THE

CRUSADES
OF

21ST CENTURY

BY RIAZ AMIN
Vol-VI

CONTENTS
CURRENT SCENARIO..4
CLASH WITHIN.8
HELMET vs WIG: ROUND-V.42
CLASH WITHIN II59
OLD ISSUES NEW STARTS...82
HELMET vs WIG: ROUND-VI..103
HELMET vs WIG: ROUND VII.140
HELMET vs WIG: ROUND VIII164
FOR BLOODSHED ONLY.201
HELMET vs WIG: ECHOES OF ROUND VIII...219
CLASH WITHIN III.254
HELMET vs WIG: ROUND VIII KEPT ECHOING...280
HELMET vs WIG: ROUND IX...313
HELMET vs WIG: ROUND IX PART II.......338
ALWAYS AT SERVICE..371
HELMET vs WIG: ROUND IX PART III.....390
MIDDLE EAST MESS.....425
HELMET vs WIG: ROUND X........456
HELMET vs WIG: ROUND X PART II481
MAJOR VICTORY......508
FORGOTTEN FRONTS..................................531
CLASH WITHIN IV......553
CLASH WITHIN V...602
TALIBAN OR PASHTUNS.................................645
HELMET vs WIG: ROUND X PART III......664
CLASH WITHIN VI.....707

HELMET vs WIG: ECSTASY AND AGONY..................................767

CLASH WITHIN VII ...799
HELMET vs WIG: AFTERSHOCKS........821
NO MORE PAMPERING859
HELMET vs WIG: AFTERSHOCKS II.....................................889
HELMET vs WIG: AFTERSHOCKS III....931
SLAUGHTER HOUSE.........973

CURRENT SCENARIO
The Crusades launched on 7th October 2001, now in seventh month of
the sixth year, have resulted in occupation of two Muslim countries;
Afghanistan and Iraq. Occupation of Somalia, which is devoid of natural
resources but has strategically important location, has been arranged through
regional crusaders from Ethiopia.
Lebanon has been partly occupied under UN umbrella. Pressure on
Sudan is maintained to arrange similar occupation. Palestinians have been
starved for dictating peace on Israeli terms. All freedom movements of the
oppressed Muslims have been crushed or nearly crushed. Even East Timor,
not a Muslim state, has been occupied by Australia to achieve the goal for
which it had been separated from Indonesia.
The strategy of divide and rule has worked well for the Crusaders.
They have been fanning the existing divisions within Islamic World
continuously and are now busy in creating more divisions. One of these, the
Shia-Sunni divide, will perpetuate the disunity of Islamic World.
But signs of exhaustion in the ranks of the Crusaders are becoming
visible. Steady flow of body-bags from the occupied lands has started
affecting the resolve of the people of civilized world to continue the holy
war for conquering Muslim lands. They had hoped to accomplish that with
almost zero casualties using their high-tech killing machines. That did not
happen. The urge for waging holy war against Muslims, however, has not
died down.
The rulers in Muslim World, with some odd exceptions, have sided
with the Crusaders right at the outset after war gaming and concluding that
they cannot win against the might of the Crusaders. They accepted defeat
without fighting, or surrendered without resistance.
They borrowed the pretext to wage war against their own people from
the Crusaders: any armed resistance against suppression is terrorism and
terrorism threatens the world peace. Muslim rulers further refined this
pretext; terrorism is against the teachings of Islam. State-controlled media is
used to propagate this argument and the westernized intellectuals and
analysts willingly support it. These forces constitute the axis of moderate
4

forces, which not only condemn terrorism vehemently, but also use all the
means at their disposal to annihilate terrorists.
Rulers sole aim is perpetuation of their rule in respective Muslim
countries, but occasionally they do talk about the need for settlement of
political disputes afflicting the Muslims. This is merely a lip service. They
fully understand that begging for just solution from those who dispensed
injustice is quite futile.
Lip service is, however, considered necessary to create an impression
that they are working for the resolution the issues faced by Muslims. The
Crusaders are fully aware on the hollowness of Muslim rulers demands;
therefore they have not even bothered to take notice of these.
The axis of moderates having seen the signs of exhaustion in the
Crusades, find themselves facing a dilemma. They are terrified by the
prospects of the victory of the Islamic fascists; therefore, they want the
Crusaders to continue the occupation of Iraq and Afghanistan.
Ironically, some elements within this axis seem to enjoy talking about
prospects of US losing the war, but they avoid mentioning the reason behind
this possible outcome of the war. They are shy of accepting that the same lot
which has been demonized by them as evil forces of terrorism, has done it
by resorting to un-Islamic tactics of suicide bombing; yet they cannot resist
sharing the pride of a possible victory.
But it is too early to talk about victory and defeat as the war against
Muslims is still going on. The rulers of Muslim World despise such a
victory. They seemed to have reconciled with the ongoing bloodletting in
which Muslim blood is spilt ever hour of the day, seven days a week.
Pakistan had joined the war as partner of the Crusaders in its own
interest according to its military ruler. Its contribution to the cause of the
Crusaders has been commendable at least in words of the rulers. Apart
from bombing mosques and madrass and rampant killings, it captured 4,000
terrorists half of which have been exported or deported. The Crusaders still
continue demanding more from Pakistan.
The rulers have been rewarded for their obedience to the Crusaders
with some green-backs; the story of rewards, however, ends there. Even
about this solitary reward, no Pakistani can ever feel proud of, because this

is no more than remunerations paid for the services rendered as mercenaries

of the Crusaders.
The consequences of this holy war have been dire and far-reaching;
some of those stand out conspicuously. Surely, Pakistan had problems in the
context of national cohesion and unity before 9/11 in the form of sectarian,
nationalistic, and linguistic tensions. Pakistans pre-occupation in Americas
war on terror has allowed all these problems to further aggravate.
Sectarian killings have been rampant as was recently seen in Curran
Agency and Bare area. Nationalists have become more militant as
experienced and still being felt in Baluchistan. The most prominent
linguistic group, despite being part of the ruling coalition has been dictating
its terms to the majority; courtesy their Bhai holding two top offices.
The war has also caused some new divisions in Pakistani nation. Right
at the outset, majority of the people disapproved Musharrafs decision to
fight along the Crusaders; therefore the rulers and the masses have been
alienated on this issue. Ruthless conduct of war with indiscriminate use of
military means has further accentuated this division.
Apart from the above division, which is general in nature, the war has
caused a very hostile division in terms of the aggressor and the victims. The
victims of the brutal war nourish burning desire for revenge and thus; a
significant increase in suicide bombings across the country.
Another division has been caused by Musharrafs brain-child; the cult
of enlightened moderation. The followers of this cult are more militant than
the so-called terrorists. They frequently urge crackdowns on mulla, mosque
and madrassa. This division could prove more dangerous than any other
division in the society.
Externally, the war on terror has resulted in two-front scenario. The
neighbours on either side have become unreasonably demanding and
continuously coerce Pakistan to do more in terms of killing and capturing
Kashmiris and Pushtoons fighting for liberation of their respective
homelands. The neighbours want the same for Pakistanis who support the
cross border terrorists.
Pakistan has been able to circumvent the situation on day to day basis
through peace process and semblance of bilateral or through third party

dialogue. Despite these efforts Pakistan has been constantly losing ground,
particularly on all fronts, including the core issue.
The most damaging impact of the ongoing Crusades has been in terms
of lingering military rule in Pakistan. Musharraf has been rewarded for his
services to the Crusaders by allowing him to use the pretext of controlled
democracy for practicing uncontrolled dictatorship. This has delivered
serious blow to the evolution of democracy in Pakistan.
The dictator, however, in his endeavour to extend and legitimize his
rule for another term, committed a blunder on 9 th March, while tightening
the nuts and bolts for smooth functioning of the machine he has invented. He
inadvertently dropped the spanner while tightening a rusty nut and hurt his
toe. This self-inflicted injury could end up in either of the two possibilities;
he may proceed on sick leave or replace the machine of controlled
democracy with well-oiled military machine.
17th April 2007

CLASH WITHIN
Mulla, Masjid and Madrassa have been in the line of fire of the
Crusaders since the invasion of Afghanistan. They are being targeted for the
reason that all of them are guilty of producing an enemy of the civilized
world; called Taliban.
The Western media has portrayed masjid and madrassa as training
camps of militants and terrorists. Mulla is accused of using these training
camps for indoctrination and motivation of terrorists before launching them
to wage jihad to cause harm to the hegemonic designs of the civilized world.
Thus, the Western powers have been constantly demanding crackdowns
from Pakistan to dismantle this infrastructure of terrorism.
The ruling elite in Pakistan, led by General Musharraf, were
intimidated to step on the side of the Crusaders; thus Pakistan became the
front-line state in war against terror, or Islamic fascism. To launch a war
against three Ms, which have been symbols of Islam for centuries, was not
easy to be justified.
The coerced elite resorted to brain-storming to justify or legitimize the
killing, capturing, extraditing and harassing the enemies of the civilized
world. First of all, Mulla and his institutions had to be alienated from Islam.
These thekedars of Islam had to be ousted by revoking their thekas and
awarding those to the firm of multi-national thekedars; the Enlightened
Moderate Enterprise.
To this end, they concocted phrases like obscurantist and blamed
uneducated and illiterate Mulla for misinterpreting Islam. They accused
Mulla of tarnishing the image of Islam in general and Pakistan in particular.
This provided a pretext to wield guns against Mulla and his seminaries and
thereby winning favours of the West.
Lal Masjid and its madrassas came into the news in 2004 when
security forces raided it over suspected links of Maulana Abdul Aziz and
Maulana Abdul Rashid with Osama bin Laden, the most wanted man by the
Crusaders. The raid was carried out to capture a man hiding in its premises
who was claimed to have worked as driver of Osama bin Laden.

The mission failed but the resolve of the enlightened moderates

remained intact. Lal Masjid was kept on the hit list. In January, the CDA
provided a new pretext for crackdown; the Masjid and its seminaries were
constructed on encroached land. This resulted in demolition of seven
mosques in Islamabad.
Musharraf claimed that mosques were not being razed but relocated.
In fact, it was part of the crackdown through means other than the use of
gun. One must recall the remarks of Nirupama Subramanian from across the
eastern border, which were quoted in review of the events of period ending
25th February.
She had said that in pursuit of the soft image the Musharraf regime
was spending big money to restore Hindu temples. The same regime was
not prepared to spare a single penny for the largest NGO in the world, what
to talk of giving rights of ownership of a precious piece of land. Therefore;
seven mosques were demolished for the same purpose for Hindu temple was
renovated.
On 9th March, the rulers triggered a new crisis by initiating a reference
against the CJP. The reaction to this crackdown on the judiciary was far
more than the rulers had visualized. The gravity of the situation demanded
war-gaming to formulate strategy afresh.
Musharraf made two moves to draw attention away from the reference
against the CJP. In one move, he unveiled some aspects of the dialogue for
striking a deal with Benazir. This was aimed at sowing mistrust in disarrayed
opposition parties which seemed to be rallying behind the issue of
independence of the judiciary.
In second move he reactivated the issue of Lal Masjid. This was
aimed at scaring the West of Islamic fascism so that they keep supporting
his rule. The General tried to use the instrument of intimidation which was
quite effectively used against him. But, he did not fully anticipate the
implications of this move; which could be far graver than those resulting
from the reference against the CJP; hence, the need for exclusive discussion
on the issue.

EVENTS
Police party raided Jamia Hafsa and arrested four lady teachers and
students on 28th March. Girl students retaliated and captured three policemen
along with their vehicle. The trouble started when students and teachers
undertook the task of community correction in their hands and had
kidnapped three women alleged to be indulging in immoral activities. By
late at night the two sides swapped over some captives. Next day, Jamia
Hafsa students released Aunty Shamim after she had repented.
On 5th April, Maulana Aziz invited ten Muftis to a conference on
Enforcement of Sharia and Azmat-e-Jihad to be held on Friday. PML-Q
and PPP separately held rallies against Jamia Hafsa in Islamabad. Hafsa
supporters held protest rally against prostitution, gambling and obscenity.
President and Prime Minister expressed concern over Jamia Hafsa issue.
Interior ministry said use of force is the last option.
Next day, President and Prime Minister discussed Lal Masjid issue.
PPP rejected Sharia courts. MMA alleged that Jamia Hafsa issue is a plot
engineered by the government. Maulana Aziz and Maulana Musharraf
preached their respective versions of Islam; former talked of enforcement of
Sharia and the latter stressed upon enlightenment. Both vowed not to resort
to confrontation but both threatened each other; one talked of gun and the
other of suicide attacks. Aziz set up Sharia Court and gave one month
deadline to the government to enforce Sharia.
Muhammad Anis reported that large number of faithful had to offer
Juma prayers on road outside due to large gathering. Banners were displayed
with slogans of Jihad and Allahs system in Allahs land. Aziz said there was
lawlessness everywhere in the country; women were being raped, children
being kidnapped for ransom and innocent people being killed. There were
500,000 brothels in the country.
He accused NGOs and media of spreading disinformation about
seminaries. He asked for donations to compensate owners of video shops
who voluntarily consented to burn the video tapes and to help women who
give up immoral business. He denied that his students had threatened of
throwing acid on the faces of women without veil.
He said we have not forced any video shop to close down. The owner
of Bilal Video Center, Muhammad Younis said that he did not have any

10

regret on giving up his business. I let my business close on my own free

will and serve my rest of life in the light of the golden principles of Islam.
On 7th April, Amir Muqam said the government is capable enough to
contain female students of Jamia Hafsa who have challenged the writ of the
government. Ijazul Haq said Khateeb brothers of Lal Masjid were taking
their mosque and madrassa towards destruction. Some students of Jamia
Hafsa had left for different reasons, confirmed Maulana Abdul Aziz.
Next day, Ijazul Haq said our heads bowed in shame because of
teachers and students of Jamia Hafsa. Imam of MQM accused mullas of Lal
Masjid of conspiring against Pakistan, Musharraf, ruling parties and the
people of Pakistan. He termed it Kalashnikov Shariah though on ground so
far it has been a danda Shariah.
Shujaat met administration of Lal Masjid to end impasse. Maulana
Aziz denied allegation of establishing state within a state. Fazl accused the
government of hatching conspiracies for operation against seminaries but
refused to mediate for resolution of the crisis.
Lal Masjid issued a decree against Nilofar Bakhtiar and demanded of
the government to punish and sack her for being photographed with Para
gliders of Paris in obscene manner. Lal Masjid crisis is a case of losing faith
in the system, reported Salman Masood.
Noreen Haider described the latest situation including viewpoint of
Lal Masjid, though she rejected the views of mulla brothers in her remarks.
The list of four demands reads as: Immediate reconstruction of the
demolished mosques in Islamabad; immediate declaration of Islamic Shariat
in Pakistan by the government; immediate promulgation of Quraan and
Sunnah in the courts of law and removal of the Women Protection Bill;
immediate discontinuation to declaring Jihad as Terrorism by the
government as it is great sacred religious duty of Muslims.
Ghazi Abdul Rashid Khatib Lal Masjid said: Somebody had to do it.
Vulgarity and obscenity is destroying the fabric of our society but nobody
had the guts to get up and do something. When asked if kidnapping women
from the alleged brothel was justified, he said: By all means. If the police
was not doing anything, we decided to do it ourselves

11

When asked about the justification for encroachment, Rashid said:

According to the Islamic law of Haq Shufa (law of preemption) we had the
first right to buy the land next to the mosque. When we wanted to buy it the
Capital Development Authority (CDA) did not allow us so we had no choice
but to grab it. It is our right.
It is interesting to note that both the Khatibswere government
employees in the mosque and they were both sacked by the government one
and a half year ago. Going by the rules, a government employee cannot
claim private ownership on a building owned by the government.
The total area encroached in the name of Jamia Hafsa stands at 7,439
sq yards out of which 3,389 sq yards belong to Gymnasium plot, 450 sq
yards belong to Children Library, 400 sq yards belong to Authors Corner
and 3200 sq yards belong the CDA. According to a very conservative
estimate, the total worth of the land encroached by the madrassa authorities
is Rs 400 million. What a waste of prime land! The enlightened moderates
in power must be having plans to put this precious piece of land to better
use; like purchasing loyalties of some politicians.
There is no audit of its accounts done by any of the government
agencies. Ghazi Abdur Rashid told that they get up to Rs 10 million a month
in funds from various sources for the madaris We receive funds from
people who give out of their own volition but we do not take conditional
money. As a rule we decide how that money is going to be spent. We also
have audits done but we cannot share its report. Is there no message in this?
It is the same nation which evades paying taxes but voluntarily gives one
crore every month to one madrassa out of thousands.
Noreen then gave governments version. They are using the female
students as human shields and exploiting the name of Islam for their own
vested interests. It is not difficult to carry out an operation for the demolition
of the illegally built structure but we respect the presence of girls in the
premises and do not want any harm to come to them, said I G Police.
The Lal Masjid people are aware of the national and international
political developments and are exploiting the situation. Everybody knows
they are raising these demands because the government stopped the illegal
construction of their madrassa, said Interior Minister Aftab Sherpao.

