Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies

Vol. 30, No. 2, March 2004, pp. 353372

Mixed Marriages in Migration from the

Ukraine to Poland
Agata Grny and Ewa Kepinska

In the early 1990s, Poland, a previously migrant-exporting country, became the destination
for immigrants from a range of different regions and countries. Most foreigners came from
the former Soviet Union and especially from the Ukraine. The article uses the case study of
PolishUkrainian marriages to demonstrate the importance of the phenomenon of mixed
marriages in the light of contemporary migration to Poland. It is shown that temporary
movements to Poland contribute to the volume of mixed marriages that are contracted and
that the population of foreigners married to Polish citizens constitutes a large part of
contemporary settlement migration to Poland. We argue that patterns of mixed marriages
and their formation can be explained by an economic approach to human behaviour,
adjusted so as to take into account a framework of migration from ex-USSR to Poland.
Keywords: UkrainePoland Migration; Mixed Marriages; Mates Selection; Economic
Approach; Gender
Introduction
The political and economic transition in Central and Eastern Europe in the late 1980s
gave rise to new patterns of migration in the region. Poland, like other relatively
advanced transition countries such as Hungary and the Czech Republic, became an
important destination area for inhabitants of other countries of the former Soviet bloc.
Migrants coming to Poland originate mainly from countries of the former USSR, in
particular from the Ukraine. Since that time there has been a gradual increase in the
volume of mixed marriages involving Polish people and citizens of these new sending
countries.
Agata Grny is Assistant Professor in the Faculty of Economic Sciences and Research Fellow in the Centre of
Migration Research, Institute for Social Studies, at the University of Warsaw, Poland.
E-mail: agata@gorny.najlepsze.pl.
Ewa Kepinska is Research Fellow in the Centre of Migration Research, Institute for Social Studies, at the University
of Warsaw, Poland. E-mail: ewak@uw.edu.pl
ISSN 1369183X (print)/ISSN 14699451 (online)/04/02035320 2004 Taylor & Francis Ltd
DOI: 10.1080/1369183042000200740
Carfax Publishing

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A. Grny and E. Kepinska

The population of foreigners married to citizens of a destination country constitutes

a particular element of settlement migration. Such foreigners are usually privileged in
the sense that they are given legal rights to entry which other potential migrants
may not receive (Hammar 1990). As a result, they can form a large proportion of the
overall population of settlement migrants in countries which have a restrictive legal
framework for settlement migration.
This article considers the relationship between the formation of mixed marriages
and migration in Poland, which has been transformed from a country with a long
history of net emigration to a country which has attracted (growing) numbers of immigrants during the 1990s. Poland is thus an example of a new immigration country,
where immigration policies are considered to be relatively restrictive and focused on
control measures. We argue that temporary movements to Poland significantly
contribute to the population of mixed marriages contracted in Poland. At the same
time, foreigners married to Polish citizens form a crucial part of settlement migration
to Poland, which has been gradually growing in the 1990s and to the present. This is
due, in part, to the limited opportunities for other groups of foreigners to acquire legal
residence in Poland. Thus, marriages between selected groups of foreigners and Polish
citizens can be considered as an important link between temporary and settlement
immigration in contemporary Poland.
In particular, we argue that a relatively high proportion of foreigners who originated
from the former USSR, and are now married to Polish citizens, used to come to Poland
as temporary labour migrants. Thus, factors underlying the formation of their
marriages with Polish people are directly related to the determinants of temporary
migration from the former Soviet Union to Poland. This mobility can be efficiently
explained by the neoclassical economic model of migration which assumes that individual decision-making involves utility maximisation (Sjaastad 1962; Todaro 1969).
Despite the fact that it is through marriage that settlement migration becomes possible,
the temporary migration which made it possible was stimulated by observable wage
discrepancies between Poland and countries in the former USSR (Kaczmarczyk and
Oklski 2002). Therefore, we argue that marriages between ex-USSR citizens and Poles
can be explained using the economic approach to human behaviour proposed by
Becker (1991), grounded in a framework of rational choice theory. Here, the fact that
a marriage with a Polish citizen enables a foreigner to obtain legal residence in Poland
should be perceived as a particular and important non-market trait of a prospective
Polish partner. This approach seems to be justified in the light of the limited possibilities of legal stay in Poland and the considerably better economic prospects that exist in
Poland, compared to the majority of ex-USSR countries.
We focus on the example of Ukrainian immigrants, who are the largest group of
foreigners coming to Poland from the former USSR in the 1990s. Certainly, the
geographical proximity of the Ukraine, the shared PolishUkrainian history, and the
fact that Polish and Ukrainian cultures are very close to each other, make immigration
from the Ukraine to Poland particularly likely. Even so, the lessons learnt from this case
study are likely to have resonance with the patterns of immigration to Poland from
other parts of the former Soviet Union.

Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 355

Mixed Marriages and the Economic Approach to Human Behaviour

According to Becker (1991), it could be argued that people marry to maximise their
expected well-being. They decide to marry when it brings them higher utility than
remaining single. Such a conceptualisation of the phenomenon of marriage constitutes
an element of the economic approach to human behaviour proposed by Becker. It is
based on rational choice theory, which considers family as an outcome of individual
decisions made on the basis of economic (and non-economic) cost and benefit
calculations (Giza-Poleszczuk 2002).
This approach helps to explain why partners tend to come from similar socioeconomic backgrounds. There are two types of trait of potential partners which are
important in a selection process: market traits (income, professional position, etc.),
and non-market traits (age, education, health, intelligence, personality, religion, etc.).
Simple correlations between non-market traits such as intelligence, education, age,
race, religion, and ethnic origin of spouses are positive and strong (see Winnch 1958,
and Vandenberg 1972; from Becker 1991). On the other hand, the wage rates of male
and female partners may vary substantially, as one (usually female) partner may devote
considerable time to household occupations (rearing children, cooking, cleaning, etc.),
while the high-wage (usually male) partner works in the labour market (Becker 1991:
115). Moreover, young, attractive and intelligent people, especially women, are more
likely to marry rich partners, as those women have valuable non-market traits which,
combined with high incomes of their spouses, can work very effectively in marriage
output (the utilities of both partners are relatively high in such a situation).
Becker (1991) defines mixed marriages broadly as those contracted between people
of different religion, ethnicity or nation, but also those of different age and educational
attainment. However, his analysis focuses mainly on marriages that are mixed in terms
of religion, ethnicity and nationality. A mixed marriage is more likely to bring worse
outputs (e.g. lower earnings and fertility) and to end up with a divorce than other
marriages. Because of that, those who enter mixed marriages are likely to have lower
expectations than others: persons enter mixed marriages even though they anticipate
a higher probability of divorce because they do not expect to do better by further search
and waiting (Becker 1991: 337). Moreover, divorced persons are more likely to outmarry as they usually expect lower gains from a subsequent marriage after one failed
marriage. On the other hand, mates entering mixed marriages can also have some
specific expectations which make them prone to marry someone from a different
religion or ethnicity.
Migration between two countries can also be envisaged as migration between two
marriage markets and the various characteristics of the migrant (e.g. age and marital
status) will determine where he/she is placed within this market. Some elements of
both Beckers theory and rational choice theory can also be adapted to explain the
settlement patterns of those in mixed marriages. Those in mixed marriages are likely
to choose to settle in the country where the perceived opportunities are greatest and,
usually, this is expected to be the country in which the household can generate a
higher income. The division of labour within the couple will also influence this. In a

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A. Grny and E. Kepinska

household where only one partner is active on a labour market, a couple tends to
settle in a country where the job prospects for this person are better. Traditionally,
the husband is responsible for satisfying the familys economic needs and mixed
couples are likely to settle in the country where he can obtain the higher income.
This is one of the reasons why most people in mixed marriages live in the husbands
origin country, although this may change as female participation in the labour
market continues to rise (Cheng 1999; DeLaet 1999; Morokvasic 1993). Of course, it
should also be noted that other factors, such as immigration policy, social policy,
childrens education opportunities or environmental conditions, will also influence
migrant choices, but the overriding assumption is that economic factors will be the
main driver.
The key assumption in this analysis is that Poland offers more attractive economic
prospects than the Ukraine. This is based both on the opinions of immigrants themselves and on a comparison between Polish and Ukrainian macro-economic indicators.
In 1992, the Ukrainian Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita was 386 US dollars,
whereas it was 2,197 US dollars in Poland. In the course of the 1990s, the difference
between these indicators did not change much; throughout the 1990s the Ukrainian
figure was around one-fifth that for Poland. By 1999 this discrepancy was even higher,
as the Ukrainian and Polish GDP per capita figures were 619 and 3,987 US dollars
respectively (European Bank for Reconstruction and Development 2000, 2001).
Moreover, in 1998 Ukrainian GDP accounted for only 53 per cent of its level from 1990
(in constant prices). Conversely, Polish GDP has been rising constantly since 1993 and,
in 1998, was 32 per cent higher than its 1990 level. In 199195, the Ukrainian consumer
price index was rising by over 100 per cent annually. Between 1995 and the end of the
decade the increase continued but at a reduced rate. At the same time, real wages in the
official sectors of the Ukrainian economy rose only in 1995 (by 27 per cent), whereas
in most of the other years of the last decade they fell. What deserves particular attention
is that wages and salaries are not paid regularly in the Ukraine. For example, from
January to August 1998, total wages in arrears grew 7.7 times and amounted to 20 per
cent of the total payroll (Frejka et al. 1999). For Poland, both the consumer price index
and the index of average gross nominal wages and salaries grew by 35 per cent annually
during 199398. Evidently in the 1990s the economic well-being of Ukrainian citizens
was constantly worsening, whereas for inhabitants of Poland economic conditions
were relatively stable (Grny 2002).
This brief review highlights some important factors related to PolishUkrainian
marriages. Firstly, an important market trait of Polish partners is the fact that they
enable their Ukrainian partners to settle in Poland where they have better life and
economic prospects than in the Ukraine. It is easier for a foreigner married to a Polish
citizen to legalise his or her status in Poland (i.e. to get a Permanent Residence Permit)
than for other migrants. When granted Polish documents, a foreigner does not have to
work illegally or to look for an employer who would be eager to engage a foreigner
which involves a very complicated legal procedure. This is the reason why some
migrants enter bogus marriages with Polish citizens. However, although some immigrants find well-paid jobs, it can be difficult to secure these quickly. Therefore, they

Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 357

tend to be low-wage partners in couples, especially initially, as at the beginning of the

legalisation process many of them do not have work permits.
Definitions and Data
There are various types of mixed marriage: interfaith, cross-cultural, interethnic and
marriages contracted between people of different citizenship. These categories of
mixed marriage differ in their relation to the mobility of people. The last type of mixed
marriage (cross-national) seems to be strongly determined by international migration
patterns, whereas interfaith, cross-cultural and interethnic marriages are more likely to
occur between people living in the same country. It should be noted, however, that
various types of mixed marriage may overlap, as people of different nationality
commonly have different cultural and religious backgrounds.
This paper focuses on mixed marriages contracted between citizens of different
countries notwithstanding their ethnicity (although the term bi-national may seem to
be more appropriate for the phenomenon we analyse, we use the term mixed marriage
following Beckers terminology). Such marriages usually involve a change of country of
settlement of one partner. For the sake of our analysis, we define four types of mixed
marriage contracted in Poland:

foreign women marriagesof a man who has Polish citizenship and a woman who
has citizenship of another country;
foreign men marriagesof a woman who has Polish citizenship and a man who
has citizenship of another country;
Ukrainian women marriagesof a man who has Polish citizenship and a woman
who has Ukrainian citizenship;
Ukrainian men marriagesof a woman who has Polish citizenship and a man who
has Ukrainian citizenship.

