-68: Tsnrsrcru,uzn, KONDRASHE\. 2001.
.

,^tr,

Seconclary colonisers in the Black Sect: Sinope and Panticapaeum

o-()o

o
oo8o

to"?

,
I
1

l'
I

'qr

I
I
I

-!-

&
FiR I
@

[f,

te

--:=:>

6a
o

t'::

{,

i"i ''l"i tt'a -'o


i 'a .7s a'.
I

_ 4,,
J08x

1ri/tolt
;) ,,,

II
Fig. 14 - Plan ofGorgippia.
I. PIan of trench'City': 1. Remains of 4th-3rd centuries BC; 2. Remains of 2nd century BC; 3. Remains of 1st centuryAD; 4.
Remains of 2nd-Srd centuries AD; 5. Tiled paths.
II. Situation ofthe excavated trenches in the territory oi'the modern-day city ofAnapa (after Kossrr-ENKo e, Attt 1984,p.
139).

Gocha R. Tsetskhladze

246

sula; a very fertile area, especially for growing


grain, inhabited by a settled local population77.
From the end of the 5th century, it was a policy of
the Bosporan kingdom to incorporate these local
peoples and their territory. By the beginning of the
4th century this had been achieved, peacefully in
the main. This marked, for the Classical period,
the end of expansion by the Bosporan Greeks into
local territory (figg. 15-16), which had, in reality,
started from the first half of the Sth century, frrst
by the insertion of so-called Bosporan emporia into
local settlements, and then, from the 4th century,
by the establishment of administrative centres by
the Bosporan kings. An example of the first is
Elizavetovskoe city-site, on the borders of the
Bosporan kingdom and the lands ofthe Scythians,
Maeotians and the Sauromatians7s. In reality this
settlement was divided in two: one part populated
by Greeks, the other by locals. The Greek quarter
has given us Greek-t1pe stone buildings; in the local quarter we find subterranean dwellings. Later,
a wall was erected to divide the two parts. For the
later period we have exactly the same kind of settlement and division at Tanais7e. established in
the later 3rd century BC, according to Strabo
(X1,2,3) by'the Greeks who held the Bosporus':
On the river and the lake is an inhabited city
bearing the same name, Tanais; it was founded
by the Greeks who held the Bosporus. Recently, however, it was sacked by King Polemon because it wouid not obey him. It was a common
emporium, partly of the Asiatic and the European nomads, and partly of those who navigat-

ed the lake from the Bosporus, the former


bringing slaves, hides, and such things as nomads possess, and the latter giving in exchange clothing, wine, and the other things
that belong to civilised life.
Semibratnee (about 35 km north of Gorgippia)
is an example of a Bosporan administrative centre
established in local territory. Until 1985 we had
only the archaeological evidence of this site, which
demonstrated the existence of a Greek-t5,pe fortification system and stone architecture from the 5th
i? On the local population

littoral.

sce Tnnnxnol.e et

Attt

ofthe north-eastern Black

Sea

2OO6.

i8 On Elizavetovskoe, see MlRt ttxx, r, ZI't'NIKo\-, Kopvl,rtr'


2000.
ie On Tanais, scc Arsoxvnl-.q. 2003; BorrclER, FonxesrnR,
ARsRr'Rlr 2002; KosHrr-r:Nxo, MeRtNot'rrcrl 2000.
so
GoRoNcH,qnovsKrr 2004.
sr SEG XL\TII, p. 1027; XLIII, p. 515; Gnuu.u 2002, pp.
95-99.

centurys0. Then an inscription \Mas found which


proved what had long been suspected - the settlement was re-founded by the Bosporan king Leucon

I in the early 4th century after the incorporation of


the area populated by the Sindi into the Bosporan
kingdom. The settlement's ancient name was
Labrys/Labry.ta:

In

accordance with his vow, Leucon, son of


Satyrus, archon of Bosporus and Theodosia,
set up this statue for Phoebus Apollo-inLabrys, the guardian of the city of the Labrytans, having driven out by battle and force
from the land of the Sindians Octamasades,
the son of Hecateus, king of the Sindians, who,
after expelling his father from his ancestral
rule. confined r?r him in this city"r.
Sinope, Panticapaeum and Heracleia PonticaE2
are not the only secondary colonisers but they are
the most significant ones. Apollonia Pontica established afew emporia, as did Histria, etc.83

Conclusions
As this survey demonstrates, the vast majori-

ty of the 75-90 colonies around the Black

Sea

were the result of secondary colonisation by the


first wave of major colonies. In many cases it is
difficult to identify the nature of these secondary
colonies - independent poleis, dependent poleis,
emporia, etc. - and also the reasons for their establishment. We can conclude that Sinope established colonies and settlements for economic reasons, as too, it seems most likely, did Panticapaeum in the Archaic period. From the later 5th
century, when the tyrants of Panticapaeum established the Bosporan kingdom, expansion was
a political as much as an economic concern, a response to its own political development and to local political and ethnic circumstance (secondary
colonisation, like primary, depended much on local conditions). The inclusion in the kingdom of
the local populations living near the Taman
Peninsula was achieved through the establishment of Bosporan emporicr or political and administralive centres in Lheir territorvEa.
52 See

83

1997;

A. Avram's paper in the present volume.

On emporia around Black Sea, see HINo 1995/96;


rrr.;

Bonn 2002; Tsnrsxnr.anzn 1998a, pp. 40-41; Tsnr-

SKHLADZE 2000.
Ea The expansion of Panticapaeum in the Classical period has some resemblance to Syracuse and its expansionist
politics (see, lbr example, DourNcuoz 2006a, pp. 269-75;284-

92. 324-42: Du ANc+ELrs,

G.tnslal 2006).

247

Secondary colonisers itt the Black Sea: Sinope ctnd Panticapaeum

Fig. 15 - Ethnic
map of the northeastcr-n Black Sea
region in the 6th-

5th centuries BC:


1. Greek cities; 2.

Population of thc
coastal arca of'the

Kerch Peninsula

identified with

m
m
m
N

f-]
g

ROYAL SCYTHIANS

mm

MAEOTAT

burials in stone; 3.
Dandarii; 4. Tauri;
5. Sindi; 6. Scythians (adapted from

,!
rt

MeslnNNrKC)\'

TARP

1981, p. 41).

SEA OF AZOV

?HATEI
KERKETI

SLACK

w
N

m
N

SEA

TORFTI

SARMATIA

mm
Fig. 16 - Ethnic

q
!

map of the northeastern Black Sea


region in the 4th

\
\

century BC:1.

TAiFd

Bosporan cities; 2.

Population of

a{$\

some coastal ar-

"-:.

i,

>

Dosx t?

eas of the Kerch

Peninsula;

3.

v)

I
I

Agrarian Scythians; 4. Sindi; 5.


Nomadic Scythians; 6. Direction
of Sarrnatian pen-

\[f

etration; 7. Borders of the Bospo-

1981, p. 64).

psa

,
t

ran
kingdom
(adapted from
Mesr,r.;NNIKo\r

-t

ELACK

SNA

ERKETI ,

TO

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rir

248

Gocha R. Tsetskhladze

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