12

She added, the problem is not new and so is the phenomenon of land
grabbing. It happened a long time before the present government assumed
office. But it has certainly mutated to a point where we are seeing the
emergence of powerful mafias in the premises of the government-owned
mosques who have declared themselves authorized to interpret and
implement their brand of Sharia.
In the particular case of Lal Masjid, it is interesting to note that they
have no support from the Wafaq-ul-Madaris or any other religious group in
the country. They also have no support from political parties like Jamiat
Ulma-e-Islam or Jamaat Islami.
Shujaat met administrators on Lal Masjid on 9 th April. After the
meeting, he told journalists that the government would take action against
brothels or some of the so-called aunties of enlightened moderates. He
briefed the high-level meeting chaired by Musharraf about the outcome of
negotiations with obscurantist mullas of Lal Masjid.
Ijazul Haq said crackdown against Lal Masjid would be carried out
only if talks fail. Nilofar said peoples court will decide about the decree
against her. Lal Masjid denied issuing any Fatwa against Nilofar. An
individual moved the Supreme Court on Lal Masjid and Jamia Hafsa.
Next day, Shujaat held second round of talks with administrators of
Lal Mosque. He asked clerics to vacate the library and stop pressurizing
owners of video shops; and assured them that no law against the teachings of
Islam would be enacted in the country. Ijaz claimed that he had helped
Maulana Ghazi in terror cases. Maulana Aziz sought support of Ulema and
students of other seminaries.
Lubna Khalid in her report gave some additional details of the dispute.
It all started when Islamabads Capital Development Authority directed the
management of Lal Mosque to demolish the building of Jamia Hafsa, a
seminary for female students, because the seminary is built on encroached
public land. In the subsequent infamous library imbroglio, the women from
Jamia Hafsa occupied a childrens library to protest against the governments
decision to demolish the illegally constructed mosque and madrassa. The
government had to back off Emboldened by this victory, they went on to
commit a penal offence: kidnapping.

13

Aunty Shamim was allegedly involved in immoral activities.

According to Islamabad police, four years back they had apprehended this
woman on verbal complaints from her neighbours. However, when the case
went to court, it was thrown out due to lack of evidence. Not a single
witness from the neighbourhood ventured forth to record this evidence. This
state of affairs is not surprising, as respectable people prefer not to get
involved in matters pertaining to police and court.
The spokeswoman of Jamia Hafsa also claimed that people had
approached them to ask for their help in curbing the activities of Shamim
Akhtar. She stated that since the government was not doing anything in this
regard, they had to take matters into their hands. We will continue helping
people who come to us. People go to doctor when they are sick, but when it
is a religious issue, they come to the ulema for guidance, announced this
lady All said and done, the government is really in a fix. Cracking down
on these extremists in the capital itself is tantamount to a Herculean labour.
Is there any one daring enough to tackle these modern day Amazons?
On 11th April, Shaukat Aziz threatened to be tough with law-breaker
mullas of Lal Masjid and students of Jamia Hafsa. Musharraf termed
religious militancy a real threat, but wanted to resolve Jamia Hafsa issue
peacefully. Shujaat continued talks with mosque administration. Islamabad
police presented a list of 56 students of Jamia Hafsa and Jamia Faridia to the
Interior Ministry for their alleged involvement in acts of violence.
Maulana Ghazi also resorted to threats by saying that Lal Masjid has
the guns to defend itself. Qazi supported the stance of Lal Masjid and Jamia
Hafsa. Imran Khan accused the government of enacting drama over Jamia
Hafsa. Maulana Abdul Aziz in his Juma sermon on 13 th April announced that
the doors of Lal Masjid were open for talks with government but there
would be no compromise on the stance of Shariat court.
Next day, a video shop was burnt in Bhara Kahu; officials suspected
the involvement of local Taliban. Maulana Rashid told Shujaat that Lal
Masjid was not involved in the incident and suspected that someone was
trying to sabotage the ongoing dialogue on the issue. Nilofar feared for her
life. Addressing passing-out parade in PMA, Musharraf warned against
enemy within. Jamia Hafsa students and teachers invited Musharraf to visit
their madrassa.

14

On 15th April, MQM held a rally in Karachi to protest danda Shariat.

Its Imam addressed the rally from London and demanded demolition of Lal
Masjid and Jamia Hafsa, but did not demand construction of a temple at the
site. Maulana Ghazi accused Altaf of fooling the public. Prime Minister
vowed not to compromise on government writ over Lal Masjid.

COMMENTS
The exuberance of Lal Masjid and its seminaries about
implementation of Islam in Islamabad invited the wrath of the enlightened
moderates. The media, with hardly any exception, spearheaded the assault.
The reason behind confronting the religious forces squarely has a lot to do
with commercial interests.
Business of private TV channels is very closely linked to
enlightenment, particularly the one related to cultural emancipation; the
obscurantist mullas oppose this too vocally. Criticism by media has a
justification, but its intensity doesnt. This could be judged from the outrage
of Jang Group.
On 30th March, The News coaxed the government for action against
Lal Masjid. The initial raid they conducted on one of the capitals busiest
bazaars amazingly went unnoticed by the police and local administration,
again making one wonder whether some elements in either or both
organizations were perhaps sympathetic to the cause of these extremists.
One would like to ask the government what it plans to do in the case
of the minister, whose, breakthrough emboldened these extremists so much
that they believed they could go about dispensing their own warped
interpretation of religion and law on everybody else, holding even policemen
hostage in the process.
The government and civil society have themselves to blame for this
increase in Talibanization. As for the government, it fails on several
counts. Foremost among them is its remarkable and sadly enduring
inability to take a stand against extremists forces such as in Tank and Jamia
Hafsa students, deeming such matters sensitive and then burying its head in
the sand like an ostrich, pretending everything is all right, and continuing to

15

think that a way of having leverage with our regional neighbours means
supping with the extremists and jihadis.
The future is only going to get bleaker unless madrassah and
national curriculum reforms are carried out and the overt display of
religion in national life is curtailed, to levels normally found in other
Muslim countries such as Malaysia or the Gulf states.
Next day, the editor indulged in demonizing its adversary. Peaceful
protests are something no sane person will object to, even if they think those
protesting are wrong. But what the Hafsa students have been doing is an
affront to just about anything a civilized society should hold dear. One
thing is for sure: if these students and their patrons are not hauled up for
this blatant violation of the law, then incidents of such moral policing will
take place in other parts of the country as well.
Those behind these extremist acts need to be sent a strong message
that it is the responsibility of the government and its law-enforcing agencies
to ensure that legal action, including a search, is taken against any brothel or
gambling den. However, that can only take place if there is credible evidence
and a warrant authorized by a court of law. It seems that the students of
Jamia Hafsa think that if men visit a house, that house is a brothel. The
editor meant that houses of aunties cannot be taken as brothels merely on
complaints of the residents in neighbourhood.
Those who act in this way are clearly outside the pale of the law as
well as civil society. If they feel that they cannot obey the laws of the state
because they are bound only to a higher law then clearly there is going to
be a problem because when one lives in a society or community, one does so
with the understanding that all rules and regulations in such a society or
community will have to be followed there is no room for exceptions. One
only hopes that the government has the courage and the wisdom to see
how important it is that these vigilantes are hauled up and prosecuted
for all their illegal acts.
The same day, Mir Jamilur Rahman stood by the side of editor. Given
this situation in Islamabad, the governments claim that it will not allow a
government within the government appears to be quite hollow. In
practice, it has tacitly given the chiefs of Jamia Hafsa and Lal Masjid the
status of a government. It negotiates with them as if they are a sovereign

16

body and usually accepts their demands to keep them in good humour and to
keep itself out of trouble.
The Jamia Hafsa and Lal Masjid administrators do not hide their
closeness to al-Qaeda and the Taliban. Umme Hassan, principal of Hafsa,
told a reporter of this newspaper (The News) that the Jamia Hafsa was for
President Musharraf what Osama bin Laden was to President Bush The
principal did not rule out the use of suicide bombers to advance her cause
when she said that the students were mentally prepared to sacrifice their
lives any time.
The government better take serious notice of the threat to civil
society and democracy that has been unleashed by Hafsa. The so-called
cleansing movements are mushrooming everywhere in Pakistan. The Taliban
and pro-Osama elements would continue gaining strength if the movement
of establishing a government within the government was not disbanded
immediately.
Two days later, The News coaxed the brave commando. Its most
unfortunate that the government is being duplicitous in dealing with these
female extremists. The president ironically told the seerat conference that
there was much that can be done to curb extremism. However, he said his
reasons for the government coming across as being reluctant in dealing with
the Jamia Hafsa issue were that it involved women and the sanctity of
mosques. This argument is not exactly very right, given the government has
often shown an iron fist to demonstrations in which female lawyers, female
journalists or female political workers or members of parliament have
participated.
In such a situation, one is constrained to wonder whether some
elements in the government are in favour or tacitly approve of what the
Jamia Hafsa students are doing. The damage by these vigilantes has already
been incalculable. The government needs to stop dithering on this
important matter and match its words with appropriate action before the
situation gets completely out of hand.
Mir Jamilur Rahman indulged in coaxing by exaggerating the threat
posed by mulla brothers. The inhabitants of Islamabad are bewildered and
getting a queer feeling that their city is being seized bit by bit by two
brothers It has been reported, but not yet confirmed, that Faridia and

17

Hafsa between them have about 10,000 resident pupils, 2,500 males and
7,500 females.
Is Islamabad part of FATA or Waziristan Agency? Or is it an
extension of an NWFP town where some fanatics are burning video outlets
and closing down barbershops so men cannot get a shave; all in the name of
Islam? The Lal Masjid has warned President Musharraf that if he took action
against its pupils, it would be the start of civil war.
It is unbelievable that right in the heart of the capital of the
country two maulvis have raised the flag of rebellion and are inciting
other maulvis and religious seminaries to join them in the greatest jihad.
They are taking government leniency as its weakness. They are acting
foolishly and will have to pay heavily for this if they do not abandon their
rebellious course immediately.
The announcement of Qazi court by Lal Masjid provided new pretext
for instigating the government for crackdown. The Constitution does not
allow individuals or groups to set up their own courts to dispense their
form of justice for the simple reason that it does not tolerate any parallel
judicial system doing so would undermine the judicature as sanctioned by
the Constitution itself.
No country in the world and for absolutely the right reasons lets
its citizens take the law into their hands and become accusers, judgers and
dispensers of justice. That used to happen in primitive societies or in
Americas Wild West, where it was every man for himself and with no
perceivable writ of the government present.
As for civil society, at least some of its representatives (including
some members of parliament) have had the moral courage to come out and
protest against this wanton Talibanization taking place in the heart of the
federal capital. Whether this will actually achieve anything remains to be
seen, because it is these very liberal and progressive elements who have
often borne the brunt of the polices lathi-happy tendencies. As usual and
quite regrettably so the government has been on the back foot, saying
much and doing nothing.
Had the government acted promptly and with conviction to
apprehend all those who had illegally violated the law by illegally occupying
the childrens library, and had the CDA and the various other government

18

agencies concerned acted to prevent the madressah from being built on the
ministry of educations land in the first place, things would not have come to
thisthe only way forward to stop this Talibanization is for the
government to exercise its writ; something it has never been afraid of
doing in Baluchistan and Sindh or in the case of liberals, lawyers and
political activists protesting on the streets. How do you violate a law
legally? Perhaps, the editor believes that when the rulers violate a law that is
legal and when people do so that is illegal.
Attempted negotiations with the seminary annoyed the editor just as
suggestion of talks with Taliban had annoyed Bush before invasion of
Afghanistan. He wrote, Chaudhry Shujaat Hussains second meeting in the
space of less than a week with the administration of Lal Masjid seems to
suggest that we may be seeing yet another stance of the federal
government caving into extremists
From the various reports that have detailed these meetings, it can be
safely believed that the illegality of the actions of the Jamia Hafsa
students is not the issue, although the PML-Q chief is said to have asked
the Lal Masjid administration to get the childrens library vacated. Second,
the extremists have been asked, according to one report, to select seven
locations in the federal capital where the government will build mosques in
exchange of those that the CDA demolished because they were built on
illegally encroached land.
As for those advocating a soft approach to resolving this crisis, the
argument being given is that launching an operation could lead to casualties
and create a law and order problem in the federal capital. One would like to
ask these illustrious government functionaries what the police and the
Islamabad administration were doing when the Jamia Hafsa and Lal Masjid
students went on their raids in one of the Islamabads main markets and
when these fanatics abducted three women (and a boy) and two policemen?
Had not the law and order situation developed then, with the capital of
the country in the grip of lathi-wielding extremists
Also, one would like to ask the PML-Q chief whether he has raised
the issue with the Lal Masjid clerics on the setting up of a parallel court,
which may amount to high treason if clause 1 of Article 6 is read carefully.
It is quite incredible that the government has taken the view that those
responsible for keeping Islamabad hostage for so many weeks should
not be proceeded against under the law for their wholly illegal and
19

vigilante actions and is instead planning to meet all their demands. It also
seems inconceivable that an entity no less than the government of Pakistan is
unable to establish its writ and negotiate from a position of strength against a
bunch of self-styled guardians of morality and vigilantes. One can only hope
that better sense prevails and this caving in does not materialize.
Most analysts, who can write and speak English fluently, belong to
the class of enlightened moderates or at least prefer to be identified as such.
They were also outraged, not alone by the acts and utterances of Khatib
brothers, but also by the very existence of religious seminaries in Islamabad.
M S Hasan from Karachi coaxed the government for action equating
Khatib brothers with the monster called Taliban. The nation should not
be surprised at all, if Maulana Abdul Rashid Ghazi is proclaimed and
installed as the ameer-ul-momineen of Pakistan and his brother, Maulana
Abdul Aziz, as the naib ameer-ul-momineen. The first recognition of the
new government is likely to come from the Taliban, and the al-Qaeda
administration of Waziristan and subsequent endorsement from the
Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal.
To be honest, considering the current state of affairs of the country,
non-existence of the writ of the central government absence of any federal
authority, the will to confront and fight Talibanization, extremism and
lawlessness, this doomsday scenario neither seems all that far-fetched,
nor does a figment of wild imagination any more.
Raza Khan observed that the incident related with the women
seminary, Jamia Hafsa in Islamabad, suggests that there are strong signs of
Talibanization in the country. Recently, the female students of Jamia Hafsa
have indulged in criminal acts. Due to the activities of these females one is
reluctant to call them students.
The ignorance of the students of Jamia Hafsa was vividly evident
from the argument they presented on various TV channels while discussing
the events. It seemed that they were simply following orders. They argued
that they were just reacting to the use of force by the authorities on Jamia
Hafsa and Lal Masjid by kidnapping the police officials. The involvement
of females provides no justification to the act, as the law is same for
everyone.

20

Reportedly, the principal of Jamia Hafsa, Umme Hassan, told the

media that her students were maintaining a crime register of their own,
and keeping an eye on all the illegal activities in Islamabad. She didnt even
deny the presence of female suicide bombers by saying that her students
were risking their lives for a great cause. The manifestation of
Talibanization in the most modern city of the country, Islamabad, which
happens to be our capital city, strongly indicates the threat confronting
Pakistan.
The manifestation of Talibanization in Islamabad is a brand which
can be called total Talibanization. The term was coined in an article
about the use of FM radio stations in instructing the women of the Frontier
of the dogma of clerics. Total Talibanization means to inculcate in the minds
of the female population with the propaganda of clerics in order to use it
instrumentally for achieving the aim of clerical dictatorship. This is indeed a
very serious threat and authorities may not have grasped the profundity of
the menace. Unfortunately, they have never tried to take the bull by the
horns and in turn have given a great spur to extremism.
Lubna Jarar Naqvi coaxed all and sundry. The increase in extremism
in Pakistan cannot only be blamed on the situation in Afghanistan. Our
society and all our governments are equally to blame for making
circumstances inside the country that has allowed manipulators from within
and from outside to use our own people and our own religion against us.
The Jamia Hafsa theorem has proved that the government doesnt
have the will or muscle to support the rhetoric spewed by our dear
information minister and his cronies, especially when confronted by
religious zealots. Instead, use a little force in the name of religion and you
are free to do as you will. President Musharraf boldly declares that an
iron hand will be used to stop extremists in country, what has he done so
far to stop the Jamia Hafsa girls and their partners from all but taking over
the capital?
Religious leaders like Qazi Hussain and his like should do their
Islamic duty to find out who has disfigured Islam, instead of supporting such
extreme behaviour If the religious leaders are nervous to take a step
against the Hafsa girls, this vacuum should be filled by ever vigilant
NGOs and human rights activists. But not a murmur has been heard from
these quarters.

