The beginning (until 1360)

Already around 900 AD there were settlements in the area around the Rotte estuary.
The area was part of the county of Holland, which in turn was part of the Holy Roman
(German) Empire. The Count of Holland had granted territories in fief to vassals, who
exercised their authority locally. The fiefdoms became hereditary. West of the River
Rotte the Lords of Bokel had their territory, the East belonged to the Voorschoten family.
Other fiefdoms were Cralinghen, Mathenesse and Spangen. The nobles had each
made there own protective walls against the frequent floods. Count Floris V (1256-96)
ordered the Lords to connect there individual dykes in order to construct one single sea
wall against the floods. This sea wall cut off the Rotte from the River Maas. This part of
the wall was called Middendam (Middle Dam; now Hoogstraat). Around this dam
Rotterdam developed. In the decades after that the settlers around the Middendam
gained privileges from the Counts of Holland. In 1340 Count Willem IV granted a city
charter to the areas East and West of the River Rotte. The city was also allowed to dig a
canal to the River Schie (Rotterdamse Schie) to establish a
connection with the Dutch hinterland (Delft, Leiden, Haarlem). In
1358 Rotterdam got permission to build city walls.

Hoeken and Kabeljauwen (1345 - 1490)

After Count Willem IV's death a power battle broke out between
Willem's sister Margaretha and her son Willem V. In this struggle
the nobility and the cities took sides (although many frequently changed sides along the
way) on the basis of old feuds and differences of interest. The two parties are called
Hoeken (Hooks) and Kabeljauwen (Cods) respectively. Rotterdam tried to stay outside
the troubles as much as possible in order to gain a better position than its competitors.
The Rotterdam economy, in those days, was mainly based on herring fisheries and
handling of cargo on the Rivers Rotte and Schie. Around 1490 Rotterdam could no
longer avoid the hostilities, when Squire Frans van Brederode chose Rotterdam as his
base for his Hook army. Squire Frans was beaten by Burgundy, which was the end of
the troubles.
Eighty year War (1568-1648)
Rotterdam emerged reasonably well from the struggle. It managed to get Dordrecht's
trade monopolies abolished. In 1572 Rotterdam became involved in the Eighty Year War
between the Low Countries and Spain. The Spanish King Philip II, who had inherited
the title of Lord of the Low Countries from his father Charles V, tried to enforce absolute
rule in these countries who had until then enjoyed many priviliges and relative
autonomy. The emerging conflict was intensified by the fact that the Church Reformers
became increasingly popular in the Low Countries. Philip II, as an absolute Roman

Catholic ruler could not tolerate these heresies. In 1572 a rebel army conquered the
town of Den Briel and the Spanish forces led by general Boussu were chased away in a
southerly direction. The rebels took advantage of the vacuum left behind and took
Delfshaven. The next thing was a march on Rotterdam. The city fended off the attack,
but a few days later the reassembled Spanish forces of Boussu were outside the city
gates. In the city there was internally divided on whether to let them in or not. A
compromise to let in only a few Spaniards led to a misunderstanding on which the
Spaniards went on a rampage. The Spaniards consequently reconquered Delfshaven.
Shortly thereafter the Spanish Forces were withdrawn to the south to fight yet another
insurgency. The pro-Spanish Aldermen left with them. From that moment on Rotterdam
is on the side of the rebellion. The events of 1572 and those of the siege of Leiden two
years later confronted the city government with the need for better protection. Under the
leadership of City Secretary Van

Oldenbarneveldt the city was enlarged with

new docks and fortifications.
Economically the next era was one of growth and prosperity. Trade and shipping
flourished. Especially the trade with England, France, America and even Spain
increased. The location was good, but also the political circumstances favoured
Rotterdam. Delft kept its satellite port of Delfshaven in check because of short term
interests, Schiedam was too thrifty to invest in a port and Amsterdam and Antwerp both still on the Spanish side - were blocked by the fleet of the rebellious provinces.
When Amsterdam chose the side of the rebellion a lot of trade went back there. The
establishment of the Admiralty in Rotterdam (1586), a Chamber of the Dutch East Indies
Company (1604) and the West Indies Company (1621), and of the Merchant
Adventurers (1635) were proof of growing trade.