The analysis presented in this article is based mainly on statistical data on mixed
marriages contracted in Poland in the 1990s. These data include information about the
volume and dominant patterns of marriage formation, but they do not provide information about the past migratory experience of Ukrainian spouses. To examine these
issues further, we also present some results from a qualitative research project on
PolishUkrainian marriages. The interviewees were selected from a database provided
by the Warsaw Registries which included 162 addresses and covered five of the seven
Warsaw districts. The data we report on here comprise 34 in-depth interviews
conducted with spouses in PolishUkrainian marriages contracted in 198998 who
were resident in Warsaw; the capital has the highest concentration of PolishUkrainian
marriages in Poland, accounting for more than 10 per cent of the total of such
marriages contracted in Poland during this period.
As a background to the analysis of mixed marriages, we also present some basic
characteristics (volume, age and education of spouses) of the overall populations of
marriages contracted in Poland (hereafter Polish marriages) and the Ukraine (hereafter
Ukrainian marriages). Data concerning the characteristics of those involved in these

358

A. Grny and E. Kepinska

marriages are derived from the respective Demographic Yearbooks (Ukraine 199296;
Poland 199297).
Mixed Marriages and Migration to Poland
At the beginning of the twenty-first century, Poland is a country which has had a long
and rich migration history involving a number of nearby countries. It continues to
experience net emigration. Germany played and still plays the most important role.
This is clear from the various official statistics on emigration from Poland (see, for
example, Iglicka 2001; Kaczmarczyk and Oklski 2002; Kepinska and Oklski 2002).
Immigration to Poland was quite a novelty at the beginning of the 1990s, but it grew
rapidly during the decade. Indicative of this increase, the number of cross-border
entries of foreign nationals to Poland rose from 6.2 million in 1988 to 36.8 million in
1991, and then to 88.6 million in 1998. The number of work permits issued to foreign
workers also rose, from 4,271 in 1991 to 17,116 in 1999. Officially recorded immigration (registration of arrival from abroad for permanent stay) rose from 2,200 persons
in 1988 to 5,000 in 1991 and 8,900 in 1998. Poland witnessed the inflow of foreigners
from diverse origins, although the main body of immigration to Poland has included
citizens from neighbouring countries, particularly from republics of the former USSR,
and especially from the Ukraine (Frejka et al. 1999; Wallace and Stola 2001). This is
true in virtually all forms of documented inflows, as Ukrainians constitute the largest
proportion of foreign students, workers with adequate work permits, temporary and
permanent residents. Undocumented immigration to Poland from the former USSR
was also very high in the 1990s. According to estimates, such temporary movements
outnumbered the documented flows (Oklski 1997). Their typical pattern is shortterm, repetitive trips involving illegal seasonal work and trade activities in Poland
(Jerczynski
1999; Sword 1999).
Notwithstanding the temporary nature of the migration into Poland in the 1990s,
some foreigners decided to stay in the destination country for longer periods, or even
permanently. At the end of 2001, the number of foreign permanent residents in Poland
exceeded 27,000 people (Kepinska and Oklski 2002). Along with the increasing
numbers of incoming foreigners the previously non-existent legal framework for settlement migration has been developed. This mainly involved growing restrictions put
upon various categories of immigrants. The most significant changes were introduced
by the Alien Act, which came into force at the end of 1997, and the amendment to this
Act in 2001. The main document, which not only legalises the status of foreigners in
Poland, but also gives them virtually all social rights including the right to work legally,
is a Permanent Residence Permit (PRP). These are granted without any time limit.
Before 1998, it was relatively easy to obtain this document in Poland. A foreigner was
required only to prove his/her strong and satisfactory economic and/or family ties with
Poland. At present, a foreigner has to live at least five years on the basis of a so-called
Temporary Residence Permit (TRP) before a PRP can be acquired. Consequently, it
takes five years before an immigrant can gain unrestricted access to the Polish labour
market (Jagielski 2001).

Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 359

Nevertheless, marriage to a Polish citizen has been and still is perceived as a rather
easy and uncomplicated way of gaining legal status in Poland. Between 1992 and 2001,
there were 33,906 such marriages. They accounted for only 1.5 per cent of all marriages
contracted in this period in Poland. Thus, while the volume of this phenomenon is not
overwhelming in numbers, it is higher than the above-mentioned stock of settlement
migrants. This suggests that marriage migration is likely to be a crucial part of the influx
of foreigners settling in Poland during the 1990s.
Two main characteristics of the mixed-marriage phenomenon are particularly
important: the distribution of origin countries and the gender breakdown of foreign
spouses. Although the number of mixed marriages contracted annually in Poland was
relatively stable during the period (around 3,0003,500, with a peak of 3,900 in 1998),
both of the above characteristics changed significantly in the decade of the 1990s.
Of the foreigners married to Polish citizens 48 per cent originated from European
countries excluding the former USSR republics, while 31 per cent came from the
former Soviet Union. Eight per cent of foreign spouses were citizens of the United
States or Canada and a similar percentage originated from Asia. Despite the fact that
more spouses originated in European countries that were not originally part of the
USSR, the volume of marriages with citizens of these countries was quite stable
throughout the period of study. The rising trend has been observed for marriages
between Poles and citizens of the former Soviet Uniontheir number displayed a
significant growth: from 336 in 1992 to 1,408 in 2001. Thus, their share in the total
population of mixed marriages increased from 16 per cent in 1992 to 40 per cent in
2001 (Figure 1).
For the entire period of analysis, marriages between Polish women and foreign men
greatly predominated, accounting for an average of 67 per cent of the total population
of mixed marriages. However, their share has been continuously decreasing due to the
rising number of foreign women who are marrying Polish men. In 1992, four out of five
marriages were of foreign men type, while in 2001 they constituted only 60 per cent

Figure 1. Mixed marriages in Poland, 19922001, by region of origin of foreign spouses.