21

Come to think of it, we should all salute the Jamia Hafsa students
for they have managed to expose the inability of our leaders to do more
than give speeches. Their hollow words ring clearer in our ears as we see
that the state will fight against anyone demanding the whereabouts of
missing relatives or the restoration of the CJ.
M Ismail Khan wrote: What worries people is the thought that in case
things get nastier, the Lal Masjid administrator who owns and operates 19
more madaris in different parts of Islamabad and its suburbs, are in position
to mobilize Taliban forces faster than President Musharraf can deploy
his units stationed in Rawalpindi.
Whatever may be the idea and the game plan, there is an opportunity
cast of the affairs. Already the diplomats, donors and development
community in Islamabad, who have been holding their collective breath
waiting for the government to figure out a situation, has started to review
security plans, some of them going to the length and breadth of drawing
eviction strategies in case things go completely haywire.
The media savvy mullahs have also started to publish a regular
size newspaper. But unlike regular newspaper, it does not carry the name of
the publisher neither that of the editor, apparently there is no need to get
formal accreditation from a non-Shariat government. Earlier, the government
managed to block FM radio transmission from the mosque without involving
PEMRA, which certainly is a singular achievement of the capital territory
police thus far.
People of Pakistan must stand up and fight against repressive forces
is the mantra people keep hearing from the high and mighty in the country.
To me, this is an open invitation to civil war. There is no way law-abiding
citizens of a country can fight a well trained, highly motivated and heavily
armed groups. It is and has always been the job of the government to fight
such forces.
Many people argue that this is not the country that Iqbal dreamt of
and the Quaid worked to achieve. Nowhere in their speeches, writings and
sermons do we see a theocratic regime enforcing a particular brand of Islam,
many other insist that the idea behind Pakistan was well-being, mainly
economic well being of the Muslims of the subcontinent, and to ensure that
they do not face socio-economic exploitation from the powerful Hindu
majority.
22

He went on to elaborate the argument: If Pakistan was achieved for

Islam, they argue, today it would have not been hunting Uzbek Muslim
refugees in Waziristan like wild goats, yes, refugees who fled oppression in
their respective countries and granted asylum according to tribal Islamic
traditions, and refugees who fought alongside Taliban to bring Taliban in
power in Kabul. If it was not for Islam, they say, some of the Taliban
elements would not have been selling Arab Islamists to the Americans.
On the other hand, arguments put forth by Lal Masjid
administrators are equally powerful, and perhaps correct in principle.
How dare an Islamic Republic, a country that operates under a constitution
which starts with the objective resolution reiterating Islam as the basic
framework, with an Islamic Ideology Council to make sure that all the laws
of the state are in line with Islamic injunction, can possibly object to a public
campaign to enforce Shariat in the society.
Huma Yusuf accused the government of complicity. Jamia Hafsa
students have already intimidated video store owners and staged a sit-in to
prevent the demolition of an illegally constructed mosque. For this part,
Jamia Hafsas head honcho Maulana Abdul Aziz is publicly threatening to
enforce Shariat law throughout Pakistan, starting Friday April 6. Scarier than
his foreshadowing is the authorities response to the student raid. By letting
the women wage their crusade with little interference, law-enforcing
personnel have made it clear that extremist behaviour will be tolerated.
Even after two of their own were held by the vigilante students, police
officials were content to play a game of quid pro quo with Jamia Hafsa
administration.
Shakir Husain opined: The general at the helm of affairs for us poor
160 million should realize that he is playing with fire and that too with a
completely inadequate battalion of sycophants who just want to please him.
If General Musharraf looks at the past seven years he will see that his
vision of enlightened moderation is nothing but a buzzword and has
little to do with the reality of the country. Just because there are fashion
shows in the country and five thousand people can spend ridiculous amounts
of money on so-called designer wear doesnt account for anything.
Today the writ of the state is being pushed in the capital and the
government wants to do nothing because they dont want collateral
damage. Does this mean that if anyone wants to grab land or break the law
they better have a beard or wear a burqa?
23

Salman Masood opposed dialogue with extremist mullas. The Lal

Masjid clerics are emulating the Taliban. Their interpretation of Islam is
limited to myopic. But such tunnel-vision leadership can wreak havoc in the
country when it has access to weapons and use of force on their mind.
One cannot help but wonder why the government is so much
concerned about restraint and resolution through dialogue when its
law enforcing officials had no inhibition or shame in publicly manhandling
Asma Jahangir and her lot a few years back in Lahore in that (in) famous
marathon episode. It is acceptable to publicly humiliate liberal woman of the
country who talk about upholding law and liberal values but the stickwielding and veiled in black women from Jamia Hafsa are given a free hand
to take law into their own hands.
Irrespective of the perceptions and hushed insinuations doing the
rounds here that the government itself is fanning such elements, using
them to show to the West that a frightening alternate is at the doors, the
problem of religious extremism cannot be ignored or trivialized in Pakistan.
The poisonous seeds sown in the aftermath of the Afghan war are now ready
for bitter harvest.
Musharraf has been indulging in rhetoric against extremism and
religious fanaticism for long. It used to sound pleasing to the ears but is
disappointing when put to test of action on ground. People are increasingly
getting tired of this bluff and bluster. Enlightened Moderation now
sounds trite and an expedient excuse to stay in power.
Some analysts looked at the issue dispassionately. The message
being sent to the rest of civil society is be armed or be harmed. That is
indeed what seems to be happening today as a recent incident in PIMS
shows, wrote Shireen M Mazari.
While the story has come out in the papers, what has not come out is
what reflects the malaise prevailing within the domestic polity today. An
SHO abuses a nurse and doctor, then calls his thana people while the doctor
calls Rescue 15 and fisticuffs follow with the cop bringing out his gun.
When the Director Emergency tries to sort things out, he gets slapped by the
police and a brawl follows between the doctors present and the cops. This is
what police does regularly with unarmed civilians even as they kowtow
before danda-wielding lawbreakers.

24

It is unfortunate that even a person like Mazari still prefers to call

students of Hafsa as lawbreakers and the cops slapping a doctor as law
enforcers. Doesnt she think that the staff of the PIMS should from now
onward possess dandas to prevent the law enforcers from degenerating to
lawbreakers; after all doctors preach that prevention is better than cure?
There is something inherently absurd with this state of affairs, where
the rage of frustration within the silent majority is surfacing fast as it
gets caught between threats from police on one hand and armed vigilantes
on the other. In this shameful state of affairs, how long will it be before all of
civil society descends into a state of armed anarchy a la Jamia Hafsa style?
In a subsequent article she opined, to a large extent the malaise
afflicting us presently is a result of our own internal dynamics
especially where the state is seen to also be paying scant regard to the law.
Be it the cops manhandling the non-functional chief justice or beating up
unarmed protesters or attacking the offices of a television channel; or state
institutions disregarding environmental and other laws; or local elected
nazims misusing funds or harassing political rivals; or municipal
organizations violating articles of the Constitution in a most brazen fashion
the message being conveyed to the public at large is that the law can be
violated if there is force to back up this violation.
Shafqat Mahmood was of the view that this marked the advent of
cultural clash. Some have described it as creeping Talibanization of the
country. If after seven years of enlightened moderation we have reached this
sorry pass, what lies ahead? Perhaps, as someone said, a few more years of
Musharraf and all the women will be in shuttlecock burkas and the men with
a lot more hair on their face.
Quite seriously, we are in a terrible mess. The impact on the ground
is quite the opposite of what Musharraf has been proclaiming since his time
in office. The mullahs, who were never more than a marginal force in
politics earlier, now dominate it. Any political equation without factoring in
their role is meaningless.
Islamabad itself cannot be seen as an aberration. There are a large
number of seminaries in the city, often on encroached land, that are breeding
grounds for vigilante action. In almost eight years, Musharraf has done
nothing to check their growing number or bring them within the folds of
mainstream education.
25

There are reports of madrassah students visiting girls schools and

NGO offices telling the women to dress modestly. Even on the street, young
girls wearing jeans or pants have been accosted and threatened. The time is
not far off when vigilante groups will start targeting parties and diplomatic
receptions on the pretext that alcohol and obscenity is thriving there. If we
fear a clash of cultures, the place where it has the greatest potential of
becoming overtly visible is Islamabad.
The smaller towns of Punjab and Sindh are spared the worst
aspects of this culture clash because conservation is already the norm
there. But, it is only the size of the larger cities of Lahore and Karachi that
has prevented open culture warfare. The elite are ensconced in their enclaves
and going about their liberal lifestyle because the vigilantes are physically
removed from the action.
But, that is not likely to last. Religious conservatism or even vigilante
radicalism is not an economic divide. It is by definition a cultural divide
and equally visible among the rich and the poor. The success of many
proselytizing groups, such as al-Huda, among the well-off is an indication of
that the liberal lifestyle is on the wane.
Many a former party animal is now for want of another term a born
again Muslim and the number of socialite women now turning to hijab is no
longer an oddity. The country is poised to lurch towards conservatism as
the governing societal norm.
Nasim Zehra opined: The use of force could be very risky. It would
involve bloodshed and bitter fragmentation within the public and even
important sections of the forces. It could trigger a non-winnable battle.
Already the state is engaged with fighting private militias in Tank,
Parachinar and Waziristan.
However, the fear of a disastrous outcome of the use of force means
inaction by the state. The writ of the state has to be enforced to deter other
groups from following such an approach which undermines writ of the state
and citizens freedoms.
The PML president and the secretary-general, supported by
uniformed men from key agencies, were able to convince the president to
abandon the plan to launch an immediate operation. The prime minister and
the cabinet would, as always, merely go along with the presidents decision.

26

The situation in the heart of Islamabad still remains precarious, but

there is hope now that an explosive situation will be prevented. What
follows will depend on how state institutions and the government deal with
the larger issue of rule of law and politics in the country. Significantly, these
developments signal a dual and overlapping crisis confronting the
Pakistani state, politics and society.
One, it reinforces the crisis of the Pakistani state. Nothing conveys
more starkly the near paralysis of state institutions than the fact that
Pakistans men in uniform have at regular intervals intervened to control the
state and have also arrested, in fact distorted Pakistans natural political
evolution. The state patronized ethnicity and religion-based politics as its
tools to battle internal and external enemies. Even democratically elected
politicians have used religious groups to legitimize themselves in times of
crisis. The inept and blundering state, controlled primarily by the
establishment and to a lesser extent by politicians in power, has therefore
generated this crisis.
Two, the other dimension of this crisis is that the action taken by the
seminaries in defiance of the state has captured the imagination of many
within society. Those fated to be lesser Pakistanis with lesser private
privileges and with little scope of benefiting from the services that a state
must ensure to its citizens justice, basic amenities, physical security and
personal freedoms guaranteed by the Constitution are experiencing times
of extraordinary deprivation. All these failures of the state reinforce the
internal apartheid between the haves and have-notspeople inevitably will
look for extraordinary solutions. For hundreds of thousands in Pakistan the
Lal Masjid and Hafsa Madrassah phenomenon presents one such
extraordinary solution.
In Pakistan the core problem does not flow from religion. It is of
the inept state. It is primarily the crisis of the state and its inability to ensure
that an average citizen has a stake in the existing system of law and
governance. This creates a context for the citizens to look for extraordinary
solutions. No section of the state seeks to reform itself. That will require
time and also a return to democracy.
There is still silver lining underlying todays turbulent Pakistan; that
Pakistan is not irreconcilably fragmented; that underlying most of the
anguish and torment is the rejection of injustice. Hence the only the
unifying call that can take us out of this mess is the call to rule of law.
27

Babar Sattar wrote, the audacity of the mullahs to try and enforce
their obscurantist and retrogressive moral code on the citizens of Islamabad
has been shocking Equally alarming has been the Musharraf regimes
inaction to such lawlessness, which has caused people to ponder anew the
reasons for religion-inspired hooliganism in the country. Those who believe
in conspiracy theories are convinced that these events have been
orchestrated on the governments behest to reignite western fears of
Pakistans impending radicalization and to project General Musharraf as
the last man standing between the Taliban and Pakistan.
There are three issues related to the fear of Pakistans
radicalization that need to be raised. One, how effective has General
Musharrafs madressah reform programme been and does its failure suggest
that the government is in bed with the mullah? Two, is it less dangerous if
the trend of radicalization is not indigenous but actually inspired and
supported by elements within the establishment? And three, is Pakistan
becoming more fanatical or are worries of Talibanization overblown?
The conspiracy theory is that episodes such as those in Islamabad
and Tank make General Musharraf seemingly indispensable for the West.
The US and its allies would mot risk a regime change in Pakistan if
Talibanization could be a likely consequence.
Given the state of world politics, Muslim societies resemble timberyards capable of being engulfed by flames of fundamentalism if due care
is not exercised. This is what makes one dread the veracity of conspiracy
theories in Pakistan.
It is hard to deny that over the last two decades Pakistani society has
moved right off the centre. The change has been subtle but is unmistakable.
There is nothing wrong with being religious or inspired by faith. What is
disturbing is the propagation of a brand of religion that is intolerant and
driven primarily by the desire to perpetuate primitive gender roles and
concepts of chastity in the twenty-first century. Such enlightened
moderates believe in modern concept in which it is my right to use my body
the way I want.
He added, a cynical intellectual once explained the difference created
by the Islamic revolution in Iran as follows: Before the revolution we drank
in public and prayed in private. Now we pray in public and drink in private.

28

This variety of enlightened moderates wants the return of that era in Pakistan
in which one can drink in public and pray in private.
It is dangerous for the state to entertain a delusional belief that
ideologically charged youth can be tamed when required. It is also
dangerous for citizens who value their liberties to remain complacent
toward intolerance, bigotry and obscurantism just because it is being
practiced in a different province or a different neighbourhood. He went on
to urge liberal forces to confront the challenge now and in force.
Dr Masooda Bano cautioned: General Musharraf must realize that
this will have very dangerous consequences for Pakistan. Things can be
controlled only to a limited extent, beyond that they take a momentum of
their own. Artificially promoted militancy today can become a reality
tomorrow. The world has seen this in the rise of the Taliban. It is therefore
critical that the government stop playing the fundamentalism card to retain
international support for General Musharrafs rule. The current policies, if
continued unchecked, will dangerously widen the gulf between the religious
and the secular.
It is not easy to say anything in definite terms about public
sentiment, because the majority of Pakistanis are unable to communicate in
English. Even in that minority which can do so the opinion on the issue of
Lal Masjid was clearly split.
Hamza Hashmi from Islamabad wrote, I fail to understand why these
clerics focus only on the so-called uriani and fahashi alone and dont see
so many other social and moral evils in the country. They seem to be too
obsessed with issues related to women. For example, can these gentlemen
tell us the number of dacoits, smugglers, murderers, kidnappers, black
marketers and so on? If they know of half a million brothels, do they also
know how many kharkar camps are operating in the country where
hundreds of kidnapped children are languishing, or how many private jails
are there? Why is it that Lal Masjid and Jamia Hafsa, and indeed many other
so-called guardians of morality, only find issues related to women so
important?
Observation of Maria is quite valid. These maulvis should indeed
know about other social evils as well. But it would be more appropriate to
address all these questions to authorities responsible for establishment of
rule of law in the country. Why do the enlightened moderates focus only on
29

Mulla and Madrassa? They know exact number of madrassas and students
therein but are quite ignorant about social evils enumerated by Maria.
H Hayat from Rawalpindi opined: I like many others believe that
Talibanization has taken birth in Pakistan and if necessary measures are not
taken the society will gradually have to bid farewell to enlightened
moderation. These extremists are fast becoming a source of inspiration
for other fanatical groups in the country. I strongly urge the authorities to
get rid of these trouble makers immediately.
Asfandyar Khattak from Islamabad observed that the action of the
Jamia Hafsa students is being condemned across the board by our so-called
modern educated community, spearheaded by our enlightened media. I
would like readers to dispassionately evaluate the entire saga in the light
of following: Is operating brothel a legal affair? If not, what has the
government done so far for their closure? Are there not groups operating in
the entire world like Greenpeace and so on? If the action of the moral
brigade is not justified, then will the government take necessary steps to
restore law and order including closure of brothels?
Zulfiqar Gul from Swat opined that democracy is a means of
expression and gelling in, when it is perfectly placed, making extreme
behaviours exit from the society. In case of continued military rule,
religious fanatics will step in to fill the gap. Jamia Hafsa and Tank
incidents are just a beginning of what could be a disaster in the making if the
lesson is not learnt quickly.
Rabia Hirani from Karachi observed: How very convenient, now
that there is nothing else left to blame lets blame extreme religious
practices for everything including our teams lack of ability and serious
attitude towards the game. Whom are we fooling here anyway? Was it not
enough for Bush to blame everything on Islam that we have started doing it
as well?
M Afzal Sadiq from Attock was of the view that all this has been
timed and appears to be a pre-planned and calculated move coming
during the midst of a judicial turmoil, deteriorating law and order
situation in Waziristan, Balochistan and an overall tense political situation in
the country. Maulana Abdul Aziz and his brother had promised the religious
affairs minister that they will not create any law and order situation. Yet they

30

did, and set up a shariat court in the process as well. There appears to be a
force behind the scene. Perhaps some foreign hands are involved.
Burhanuddin Hasan cribbed against politicians. Amazingly
religious as well as progressive political parties have hardly said a word to
condemn this travesty of the laws of the land and challenge to governments
writ. MQM, PPP and PML-Q from London to Islamabad have been crying
hoarse about this but Hasan thought that was not enough.
Mrs Tanvir Khalid, ex-Senator opined: The whole show has been
masterminded and planned by the cleric Abdul Aziz who runs the mosque.
The people of this country are extremely angry to see that the government
that does not seem to have any control over these rogue elements. With
this lenient approach fanaticism is being encouraged. This will only serve to
damage (if that has not already been done considerably) the image of
Pakistan.
Two aspects of the issue merit exclusive consideration; one pertains to
land grabbing of which the Lal Masjid has been blamed. People of
Pakistan are well aware of the activities of land mafias across the country.
On 8th April, The News on Sunday published two reports on this most
profitable occupation.
In one report, by Adnan Mahmood, a victim of the land grabbers said:
It is quite unfortunate but the courts here are not responsible for ensuring
justice, but only to ensure that the person with the more concrete evidence
has his way. The people involved in land grabbing for a living have a perfect
mechanism in place to play out the entire scheme. They have the means and
resources to ensure that they have the evidence to retain the property. The
real and genuine owner of the land is usually a harmless individual
incapable of dealing with the land grabbers on all fronts, including the
legal front. This becomes even more difficult for the victims when the land
grabbers have blood relationship with the ruling elite.
Shakir Ahmed Siddiqi from Islamabad wrote: There have been news
reports that the CDA has sold the Covered Bazaar building to a very
influential man who intends to demolish it and construct a multi-storied,
multi-purpose plaza in its place. The building was constructed in the 1960s
as part of the Islamabad master plan. The sale of it and the approval of the
other building plans are in violation of the master plan and will lead to a