18th century

In the 18th century the inner city was filled with

houses, industry and warehouses. There was some
emerging industry (sugar, coffee, tobacco, gin).
Housing was confined within the city walls where
density of the population took to extremes. Outside
the walls, wealthy Rotterdammers built their
mansions around the villages in the area. Also
forms of industry which were deemed as unsuitable
for the inner city were relocated outside the walls.
This was possible because Rotterdam had gained
the jurisdiction in the fiefdoms around the city from
noblemen who had chosen the side of the Spanish
king and who had fled the country. The French
occupation (1795-1813) started a period of recession.

Fast growth (1850-1940)

After the French left, Rotterdam started to grow quite rapidly. In the German area
around the river Ruhr industrialisation took hold and because of its location Rotterdam
benefited from the trade between this area and British and American markets. Also the
exploration of Africa brought in new trade. In this period the Inner city was being
sanitised (water, drains, sewer) and the city increased its port capacity. Employment
opportunities attracted workers from the provinces. To be able to cope with the growth
of the population Rotterdam started to develop the areas outside the city walls for the
first time. The first project was Cool, next came Oude Westen (Old West) and Nieuwe
Westen (New West). The town of Delfshaven was incorporated in 1886, followed by
Kralingen in 1895. Of paramount importance to the development of Rotterdam as a
major port was the completion of the Nieuwe Waterweg Canal in 1863. City growth
continues on the other side of the river on the Feijenoord peninsula. New docks are dug
here alongside with new housing estates, after the completion of the first bridge across
the river in 1878. In these developments the businessman and city counselor Lowewijk
Pincoffs played a major role, together with his friend and banker Marten Mees. In 1879,
however he was exposed as a fraud and he fled to America.The city took over control of
the port developments under the leadership of G.J. de Jongh, the Head of Public
Works. In this period Rotterdam takes over Amsterdam's position as main port. World
War I meant a recession for the city economy, which was not overcome until 1926. After
that the Big Depression of 1929 took its effect, also in Rotterdam.

World War II and

Reconstruction
(1940-1975)
No event in Rotterdam history left
a deeper mark (or scar) in
Rotterdam society and city
development than the German
invasion in May 1940. 14 May
1940 the inner city and the 17th
century port were completely
destroyed. Approx. 900 people
died and thousands more
became homeless. Also later
during the war the city suffered
from bombings, this time by allied air forces (e.g. October 1941 and March 1943). Five
years of oppression followed. In 1945 the German troops stole just about all remaining
port equipment. . Already in 1941 Witteveen, director of City Works, designed a
reconstruction plan. This plan was heavily criticised. The plan was adapted by Van Traa
into the Basic Plan of 1946 and consequently adopted by the city council. The original
street plan was abandoned and the city centre was being connected by wide avenues.
The Basic Plan was functional. Different city functions were grouped in separate areas:
shopping, banking, housing, leisure. Especially the modernist or functionalist architects

were very influential in the post-war

reconstruction. In the centre 50% of the
housing capacity disappeared. New housing estates were built on the outskirts.
The port developed in a westerly direction towards the sea. Bigger and deeper ports
were being dug closer to the shoreline. (Petrochemical industries became increasingly
important.