360

A. Grny and E. Kepinska

Figure 2. Mixed marriages in Poland in 19922001, by gender of foreign spouses

(per cent).

of the total. Consequently, the share of foreign women types of marriage doubled in
2001 in comparison with 1992 (Figure 2).
The distribution of countries of origin has been notably different for foreign men
and foreign women. Foreign husbands originated chiefly from Europe (63 per cent)
and Germans outnumbered foreigners from other countries. On the other hand,
foreign wives were most likely to originate in the former USSR (70 per cent), with the
Ukraine playing the leading role. The most spectacular changes occurred in foreign
women marriages: couples of Polish men and ex-USSR women grew radically in
importance, from 51 per cent in 1992 to 80 per cent in 2001.
The Ukraine now has the leading role in the mixed-marriage phenomenon in
Poland, not only among former USSR countries but also among other countries of
origin of foreign spouses. In fact, until 1999 it ranked in second position behind
Germany, but since then it has provided more partners than any other country of
origin. Additionally, it comprised half of the total population of marriages contracted
between Poles and ex-USSR citizens. The share of PolishUkrainian marriages has
been significantly increasing between 1992 and 2001. For the total population of mixed
marriages, the Ukraine displayed a considerable growth from 6 per cent in 1992 to 25
per cent in 2001, and in the total population of marriages contracted between Poles and
ex-USSR citizens the share of PolishUkrainian marriages rose from 35 per cent in
1992 to 63 per cent in 2001 (Table 1).
In 1992, one out of five foreign women marriages were contracted between Polish
men and Ukrainian women whereas by 2001 they constituted half of such marriages
(Table 2). This was due to the tremendous growth in the volume of Ukrainian women
marriages as well as relative stability, or even slight decline, among other important
countries of origin of foreign women. In addition, 76 per cent of all foreign women

Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 361

Table 1. PolishUkrainian marriages contracted in Poland in 19922001 by the country/
region of origin of foreign spouses
Year of
marriage
contract
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
19922001

All mixed
marriages

PolishexUSSR
marriages

Polish
Ukrainian
marriages

3,250
3,015
3,235
3,240
3,154
3,372
3,969
3,639
3,537
3,495
33,906

524
599
789
895
979
1,109
1,349
1,416
1,378
1,408
10,446

181
255
337
420
448
562
656
800
827
884
5,370

Percent of Polish
Percent of Polish
Ukrainian marriages Ukrainian marriages
in all mixed
in Polishex-USSR
marriages
marriages
5.5
8.5
10.4
13.0
14.2
16.7
16.5
22.0
23.4
25.3
15.8

34.5
42.6
42.7
46.9
45.8
50.7
48.6
56.5
60.0
62.8
51.1

Source: Devised from data provided by the Polish Central Statistical Office.

marriages in 19922001 were contracted between Polish men and women from the
Ukraine, Russia and Belarus, with the Ukraine at the top of the list (Table 3).
For foreign men marriages contracted in Poland in 19922001, Ukrainian men
constituted less than 5 per cent of the total and were outnumbered by citizens of
Table 2. PolishUkrainian marriages contracted in Poland in 19922001 by type of
marriage
Ukrainian women marriages
Year of
marriage
contract
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
19922001

N
134
188
254
331
340
456
537
640
675
728
4,283

% of all Polish % of foreign

Ukrainian
women
marriages
marriages
74.0
73.7
75.4
78.8
75.9
81.1
81.9
80.0
81.6
82.4
79.8

18.6
26.0
28.2
36.0
34.8
39.1
34.8
48.4
49.7
52.8
44.5

Ukrainian men marriages

N
47
67
83
89
108
106
119
160
152
156
1,087

Source: Devised from data provided by the Polish Central Statistical Office.

% of all Polish % of foreign

Ukrainian
men
marriages
marriages
26.0
26.3
24.6
21.2
24.1
18.9
18.1
20.0
18.4
17.6
20.2

1.9
2.9
3.6
3.8
5.0
4.8
4.9
6.9
7.0
7.4
5.2

362

A. Grny and E. Kepinska

Table 3. Mixed marriages of foreign women contracted in Poland in 19922001 by the

main countries of origin of foreign spouses
Mixed marriages of foreign women
Country of origin of foreign spouse
Ukraine
Russia
Belarus
Germany
Vietnam
USA
Other
Total

4,283
1,296
1,079
757
593
407
2,591
11,006

38.9
11.8
9.8
6.9
5.4
3.7
23.5
100.0

Source: Devised from data provided by the Polish Central Statistical Office.