31

serious traffic problem, destroying the peace of mind of the residents The
CDA has acted in exactly the same manner as when it approved a mini-golf
project.
It is the same Capital development Authority which has demolished
seven mosques in no time and it would be worth probing that who would be
the possible beneficiaries of land reclaimed by demolishing the mosques.
One could also suggest to the CDA an easy way of expelling such mosques
and seminaries out of the capital: Sell or allot the land occupied by Lal
Masjid to some influential land mafia, the rest will be done by the
Ghondas on its pay-roll and thus the CDA can be saved from lot of
unpleasant work and embarrassment.
The second aspect relates to Nilofar Bakhtiars hugging her French
instructor in excitement. Imtiaz Alam did not like Lal Masjids
condemnation of the enlightened lady. Now the first victim of their edict is
Federal Tourism Minister Nilofar Bakhtiar for parachute jumping.
Encouraged by the success of their otherwise most provocative
occupation of a childrens library and benefiting from the exposure of
lawlessness of state in the dismissal of its chief justice, the two maulanas
have gone on an offensive by putting the state on notice: Enforce Sharia or
be bombed by the suicide bombers.
Typical of uncultured, intolerant and ignorant Taliban, the attack of
these mullas is also on culture and liberty. Imagine, if the mullahs of all
seminaries follow the example set by the Lal Mosque and Hafsa? There
will be no freedom, no culture, no modern technologies, no rule of law no
computer, no CD, no media, no healthcare, no economy, no judiciary, no
army, no civilization but the rule of cavemen infuriated by the glare of the
cities which they will bring down to the level of their cave life.
It would require superhuman attempt to paint a gloomier picture than
what Imtiaz Alam has painted. For him the only way to avoid the gloom
described above is to encourage our women to visit Paris on public expense,
undergo paragliding training and hug the instructor after each gliding.
The News issued an edict in favour of Nilofar. When one goes
parachuting, it is standard operating procedure to have a trained person sit
behind the individual who is readying him/her for the jump. There is nothing
obscene about this since in fact it is the norm. It seems that those who

32

have found this vulgar and have gone to the ludicrous extent of demanding
her ouster from the cabinet (and issuing a fatwa in the process) will find
even a woman talking to a man vulgar.
The reaction is reflective of the narrow-mindedness and humbug
that has come to dominate many segments of Pakistani society. It is
unfortunate and alarming that trivial issues such as these seem to draw so
much attention, especially from self-righteous and self-professed guardians
of morality while blatant cases of social injustice are conveniently brushed
under the carpet. The accused mullas have not brushed other social issues
under the carpet; and that is why they are accused of challenging the writ of
the government.
Ansar Abbasi did not agree with the editor of his newspaper. He
observed that there are two extremes that grab attention in todays Pakistan.
He was pointing at Maulanas of Lal Masjid and Nilofar Bakhtiar. How can
a sitting minister of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan hug a stranger? Is
it in the line with the Constitution of Pakistan, which envisages Islamic way
of life as the principles of policy? Steps shall be taken to enable the
Muslims of Pakistan, individually and collectively, to order their lives in
accordance with the fundamental principles and basic concepts of Islam, and
to provide facilities whereby they may be enabled to understand the meaning
of life according to Holy Quraan and Sunnah, reads Article 31 (1) of the
Constitution.
Article 29 of the Constitution says: It is the responsibility of each
organ and authority of the State, and of each person performing functions on
behalf of an organ or authority of the State, to act in accordance with those
principles in so far as they relate to the functions of the organ or authority.
No one questions the ministers courage to jump from the aircraft.
But what has hurt many here is that, a woman federal minister has been
caught behaving in the foreign land in a manner that is neither part of our
culture nor fits into the teachings of Islam by even any liberal
interpretation of Quraan and Sunnah. Rather this is what the so-called
western world takes pride of.
Nilofar is reported to have said: I am the role model for Pakistani
women. Whatever I did was not easy, I jumped for the national interest. For
Gods sake (Ms Role Model), give us a break! Ideally, political leaders

33

should be role models, but, Madam Minister, you are not. You have rather
our heads hung in shame.
Nilofar might be propagating the soft image of Pakistan or be
endorsing the vaguely defined theory of President Musharrafs enlightened
moderation through her bold action, but the fact remains, she did not
represent the Pakistani women.
A saying of the Prophet (SAW): Each religion has a morality, and
the morality of Islam is haya (Bashfulness) says it all. To the likes of
Nilofar, please do not mutilate our only pride that makes us different
from the West.
M A Khan Jadoon from Abbottabad also did not agree with editor of
The News. According to you it is the standard operation procedure, to have
a trained person sit behind the individual who is readying himself/herself for
the jump and there is nothing obscene about this since in fact it is the norm.
But our federal minister for culture and tourism crossed this limit and
hugged her trainer publicly. She has rightly shown the world that
Pakistan is being governed by people who are enlightened and
moderate.

REVIEW
Every enlightened person in Pakistan has found some pretexts to curse
and condemn teachers and students of Lal Masjid seminaries. They rushed to
bury the obscurantist under the heap of accusations. The pile so created has
made it somewhat difficult to sift the real issue behind the ongoing row.
The issue is not the illegal occupation of land or a library. There are
thousands, perhaps millions, of cases of illegal grabbing or encroachment of
public and private property in the country. No one, including the government
and the media, has bothered to raise the voice against those crimes.
Shaikh Rashid alone can provide a list of thousands of encroachers
and grabbers of railway property. He, however, wont be able to find the
exact number of these grabbers even if he requests the Chief Minister of
Punjab for facilitation and devotes rest of his life in tracing them out.

34

It is true that construction of mosques on illegally occupied land is unIslamic and the enlightened moderates seemed to be quite aware of this
Islamic injunction. But, illegal grabbing of public and private property by
enterprises like Monis $ Co is absolutely Islamic for followers of the new
sect of Enlightened Moderates.
By the way, what does the political stunt of awarding the malkana
haqooq (ownership rights) to kachi abadis mean? Does it not amount to
dishing out the state owned land to encroacher and grabbers? If these
thousands of illegal land grabbers can be given the ownership rights then
why not some houses of Allah could be favoured similarly; simply because
the name of Real Owner does not appear on voters list?
The issue is not that danda-wielding burqa-clad students of Jamia
Hafsa pose a serious threat of occupation of presidency or parliament. Those
are already in illegal occupation of much stronger grabbers of power and
property.
The issue is not that men and women of Lal Masjid seminaries are
different from others housed in thousands of madrassas across the country.
They are in millions, according governments own estimates, and yet they
are referred to as a small minority.
This so-called minority has been vehemently blamed for trying to
impose their version of misinterpreted Islam on people of Pakistan.
Contrarily, the fact is that even much smaller minority of enlightened
moderates have already taken the conservative people of Pakistan as their
hostage.
The critics have vehemently condemned the female students of Hafsa
for carrying dandas. They say that there is no justification for the
involvement of female students in this row. Inadvertently, these enlightened
critics have negated their own values by indulging in gender
discrimination.
In fact, this is absolutely in line with the much hyped doctrine of the
Musharraf regime which boasts of having opened doors for women to all
kinds of professions and activities in life. If use of lethal weapons by women
who have joined the armed forces is justified, the girls of Jamia Hafsa
cannot be criticized for trespassing into masculine domain by possessing
bamboo sticks for self-defence. The logic demands, if there is any room for

35

logic in the so-called doctrine of enlightened moderation, that these girls

must be appreciated for promoting Musharrafs cause.
The issue is not the establishment of the writ of the government or
enforcement of law of the land. The laws of the land, including the supreme
law called Constitution, are violated every minute and mostly by those who
are responsible for its enforcement; starting from the man in illegal
occupation of two highest offices simultaneously down to the foot constable
posted at the Zero Point.
Lal Masjid clerics are accused of emulating the Taliban. Who are the
ruling elite and a minority of enlightened moderates emulating? Of course,
they are emulating the West. Most of them are advocating ruthless use of
force (eint se eint baja do) exactly in manner in which the Crusaders are
dealing with Islamic fascism with complete disregard to the collateral
damage. This is how the writ of the government can be established; one
should not worry about the price to be paid in the process.
The issue is not the kidnapping of aunty Shamim. Her captivity
for couple of days has caused no irreparable damage to cause of the seekers
of soft image. There are thousands of aunties still operating through the
length and breadth of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan.
Kidnapping and detention of aunty Shamim should not be a matter of
great concern for law enforcers, because there are thousands of people,
including women and children, who have been kidnapped and kept captives
for a variety of motives like forced labour and prostitution. Enlightened
moderates have shown no concern for those victims.
The critics made it convenient to ignore the fact residents of the aunty
Shamims neighbourhood had complained to authorities about her business
activities but no action was taken. Police took action only once, but the court
let her scot-free due to lack of incriminating evidence, or perhaps on receipt
of a call from one of the consumers of her products.
These residents rightly concluded that the government of enlightened
moderates was not interested in enforcing laws based on primitive concept
of social decorum and decency. Perforce, they went to the mullas who still
continue preaching these out-dated values. The obscurantist had the courage
to help the helpless residents and they did, using much less force than that

36

used by law enforcers to handle the CJP who wanted to walk up to the
Supreme Court to appear before the SJC.
The converts to the latest sect of enlightened moderation blamed
mullas and their students for violating law of the land. They, with devotion
familiar to new converts, rushed to blame obscurantist mullas who in fact
had enforced the law. Enlightened moderates also ignored the fact that even
in the civilized world the residents of a neighbourhood would have reacted
similarly to an aunty indulging in commercial activity in residential area.
The government has already decided in favour of the aunties. It has
planned to shift all madrassas out of Islamabad, without even bothering to
make a mention of the aunty houses. This decision amounts to telling that
you mullas take your madrassa out of the city, but business of aunties will go
on in the city so fondly named Islamabad.
Some sections of the media have volunteered to act as the megaphone
of the enlightened moderates. For example, the News which has been
vigorously criticizing burqa-clad girls of Jamia Hafsa for carrying dandas,
but exonerated Nilofar of wrong doing by issuing a fatwa that the lady had
crossed no limits.
Of course, the editor was not talking of the limits laid down by Allah,
not even of socio-cultural limits in a conservative society of Pakistan. He
was referring to the civilized world which has no concept of limits in the
context of personal freedoms, of which the enlightened moderates are quite
fond of. When one is in Paris on government expense, these limits
completely disappear; therefore, if for anything Nilofar can be blamed for is
that she fell well short of the limits, at least in public.
The media also portrayed aunty Shamim as the victim, not as
violator of the law and instead; launched a campaign against students and
teachers of madrassa for taking law into their hands. Media never contacted
any neighbour of the aunty to know their viewpoint on the entire episode.
The decency, even the enlightened decency, demanded that before
cursing the students and teachers of the Jamia the government should have
been urged to use its law enforcing personnel, of whom there is no dearth in
the capital now-a-days, for crackdown on prostitution and business of vulgar
videos; both of which are illegal according to the law of the land; far more
illegal than carrying sticks.

37

But this did not happen, because aunty houses are like fast-food
outlets for the privileged class of the enlightened society, whereas masjid
and madrassa attempt to provide solitude to the down-trodden. The
privileged class tolerates no disruption of social service outlets. They expect
that students of the Jamia should at best sell material for preventing spread
of AIDS. This is the decent way in a civilized society.
The minister of religious affairs of Islamic Republic and son of
General Zia-ul-Haque when asked about Maulana Rashids demand for
closing of prostitution and gambling dens in the country, showed ignorance
about the very existence of such dens; he asked Maulana to point those out.
He could have acquired this information from the presidency where
the data is available as is evident from the letter written to Punjab
government about such dens being run in Lahore under the able guidance of
some ministers and MPAs and for further details he should have contacted
those ministers and MPAs.
Ijazul Haqs attitude amply proved that as minister of religious affairs
he was not bothered about brothels; the institutions of enlightenment. On the
other hand, he was deeply concerned about masjid and madrassa which are
not seen approvingly by the civilized world. With such a support from the
government and media the aunties face no problem of protection.
A possibly issue is that the sight of burqa-clad danda-wielding
students present a sight too primitive which does not go well with the
modern age of daisy-cutters. They should have at least carried some
automatic guns like bodyguards of political leaders.
Another possible issue is that these obscurantist mullas and their
pupils talk of social values like chastity, which are in direct clash with those
enshrined in the doctrine of Enlightenment. Therefore, the Talibanized
students and teachers are misfits in a civilized society. They must be shunted
out of Islamabad to areas they belong to. Aunties and their concubines
must stay as they are integral to the soft image of Pakistan. They serve vital
national interest and must be owned and supported by ministers and MPAs.
The issue is that Lal Masjid and its seminaries are located in the
capital of Pakistan which is in occupation of enlightened moderates. These
are also located too close to diplomatic enclave and are frequently seen by

38

diplomats from the civilized world; thus polluting their minds in the context
of the image of Pakistan.
Had these been in Awal Killi of NWFP, in Chicho-ki-Mallian of
Punjab, or in Pir-jo-Goth of Sindh, these would have gone unnoticed by
media and the government. In old cities like Lahore, too, these would not
have drawn much attention had some Pehlwans, instead of mullas, cracked
down on some aunty operating in their street. Unfortunately, Lal Masjid and
Jamia Hafsa happen to be in one of the few enclaves in the country inhabited
by followers of cult called enlightened moderation.
What is wrong so drastically with what students of Jamia did to the
aunty, as compared to gang rape of a girl every month or so in interior Sindh
or Punjab? In fact, the very sight of a mulla supporting a bushy beard and
religious students clad in black burqas is quite frightening for the moderate
residents of these localities.
The real issue emerged after 9/11; before that the West generally used
some derogatory phrases for their enemies in Muslim World. After 9/11
there has been a spate of concoctions to express their hatred for Islam and its
followers.
In fact, the Crusaders have ordered their ally in Islamabad and
reiterated time and again to deal with religious forces sternly, particularly
with mulla and madrassa. In compliance of the orders, the pro-West
elements show great fondness for phrases like Talibanization.
They place personal freedoms above any religious, social or moral
bindings on the pretext of human rights. Anything that does not go well with
their likings is demonized and rejected by simply calling it Talibanized.
Anyone who talks of Sharia or Islamic laws, prohibition of prostitution or
pornography, wearing a burqa or veil is considered emulating and preaching
Talibanization.
Once the word Talibanization is used, no more arguments are needed
to reject unwanted parts of a faith fourteen centuries old. They reject
Talibanization to discard some of the Islamic teachings which clash with
their personal freedoms. This class when given a choice would prefer to live
in land or locality which is brothelized rather than Talibanized.

39

The Lal Masjid episode started two days after Blair had desired
crackdown against religious seminaries. In that raid in 2004, the partners of
the Crusaders got nothing to incriminate mullas and their seminary.
Therefore, masjid and its madrassas escaped the wrath of enlightened
moderates, but the latter kept looking for an excuse to harass the former
At last they found one; these masjid and madrassas were constructed
on encroached land. The demolition squads came into action and seven
mosques were razed to ground. The foundation of one of these mosques had
been laid by the father of the incumbent minister for religious affairs;
General Zia-ul-Haque. Father constructed and the son demolished.
The obscurantist mullas are accused of misinterpreting Islam, and in
doing that the enlightened moderates often misinterpret the word
misinterpretation. If someone tells that free sex or sex on payment is wrong
and punishable in Islam, where is the misinterpretation? The same can be
said about gambling and other social evils which the enlightened moderates
somehow tend to accept or tolerate in the name of enlightenment.
The Enlightenment has embraced secularism to throw the religion out
of the affairs of State. They have started questioning the very basis of the
ideology of Pakistan. No doubt Iqbal and Quaid had never meant
enforcement of a particular brand of Islam, but it is grossly wrong to say
that they never wanted that people in Pakistan, Muslims in overwhelming
majority, should not guide their lives in accordance with the teachings of
Islam.
That is why it has been incorporated in the Constitution of Pakistan. If
it was all about economics, as some analysts argue, then the name of this
country would have been Economic Republic of Pakistan or Enlightened
Republic of Pakistan, not Islamic Republic of Pakistan.
Other arguments, like Muslims killing Muslims, have no relevance to
the ideology of Pakistan, because most of what is happening today in
Pakistan is the consequence of the ongoing biased war on terror in which
the rulers have been connived with the Crusaders to save themselves from
getting pushed back to the Stone Age.
To conclude it can be said that the current confrontation marks the
advent of overt clash between those who submit or want to submit to the
Will of Allah by following un-tampered injunctions of Islam and those who

40

want to reinterpret Quraan in a manner which imposes no restriction on their

freedom and liberties, rather than unqualified submission to unseen God.
The Crusaders earnestly want to trigger a clash within Pakistan
without physically invading it. This would result in bloodletting like the one
in Iraq. The ruling elite have lost sight of this dire consequence. They are
misled by the immediate benefit of diverting the attention away from its
unwise and unjust assault on the judiciary.
17th April 2007

HELMET vs WIG
ROUND-V

41

This round began with Shujaats declaration that anyone who speaks
against army should be shot dead. The Team-Helmet also made some
calculated moves to divert attention away from the reference against the CJP.
The moves had its impact but not to the desired extent.
In one move, Musharraf instructed his team members to disclose some
facts about the dialogue with Benazir. Rashid said deal with PPP was matter
of days. This move aimed at sowing distrust in already disarrayed opposition
parties which seemed to be rallying behind the issue of the reference.
In second move the row with Lal Masjid was reactivated. This was
aimed at scaring the West of Islamic fascism so that they keep supporting
the Team-Helmet. This was quite a risky move, yet it succeeded in diverting
the attention of the media. This has been discussed in the preceding article.
In the hearing on 13th April, Aitzaz argued on the issue of bias. On the
next hearing on 18th April the defence counsel completed argument and
prayed for decision on the issue of the bias, the SJC rejected the prayer. The
SJC made a counter-move and submitted a petition in the Supreme Court
challenging the very validity of the SJC.