Recent past and present

By the end of the 1970s and early 1980s the Basic Plan had been completed for some
time. A new city had emerged, but the rigid separation of functions and the strict
functionalist architecture had resulted in a somewhat cold and quiet city. In reaction to
that the remaining spaces were filled with new adventurous, but small scale housing
developments. The old 19th century housing areas were redeveloped. This era also
shows mass migration from inner city areas to the suburbs. The vacancies left by the
Rotterdammers are taken by immigrants. In the late 1980s and 1990s the city
government decided to revive the city center with high rise offices and apartments, thus
giving the city a metropolitan look. The most
recent projects are the Erasmus Bridge and
the Kop van Zuid. The latter being a
redevelopment of disused inner city
docklands.
The rapid economic growth between 1965
and 1973 leads to great demand for (cheap)
labour. This causes a first emigration wave
of workers from the Mediterranean area.
Around 1975 a large number of migrants
from the former Dutch colony of Surinam
follows. Recent economic growth in the
1990s again leads to even more
immigration. Meanwhile around 40% of the
Rotterdam population is of foreign extraction. Apart from problems regarding integration
(or lack thereof) this development resulted in a cosmopolitan atmosphere, with a huge
diversity in the cultural, culinary and religious field.
Rotterdam's open and cosmopolitan character also has a down side. Big differences in
drugs policies between the Netherlands and the neighbouring countries has made
Rotterdam a popular destination for especially French and Belgian "drug tourists". This
form of "tourism" is concentrated in the areas that already have a weak social structure.
In spite of substantial progress in fighting the problem, the solution for the
inconvenience to the inhabitants caused by this phenomenon is not in sight yet.

In the field of culture a lot of progress has been made in

recent years. Rotterdam has got quite a few leading
cultural events (film festival, poetry international, Dunya,
Caribbean Carnival) and has built and is still building
new cultural facilities (theatres, museums, etc). In 2001
Rotterdam was the European Capital of Culture. Also in
sports Rotterdam has conquered its place on the map:
the Rotterdam Marathon is one of the leading and
fastest in the world. In 2000 the finals of the European
Football Championships were played in the Feyenoord
Stadium. In 2010 the Tour de France had its Grand
Depart in Rotterdam.
Plans are made for a
new football stadium .
In 2002 sentiments of
dissatisfaction, that have been slumbering among
voters get a political dimension when Rotterdam based
former social scientist, columnist and business
consultant Pim Fortuyn puts himself at the vanguard of
it. The debate is about the lack of integration among
immigrants, (street) crime and the closed culture of the
politics and bureaucracy. In very short time Fortuyn
gathers wide spread support in the run up to local
elections of 2002. This results in 16 out of 45 seats on
the city council for his Leefbaar Rotterdam party and
half of the seats on the city executive. His final goal is
a role in national politics in which he raises high hopes
for his national party, that carries his name. On the May
6th, however, 9 days before the national elections he is
murdered, while leaving a radio studio in Hilversum. This dramatic event sends a
shockwave through Rotterdam and Dutch society. At the national election his party LPF
gets 17% of the votes cast. An unprecedented election result for a new party giving it 26
seats in the 150 seat parliament. LPF proves to be an instable force in politics and is
finally dissolved in 2008.
The city government under Mayor Mr. Opstelten (VVD) makes public safety its main
priority. At the request of the city of Rotterdam National Parliament passes the so called
Rotterdam Act, which enables city governments to limit the influx of people who fail to
meet certain income requirements into districts where the proportion of low income
inhabitants is already high.
At the 2006 council elections the social democratic PvdA makes a sensational
comeback and becomes the largest party. Fortuyn's Leefbaar Rotterdam party runs
second but refuses a coalition with PvdA. PvdA then forms a new city executive with the
decimated Christian Democrats and right-wing Liberals and the Green party. The new

government basicalliy promises to continue the policies of the previous executive on

