Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
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Theological
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3Eric Voegelin, Orderand History,vol. 1, Israel and Revelation(Baton Rouge: Louisiana State
University Press, 1956), chap. 13; vol. 4, TheEcumenicAge (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1974), pp. 26-27; vol. 5, TheSearchfor Order(Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University
Press, 1987), p. 33, and AutobiographicalReflections(Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University
Press, 1989), p. 68.
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that calls Yahweh its king-in their concrete historical situation. Isaiah's
failure, then, is not the failure of utopian politics (aila Plato's Republic)but
rather the failure of a metapolitical truth that is neither sublimely religious nor politically irrelevant-namely, the call to a people to be faithful
and responsive to its divine king by imitating the divine way in this topos,
that is, in this historical and political situation.
Isaiah is told from the very beginning that he and his message will failthe message will be misunderstood and misinterpreted, it will confirm the
people in their faithlessness and harden their hearts, except for a small
remnant. Yet this failure is integral to the message and to the way Isaiah
must proceed, for it represents the divine purpose. Hence there will be no
disappointment such as that experienced by Plato in his failures at
Syracuse. Nor can Isaiah withdraw into the lofty silence of the noble spectator when surrounded by wild beasts, for he is called to carry on the dialogue between God and the people.
What is wrong with Buber's analysis? In my view, it can be summed up
in the fact that his portrayal of Plato is more like the Glaucon than the
Socrates of the Republic. Many of the stark contrasts drawn between Plato
and Isaiah-the idealist versus the realist, the perfect soul versus the
unclean yet responsive man, the possessor of truth versus the man before
God, the seeker of power versus the powerless messenger of God-are
based on a dogmatic, let us say undialectical and unerotic reading of the
Republic. Concerning true philosophers, Socrates says at one point in the
Phaedo: "Many bear the thyrsus [the Bacchic staff], but few are the
bacchantes" (Phaedo 69c-d). In his reading of Plato Buber must be
counted among the many rather than as part of the small remnant.6
And it is precisely the true philosophical remnant-the very small
group that keeps company with philosophy in a way that is worthy (496ae)7-that Socrates is speaking about in the passage from Book VI of the
Republic cited negatively by Buber, in which the true philosopher surrounded by "wild beasts" refuses to join them in their injustice or to tickle
their ears with sophistic words (493a-c). But this refusal is not presented
in the Republic as a sectarian escape to some privileged sanctum of personal purity by those who possess truth and goodness as a private commodity. Indeed, in opposition to Buber's misreading, I wish to make two
important points concerning Plato's Republic that bring Isaiah and Plato
much closer together.8
6 That is to say, Buber's reading of Plato as
putting forward a "doctrine of ideas"and a utopian
political ideal (in contrast, e.g., to Aristotle's prudential realism) is widespread in modern philosophy and classical scholarship.
7All references to Stephanus numbers in the essay refer to the Republicunless otherwise noted.
8 My reading of the Republicand of Plato in general has been influenced by Eric Voegelin,
Order and History, vol. 3, Plato and Aristotle(Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press,
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1957); Werner Jaeger, Paideia: The Ideals of GreekCulture,vol. 2, In Searchof the Divine Centre,
trans. Gilbert Highet (New York: Oxford University Press, 1943); Hans-Georg Gadamer, Dialogue and Dialectic:EightHermeneuticalStudieson Plato, trans. P. Christopher Smith (New Haven,
Conn.: Yale University Press, 1980). I am especially indebted to my colleague Zdravko Planinc
and his book Plato's PoliticalPhilosophy:Prudencein theRepublicand theLaws(Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1991).
9 I recognize the controversial nature of this understanding of Plato's theological anthropology and the fact that the theology of Plato is a good deal more complicated than my very limited
and necessarily compact discussion indicates. For more extensive discussion of this understanding see Jaeger, 2:279-80 (also 285-86); Voegelin, Plato and Aristotle,pp. 55, 112-13, and The
EcumenicAge, pp. 36-37, 232-33.
l0 Voegelin makes much of the metaxy("in-between") in Plato's anthropology, the tension
between the human and the divine that underlies the movements of the soul. For Buber's related
but different discussion of the "between"see Martin Buber, I and Thou,trans. Walter Kaufmann
(New York: Scribner's, 1970), esp. pt. 3.