EVENTS
On return from abroad, Shujaat declared on 4th April that those
speaking against the army should be shot dead. The government abolished
Special Operations Division within NAB which had the exclusive
responsibility to probe cases of corruption against Benazir and Zardari.
Lahore office was closed, files were shifted to Islamabad. PPP welcomed the
decision and demanded abolition of entire NAB set-up. The US State
Department asked the government to stay within law in the CJP row.
Seven government officials were indicted in the case of manhandling
the CJP. The Supreme Court started inquiry on Khalid Ranjhas complaint.
The government brought on PTV, the man who was beaten by protesters to
prove that he was a genuine practicing lawyer. A government probe into
attack on Geo TV ruled out any conspiracy.
Justice Sajjad Ali Shah wanted early disposal of the reference;
delay is not in the interest of nation. Qazi Hussain thanked the CJP for

42

setting stage against the president. Benazir said the CJP is symbol of
independent judiciary.
On 5th April, Wasi blamed the militants within lawyer community for
threatening Khalid Ranjha. Presidency ruled out sacking of the prime
minister. Prime Minister said the government would accept verdict of the
SJC. Judges of the Supreme Court held a meeting to review the situation.
The government representative in a TV show said that the special cell
in NAB was closed because it had been set up by Nawaz Sharif against
Benazir. Shujaat and Durrani said PPP has been given Dheel not deal. Sherry
rejected any possibility of deal with the government. PML-N also expressed
similar views.
Next day, Supreme Court clarified that judges meeting did not
consider the situation in the country arising from the reference. The Supreme
Court directed the Registrar to provide copy of the complaint of Ranjha to
the lawyers.
Durrani and Rashid were out of tune on government-PPP deal.
Nadeem Shah reported that a deal with Benazir and Nawaz Sharif brokered
by some generals and senior politicians was finalized. Assemblies and the
government will complete the tenure, vowed Musharraf on 7 th April while
addressing an election rally in Taxila in the company of Pervaiz Elahi.
Musharraf stressed upon the delegation of Congressmen to help broaden
Pak-US ties.
Lawyers, doctors and journalists criticized government action against
chief justice in a gathering in Garrison Club in Peshawar, reported Yousaf
Ali. Doctors of Pakistani descent in the US and Canada decided to launch
campaign for the rule of law in Pakistan. Benazir and Nawaz met in Dubai.
Umar Cheema reported that Musharraf advised his team not get upset
about the reported deal with PPP and told them to adopt wait and see
policy over the outcome of deal efforts and ongoing judicial crisis. By the
time SJC submits its findings, which may take at least six months, the
government hoped that Musharraf would be re-elected as president.
Musharraf reportedly told his political allies that deal was yet to be
brokered and the need for patch up was being felt on both sides. And if it is
finally done, his aide Tariq Aziz would brief Chaudhries in detail on what

43

terms and conditions the deal has been finalized. He assured that Chaudhries
of Gujrat wont be sidelined.
Ansar Abbasi reported that sources revealed that the regime was still
finding it hard to swallow its March 9 initiative and was clueless as what to
do to get out of the present quagmire. A source said that the rulers were of
the view that the media had overplayed the issue and was unnecessarily
focusing on it too much. The source did not believe that the lawyers were
united; one group of law practitioners was drumming up the situation
whereas there were many who were with government.
Independent sources and even some of the ministers in their tte-tte admit that the issue of Justice Iftikhar is the most serious crisis, faced by
General Musharraf during his seven years rule. Though the recent
speculations about deals are seen as smart moves, yet they have not helped
to divert the masses attention from the CJPs issue.
Next day, Shaukat Aziz ruled out any deal with plunderers of national
wealth. Spokesman of presidency ruled out any change in the government.
Lt Col Raja Ali Muhammad Janjua refuted Sherpaos claim that his
missing son had links with a jihadi group.
On 9th April, Pervaiz Elahi blamed opposition leaders for misleading
lawyers and influencing SJC verdict. He was addressing Muslim League
Lawyers Convention in Lahore, which he claimed was a proof of lawyers
support to the governments action against the CJP.
The Supreme Court issued notices to President Secretariat and other
respondents on two petitions challenging suspension of the CJP. Benazir
denied that she was seeking a deal with Musharraf but acknowledged having
contacts with Musharraf regime since long.
A district judge in Bhakkar resigned on 10 th April in protest over
judicial crisis. Petition against forced leave of the CJP was filed in Supreme
Court. Peoples Lawyers Forum Punjab asked Musharraf to doff uniform
before elections.
Deputy Attorney General expressed helplessness before the Supreme
Court on the progress in recovery of missing persons. He accused the
Ministry of Interior of not complying with directives of the court in this

44

context. The petitioners expressed grief and helplessness over stereotype

replies from the government on successive hearings.
On 11th April, The Supreme Court framed the charge against police
and district administration officials for interfering with the course of
administration of justice by acting in contemptuous and disrespectful
manner to the CJP. The News reported that the Chief Justice of SHC could
withdraw from the membership of the SJC.
Musharraf once again told a public gathering that he would disclose
facts after the verdict of the SJC. Shakil Shaikh reported that the CJP had got
his Quetta based vehicles registered with number plates bearing the word
CIA. A number of lawyers were booked under criminal charges of
thrashing Ranjha and other lawyers.
Over 200 political activists were arrested in Rawalpindi-Islamabad
area on the eve of the hearing by the SJC. The government declared that no
protests would be allowed in front of the Supreme Court building. Political
parties and lawyers vowed to continue their protest.
Ansar Abbasi reported that a re-employed federal secretary, Tariq Ali
Bokhari would be the prime government witness against the CJP. Bokhari
was completing his two-year contract on March 4, five days before the
reference was moved, but he was allowed to continue for another year
without mandatory consultation with Federal Public Service Commission.
On 13th April, lawyers and politicians staged countrywide boycott of
courts and protest rallies. Turnout of activists of political parties was better
than previous protests. Nawaz Sharif addressed the rally of his party on
telephone. PPPs participation lacked the luster familiar to its jialas. PMLN mulled deferment of APC till the verdict by SJC.
A man carrying a gun was arrested while entering the Supreme Court
premises. A small group of lawyers in Karachi picked up a brawl with
journalists and thrashed some journalists and camera-men. During the
incident the law enforcers present at the scene stayed away showing no
concern. This was the third attempt to draw a wedge between journalists and
the lawyers. The incident was suspected as an attempt to sabotage the
present campaign by the lawyers.

45

Minister Durrani gleefully condemned manhandling of the journalists.

He urged suspension of membership of those involved to set an example so
that no one could dare attacking journalists in future. He also asked PPP to
suspend membership of its MNA who manhandled Shakir Solangi.
Durrani went on to claim, I have always stood by the journalists
through thick and thin. My ministry has taken note of the incident. He
added, there would be no change in the present set-up, because at the
moment any change that is required is the change in opposition parties
attitude.
Ansar Abbasis report pricked the conscience of Tariq Ali Bokhari and
he resigned. Prime Minister rejected his resignation because he found no
need to be a prisoner of conscience. A spokesman of PMs Secretariat termed
Ansars report slanderous and defamatory.
Hearing by the SJC lasted for about two hours in which Aitzaz Ahsan
argued on the question of bias against three of the five members on the
bench. The issue of open court will be taken up after the ruling on bias, but
Aitzaz had reiterated that proceedings on bias should also be open. The SJC
adjourned till 18th April.
Police hunt for PML-N activists continued on 14 th April; PPP also
reported arrest of its workers in connection with forthcoming protest. MMA
called for grand opposition alliance to intensify the movement against
Musharraf. The CJP addressed bar council at Sukkur in which judges were
also present. A lawyer of Chiniot threatened to commit suicide over
suspension of the CJP.
Next day, the CJP traveled from Sukkur to Hyderabad by road and
received rousing welcome enroute. He was received outside the city of
Hyderabad and escorted to the site of the reception arranged by lawyers, in
which judges were also present. In his address, the CJP said concentration of
power results in anarchy.
Muhammad Saleh Zaafir reported that the government would take
decision in couple of days to check ongoing protests over suspension of the
CJP. Shakil Shaikh reported that agencies were still busy in collecting more
incriminating evidence against the CJP. Prime Minister urged the Leaguers
to watch truth on PTV. Media decided to cover the lawyers protest on 18 th
April wearing black arm-bands.

46

On 16th April, Musharraf informed the formation commanders that

Pakistan was passing through difficult phase. Commenting on Benazirs
interview, Durrani said she was now begging for a deal. Shaikh Rashid said
the contacts with Benazir were in advance stage. Benazir denied offering
support to Musharraf.
The law enforcement agencies, during a crackdown on political
leaders and activists in Rawalpindi-Islamabad area, arrested more than 60
persons including MNA Mian Aslam. The Supreme Court adjourned till
April 24 hearing of three identical constitutional petitions challenging
making the CJP non-functional. The CJP suspected hand of brother judges in
his suspension, reported Ansar Abbasi.
Next day, more than 250 political activists were detained in
Islamabad-Rawalpindi area on the eve of case hearing. Women lawyers held
a peaceful protest rally in Rawalpindi in favour of non-functional CJP.
Defence counsel decided to focus on constitutionality of the SJC. Hearing on
Ranjha case was put off till 28th April.
The rumoured deal caused worries to ministers. Ijazul Haq said
Benazir was trying to trap Musharraf. Minister Durrani said contacts with
Benazir are in national interest. Fazl said BB-Musharraf deal would
disintegrate the country. As Musharraf planned to embrace self-exiled BB,
Bangladesh exiled two of its Bibis.
On 24th April, Aitzaz Ahsan completed his arguments. He prayed to
the SJC that on completion of the arguments on the question of bias the
Council should announce its decision and only then proceed with the legal
objections vis--vis constitutionality of the Council to hear the reference.
The SJC rejected the prayer and withheld the ruling on the plea of bias to
avoid any possible complications arising out of fragmentary decisions and
expression of opinion in piecemeal.
The CJP filed a constitutional petition in the Supreme Court carrying
132 points of law challenging the presidential reference against him. The
petitioner challenged his suspension, sending him on forced leave,
competence of the SJC as well as mode and manner of the proceedings;
President of Pakistan, Federation of Pakistan, SJC and registrars of SHC and
LHC were made respondents in the petition.

47

Aitzaz Ahsan in a hurriedly called press conference said the writ in the
Supreme Court was filed because we dont trust the SCJ. Wasi Zafar
announced the verdict on the petition before the SJC could see it; the
Constitution lays down the accountability of the CJP.
Protest rallies were held across the country. Lawyers turned out in
greater number than the past particularly in Lahore and Islamabad, despite
complete blockade of the capital. Political parties turnout was on the decline
particularly in case of PPP. Thirteen activists of PML-N, including 11
women were booked for thrashing workers of PML-Q. Retired soldiers and
families of missing persons also participated. Nawaz Sharif was disturbed
over PPP-government deal.

COMMENTS
Nobody liked Shujaats unflinching loyalty to the uniform. Maria
Jamshaid from Islamabad wrote, gang rapists and murderers should not be
shot. Kidnappers and torturers should not be shot. Corrupt politicians and
bureaucrats who have grossly abused the trust of the people and looted this
country should not be shot
But innocent people crying out for democracy to be restored and
army to retreat to its rightful place, yes they should be shot. Innocent
civilians frustrated and utterly despondent at the state of affairs in this
beautiful country, yes, they should be shot. People exercising the same
freedoms and rights which are promised to them in every election, yes, they
should be shot.
Shame on you Chaudhry sahib for setting such a gross example for
the people of this country. Shame on you for publicly endorsing violence.
And shame on you for once again tarnishing the image of this country in the
world.
Talking to party activists in Islamabad, Pakistan Muslim League
president Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain has said that all those people raising
slogans against the army in the name of freedom, of expression and the
freedom of the press should be shot; without due process. Will that not be
another example of extremism? Farooq Zaman from Lahore questioned.

48

Shafqat Mahmood commented: In times of national crisis, the

messages that circulate widely also become reflective of public mood. One
such message has truly captured the ironic dilemma we face: In Pakistan
the chief justice of the Supreme Court seeks justice and the army chief seeks
security.
This of course is not the only irony. In a week when the political
elite, the lawyers community and civil society were out in force fighting for
justice and rule of law General Musharraf is now reported to have
taken direct charge of all tactical decisions regarding the lawyers
movement.
M Najam Jadoon from London opined that the strategy that was
wrong from the outset wont be easy to mend. According to the law, a
reference is submitted to the president by the prime minister and the
president is bound to submit it to the Supreme Judicial Council. Even if the
president had been satisfied by the CJ, he still could not withhold a
sensitive reference against the top judge of the country. He has no
qualifications in law and therefore not competent to take a sensitive legal
decision of withholding the reference.
On the other hand, if by not satisfied he means he failed to
persuade the CJ to resign, then hats off to CJ Chaudhry. May God bless
Pakistan with a few more people like Justice Chaudhry and Pakistan will
become a respectable state in the world, in every sense.
M B Naqvi observed that Musharraf regime has already lost ground
on the issue of missing persons. The disappearances and the brutal way
the regime reacts to popular expressions of dissent has recently been
demonstrated, including its tolerance deficit over freedom of the media and
also other freedoms of the people. The president claims, against all the
allegations of the relatives of the disappeared that they have gone to join the
Taliban, as if Taliban existed as a separate state somewhere else. Why cant
the omni-present secret agencies find them?
Nadeem Iqbal mentioned one of the features of revised strategy of the
man at the helm of affairs. After President Musharrafs briefing, they have
come up with a consolidated counter-strategy. The strategy is to keep
Jamaat-i-Islami and other political parties away from protesting lawyers and
to isolate the protesting lawyers so that the issue may not turn into a popular
anti-government movement.
49

The media is being tamed by opening of some of the popular Indian

channels that attract advertisement revenue from Pakistan. The message is
that in case of defiance the space to earn advertisement revenue can be
curtailed The media is still accusing the government of curbing freedom
of press. The Dawn group has claimed for some time now that it is being
pressured through the withholding of government ads, which are a
significant part of any newspapers revenue (and survival).
Tariq Butt commented on another feature of the strategy of the TeamHelmet; the deal with PPP. Is it a genuine bid for a grand reconciliation
or a political gimmick to bail the government out from the profound
morass it is deep down due to the judicial crisis?
The governments sincerity becomes doubtless given the timing of its
gestures towards both Nawaz and Benazir. Never before, President General
Pervez Musharraf was so mired in a tight spot that could have been easily
avoided by resorting to other means vis--vis Chief Justice Iftikhar
Muhammad Chaudhry instead of filing a reference against him.
Since the judicial crisis hit the length and breadth of Pakistan,
gritty efforts have been made to divide the legal community and put on
frontline the government supporters among thousands of lawyers, but
whatever number it could shore up has failed to make an impact or present a
good show that could impinge on the force, relevance and influence of the
backers of the reference. Rather, a band of the black coat wearing lot,
siding with the government that was made to mingle among the lawyers,
was served an immense beating.
This frightening scenario coaxed the government and its different
arms into coming out with innovations to push it out of the sticky
situation before it was too late. But these lacked genuineness simply because
of the fashion in which these were made public. Negotiations with diehard
opponents are not conducted this way.
However, had the present gestures been real and sincere, these
would have been announced or confirmed by a person no less than the
president himself because he, it goes without saying, is the sole master of the
present applecart. The way these have come out in public, noticeably
bespeak the intention behind them.