public safety, but with more sensitivity to social issues. In 2009 Mayor Opstelten retires
and is replaced by Mr Ahmet Aboutaleb (PvdA). A select committee of the city council
nominated him as the first Mayor of Moroccan descent in the Netherlands and the first
in a European major city. Part of the Leefbaar faction on the council opposed his
nomination.
The poorly carried out 2010 council elections resulted in an equal number of seats for
PvdA and Leefbaar. After a recount PvdA held on to its position of largest party and
formed a new executive with social liberal D66, conservative liberal VVD and the
Christian Democrats. During the campaign PvdA had ruled out a coalition with Leefbaar,
partly because of this party's attitude towards the Mayor. With time Aboutaleb won
confidence as Mayor within all parties on the City Counsel and among the population.
His record on public safety, the prime and sole responsibility of a Dutch Mayor, is good.
The financial crisis of 2008 and the subsequent European debt crisis starts to bite and
making dents in the city budget around 2012. Also the regional economy is affected by
the negative economical national and international trends. The national government is
making cuts in its funding of local government and the city expenditures on benefits and
wellfare go up because of rising unemployment.

History
The history of Rotterdam covers about 9 centuries. Rotterdam receives municipal rights in 1340.
In 1872, with the completion of the New Waterway, Rotterdam had an open connection to the sea
and the city could develop into a world port. With over 600,000 inhabitants Rotterdam is now a
true metropolis on the river Maas and the second city of the Netherlands.

Rotterdam before 1910

The modest fishing village of Rotterdam was founded on the

alluvial deposit of the river Rotte where the citys principal church (Laurenskerk) now stands.
During the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, after the river Maas had been dyked in and the
Rotte dammed off, it grew into an urban settlement. The oldest document mentioning the town
dates from 1293. In the mid sixteenth century Rotterdam entered a period of expansion and its
population rose to 8000. Five new docks joined the medieval Oude Haven, beginning about 1600
with the Nieuwe Haven, followed by Haringvliet, Leuvehaven, Wijnhaven and
Scheepmakershaven. During the seventeenth and eighteenth century the spatil development of
the city and docklands was at a standstill. It was only in the nineteenth century, after its railway
link-up with Amsterdam, Utrecht and later Antwerp, that the city underwent further expansion.
The construction of an open waterway to the sea (Nieuwe Waterweg) in 1872 decided
Rotterdams future as a major port city. Docks and quays were enlarged, and surrounding
municipalities like Charlois, Delfshaven, Katendrecht and Kralingen. Annexed. The original
triangular settlement in the Maas and the Rotte now spread as new districts along the Maas dykes
(Nieuwe Werk and Kralingen), to the west (Cool and Oude Westen) and to the north (Crooswijk
and Oude Noorden). In 1842 W.N. Rose, the then City Architect to Rotterdam, designed the
Water Project. A network of water courses mainly constructed from the viewpoint of water
management and sewage but also laying the basis for the first public green facilities. The Park,
laid in 862, is the first of the city parks; urban green space otherwise consisted of private gardens
(e.g. Trompenburg Arboretum) and country seats (e.g. Land van Hoboken). During the latter half
of the nineteenth century the population increased dramatically; by 1900 there were 300,000
inhabitants. In 1875, after the Maas bridge had been built, development began on the left bank of
the river (Noordereiland, Katendrecht and Feijenoord).

1910 1945

At the dawning of the twentieth century the towns economic

growth was stimulated by the construction of new docks and quays, such as Waalhaven. The
urban area was considerably enlarged to accommodate the swelling number of inhabitants, many
of them labourers who had moved in from the southern provinces; in 1915 Rotterdam boasted a
population of 450,000. Undeveloped areas on the north bank of the Maas in Delfshaven,
Middelland, Oude Westen and Agnieseburt became built-up, while the south bank acquired two
leafy garden villages, Heyplaat and Vreewijk. In 1918 building began in the new districts of
Spangen and Tusschendijken, and plans were drawn up to develop the annexed areas of
Overschie, Hilligersberg and Blijdorp polder. Implemented in the thirties, these plans introduced
the perimeter block with its four storeys of porch-acces flats, the occasional open row scheme
(Blijdorp. Jaffa, Overschie) and experiments with apartment buildings up to ten storeys high
(Bergplolder and Kralingen). In the inter-war years Rotterdam was the cradle of Dutch
Modernism (Nieuwe Bouwen), boasting such architects as Oud, Brinkman & Van der Vlugt, Van
Tijen and Van den Broek and such seminal buildings as the Van Nelle Factory, Feijenoord
Football Stadium and the Kiefhoek housing. 1936 saw the presentation of a General Expansion
Plan for Rotterdam. Many housing schemes in the town were nearing completion, s were large
infrastructural works like the Maas Tunnel and its extension through the town, the airfield at
Waalhaven and, in the east, Kralingse Bos. On the housing front there were experiments done
with communal gardens courtyards, such as in De Eendracht in Blijdorp.