Germany and the United States (Table 4). Thus, Ukrainian men couples do not seem
to be a crucial part of the phenomenon. However, their volume and share in foreign
men marriages has been increasing. Similarly, the share of Ukrainian men couples
among marriages contracted between Polish women and men from the former Soviet
Union has been growing as well (from 30 per cent in 1992 to 45 per cent in 2001).
Table 4. Mixed marriages of foreign men contracted in Poland in 19922001 by the main
countries of origin of foreign spouses
Mixed marriages of foreign men
Country of origin of foreign spouse
Germany
USA
Ukraine
Netherlands
UK
Italy
Vietnam
France
Armenia
Canada
Sweden
Russia
Other
Total
Source: Devised from data provided by the Polish Central Statistical Office.

7,153
1,531
1,087
1,036
1,043
988
870
701
626
614
490
447
6,314
22,900

31.2
6.7
4.7
4.5
4,6
4.3
3.8
3.1
2.7
2.7
2.1
2.0
27.6
100.0

Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 363

The difference in the distribution of countries of origin between foreign women

and foreign men couples is quite striking. Firstly, the number of countries involved is
much greater for foreign men. Secondly, foreign husbands and wives come from
different countries (compare Tables 3 and 4). At first glance, it seems that Polish
women marry citizens of many countries whereas Polish men prefer to marry brides
originating almost exclusively from three ex-USSR countries. In fact, these differences
appear to be strongly related to patterns of emigration from, and immigration to,
Poland. The majority of foreign husbands come from countries which have been the
traditional destinations for emigrants from Poland, such as Germany and the United
States, but also Canada, the United Kingdom, Italy, Sweden and France. It is quite likely
that Polish women met their prospective husbands whilst working or studying abroad
(Jaroszewska 2001).
On the other hand, the marriages of women from the former USSR with Polish men
are more likely to have involved unions of Polish citizens and foreigners from countries
sending most immigrants to Poland. Thus, we can compare the number of foreigners
who entered mixed marriage in a given year with the number of foreigners granted a
PRP in the following year in Poland. This is based on the assumption that migrants
newly married to Polish citizens in 199297 were granted PRPs within one year from
their wedding and this concords with information from the qualitative interviews held
in Warsaw (such a fast acquisition of a PRP ceased to be possible upon the introduction
of a more restrictive legal framework at the end of 1997). In fact, foreigners married to
Polish citizens outnumbered those granted a PRP in the following year (e.g. the
number of mixed marriages contracted in 1995 was 3,240 and the number of PRP
granted in 1996 was 2,800). This is because some of those involved in mixed marriages
will choose to settle in the country of the foreign partner, rather than Poland, following
the wedding. This applies especially to PolishGerman marriages (Grny 2002;
Jaroszewska 2001). On the other hand, ex-USSR citizens married to Poles constitute
around 55 per cent of ex-USSR citizens granted a PRP in the following year. For
Ukrainians the respective figure is even higher at around 66 per cent.
It might be argued that foreign men marriages are likely to lead to the emigration
of Polish women whereas foreign women marriages are more likely to result in female
immigration to Poland, particularly those from the Ukraine. This seems to concord
with previous research which demonstrates that women are likely to settle in those
countries which attract labour migrants from their home countries (DeLaet 1999;
Simons 1999).
From among 25,855 foreigners holding PRPs in Poland at the end of 1999, ex-USSR
citizens accounted for almost half. Among them, Ukrainians dominated, accounting
for as much as 36 per cent of the group. At the same time, they were the largest group
of foreigners holding PRPs at around 17 per cent. Furthermore, throughout the 1990s
the volume of PRPs granted to Ukrainian citizens has been growing (Table 5).
It should be noted that although gender was almost evenly distributed in the whole
group concerned (women accounted for 47 per cent of the total), female migrants were
in the majority among ex-USSR migrants (68 per cent). In the Ukrainian group, the
share of women was also high. In fact, the predominance of women in settlement

364

A. Grny and E. Kepinska

Table 5. The stock of foreign permanent residents in Poland on 31 December 1999

Country of origin

Total

Males

Females

Missing data

Ukraine
Russia
Vietnam
Belarus
Germany
Bulgaria
USA
Czech Republic
Lithuania
Other
Total

4,399
3,411
1,492
1,468
1,338
968
620
613
500
11,046
25,855

1,517
894
914
425
813
648
345
261
143
7,420
13,380

2,880
2,513
578
1,043
524
317
273
351
357
3,563
12,399

2
4

1
3
2
1

63
76

Source: Devised from data provided by the Polish Ministry of Interior and Administration.

migration was a particular feature of the influx from the majority of ex-USSR republics,
and especially from the Ukraine, Belarus and Russia. Apparently, ex-USSR women
have a particularly high propensity to settle in Poland.
To sum up, foreigners married to Polish citizens greatly contribute to the population of settlement migrants (PRP holders) in Poland. Here, the group of women from
the ex-USSR deserves particular attention. Among them, Ukrainian women form the
most sizeable group not only in the population of mixed marriages but also in the
settlement migration to Poland. At the same time, the vast majority of PRP holders,
also of Ukrainian origin, are married people (Grny 2002). Clearly, marriage migration
is of great importance in settlement migration to Poland in general, and in Ukrainian
settlement migration in particular.