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It is only fair that, having clarified Plato by correcting the distorted reading of the Republic by a philosopher sympathetic to Isaiah, we now clarify
Isaiah by correcting the distorted reading by a philosopher sympathetic to
Plato. As was the case in our interpretation of Plato, where Voegelin's
work proved illuminating, so here Buber's reflections on the prophetic
consciousness help us interpret Isaiah's theological politics more
accurately.1"
Eric Voegelin portrays Isaiah as a purveyor of "metastatic faith," which
is little more than a euphemism for "magician"-a euphemism coined as a
concession to Gerhard von Rad, who was apparently horrified by
Voegelin's proposal to use the term "magician" for Isaiah, according to
Voegelin's own account.'2 Von Rad's response is not terribly surprising,
since he (in his classic Theologyof the Old Testament)had identified Isaiah as
"the theological high water mark of the whole Old Testament."'3 After
von Rad's death, Voegelin retracted his concession and explicitly stated
what he really thinks.'4 Isaiah is engaged in magic fantasy because he
believes that the structures of reality can be changed through an act of
faith. In contrast to Plato, who is fully aware of the obstacles present in
human nature and pragmatic history to the establishment of rule accordII See esp. Martin Buber, The Prophetic Faith, trans. Carlyle Witton-Davies (New York:
Macmillan, 1949).
12Voegelin, AutobiographicalReflections,p. 68.
'3 Gerhard von Rad, Theologyof the Old Testament,2 vols., trans. D. M. G. Stalker (New York:
Harper & Row, 1962/65), 2:147.
14See also Voegelin, Searchfor Order, p. 33.
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ing to the divine paradigm (500e, 592b), Isaiah's faith calls the kings of
Judah (both Ahaz, chap. 7, and Hezekiah, chaps. 36-37) to place their
trust in a divine intervention that will miraculously avert military attacks.
According to Voegelin, Isaiah understands the order of faith in Yahweh
to stand in direct contradiction to the order of power in historical political
existence, and this leads him to postulate the necessity of miraculous
divine intervention to change the structure of reality if divine order and
rule are to be reestablished in history.
This failure is, in Voegelin's view, related to a misunderstanding of
spirit-a failure to understand how the divine truth of existence is related
to and realized within the historical order of political society. In volume 1
of Order and History Voegelin devotes considerable attention to what he
calls the "unresolved problem at the bottom of Yahwism," namely, the
relationship between the life of the spirit and life in the world.'15This leads
to a confusion in Israelite theological politics between the universal spiritual demands of a transcendent God and the practical exigencies of the
political existence of a small nation. The development of a true political
philosophy in Hebrew religion is prevented by the lack of a theory of the
soul or psyche, which is not clearly differentiated from the "compact collectivism" of the people's existence.'6 This is the problem illustrated by reference to Isaiah's counsel to King Ahaz to trust in the ruach of Yahweh
rather than in armies and alliances. Such counsel represents an ontological confusion between the existential formation of the personal soul and
the practices and institutions of political order. It represents a "sublime
rebellion" against the nature of things ordained by God, presenting the
divine plan for the salvation of the people as a knowable, pragmatic policy
to be historically effected:
Isaiah,we may say, has tried the impossible:to make the leap in being a leap out
of existence into a divinelytransfiguredworld beyond the lawsof mundaneexistence. The cultic restorationof cosmic divine order becomes the transfiguration
of the world in history when carried into the historical form of existence.17
In contrast to the disappointing failure of a utopian idealist (Buber's
portrait of Plato), we have here the fantastic failure of an apocalyptic
gnostic who claims to possess a revelation-that is, information about how
God will produce an immanent result outside the natural relations of
cause and effect. The reified symbol of God as a personal agent in history
has taken over the prophetic consciousness, causing Isaiah to lose sight of
the ultimate mystery of reality as the process of the divine cosmos that
15Voegelin, Israel and Revelation,p. 183; cf. pp. 369, 444-45.
16
Ibid., p. 439.