1945 1970

In Rotterdam, the rebuilding activities begun immediately fter

World War II consisted mainly of restoration and the expansion of the docks and quays. Work on
large-scale housing projects only began in the fifties, all sited south of the river save for
Kleinpolder and Schiebroek. A green zone Zuiderpark, containingsports fields and private
allotments as well as green space was laid out between the nineteenth-century housing estates
and the new residential areas of Pendrecht and Zuidwijk. Taking the new ideas developed during
the war as regards the scale, substance, structure and form of new urban development (the
neighbourhood concept) these new estates are marked by a low building density, extensive
green space and local services and an open row layout featuring an assortment of housing types.
Later the construction of Lombardijen and IJsselmonde would complete the ring of districts
round the city. Between 1954 and 1967, the village of Hoogvliet was developed into a satellite
town bordering on a new expanse of docklands and industry (Petroleumhaven and Botlek). With
the construction of the Metro, rapid public transport came to large parts of South Rotterdam.
Kleinpolderplein, the Brienenoord Bridge and the Benelux Tunnel are important links in the
Rotterdamse Ruit, the tangential highway system around the citys central urban area. Major
developments eastwards followed in the sixties. The districts of Alexanderpolder and Ommoord
reveal a tendency towards a greater scale both in housing (high-rise) and green space and traffic
facilities. Just as large-scale is the redevelopment begun at that time in Crooswijk, Oude
Noorden and Cool. At the end of the sixties work got under way on the Oosterflank area and
urban renewal of the old districts made its first tentative appearance under the weight of local
protest. Here can be seen the first steps towards change, as much in urban structure as in layout
and housing typologies.

1970 tot nu

In the seventies wholesale redevelopment of the old

residential quarters round the city centre ceded to renovation and reconstruction. Rotterdams
urban renewal policy was widely influential particularly in the councils mass acquisition of
slums and a decentralized configuration into project agencies. With renewal of the nineteenthcentury districts virtually complete by the late eighties, attention turned to the pre-war housing.
By then the post-war reconstruction areas were themselves ripe for renovation. Here, though, it
was largely a question of technical improvements, urban compaction, the replacement of porchacces housing by mixes of dwelling types and a broader concern for public space. New outlying
districts of high- and middle-rise like Zevenkamp and Bverwaard carried development right up
against the city boundaries. These would in fact be crossed by the next in the series, Nesselande,
together with expansion of the Metro network. Within the existing city, new sites were found in
Prinsenland and Nieuw-Terbregge, now with a finer focus on insertion in the existing landscape
structure and on sustainable and energy-efficient building. The eighties saw port activity shifting
seawards to the Europoort pretrochemical complex and onto the expanse of Maasvlakte, and
businesses relocating to the edge of the city (the so-called Brainpark and Noord-West business
park). As a result areas close to the city centre that were formerly claimed by harbor and
industry, such as Oudehaven, Delfshaven Buitendijks and Dokhaven, were freed for housing.
The former waterworks site on Honingerdijk was the first example in Rotterdam to take the
existing structure to underpin the new development. At the Kop van Zuid, a similar approach to
the Binnenhaven-Spoorweghaven area on the south bank of the Maas has resulted in a
particularly fine synthesis o new and old buildings, exemplified by Entrepotdok and the
buildings of Holland Amerika Lijn (Hotel New York, Las Palmas, Cruise Terminal). Lately, on
and around the Wilhelmina square and the Wilhelminapier, eye-catching highrise has been build
(Montevideo, New Orleans, Maastoren), profiling Rotterdams skyline. A synthesis of the old
and new has also been chosen for the restructuring of the Schiehaven area. Here, in and besides
the former powerstation Schiecentrale a multi-media cluster of businesses, educational and
theatre facilities have been build and housing is early completed. Recently a number of inner
centre areas are designated for renovation and new housing, like Oude Haven, Laurenskwartier
and the waterstad area behind the Boompjes dyke. Central District, the area around the building
site of the new Central Station opens Rotterdam to the Randstad and hinterland with the new
Randstadrail and high-speed train connections