50

Opposition leaders too share the general perception and have no

qualms that the closure of the NAB cell and Khalid Maqbools reported
meeting carry no weight and consider the two moves misleading the public
opinion that is single-mindedly concentrated against the government on the
question of the presidential reference.
However, notwithstanding the cynical view that disbelieves the
official sincerity, it is desired since long by a predominant majority of people
of Pakistan that Musharraf should take lead in burying the hatchet and listen
to crying saner voices that call for allowing both Nawaz and Benazir to
return home and take part in the forthcoming general elections unhindered.
The News opined: If a deal is eventually worked out, the biggest
gainer will plausibly be Ms Bhutto and her beleaguered husband Asif Ali
Zardari, since one of the compromises will be on the many cases registered
against the couple. However, this may well be a purely personal gain and
only time will tell whether it pays dividends for the party as a whole. For
instance, there is one view that says a party which has through much of its
existence rallied against military dictatorships should not be supping with
generals, and certainly not in exchange for benefits that will accrue only to
its top leadership.
The president and Ms Bhuttos party have much in common,
especially when important issues such as terrorism, fighting extremism,
protection of minorities and ending discriminatory laws against women are
considered (in the last matter, the PPP actually voted in favour of a
government-sponsored bill in parliament). Of course, the president and his
government have often been at the receiving end (and with some
justification) on not coming good on the otherwise worthy intention of
fighting extremism with actual deeds. Perhaps, having the support of a
liberal and a secular party like the PPP, which incidentally received the
highest number of votes in the 2002 general elections, will allow the
president to do just that.
Dr Tariq Hassan was of the view that the president has gone too far
this time. The autobiography has turned out to be a self-fulfilling
prophecy for the general who has now actually landed himself in the line
of fire not under false pretences anymore of protecting the US president in
his war against terror but because of his vain effort to subvert the judiciary
by first wrongly suspending the chief justice of Pakistan and later trying to
correct his manifest mistake by sending him on forced leave.
51

The general has started the war within to perpetuate his self-rule. By
doing so he has not only denigrated the highest judicial institution in the
country but unfortunately also caused harm to his own constituency the
army. Not since the aftermath of the break-up of Pakistan in 1971 have the
people of Pakistan held the army in such disdain as now.
This is not the first time that the government has sought the removal
of the head of an institution illegally Brute force may have worked
earlier but the move against the chief justice has turned out to be a
miscalculation. The effort to remove the chief justice seems to be the last
straw that has broken the legal communitys back.
There is a general perception among the public that the chief justice
has done the nation proud by showing boldness in not giving in to the
pressure placed on him to resign. Consequently, not only the legal fraternity
but also the public at large stands behind him in this ordeal.
What are the legal options available to lawyers against the
general? Some Pakistani jurists suggest impeachment for gross misconduct
based on constitutional and legal contraventions and abuse of power. Others
advocate that he should be persecuted internationally for gross violation of
human rights. Still others go further to recommend that the president be tried
for usurping power in 1999.
The government has, among other things, taken a number of
purported actions whose seriousness would even warrant notice and
action by superior courts on their own. It could be responsible for: (i)
unleashing state terrorism by allowing the surreptitious abduction of people;
(ii) handing over Pakistani citizens and foreign nationals in Pakistan to
foreign powers without following the due process of law; (iii) waging
internal war on its own people in tribal areas against the basic mandate of
the armed forces; and (iv) eliminating and exiling political opponents in
clear violation of fundamental rights guaranteed not only by the Constitution
but protected also by international human rights conventions.
It is quite likely that judicial conscience may prompt judges to
take advantage of this opportunity to redeem institutional honour lost
repeatedly by the judiciarys sublime submission to power after each
successive military coup in Pakistan. The Supreme Court would do well to
consider adopting a sacrosanct judicial policy aimed at preventing
usurpation of political power by generals in the future by declaring
52

validations of martial laws as being the fruit of the poisonous tree. Although
there is uncertainty in the minds of people as to how this is going to end,
there is, nevertheless, the realization that the president has gone too far this
time.
Rahimullah Yusufzai opined, the president and his prime minister
took on the chief justice of Pakistan in a bid to remove one last hurdle to
absolute power. It showed that the rulers werent ready to tolerate any
opposition to their plans to rule forever. No doubts the decision to render
Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry non-functional provoked
countrywide demonstrations and confronted the president with one of the
biggest challenges to his rule to date. But it also triggered a new crisis and
its outcome will have a bearing on the state of politics in the country. We
would have been better off without another crisis.
Dr Masooda Bano observed that for General Musharraf the
payback time has started. His one-man approach to running the country
and constant reference to establishing the writ of the state has landed him
in a position where both the secular and the religious sections of the society
are saying that enough is enough What the recent developments in
Pakistan show is that street power rather than Constitution is the only means
left to make any voice heard in Pakistan.
Khalid Mustafa from Islamabad opined that the hearing of reference
should be open. Will it be fair or in accordance with the principles of
justice to hold in-camera proceedings or hearing in a court case when
the charges are open to the public through the print media while the replies
to the charges are not?
Ikram Sehgal did not approve the CJPs address to bar councils.
Despite the heat of the moment, the CJ addressed the Rawalpindi Bar
Council. While it is very much his right to do so, and he did scrupulously
avoid mention of his personal predicament, the fact is that in very charged
political environment prevailing, a very politically charged crowd of lawyers
took him in a procession to the location. The theme of the meeting was
anti-government. By his presence the CJ took sides. Unfortunately his
person has thus become political, and made his locus standi controversial.
The CJ will probably win the battle to clear his name but he
could end up losing the war. He can resume his office as the CJ. But as a

53

man of conscience, can he continue so without tarring permanently as

political the office of the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court?
The analyst, belonging to the embedded community, went on to add:
The rumours of Musharrafs departure are greatly exaggerated. This man is
at his best when he is in a corner. This soldier may have been politically
wounded, but it is when he is seemingly down when he can be quite lethal.
Musharraf is not going anywhere, at least not yet; and neither is
Shaukat Aziz.
Akbar Jan Khan from Islamabad was not satisfied with the
performance of political parties at this critical juncture. The performance
of our main parties in the ensuing judicial crises has, I am afraid, not
been very impressive. Their call for a general strike on the March 26 was
also not a spectacular success. They need to get their act together and
overcome their mutual bickering to be able to put effective pressure on the
government.
Dr Khalil Ahmad discussed the movement and its aim that ought to
be. After this March 9, Pakistan is patient with the hope of fast recovery. I
say hope, because if this hope dies, the patient will lie dormant for long time
to come. Isnt it a clear silver lining that sixty years history could not cite
an instance of NO to the rulers from the most important institution of
Pakistani society, the judiciary; and now there is a NO, the first NO
from the judiciary of Pakistan As it is beyond the pale of power politics
that is why political parties are in the process of being exposed on this issue
of NO. They know very well they too cannot afford this NO from the
judiciary, and sure they do need a subservient judiuciary.
But there are other lessons also: first of all, people have forsaken
the fear of saying NO; they have come to know that there is a community
clad in black coats and another community with pens and microphones in
hands and cameras on shoulders that can face the powerful elite ruling over
Pakistan exclusively; they have come to realize that it is the emancipation of
the judiciary from where the process of rebirth of a new Pakistan may set in
motion; they have come to feel the importance of the moment as has been
phrased as the defining moment.
So, if the judiciary emerges triumphant out of this battle, it will
have to take up many tasks to help a new and truly free Pakistan to be
reborn. The first task is to ensure rule of law in Pakistan. The second is to
54

ensure to the people of Pakistan their fundamental rights provided in the

Constitution of Pakistan.
Not only this, people also knowingly want such changes in the
Constitution which will ensure to them their fundamental freedoms such as
freedom to think and express themselves, freedom to earn and spend as they
wish, freedom to pursue happiness as they choose, and freedom to live
freely.
In fact, the judiciary will have to show clearly that it is no part of any
theory of knowledge, this one or that one; or it is no accomplice in the
promotion or pursuance of any theory of knowledge whatsoever. If it
happens to be a party to any theory of knowledge, it will be a fatal blow to
the spirit of humanity our society is already short of because since 1947
Pakistan has been a victim of above-discussed dangerous theory of
knowledge that deprived its people of all what was human in human-beings,
and made them a people with no values at all. This means that the judiciary
will have to stick to the theory of conduct instead. It will have to make sure
that this theory is taken and implemented in letter and spirit fairly and
strictly. In other words, it will have to protect the inalienable freedoms of
the people of Pakistan.
M B Naqvi visualized the impact of the final outcome with regard to
the reference against the CJP. The Supreme Judicial Council, apart from the
trenchant and embarrassing (for the government) arguments of Aitzaz
Ahsan, faces a difficult task. Indeed, the dice is now loaded against the
SJC itself: it has no option but to either find Justice Iftikhar Mohammad
Chaudhry guilty or dismiss the reference.
Just think of what happens if the SJC finds him guilty. Political
reaction within the country will be electric, what with vast majority of
lawyers mobilized in favour of the CJ and most political parties joining the
lawyers agitation. And what will happen to Pakistans image abroad when
they hear the Chief Justice of Pakistan was guilty of gross irregularities.
But if the SJC finds the CJ not guilty, where will the regime hide
its face? In normal democracies, in such a case the entire cabinet resigns.
But perhaps the powers that be in this country do not care for such
decencies. Even so, can a reinstated CJP even for a few hours coexist
with the government that wanted him punished?

55

Nasim Zehra wrote, any dream of an upheaval removing the present

government seems like a pipe dream. It would not only create further
cleavages in the power structure it would be more destructive for the
country. Street battles can have bloody consequences; further fragmentation
helps in strengthening those who wield danda power whether the state or
the religious parties further the death of ideas and principles. The battle
must be on principles and processes that strengthen institutions that promote
democracy which hold exercise of power accountable.

REVIEW
With the crackdown against the CJP, the regime came under strong
criticism internally and externally. Musharraf indulged in war gaming and
came out with two brilliant ideas. He made public the ongoing back-door
negotiations with Benazir to counter internal pressure and reactivated Lal
Masjid issue to scare the Western powers of mullas.
The strategy aims at short-term goals and so far it seemed to be
working fine. But the strategy, being reactive in nature, is devoid of any
long-term aims and objectives. For example, in case of a deal with PPP,
Benazir will be the only beneficiary and kings party and its allies, including
the MQM, will be the losers.
The Team-Helmet as well as the Team-Wig seemed to be showing no
urgency with regard to finalization of the legal proceedings. Some legal
experts feared that the prolonging of the issue would have dangerous
consequences with regard to national interests, which both sides seemed of
ignored.
Which party would benefit from prolonging of the proceedings of the
SJC? This is a tricky question, but most observers believe that delay would
give time to the government in controlling the movement which, contrary to
the general expectations, has still not gathered the desired momentum.
In case tensions persist, the government would expedite the deal with
PPP further undermining the unity of opposition parties; thus prolong the
Musharraf rule. Musharraf-Benazir deal will also mark the merger of the
puppets of the Crusaders, who would welcome the coalition of enlightened
moderates against the evil forces of Islamic fascism.

56

Bush Administration, however, will prefer to wait and see which way
the movement heads. Bush is neither interested in democracy in Pakistan nor
in independence of judiciary. He himself is facing executive-judiciary
confrontation in America. If the position of Musharraf is threatened, the US
would abandon him despite the services he has rendered to the cause of
Crusades.
Apart from the two brilliant moves mentioned above, the TeamHelmet has been initiating other moves but, these were quite clumsy and
have back-fired in most cases. One of the moves was to show that the
government enjoys the support within lawyers community.
In this move the government resorted to reverse-technology or
reverse-engineering to produce pro-government lawyers. Some of these fake
products were beaten by the genuine lawyers. One of them was produced on
PTV to tell the nation that he was a genuine lawyer. Close ups of his identity
documents were shown by the cameras.
The fact remains that intelligence agent always operate on fake
identity. Forging a licence issued by a bar council is no big deal for
intelligence set-ups. And, surprisingly, the victim lawyer refused to pursue
the case in a court of law; why?
The Team-Helmet covered up its foul play by making low-ranking
officials as scapegoats. In the case of manhandling of the CJP, the Supreme
Court came to the rescue of the government by taking sou moto notice. The
court netted some big fish, but these were docile Dolphins who rendered
apology to the Supreme Court. The Sharks remained elusive to pounce upon
their prey some other day.
Musharraf has been disbursing public funds in election rallies. This
generosity has less to do with the development of particular areas, but
pertains more to winning or buying hearts and minds of the people.
According to him he still has about 500 billions in the kitty.
The scuffle between lawyers and media-men in Karachi could be yet
another move aimed at distancing the latter from the former. It is feared that
lawyers action against media has delivered a serious blow to a national
cause for which the lawyers community is fighting on the forefront.

57

This blow could have been delivered only in Karachi which is the
strong-hold of Musharraf Bhai. MQM has had held Karachi as hostage since
long and with its patronization by Musharraf for the last seven years, it now
dreams of holding entire Pakistan as hostage.
The only move that has worked well for the Team-Helmet relates to
the use of law enforcing agencies. There is no change in their aggressive
employment, but the scene of aggression has been shifted away from the eye
of the TV cameras. The activists are arrested a day or two prior to the
scheduled rallies and on the day of protests the routes to Islamabad are
blocked miles away from the capital.
The Team-Wig ended this round with a move in legal arena; the area
with which it is far more familiar than the Team-Helmet. The CJP filed a
petition hoping to achieve multiple objectives. The important ones are; the
legality of the manner in which the executive moved against the judiciary
has been challenged, Musharraf has been made a party to the row, open
hearing of the reference has been somewhat ensured, and so on.
19th April 2007

CLASH WITHIN -II

Charge of the Enlightened Brigade on Lal Masjid and its seminaries
did not lose its impetus. They seemed quite determined to rout Islamic
obscurantist out of Islamabad; the capital of Islamic Republic of Pakistan.
Khateeb brothers also remained steadfast and held on against all odds.

58

To the utter disappointment of the enlightened moderates, the ruling

elite decided to remain in low profile. Shujaat initiated dialogue with
administration of the Lal Masjid and reached close to amicable resolution of
the crisis. Defusing of the tension was need of the hour as the government
could not afford any more confrontations at any level.
On 28th April, Umar Cheemas report was published in The News
which revealed brighter side of the Musharrafs cult of Enlightenment
Moderation. He reported that following the example set by the founderfather of this new sect, Aunty Shamim intends publishing a book which
could bring many MPs in the line of fire.
This report should be enough to understand as to why the government
had condemned her kidnaping and being kept as hostage in the seminary.
They feared that the Aunty Shamim could divulge state secrets to the
obscurantist mullas.

EVENTS
Three helicopters hovered over Lal Masjid and Jamia Hafsa on 16 th
April. The administration of seminary alleged that the helicopters sprayed
gas into the Jamia and several young girls fainted. Residents of the area
rushed to assist the students in whatever way they could. Male students
protested against the action.
Army sources said the personnel on board helicopters were only
taking pictures of the madrassa. A Swiss female journalist who was present
inside the Jamia confirmed spraying of the gas. Shujaat promised to
investigate the incident. The same day, Pakistan Embassy in Washington
assured America that the government of Musharraf wont allow
Talibanization of Pakistani society.
Shakeel Anjum reported that the government seemed determined to
control activities of madrassas affiliated with Lal Masjid after receiving
green signal from the highest office. Activities of students and teachers
were being monitored through aerial and ground sources. It has been decided
that cases against students would be registered under Terrorism Act. A list of
students has been finalized by sensitive agencies. Crackdown on Lal Masjid
has not been finalized but arrest of Khatib brothers is under consideration.

59

Strict action will be taken against shopkeepers who invite seminary students
to set video tapes on fire prepared. Police has already arrested three students
and a shopkeeper over Bhara Kahu incident.
Next day, the authorities declared Lal Masjid surroundings no-go area
to avoid unpleasant situation. Tariq Azeem showed optimism about talks on
Hafsa issue. The convention of Ulema in Peshawar termed suicide attacks
against Shariah, but suspected hidden hand behind the crisis.
On 18th April, Shujaat said Lal Masjid issue would soon reach logical
end. Benazir expressed concern over activities of vigilante groups. She
alleged that Musharraf regime was not taking stern action against Jamia
Hafsa because daughters of many army officers were studying there.
Next day, Shujaat Hussain assured reconstruction of the demolished
mosques. Jamia Hafsa students, however, rejected any change of in sites of
the demolished mosques. NGOs demonstrated against Jamia Hafsa; mostly
the women were in the forefront.
On 20th April, Maulana Abdul Aziz reacted to Altaf Hussains
campaign against Lal Masjid by calling him killer of thousands of people.
He also advised women of NGOs, who chanted in favour of dancing and
singing, to shift to India. He said if demanding enforcement of Shariah was a
crime then they would repeat this crime again and again. Imam Altaf alleged
that Talibanization has put countrys fate at stake. Next day, Umar Cheema
of The News reported that Jaish men had joined the ranks of Lal Masjid.
On 22nd April, Shujaat briefed Prime Minister on Lal Masjid and
Jamia Hafsa. Ijaz said Jamia Hafsa issue would be resolved through
dialogue. The government was hopeful about relocating Jamia Fareedia.
Benazir warned against fuelling religious militancy. Lal Masjid said it was
referring a rape case to the government as a test in which two sisters were
allegedly raped by a police agent. We will be compelled to take action if the
government fails to tackle it urgently.
Next day, MQM released its inquiry report on Lal Masjid. The report
accused Lal Masjid of encroachment of land, occupation of library, using its
seminaries as terror training camps, and storing weapons inside the
premises. Musharraf in his interview to Polish TV was asked about Lal
Masjid. In his reply he accused Khateeb brothers, who demand enforcement

60

of Sharia, of introducing a cult just as there have been incidents in the West.
Jaish refuted media report that its men had joined ranks of Lal Masjid.
On 24th April, Chaudhry Shujaat said an understanding has been
reached with administration of Lal Masjid and all issues would be resolved
peacefully. He denied presence of any weapons in Lal Masjid which had
been authentically reported by MQM. Benazir asked the government to
contain Islamic militants.
Next day, Shujaat briefed Prime Minister about talks with Lal Masjid
and termed these constructive. Maulana Abdul Aziz said that although there
had been headway in talks with the government, no agreement on paper had
been made as yet. He told that Shujaat Hussain has agreed that as first step
the demolished mosques would be reconstructed while implementation of
Islamic Shariah would be taken up subsequently. Ways to implement Shariah
will be discussed in next meeting. Maulana said that Shujaat had
acknowledged that many of his misperceptions about Lal Masjid have been
removed. Shujaat conceded that children library would remain under the
control of students of Hafsa.
On 27th April, Lal Masjid cleric warned the government against any
action. Hafiz Saeed backed the administration of Lal Masjid. Umar Cheema
reported that Aunty Shamim has put at stake the future of many honorable
MPs who fear there would be a string of divorces in case she publishes a
book carrying the names of her clients.
The gravity of the situation can be imagined from the fact that the
treasury MPs have discussed the issue with the Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz.
The Speaker National Assembly was also among the emphatic listeners
when the matter was discussed at the residence of Nasrullah Khan Dareshak
following a dinner reception the other day.
A ruling MP from Sargodha, said the publication of a book could
trigger an all time high divorce rate with majority of the lawmakers would
be separated from their wives. He had feared that Aunty Shamim was
planning to author a book which would be published by Oxford University
Press. The book would contain names of lawmakers, senior army officers
and judges of Islamic Republic of Pakistan. He feared 200-300 divorces.
The Speaker requested the lady MPs to leave the place saying there
would be a bit vulgar discussion that appropriately should not take place in

61

their presence. Surprisingly, even the Enlightened Moderates have some

rules about vulgarity. However, on the pretext of these unwritten rules the
male MPs tried to indulge in gender discrimination.
A journalist-turned-female MP and a spinster from a smaller province
refused to leave the place, not knowing exactly the contents of the agenda.
So the discussion over the issue took place in front of female MPs. The said
treasury lawmaker noted with concern that the fear looms large over the
Parliament Lodges that houses rich clientele of Aunty Shamim.
The exact details of the proceedings of the discussions over the
agenda would never be known and even those reported by Umar are too
vulgar to be mentioned. Umar contacted another MP, who had also attended
the dinner, for comments. The MP said that there was no truth in the contents
of the proposed book. Such attempts are being made by those who were out
to defame members of the Parliament. He added that once the book is
published, we will take the legal course against the author and defend
ourselves.