7 Ibid., p. 452.
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but the call to faith. These are two different things. As Buber puts it in I
and Thou: "Magic wants to be effective without entering into any relationship and performs its arts in the void, while sacrifice and prayer [and we
might add prophecy] step 'before the countenance' into the perfection of
the sacred basic word that signifies reciprocity. They say You and
listen."2' The "Coming One" of the prophets cannot be conjured up, nor
does faith consist of mysterious, esoteric knowledge or powers.22 Rather,
it is a matter of being addressed by God and entrusted with a message or
task, with a claim that calls the people to respond to the holy God in all the
concrete particularities of their life, including political affairs. The focus
of the Hebrew prophets is not on the power of faith but rather gives testimony to the purposes and actions of God in historical events, whose meaning is discerned by faith.23
What then are we to make of the dramatic confrontation between
Isaiah and King Ahaz on the highway to the Fuller's Field (chap. 7), an
encounter that is placed immediately after the account of Isaiah's temple
vision and prophetic call (chap. 6)? Here we must go beyond the form to
the content of the oracle,24 because it is the message announced by the
prophet that is shocking and hard to understand by those rooted in the
secure tradition of divine election and the Davidic covenant. It is a declaration of "holy war" by God against God's own chosen people, ajudgment
of the people by the holy God symbolized by the "Day of Yahweh" (chap.
2), and this directly concerns the political fate of Judah. Isaiah's vision in
the temple of Yahweh "high and lifted up" introduces a divine measure
and thereby reveals the sin of the people "before God." The people and
the king will be judged because of their persistent violation of the covenant with their divine king, a violation rooted not so much in specific vices
or lack of virtue as in a prideful, self-sufficient arrogance that seeks its
security in the pragmatic weapons and arts of power politics rather than in
obedient response to God. The sin to be judged is not lack of virtue but
lack of faith.
Hence the coming of Yahweh in judgment is presented by Isaiah (chap.
2) as the day of Yahweh against all human pride and arrogance that has
led the people ofJudah to seek its security in idolatrous political alliances.
The land is full of signs of economic and political prosperity-silver and
21 Buber, I and Thou, trans. Kaufmann,
p. 131.
22Buber makes this point against
Heidegger's interpretation of the prophets (which is not
unrelated to Voegelin's misreading of Isaiah).See Martin Buber, Eclipseof God:Studiesin theRelation betweenReligion and Philosophy(New York: Harper & Row, 1952), pp. 73-74.
23See von Rad, Theologyof the Old Testament,1:11 1-12.
24This is precisely the stumbling block for Voegelin-the "mortgage of the historical circumstances of revelation" is "madepermanent" by incorporating the circumstancesof revelation into
its contents rather than differentiating them (Voegelin, Israel and Revelation,p. 369).
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"Biblical Leadership," trans. G. Hort, in Glatzer, ed. (n. 1 above), pp. 49-50.
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evil and choose the good" (7:16). However, such a response entails a willingness to wait for Yahweh (8:16, 30:15) rather than manage its own security, because it fears the holy God rather than temporal power (8:11-15;
cf. 11:3). This becomes a "stone of offense and a rock of stumbling" for
those who seek more tangible signs and guarantees. As Buber puts it:
"The true believer does not wish to hasten God's work, the work of salvation, even if he could. Small politics is a monologue of man; great politics
is a discourse with the God Who 'keeps still.'"26
Ahaz's answer is a clear refusal to enter the spiritual dialogue: "No. I
will not put Yahweh to the test" (7:12). This is the willful despair of the
spirit that is characteristic of sin27-it refuses to stand before God and be
measured because that would mean acknowledging one's uncleanness,
along with the infinite demands of a holy God and this is too high altogether. This would require a purity of heart that gives up the need to control life through self-assertion and enters humbly into relation,
surrendering the self to the divine will. This the sinful self cannot do. It
would rather maintain its proud self-reliance by sinking still deeper into
despair than risk a dialogical relation to an invisible "Wholly Other" God.
Indeed, the aim of magic is to be effective without entering a relationship,
whereas faith risks all in the relationship and dares to live "before God" in
fear and trembling.