PolishUkrainian MarriagesPatterns of Partner Selection

Age of Spouses
The age of spouses is a particularly important characteristic. The economic situation of
older persons is usually more stable and they are also more likely to be better educated,
especially by comparison with persons aged under 25 (the typical age of graduation).
On the other hand, young partners are usually more attractive than old ones, especially
young women (valuable non-market traits).
Based on data for 1992 for Ukrainian marriages and 199297 for Polish marriages,
spouses in PolishUkrainian marriages in Poland are on average older than those who
marry in their home countries (Poland and the Ukraine). The difference occurs, in
particular, between Ukrainian brides entering marriages in Poland and the Ukraine.
Only a few of those who married Polish men were under 20 (Table 6)4 per cent, in
comparison with 38 per cent of the marriages of Ukrainian women in the Ukraine. It
should be noted, however, that Ukrainians, and especially Ukrainian women, tend to

Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 365

Table 6. Age of spouses in PolishUkrainian marriages contracted in Poland in 199297
Marriage of Ukrainian women
Ukrainian wife
Age of spouses
Under 20
2029
3039
4049
Over 49
Total

Polish husband

Marriage of Ukrainian men

Polish wife

Ukrainian husband

74
885
434
228
82
1,703

4.3
52.0
25.5
13.4
4.8
100

9
535
574
337
248
1,703

0.5
31.4
33.7
19.8
14.6
100

39
260
110
67
24
500

7.8
52.0
22.0
13.4
4.8
100

4
302
144
41
9
500

0.8
60.4
28.8
8.2
1.8
100

Source: Devised from data provided by the Polish Central Statistical Office.

get married at a younger age in the Ukraine than do Poles in Poland. This difference
results not only from cultural factors but also from Ukrainian legislation: women over
16 years and men over 18 do not need the permission of their parents, whereas in
Poland the limits are respectively 18 and 21. It seems, therefore, that Ukrainian women
tend to follow Polish rather than Ukrainian patterns, marrying Polish partners at an
older age than that which is common in the Ukraine. However, Ukrainian wives are on
average younger than their Polish husbands.
In general, people involved in marriages of the Ukrainian women type are considerably older, both women and men, than those involved in Ukrainian men type
marriages. The age distribution of Ukrainian husbands in PolishUkrainian marriages
is similar to that of Ukrainian husbands in the Ukraine. They are usually youngonly
10 per cent of them are over 40. Their Polish wives are on the average older, but it seems
that most marriages of the Ukrainian men type are contracted between young people.
The majority of partners from these marriages are under 30, which is usually perceived
as the typical age for getting married.
The most common scenario is that men are older in a marriage (Becker 1991). The
age difference between spouses usually does not exceed 10 years. It seems that spouses
involved in marriages of Ukrainian women type adhere to the above rule. As many
as 60 per cent of Polish husbands are somewhat older than their Ukrainian wives
(Table 7); only in 16 per cent of these marriages was the age difference over 11 years
(because the data on age were provided by five-year age groups, this difference could
only be estimated). This shows that Ukrainian wives tend to marry older partners from
Poland. Polish wives of Ukrainians do not follow this pattern and only 37 per cent
marry older men. In those marriages where Polish women are younger than their
Ukrainian partners, they are usually very young (20 per cent of them were below the
age of 19 and only 14 per cent were over 29 years). On the other hand, almost one-third
of Polish women marry younger Ukrainian partners. This is quite a lot, compared with
Polish marriages contracted during the period 199297, where only 7 per cent of
marriages involved a man who was younger than the woman (data on age difference

366

A. Grny and E. Kepinska

Table 7. Age of spouses involved in PolishUkrainian marriagescomparison within

couples
Marriage of Ukrainian women
Comparison of spouses age
At the same age
Husband older
Wife older
Total

Marriage of Ukrainian men

467
1,029
207
1,703

27.4
60.4
12.2
100.0

166
187
147
500

33.2
37.4
29.4
100.0

Note: The comparisons are made on the basis of five-year age ranges: under 20, 2024, 2529, 3034, 3539,
4044, 4549, and over 49.
Source: Devised from data provided by the Polish Central Statistical Office.

between partners involved in the Ukrainian marriages were not available). Furthermore, in 7 per cent of Ukrainian men type marriages, women are at least 11 years
older than men. This age distribution suggests that Ukrainian women prefer to marry
older Polish men, who are probably able to offer them financial security. It seems that
this is not as important for Polish women, who find young men from the Ukraine
more suitable.
The age structure of marriages of Ukrainian women and Ukrainian men is different. In both types Ukrainians tend to be younger. It is not surprising that Ukrainian
women are usually younger than their Polish husbands, as females tend to marry earlier
than males, and they usually prefer partners who can offer them financial security.
According to Becker:
The reason for the typical early marriages of women is that their biology, experiences,
and other investments in human capital have been more specialised than those of
men to the reproduction of children and other commodities requiring marriage or
its equivalent (Becker 1991: 119).

However, some young Ukrainians marry older Polish women, which is a little surprising. It should be noted that, for Polish women, high economic status is less likely to
be related to their age than for Polish men. There is probably also another factor underlying this: Polish wives can offer their foreign husbands the possibility of living in
Poland, which they perceive as a country with better economic prospects than the
Ukraine. Polish women are, therefore, attractive to Ukrainian men, even though they
are not necessarily prosperous themselves.
To sum up, the relatively young age of Ukrainians involved in PolishUkrainian
marriages can be perceived as evidence of a non-market trait which, matched with the
relatively high incomes of older Polish partners (in comparison with average
Ukrainian incomes), tends to augment the output of PolishUkrainian marriages. It
should be noted, however, that a considerable proportion of PolishUkrainian
marriages (about one-third) were contracted between people of similar ages (note
that for Polish marriages in Poland, the share of unions in which partners were at the

Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 367

same agethe same five-year bracketswas higher, at 49 per cent, than for Polish
Ukrainian ones).
Education of Spouses
People usually marry partners who have a similar educational level; such matching
reduces the risk of divorce (Becker 1991). On the other hand, high education is a nonmarket trait, as it is frequently related to the high social position of a given person.
Education also determines the level of present or expected income of a given person.
Ukrainian men and women are better educated than Poles (Table 8). Only about
one-fifth of them did not complete secondary school, whereas 60 per cent of Polish
men and 39 per cent of Polish women failed to do so. Polish husbands are, therefore,
the worst educated among the four categories of partners. It should be noted that citizens of the former Soviet Union are, on the average, well educated. In particular, the
proportion of people with a university degree is high. In 1992, 43 per cent of Ukrainians
over 15 had at least complete secondary education, whereas for Poland this share was
31 per cent. At the same time, the percentage of those who had only primary education
was considerably higher in the Ukraine than in Poland (32 per cent in the Ukraine and
16 per cent in Poland). Moreover, settlement migrants are usually very well educated,
as it is easier for well-educated people to adjust to the host society and to find work
there. Because of this, they have a higher propensity to take up the risk of resettlement.
In fact, Ukrainian settlement migrants coming to Poland are better educated than
Ukrainian citizens, on average. In a group of Ukrainian migrants granted a PRP in
Poland in 199299, 54 per cent had at least completed secondary education (Grny
2002). Also, the level of education of Ukrainians involved in PolishUkrainian
marriages was even higher than the average for Ukrainian settlement migrants.
In the PolishUkrainian marriages, the average Ukrainian is better educated than
the average Pole (Table 9). In more than half of Ukrainian women marriages the
Table 8. Education of spouses in PolishUkrainian marriages contracted in Poland in
199297
Marriages of Ukrainian women
Ukrainian wife

Polish husband

Marriages of Ukrainian men

Polish wife

Ukrainian husband

Education of
spouses

Primary
Vocational
Secondary
Higher
Missing data
Total

134
242
907
405
15
1,703

7.9
14.2
53.3
24.0
0.9
100

343
678
539
141
3
1,703

20.1
39.8
31.7
8.3
0.1
100

74
119
221
86
0
500

14.8
23.8
44.2
17.2
0.0
100

25
75
235
163
2
500

5.0
15.0
47.0
32.7
0.4
100

Source: Devised from data provided by the Polish Central Statistical Office.

368

A. Grny and E. Kepinska

Table 9. Education of spouses in PolishUkrainian marriagescomparison within
couples
Marriage of Ukrainian women

Comparison of spouses
education
The same level of education
Husband better educated
Wife better educated
Missing data
Total

Marriage of Ukrainian men

658
151
879
15
1,703

38.6
8.9
51.6
0.9
100.0

205
220
73
2
500

41.0
44.0
14.6
0.4
100.0

Source: Devised from data provided by the Polish Central Statistical Office.

woman was better educated than the man, and 44 per cent of Ukrainian women with
university degrees married Polish men whose education was below that of secondary
school level. Like Ukrainian wives, Ukrainian husbands were also better educated than
their Polish spouses. Both spouses had the same level of education in only 40 per cent
of PolishUkrainian marriages, which is quite small when compared with the figure of
51 per cent for the whole population of marriages contracted in Poland in 199297.
Evidently, the higher levels of education of Ukrainian spouses is another nonmarket trait of Ukrainian partners which may affect the chances of PolishUkrainian
marriages. The share of PolishUkrainian marriages in which partners had the same
education level was relatively low. This would suggest that, in relative terms, the high
education of Ukrainian partners combined with high incomes of Polish partners (and
the possibility of living in Poland) result in marriage outcomes which are satisfactory
for both Polish and Ukrainian partners.
To conclude, in terms of two non-market traitsage and educationPolish
spouses tend to be less attractive than their Ukrainian marriage-partners. Thus, following an economic approach to human behaviour, Polish partners appear to possess
other market or non-market traits which make them attractive for Ukrainians. First of
all, these traits are likely to include relatively good economic prospects and the opportunity for legal settlement in Poland, which Polish partners can offer their foreign
partners in Poland. These opportunities seem to be valuable enough to compensate
Ukrainian partners for the fact that they have to move to a foreign country where they
have limited job opportunities at least at the beginning of their stay in Poland.
Migratory Experience of Ukrainian Citizens in PolishUkrainian
MarriagesEvidence from Qualitative Data
The qualitative research focused on PolishUkrainian married couples resident in
Warsaw. These PolishUkrainian marriages differ in the way that the prospective partners travelled between various marriage markets, in particular between the Polish and
the Ukrainian ones, before their marriages. Four possible scenarios may be envisaged

Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 369

Table 10. Typology of the formation of PolishUkrainian marriages in relation to the
mobility of prospective partners
Ukrainian partners
Mobile

Immobile

Mobile

Bi-migrant marriage

Polish migrant marriage

Immobile

Ukrainian migrant marriage

Arranged marriage

Polish partners

which constitute the types of the formation of PolishUkrainian marriages in relation

to the mobility of the prospective partners (Table 10). It should be noted that this
typology does not refer to the overall migratory experience of a person, but only to
mobility versus immobility prior to a meeting with a prospective foreign partner. Thus,
for the sake of the proposed typology, the persons who met the foreign partners in the
marriage markets of their home countries are considered to be immobile.
Ukrainian migrant and Polish migrant marriages are directly related to migration
between Poland and the Ukraine. This is due to the fact that they are preceded by the
migration of only one of the partners. Thus, mobile partners have to take up trips either
to Poland (Ukrainians) or the Ukraine (Poles) so as to meet their prospective immobile
partners. Bi-migrant marriages refer to the situation when both partners migrated
and met each other in a third foreign countryneither Poland nor the Ukraine. Therefore, marriages of this type are not conditioned by migration between Poland and the
Ukraine. Finally, arranged marriages are not related directly to the mobility of the
prospective partners. It may be assumed that the largest proportion of such marriages
constitute the marriages contracted by means of international match-making organisations. Thanks to such organisations, potential partners enter foreign marriage
markets without the need to migrate to a foreign country (Poland or the Ukraine).
Marriages may also be arranged by families or even friends of prospective spouses.
However, this is quite seldom the case with PolishUkrainian marriages, as arranged
marriages are not common in either Polish or Ukrainian cultures.
Here, we concentrate on Ukrainian migrant marriages which are directly related to
the mobility from the Ukraine to Poland. Such marriages constituted the majority of
the investigated group25 out of 34 cases. We divided Ukrainian migrant marriages
into two sub-groups: migrants (15 cases) and travellers (10 cases).
The group of migrants contains people who used to come to Poland as labour
migrants in the 1990s. Their mobility was typical of Ukrainian migration to Poland,
involving short-term, repetitive trips devoted to income-generating activities. They used
to be mainly seasonal workers and traders, but also skilled workers (English teachers, a
ballet dancer, a therapist, a masseuse and an employee of a Ukrainian branch of a Polish
company). Migrants met their Polish partners on the Polish marriage market in the
course of their trips to Poland. Some of them established relationships with their prospective Polish partners at their places of work, whereas the other couples were introduced