COMMENTS
The enlightened sections of the media, analysts and civil society kept
demanding crackdown against Lal Masjid; despite their claims of being
moderates. Nowhere in the world have the moderates ever indulged in
beating the battle drums so vigorously; such enthusiasm could only be
shown by the fresh converts to the cult of enlightened moderation.
Nosheen Saeed wrote: Civil society must rise to this threat and stand
as warriors of their faith and their country and stop these pseudo imams
from exploiting our religion, our mosques and our children. Its time to wake
up from deep slumber; its time for the silent majority to act; its time for the
progressive and moderate forces to prevail and its time for the government
to act before its too late.
Shafiq Khan from Toronto wrote, I would suggest the government
launch an operation against the Lal Masjid mullahs. Some are saying
such an operation might encourage Lal Masjid mullahs to launch suicide
attacks through madressah students. But those who want to carry out suicide

62

attacks are already doing so. A few mullahs are pushing thousands of
innocent youths into the abyss.
Fatima Bhutto urged crackdown by ridiculing the mullas of Lal
Masjid. Maulana Abdul Aziz is nothing if not a pious man. He generously
offered to marry prostitutes willing to turn their back on a life of harlotry.
Women of night all across Pakistan must have breathed a loud sigh of relief.
But that is not the full extent of the Maulanas commitment to morality and
rectitude. Last week at the Shariat and Glory of Jihad Conference held in
Islamabad, Maulana Abdul Aziz announced the creation of a Shariat court to
be headed by ten qazis and modeled on the Taliban system of merciful
Islamic Justice.
The chicks with sticks as they are now affectionately referred to and
their Lal Masjid compatriots are not the first citizens of the world to want to
take community justice into their own hands. They are not the first to feel
that the established means of law and order do not meet the needs of the
people nor are they the first to beg participation and agency in the often
exclusive sphere of legal matters. But theyre certainly doing it the wrong
way.
After quoting some right ways of community justice practiced in
various parts of the world Fatima concluded: Maulana Abdul Azizs
Shariat court has nothing to do with community justice. Not in the least.
It has to do with intimidation, fascist morality and mob ethics. The women
who stalk the city of Islamabad sheathed in black and armed with bamboo
sticks have no vision of community and what it actually embodies:
tolerance.
Ziaul Islam Zia from Chitral urged action by blowing up the threat
posed the seminary. We have never seen such behaviour and activities
among female students of colleges. But from the rude behaviour of Jamia
Hafsa students one can easily guess what sort of education is being
provided to them inside the madressah.
Being a theologian, Maulana Abdul Aziz should try to solve this
problem through reconciliation, but he is instigating students to violence
through his suicidal slogans. The government must take firm action against
such self-interested individuals who are responsible for endangering the
peace of Islamabad, and the whole country as well.

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Fasi Zaka did it by painting the monster uglier than the ugliest. David
Koresh was a mad man. He led a small cult of Christians in the US, and had
holed himself in a compound in a place called Wacho in Texas. As his story
unfolded, Wacho became touchstone point for the wacho behaviour of the
self-claimed prophetic messiah.
Abdul Rashid Ghazi of Lal Masjid is not David Koresh. Though
frankly, he could become one. The standoff between the government and
the Lal Masjid lot is reaching its pinnacle, young women are being used to
shield the leaders inside, and the brothers Ghazi want to extend their parallel
state to the whole country.
Its a classic dilemma, two opposing evils. One military
dictatorship; the other is the possibility of a theocratic one. But the choice is
easy, the latter will lead to the tyranny of fascism and the first has some
semblance of benevolence. We are between a rock and a hard place, and
thats the sad reality of a country that has to live with pragmatism.
F Azeem from Rawalpindi alleged that its a terror camp, not a
madrassah. There are many students in that situation who are above the age
of 18, but it seems they are doing everything but study. What is the source
of income that is supporting so many people? And what kind of Islam allows
people to be parasites on others, and earn ones bread without working? The
Lal Masjid mullah brothers should first try to mutate themselves according
to Islam and be a role model, and then impose Islam on others.
Noreen Haider coaxed the government by blaming it for passivity. In
their grand design to uphold Islamic law, the Khatib brothers do not think
much about holding peoples or government property, grabbing government
land worth millions of dollars, kidnapping women and children, harassing
civil society or threatening government and people with rebellion and
suicide attacks.
Some people believe the government is being too passive and has
failed to assert its authority. However, because of the waiting game
successfully played by the government, the Lal Masjid administration has
run out of all allies and supporters. Their stubbornness has exposed their true
face and every religious authority in Pakistan today has distanced itself from
them.

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The recent negotiations with Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain have failed

because the maulanas refused to show any flexibility. It appears that the
governments patience is running out. Whether it succeeds in putting the
genie back into the bottle remains to be seen.
M S Hasan did it by blaming the government for showing weakness.
How weak the government has become is evident from the fact the
Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain, as the emissary has been asked to negotiate a
deal with criminals and law breakers, to resolve and end the impasse over
the Lal Masjid and Jamia Hafsa stand off. No government worth its salt
would ever negotiate with criminals and lawbreakers and this sums up
the sorry state of affairs of the State.
There is no law and order in the country, today. There are groups
and individuals who are defiantly taking chances and openly challenging the
writ of the State. The homegrown Taliban have taken virtual charge of the
Federally Administered Tribal Areas. If writ of the State is being challenged
in every nock and corner of the country then why so much hue and cry over
Lal Masjid.
This rampant and unchecked break down of law and order, defying
the writ of the state by various elements and individuals are a sequel to the
running of the government by a coterie of spineless individuals, afflicted
with an acute sense of insecurity and under the influence of devious
remnants of the Ziaul Haque era.
The country is in absolute chaos as the president takes a break for a
week in Europe, preceded by a week of absence by the prime minister. In the
meanwhile, the ostrich syndrome rules supreme and the writ of the State
is in tatters.
Amir Zia urged the government to hurry as time was running out.
Even the late Sultan Rahi one of the biggest icons of Pakistani cinema
who ruled the hearts and minds of filmgoers thanks to his danda and
gandasa could not have imagined that his technique of brash
posturing and theatrical yells of defiance could be used so effectively in
the real world by Lal Mosque clerics and their followers. By equating
Khateebs of Lal Masjid with Sultan Rahi, Amir inadvertently admitted that
the culture of violence has been promoted by the liberals who support
cinema; mullas are definitely against it.

65

Yes, the sight of violent-women and their ferocious-looking bearded

male counterparts challenging the society and the state with sticks in their
hands seems odd and abnormal even in Islamabad the capital of worlds
Muslim nuclear power. He seemed to be suggesting the use of a nuclear
device against Lal Masjid.
In an ironic chain of events, this might is right philosophy seems
to be working and paying dividends for clerics of Lal Masjid, which
according to security personnel is serving as a den for militants, their
weapons and a possible breeding ground for suicide bombers. Bur still, these
clerics, their patrons, and supporters are getting the space they want to
operate in and allowed to tempt others to follow suit.
A Sunni Tehreek leader waved a sword in Karachi on April 8 in full
media glare and presence of thousands of people as he vowed to avenge the
death of those killed in Nishtar Park bombing last year on the occasion of
Eid Milad-un-Nabi Even lawyers have learned to express themselves with
dandas now. After beating one of their colleagues in Islamabad for his progovernment stance, some lawyers literally attacked journalists with sticks in
Karachi.
The fact remains that the rampant tolerance and polarization is
affecting every segment of the society even our legal fraternity. Only the
manifestations of this intolerance and extremism are different across
Pakistan The signs are ominous from one end of the country to another.
Now we have an organized small groups challenging the state
authority openly and trying to galvanize public support for their actions. If
this is allowed to continue, it would lead to total chaos and anarchy in
the society. The failure of the authorities in establishing the rule of law is
only aggravating the situation and sending wrong signals not just within
Pakistan, but internationally.
The real governments, anywhere in the world, do not negotiate with
law breakers and stick-wielding pressure groups. They take action against
them. All the guns, rockets and bombs hidden behind these sticks would
come into the open if the trend is not curbed now. The clock is ticking, time
is slipping fast. The government should act before it is too late. It should
act to save the country from sliding into anarchy.

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Imaan Hazir from Islamabad rejected negotiations with Lal Masjid.

The compromising attitude of the government on the Jamia Hafsa issue is
not good and it is giving a wrong message to everybody The government
should have taken action a long time ago. Even now they are
negotiating. This is absolutely ridiculous. Where is the writ of the state?
Ilhan Niaz from Islamabad wrote, rationally and morally it would be
advisable to reconcile with the legal community, mainstream opposition
parties and civil society, and crack down on religious extremists. Instead, the
government is placating the religious extremists who openly seek the
liquidation of the Pakistani state and is cracking down on the legal
community, mainstream opposition parties and civil society.
The News has been leading the charge of the Enlightened Brigade.
After rally by NGOs, it wrote, if the government doesnt act against
religious extremism in Pakistan after Tuesdays protests, its critics on the
question will be justified in their accusations that it is acquiescing to the
fanatics despite their outrageous behaviour in the very heart of the
countrys capital.
The mass outpouring of indignation is understandable. Lal Masjid
pulls the strings of two violent madressahs, the female pupils of one of
which is in illegal occupation of childrens library since January. Yet, despite
the continuing hooliganism inspired by Jamia Hafsa and Jamia Fareedia, the
government maintains a phlegmatic reluctance to do anything to defeat the
menace The government must effectively tackle the religious extremists
now when the saner, and truer, face of Pakistani society has shown itself
uncompromisingly for enlightenment and against obscurantism.
After the release of a video of an execution by Taliban, the editor
found a Bush-like pretext to demonize Taliban of the Islamabad. The video
acquired by the AP Television News showed execution of US spy. The editor
must have been scared by the hatred shown for Americans and their allies.
He must have seen in the video the fate of those demonizing the Taliban in
concert with the Crusaders.
On 24th April, the editorial column was exclusively devoted to Lal
Masjid. The latest statement by the Lal Masjid clerics seems to contradict
recent reports of a resolution to the stand-off between their students and the
government. However, given the past conduct of the clerics and the
governments spineless behaviour during the whole sordid affair, this was
67

perhaps only to be expected. Remarks of the khateeb that no understanding

will be reached unless the razed structures (initially built on encroached
land) were reconstructed on their original sites and unless Shariat was
declared in the country mean that the situation is back to square one. Now,
one hopes that the government handles the situation in a more dignified
and courageous manner.
The PML-Q chiefs willingness to take the clerics at their words is
puzzling for good reason. Since the beginning of this sordid episode, which
has now culminated in the federal capital being held hostage by
extremists and on the verge of Talibanization, the Lal Masjid clerics have
said a lot of things and the conveniently denied them. Their demands, in turn
for vacating the childrens library and withdrawing the threat of using the
Jamia Hafsa students as a moral enforcement brigade, have only increased
with governments dilly-dallying. For instance, the demand initially was to
rebuild the structures that had been demolished, which has now become a
demand that the government enforce Sariah in the country.
Before concluding, the editor reproduced some statements broadcast
by the cleric on his FM radio to further instigate the government to launch
crackdown without further delay. What can one say in response to this,
except that this is hardly the time and the place for the government to be
showing leniency in this regard, lest people think that this really is all stagemanaged for the benefit of some people.
MQM had organized a rally against danda shariat. Some critics of the
obscurantist expressed disappointment over turnout. Ghazi Salahuddin
commented, Karachis civil society should have done much better. One
regret was that the crowd had a minimal sprinkling of youth. This is a
serious matter. Our young people in the modern sector, gifted with so many
privileges, behave as aliens when their attention is drawn towards our social
and political conditions. They need to be reminded that this indifference can
ultimately be suicidal because emigration is not assured for all of them and
the surrounding will finally catch up with them.
Ayesha T Haq wrote, in Karachi the so-called silent majority failed
to turn up in any numbers suggesting that this silent majority are really in
the minority. What is that prevents the elite classes from going out to protest
against the forcible imposition of a brand of Islam as interpreted by a couple
of clerics? Perhaps it is that we are so steeped in inertia. The thought of
getting out in Karachis unforgiving afternoon heat and trekking across town
68

to the Quaids Mazar is daunting for most and definitely not particularly
glamorous.
Some commentators tried to push mullas of Lal Masjid and their
students out of the fraternity of followers of Islam. Shams Zaheer Abbas
from Lahore accused them of sending the wrong message about Islam. The
danger of what is happening in Lal Masjid is that those who want to
come close to Islam may get the wrong message and are likely to be
further alienated. Furthermore, some very religious-minded people who do
not accept extremism may develop feelings of abhorrence for the clergy and
their misguided followers. Neither of these likely outcomes is healthy for the
society.
The fact of the matter is that Lal Masjid does not represent our
cultural values. It does not represent our religious values. It does, however,
represent the views of bigots and uneducated zealots who do not want to be
part of the social mainstream. They want to live a life of isolation and want
everyone else to be similarly cut off.
Islam does not give these misguided mullahs the right to adjudicate
and force their perceptions derived through istkharas on other groups of
people with differing religious, ethical and cultural interpretations
Religious harmony and political stability do not come through extremist
views or actions. History bears testimony to the fact that whenever one
group has tried to impose its vision and religious or political philosophies on
other groups, the result has been chaos, conflict and civil war.
Col Riaz Jafari from Rawalpindi wrote, the hounds smelt the blood
the moment an insipid minister ceremoniously laid the first brick to
restore a mosque. Ever since they are digging their teeth deeper and
deeper Seeing the leniency extended to these females, their male
counterparts from Lal Masjid managed the audacity to hold policemen
hostage.
Citizens should help the government authority to thwart fissiparous
designs of all those who have opposed the creation of a democratic, modern
and forward looking Pakistan, and who are now bent upon achieving their
nefarious end ironically in the name of Islamization of Islamabad and
Pakistan.