"I will not put God to the test" reveals the heart of Ahaz. It can only be
said at a self-imposed distance from God that does not allow itself to be
addressed and therefore will not respond to the divine word. Ahaz will not
live "before God" and so he goes off with his tribute money to the king of
Assyria who, after all, has horses and chariots and deals in political reality,
not sin and faith. This is much more dignified and pragmatically effective
than trying to understand the stammering words of a prophetic messenger (see 28:10-15 in the Jerusalem Bible). Ahaz will continue to practice
the politics of idolatry, using religion only for his own purposes as sacral
legitimation for his own regime.28 Religion will stay in its own proper
domain and therewith Ahaz resists the universal demand of the holy God,
who demands all and gives all.29
26Buber, The PropheticFaith, 137.
p.
27 See Soren Kierkegaard, "The Sickness unto Death," pt. 2, in Fear and Trembling
and TheSickness unto Death, trans. Walter Lowrie (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1954).
28 In Second Kings 16 we find a description of Ahaz's sixteen-year rule in Jerusalem. He
burned his son as an offering (v. 3) to "Moloch,"an act that makes Isaiah'svision of Yahweh as "ha
melekh"more striking. Ahaz does not know the true God, and his worship becomes an abomination, indicating his loss of the true measure of kingly rule. When Ahaz goes to Damascusto meet
Tiglath-pileser, the king of Assyria, he sends Uriah the priest a model of the Assyrian altar and
offers sacrifices on it in Yahweh's temple. The political alliance must be religiously legitimated
through cultic ceremonies.
29See Buber, The PropheticFaith, p. 152.
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The theological politics of Plato and Isaiah both seek to illuminate the
religious foundations of political judgment and wisdom. The problem of
order and the common good in society is a spiritual matter not discerned
so long as one is oriented toward the external power struggle of
ideologues whose only aim is to conquer and control. The true nature of
political reality can only be discerned by those who look beyond their own
30 See Voegelin,
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TheologicalPolitics
interests and the immediacyof social forces to the invisible,divine order
of creation, oriented by noetic prudence or the righteousnessof faith.
There is no external political substitutefor the rightly ordered psycheor
spirit. Politics is therefore not merely a matterof the pragmaticmanagement of external forces (in a power struggle or "balanceof power")but
the practical mediation of transcendent wisdom that binds the world
together in a meaningful order.
The conditions for true political communityand good order must be
establishedexistentially-they cannot be forciblyimposedthroughexternal constraints.This ultimatelyentails the formation of characterin the
well-ordered soul or the responsive heart, both of which are formed in
participatoryrelation to the transcendentGod. Political philosophy or
theology, therefore, is a matter of the proper symbolizationof human
natureand societyin relationto the divine order of realityin creation.It is
a matter of the human mediation of the divine measurewithin the concrete circumstancesof social life by making prudentjudgments, giving
expression to particular demands of justice that make a well-ordered,
righteous,and peacefullife possible.Those who achievesuch "freevision"
are able to discernthe meaning of particularconcrete politicalrealitiesin
relation to the larger purposes of the created order.
Such discernment,however, will alwaysbe resistedby those who insist
on imposingtheir own selfishmeasures,who seek to manipulateeven God
and the gods for their own puny purposes,trying to recreatethe world in
their own disordered image. Such purveyorsof illusorypolitics will measure "success"in terms of the extent of their coercive masteryover reality
in the vain quest to establishtheir own security over against that which
they cannot ultimatelycontrol. This has destructive,and ultimatelyselfdestructive, consequences,founded on a blindnessto the things that are.
For Plato this is a matterof ignorance, to be overcome through the therapy of paideia, whereby the soul is turned around to the good beyond
being and is noeticallyreoriented towardtrue realitythrough the love of
wisdom. For Isaiahthe failure is a matter of sin, the willful refusalto see
rooted in the failure to relate oneself in trust to God, the refusal to
respond to the divine revelation. This can only be overcome in humble
repentance, turning from the proud self-assertionof the defiant will that
will not trust in God for its strength,that will not live "beforeGod"and be
measured by God's infinite holiness.
Of course, it will alwaysalso be possibleto read Plato as a Glauconand
Isaiahas a fundamentalist,treating their theological (symbolic)politics as
pragmaticpoliticalprinciplesto be technicallyappliedand enforced so as
to gain power over others for parochial purposes (which are identified
with the divine for purposes of legitimation). Indeed, both Plato and
Isaiah recognized the spiritual blindness of the many that made possible
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