Neighborhood
In a more general sense, Forrest & Kearns (2001) point to the fact
that individuals
might attach more importance to a neighbourhood and its
inhabitants in
times of an increasing influence of all kinds of macrodevelopments, such as
globalisation. The neighbourhood becomes a kind of safe haven.
Other authors
refer, for example, to the importance of social solidarity between
neighbours and
neighbourhood residents. People can learn from each other and
provide mutual
support through their local networks (Portes & Sensenbrenner,
1993). The
preference for homogeneous neighbourhoods in terms, for
example, of ethnicity
or lifestyle can be observed in people of all kinds. Having good
social contacts
can be considered a basic need. It is therefore logical to assume
that people
prefer to live in neighbourhoods or districts with people of their
own sort (see,
for example, Hortulanus, 1995). Frequently, the neighbourhood
then involuntarily
becomes the key place defining the social world of its residents.
The quality
of these areas and the associated contacts enhance the capability
of people to
participate adequately in society (Healy, 1998).
The socio-economic background of a household can also play a
part in
neighbourhood orientation. A low income can prevent a household
from participating
in activities that cost money (Musterd & Ostendorf, 1998). As a
consequence,
people with a lower income can be expected to have a smaller
action

radius, because transport usually costs money (Fischer, 1982;

Wilson, 1987; see
also Botman & Van Kempen, 2001; Ellen & Turner, 1997; Guest &
Wierzbicki,
1999; Henning & Lieberg, 1996). The level of the income is
associated among
other things with the labour market situation and an individuals
educational
level. Highly educated people with a consequently high income
usually have a
wide network of activities. As a result, they often make little use
of neighbourhood
facilities; rather, they orientate themselves to the whole city
(Blokland-Potters,
1998). The attraction of high-income groups to give the
neighbourhood
concerned a new impulse would therefore seem to be a high risk
strategy; the
chance is high that these newcomers are hardly ever to be found
in the
neighbourhood and so make no use of, for example, local
shopping facilities.
Ethnicity could be expected to exert an influence, because it is
also often
associated with low incomes. This association would then mean
that people
belonging to ethnic minorities might have fewer opportunities to
enjoy activities
outside the neighbourhood. Additionally, individuals belonging to
ethnic
groups might find support from people of the same group living in
the same
neighbourhood (Van Kempen, 2001). However, it might very well
be the case
that these ideas are based on prejudice. From the literature it
becomes at least
clear that especially recent immigrants who cannot speak the
language of the

guest country and immigrants with a low education have the

propensity to focus
themselves on neighbourhoods where already many of their
fellow-countrymen
live. They expect to find social, economical and emotional support
in that place
(Dahya, 1974, Enchautegui, 1997, Fong & Gulia, 1999). From a
recent study in the
Netherlands it has become clear that, in particular, many older
people belonging
to the former category of guest workers (specifically Turks and
Moroccans) still
do not talk Dutch to each other and do not often meet Dutch
people at home
(Dagevos, 2001). Turks in particular have many contacts with
their fellow-countrymen
in the neighbourhood (Sociaal en Cultureel Planbureau, 2002).
They are
thus dependent on people from their own group and when these
people live in
the same neighbourhood, there seems no real reason to leave the
neighbourhood
for social contacts.