370

A. Grny and E. Kepinska

to each other at informal meetings with their friends in Poland. Others met in situations
which may happen to any couple: during a walk, at a discotheque or at a shop.
Travellers are Ukrainians who visited Poland for different reasons before meeting
up with their Polish partners. However, what they have in common is that none of
them were labour migrants to Poland. They comprise Ukrainians who came to Poland
as students (four cases) and people who visited their family or friends upon arrival in
Poland. It should be noted that there are some people of Polish origin among these
travellers. This is rare among the migrant group. In fact, Ukrainian students coming
to Poland are particularly likely to be of Polish descent due to the promotional policy
of the Polish Ministry of Education for foreigners of this type. They are entitled not
only to free education in Poland, but also to a scholarship from the Polish Ministry of
Education.
The research also demonstrated that a group of Ukrainian migrants in Poland
perceived marriage with a Polish citizen as a way to settle in Poland, because it is easier
for foreigners married to Poles to legalise their status in Poland. Some of the Ukrainian
migrants even entered bogus marriages to achieve that goal. During the research we
came across such cases but it was usually very difficult to convince people involved in
such marriages to take part in the research. There is only one obvious case of a bogus
marriage in the investigated group. The rest of the PolishUkrainian marriages covered
by the research can not be easily described as bogus ones. Nevertheless, many of our
Ukrainian respondents of the migrant type admitted that they thought, during their
labour migration, that marriage with a Polish citizen would offer an opportunity for
them to stay in Poland for good. Many of our respondents also acknowledged that they
knew or heard about cases of bogus marriages contracted so as to enable Ukrainian
migrants to gain a residence permit in Poland.
Certainly, the qualitative research does not allow for reliable generalisation. It seems,
however, that a considerable part of PolishUkrainian marriages is likely to be preceded
by various sorts of mobility of a Ukrainian partner to Poland and especially by
short-term labour migration (see also Ackers 2000; Breger 1998; Davis and Heyl 1986).
Conclusion
Change in migratory trends in Central and Eastern Europe is evidently reflected in
patterns of the formation of mixed marriages in Poland. Marriages involving Polish
men and female migrants originating from ex-USSRthe main area of origin of
immigrants coming to Poland in the 1990shave grown in importance in the overall
population of mixed marriages contracted in Poland in the 1990s. Overall, the results
conform with previous findings that women are more likely to settle in the country of
their partners than vice versa (DeLaet 1999; Simons 1999).
The analysis of selected data on immigration to Poland and mixed marriages only
partly allows for tracing the interrelation between various Ukrainian movements to
Poland and the growing phenomenon of PolishUkrainian marriages. Nevertheless,
the qualitative data suggest that temporary movements from the Ukraine to Poland
contribute significantly to the volume of PolishUkrainian marriages.

Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 371

At the same time, PolishUkrainian marriages constitute a crucial part of Ukrainian

settlement migration to Poland. Among other things, it appears to be related to the fact
that Polish immigration law offers limited opportunities for legal settlement in Poland
and a marriage with a Polish citizen is the simplest way to become a settlement migrant.
Due to this fact it may be expected that some Ukrainian migrants attempt to marry
Polish citizens in order to gain access to Poland where they have better economic and
life prospects than in the Ukraine, although many of the marriages will, of course, be
genuine. As we show, Ukrainians married to Polish citizens are particularly likely
to settle in Poland, when compared to other foreigner husbands and wives. This is
particularly so for Ukrainian women. Also, the analysis of the socio-demographic characteristics of the partners involved in PolishUkrainian marriages identifies some key
traits. Ukrainian spouses are younger and better educated than Poles. Evidently, these
high-value, non-market traits of Ukrainians match satisfactorily with other valuable
traits of Polish partnersabove all with the fact that, after marrying a Polish citizen, a
Ukrainian has an excellent opportunity to settle in Poland.
To sum up, the analysis of PolishUkrainian marriages demonstrates that the
phenomenon of mixed marriages plays an important role in the contemporary
migratory space of Polanda new immigration country with a relatively restrictive
framework for settlement. It can be argued that similar conclusions can be derived for
other groups of migrants coming to Poland from ex-USSR countries, which was the
main origin area for in-migrants to Poland in the 1990s.

Acknowledgments
The analysis presented in this article is based on three research projects. Two were carried
out by the Centre of Migration Research, Warsaw University (CMR): Immigrants:
socio-demographic characteristics, causes of inflow, integration in Polish society
(199597) and Undocumented foreigners in Poland (1999). The third research project,
on The role of social, economic and political networks in settlement migration to
Poland: the case of Ukrainian migrants, was carried out jointly by the CMR and School
of Slavonic and East European Studies, University College London (19982001).

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