69

Some dared equating the clerics with Bhindranwala. H Hayat from

Rawalpindi wrote, the authorities are not seen taking any measures in the
Lal Masjid issue. The issue is becoming very complicated especially
within the Lal Masjid and Jamia Hafsa compounds where young zealots
can be seen practicing martial moves with bamboos on top of rooftops
barely a mile away from the parliament building and the headquarters of
Inter Services Intelligence Agency.
This situation is a reminder of the situation that prevailed in 1984
when the Golden Temple in Amritsar was in the vice-like grip of the Sikh
radical Jarnail Singh Bhindranwala. In the mid 80s the Golden Temple was
the place where the Indian Governments writ did not work and now in 2007
the two cleric brothers are issuing similar and challenging statements in
complete defiance to the government and constitution.
Siraj Durrani from Mardan wrote, the Golden Temple crisis of 1984
militant Sikhs took over the most sacred place in Amritsar. The Indian
government used force to evict them. There were many casualties, but the
pride and dignity of India was preserved.
In the Lal Masjid saga a cleric armed with sticks has challenged the
writ of an atomic power with the mightiest Islamic army. It has sent troops
to the Congo to preserve peace in that country, but it cannot maintain
law and order in its own capital.
Watching Muslims mud slinging amongst themselves encouraged Dr
Alfred Charles from Karachi to poke his nose. So far no reaction or point
of view has been aired by the parents of the Jamia Hafsa students who
are threatening everyone with sticks and even deadly fire arms. Who is
responsible for using these innocent girls? I think someone should print or
broadcast the parents point of view because certainly they will be more
upset and anxious about the security of their daughters right under the nose
of the federal capital authorities. The message Alferd wanted to convey was
that all the girls in blacks were kept hostages by the mullas; unlike the nuns
who serve the Christianity voluntarily.
Some enlightened moderates reacted to mullas demand for
enforcement of Sharia in Pakistan by re-interpreting the two-nation theory.
Since the founding of the cult of enlightened moderation, its followers have
been trying to prove that the Quaid was a secular and he never intended
imposing Islamic Sharia in Pakistan.
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Riaz Jafri had re-interpreted the two-nation theory as follows: The

Quaid distinctly differentiated between an Islamic social democracy and a
theocracy and stated categorically that Pakistan will not be a theocratic
state where the lives of the people could be entrusted to a few
custodians of religion who could impose their own brand of Islam on the
masses. A country to be ruled in accordance with the Islamic injunctions for
the amelioration of the economically and socially downtrodden Muslims,
and not to save Islam or impose Islam of a specific brand and breed,
embroiling the masses in trivialities such as how long should ones beard be,
or at what height the paincha of the shalwar should be, or if a woman could
work along with male co-workers.
Shahid Hamid from Lahore opined, if we suppose that true Sharia is
somehow implemented in Pakistan today, will the plethora of problems
faced by the Pakistanis go away just like that? Are the incidents of violence
and total lawlessness perpetrated by the madressah students in Islamabad a
beginning of the enforcement of Shariah?
That we have played havoc with Pakistan and it has been declared a
failed state is our fault, not the founding father. By the way, it was not the
religion of Islam but the Indian Muslims who needed a free country.
Islam does not need to be confined to a particular territory. In other words,
Muslims needed a free country where they could enjoy all kinds of freedoms
by getting rid of Islam.
Some analysts were of the view that extremism of mullas of Lal
Masjid is no different from extremism in other segments of the society.
Shireen M Mazari observed: At all levels of society in Pakistan, the silent
majority of all shades is being terrorized in one way or another. The
state may feel that negotiating with the Jamia Hafsa and Lal Masjid
extremists and lawbreakers will result in a peaceful resolution of this
challenge to the writ of the state with an avoidance of collateral damage.
However, for the civil society of Islamabad, the terrorization is already in
full swing so the collateral damage from Jamia Hafsa terror and blackmail
has already happened.
For instance, rumours have been allowed to run amok that young
girls wearing half sleeves shalwar kameez suits have been attacked with acid
in public places including in front of shops in Super Market and Jinnah
Super Market. Other variations on this rumour are that hot coffee has been
thrown on young girls in Abpara and one variant even had it that this scribe
71

was attacked in Jinnah Market with a needle thrust into my neck or back
depending on the version one heard by a burqa-clad woman. Of course, in
my case the incident definite did not occur
The fear is based on the premise that if the state is unable to protect
the ordinary person from the diktat of the violent extremists then there is a
little choice but to either stay locked up indoors or fall in line with this
extremist diktat. So, effectively the damage to civil society has already
been done and the dye of extremism has been cast.
Enlightenment and moderation are perforce being cast aside in the
wake of the tyranny of an extremist minority that has been unleashed in
Islamabad. Young girls are being kept home and women also fear going out
to the markets in the evenings.
So there we are; a terrorized civil society as a result of mind games
played through rumour mongering and the visible inability of the state to
exercise its writ against an increasingly tyrannical minority. So adamant are
some segments of the state in indulging these extremists that the concerns of
the wider society have been given short shrift. After all, the wider society is
seen as the silent majority non-violently pursuing their micro level
lives.
At every level we are being threatened. Here in the capital we are
suffering the tyranny and terror of the Jamia Hafsa, but this is rampant all
across the country. In our rural areas, we are facing the wrath of powerhungry local politicians who terrorize through the DPOs.
Is anybody concerned? There is no one who will listen if the
oppressors are district nazims, government MNAs or MPAs certainly
not the local officials who are now beholden to the local politicians. Clearly,
the law and writ of the state hold little value for the powerful. Whether it is
the danda of the Jamia Hafsa or the political clout of the local politicians,
the security the state must provide and the law and order that it must assert
has all but vanished. Local criminals, including known declared absconders
of the law, are now openly asserting their will through violent terror. Even
local lawbreakers who have been banned from entering their areas continue
to rule through remote control of the local officials. Even while sitting
thousands of miles away from Pakistan.

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It is not so much the extremist perspective that is worrying after all,

a stubborn liberalism still compels one to accept and tolerate diversity as
long as this tolerance is mutual but the inability of the state to assert its
writ effectively and the hijacking of the state authority by individuals and
groups. Unless the state can exercise its writ effectively on the domestic
front, it will constantly face both internal and external pressures as
seems to be happening presently.
Being no religious bigot, Dr Mazari could not resist mulla-bashing. In
a subsequent analysis she appeared to have contradicted her views expressed
as above. The latest in this connection was the horrific news that members
of a banned extremist organization, specializing suicide attacks, have sent
some of their leaders to Lal Masjid to abet those holding the state to ransom.
Worse still, if the news item is to be believed, one of the leaders on being
arrested was ordered to be released by some powerful quarters.
The Jamia Hafsa crisis has long term damaging consequences for
the civil society at all levels far worse than any political crisis in that it
touches the very essence of our and our future generations social, moral and
political fibre. In any event, as we see the crisis unfold, what is visible is the
lack of the states writ rather than any cleverly engineered government or
agency plot.
While the drift may be merely a perception and an incorrect one at
that perceptions become as important as the reality and the state needs to
the show civil society that its writ is strong across the land and it will not
succumb to violent blackmail from within and pressure from outside.
Equally important, institutional records must be there, accompanying
institutional inputs into policy-making. Most important, though, the
leadership must never allow itself to be isolated to an encircling coterie of
sycophants.
So far, everyone seemed ready to throw stones at Lal Masjid, but there
were odd exceptions. Babar Sattar expressed saner views and dared
throwing the first stone where it should have thrown long time back. The
Lal Masjid brigade has refused to stand down till the government shuts
down all brothels and clamps down on prostitution, consumption of alcohol,
music and pornography, and true Islam is enforced in practice. The
argument is that while our Constitution states that Pakistan is to be an
Islamic Republic where the teachings of Quran and Sunnah shall reign
supreme and laws have been promulgated to shun sex and vice, the appetite
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for and indulgence in prostitution, drinking, pornography and promiscuous

behaviour has exacerbated. The maulvi might have a point there.
The issue of what role religion should play in the state is only
being addressed by the maulvi, who consequently is defining the nature of
the debate. The government, political parties and civil society are steering
clear of a meaningful conversation on Islam, as the substantive issues
underlying the demands of the maulvi are considered too divisive.
The opposition parties are also mum on issues of substance. While
they point fingers at the Musharraf regime for contriving the Lal Masjid
imbroglio to scare the West, for failing to maintain law and order and for
having an axe to grind in prolonging the issue and diverting attention from
the judicial crisis, they fail to present an alternate vision for how religion
should interact with the state and society that will rid Pakistan of
intolerance and extremism.
There is a fundamental conflict of visions when it comes to the role
of Islam in Pakistan that is polarizing the society and yet political parties
seem unwilling to address the issue There are genuine differences
between alternate approaches to religion that must be debated to
generate a social consensus within the country regarding the brand of
religion a majority of Pakistanis support and the role they wish the state to
play facilitating or enforcing religion. So long as political parties and
moderates avoid a serious, extensive and open debate and continue to
smugly recite platitude when it comes to religion, the Lal Masjid-type will
continue to define what Islam should mean to Pakistan.
First of all there is the question of whether the state should enforce or
facilitate religion and what does creating Pakistan in the name of Islam
mean Then there is the more contentious issue of how the state should
balance individual rights versus collective rights.
It might be possible to regulate profligacy in public parks, but not
necessarily in homes. All citizens also have a fundamental right to the
privacy of their home. Likewise, all citizens have an established right to be
protected against nuisance caused by a neighbourhood brothel. These can
become competing rights and thus sensible line drawing needs to be done
before even the state can consider going on a morality enforcement
binge, let alone allow maulvis to do so.

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The question is what kind of legal regime should the state fashion?
One approach is for religion to determine the law thereby making all sins
crimes as well. This is one extreme. The other is one followed by the West
wherein sex and vice were decriminalized toward the end of the 20 th century
when the trend of wiping off victimless crimes from statute books gained
strength. This was a big change from the early 20 th century when even the
US had moral courts to deal with adultery, fornication and other moral
offences
In theory Pakistans legal system is closer to the former approach.
For example, Pakistani law requires that the hand of a thief be chopped off.
However, the reality of the society is somewhere between the two extreme
approaches and no hands are actually hacked in Pakistan There is a
diversity of views on these issues which need to be brought out and
considered before assuming that the maulvi or the liberal knows what
Pakistanis want.
For example, according to Lal Masjid fatwa, Minister of Tourism
Nilofar Bakhtiar is an infidel for hugging her fellow skydiver after a tandem
parachute jump. There are others who believe that as a representative of the
Pakistani government and nation Ms Bakhtiars conduct and pictures were
unbecoming and distasteful. Some argue that the pictures captured a private
activity and should not have been made public as they can hurt the
sentiments of some in this Muslim country. And there are still others who
believe that the pictures reflect a celebratory hug after an adrenaline filled
athletic activity with no sexual undertones, and no ones religion need be
threatened by their publication.
The role of religion in the state and society and who has the right to
determine it have become polarizing issue in Pakistan that cannot just be
wished away. They affect our public and public lives and need to be widely
debated to develop a consensus on the basis of which our nation can develop
a shared vision for Pakistans future. It is time for our political and
thought leaders to relinquish smugness, consider these issues and take
positions.
Ghafir A Pirzada agreed with Babar Sattar. Since neither the
politicians nor the intellectuals have ever bothered to deliberate on the
subject, the former because of the fear that some segment of their voters may
not approve of their views and the latter because they couldnt care less, it
was the Lal Masjid khateeb and the black burqa brigade that laid down their
75

own standard of Islam. They will have done Pakistan a great service if
their stance jerks the country out of its slumber.
Moez Mobeen from Karachi wrote, fornication in Islam is not
allowed, as is in the case in most religions. However, Islam does not just
term fornication as an immoral act; it also proscribes a punishment for
it as well. It does not just give morals; it gives laws to protect them.
Similarly, Islam has not just given opinions about morality in society
which is only one aspect of the societys collective life it also defined
economics and politics. And again, on these aspects we dont just have
opinions, we have laws guarding and implementing those opinions. So Mr
Sattars comment that Jamia Hafsa students want sins punished and virtues
rewarded in accordance with the law is correct. However, it is wrong to
assume that this is the interpretation of Jamia Hafsa students only. A
common Muslim does not differ from them in this belief.
This is not the first time that we have heard calls for
implementation of Sharia in Pakistan, neither is this the first movement or
effort in this regard. In fact the call for implementing Sharia was the basis of
the Pakistan Movement Thousands of people want to offer the Friday
prayers at Lal Masjid is proof enough that the present crisis is not a result of
the inability of the government to separate state and religion. Rather it is the
result of its effort to ensure it against the public mood.

REVIEW
No one can deny that Mulla, Masjid and Madrassa are symbols of
Islam, irrespective of the sect they belong to. The Crusaders have targeted
these ever since the start of the ongoing holy war. They coined lot many
phrases in last few years to demonize these and other symbols of Islam.
Unfortunately, the allies of the Crusaders in Islamic World have also joined
this campaign.
Fasi Zakas ingenuity concocted yet another phrase. He equated
religious assertions of the clerics of Lal Masjid with the cult of David
Koresh. However, from the photo of Fasi, whose name sounds like Wasi,
published along with his article, one could make out as to who is more
cultish; the critic or the criticized.

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The cult of Enlightened Moderation in Pakistan has been founded

by Musharraf and is supported and propagated by persons like Altaf and
Benazir. This cult seemed like the Perveziat of which Pakistanis heard
some decades ago. Pakistan is now blessed with two Pervez with slight
variation of their names spelled in their matric certificates. They seemed to
have excelled the earlier Perveziat. This cult also has some similarities
with DEEN-E-ELAHI concocted by Emperor Akbar.
The difference between the two cults; the one despised by Fasi and the
one he follows, can be made out from the untidy mushroom growth of hair
over his scalp and the mullas well maintained growth of hair around their
chins. Apart from the physical appearance, there are some other differences.
The followers of the cult of enlightened moderation pose as authority
on correct interpretation of Islam. They accuse mullas of misinterpreting
Islam and projecting incorrect image of this great religion. Whenever mullas
talk about Islamic Sharia they accused of obscurantism and in doing that the
enlightened moderates excel their adversary in extremism and belligerence.
When mullas demand enforcement of Islamic law, the Sharia is
dubbed as danda-Shariat. The enlightened moderates believe that Islamic
Sharia is quite fine and acceptable as long as no one talks about its
enforcement. Those who demand its enforcement are Islamic fascists. The
result is that founder of one cult is dismantling the courts and the other is
establishing courts, may it be a Qazi court.
This small minority of enlightened moderates ignores the reality
altogether that a vast majority of Pakistani society is conservative, including
non-Muslims. Women in Pakistan are definitely more conservative as is the
case with most societies in the world.
Average modest woman in a conservative society wont like to hug
her husband in public or even in the presence of other family members. The
minority of enlightened moderates tend to follow the values of the civilized
world wherein lovers get a kick, not only by hugging but doing much
more in full public view.
The followers of this brand new cult aim at the emancipation of
Muslim women to a degree where a woman could accrue favours from a
stingy man like Wolfowitz using her soft image. Obviously, the women
wrapped in black burqa from head to toe can never seduce a Wolfowitz.

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During the period, an Indian Court accused Gere and Shetty of

obscenity and ordered their arrest. The court said their act was against the
cultural values of India. This is the sentiment in Indian society about their
social values, the society which is considered far more liberal as compared
to Pakistani society.
The violation of cultural values by Nilofar Bakhtiar, who represented
Islamic Republic of Pakistan, was far graver as compared to Shetty-Gere
incident, as they represented the profession of performing arts. Geres soft
kiss cannot be compared with Nilofars hard hug while sitting in the lap of a
man. Yet the former regretted but the latter insisted on the righteousness of
her action. She should thank her stars that Pakistan is ruled by enlightened
moderates no court can dare issue orders like the Indian court.
The enlightened moderates charged on to the students and teachers of
Lal Masjids seminaries with ferocity familiar to the beasts growling at their
prey with their canines protruding ready to tear the prey apart. The manner,
in which the followers of this cult have been urging the government for
crackdown, indicated that they are more extremist, militant and blood-thirsty
than the obscurantist mulllas.
The reason behind the charge of the Enlightened Brigade against
obscurantist was amply revealed by Umar Cheemas report. He reported
that one of the aunties of enlightened moderates the famous Aunty Shamim
intended publishing a book.
In view of her social status and services she has rendered to the cause
of enlightened moderation, a commoner in Pakistan can dare not call her
notorious. Such phrases are reserved for girls of Hafsa, who challenged the
writ of the State and kidnapped her along with her daughter and
daughter-in-law and forced her to repent. The obscurantist teachers and
students of Jamia Hafsa did it with complete disregard to Auntys services to
the cause of soft image.
Cheema has provided only a glimpse of only one aunty of the
enlightened moderates. His single column report can in no way encompass
the contents of bulky book of Aunty Shamim. The glimpse or the tip of the
iceberg as some enlightened moderates would call it in style; however, is
enough to guess the size of the iceberg.

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The media and analysts had sympathized with Aunty Shamim after
she was made to repent and she wished to be Christian rather than being a
Muslim. God knows how many citizens of Islamic Republic of Pakistan
would now have similar wish out of shame.
This is the aunty for whom the enlightened moderates raised hue and
cry from London to Islamabad and held a rally in Karachi which were
referred to by Musharraf with pride in one of the interviews abroad. He also
condemned the cult propagated by the obscurantist mullas of Lal Masjid.
Will the media, analysts, commentators and others now spare some
time and energy to condemn the acts of the Aunty Shamim? If their
commitment to the cause of enlightened moderation does not permit them to
condemn these activities, they should at least carry out a survey as to how
many aunties are there in Pakistan and how many more would be required to
spread enlightened moderation through the length and breadth of Islamic
Republic of Pakistan.
This would be great service to retrieve this backward nation from the
clutches of the obscurantist who misinterpret Islam and speak against
fahashi and uriani; which are important ingredients for promotion of
enlightenment and acquisition of soft image.
Most likely, the ruling elite would hush up the issue to save their
marriages. This speaks of their hypocrisy; lack of commitment to the cause
of enlightened moderation about which they talk so much. The logic
demands that instead of worrying about saving their marriages, they should
encourage their spouses to run some clinics like Aunty Shamim to promote
soft image of Pakistan. This would also help in winning favours of the
founder-father of this cult and of the White House and 10 Downing Street.
Aunty Shamim should now take back her remarks against the ladies of
Jamia Hafsa, and instead she should express her gratitude to them for
bringing her to the limelight. She is now in position to blackmail a hoard of
enlightened rulers and earn millions, perhaps billions, in Pakistani and
foreign currency.
The indulgence of media in rumour mongering about Lal Masjid and
its seminaries was unprecedented. Media saw a direct and grave threat to
their commercial interest emanating from religious seminaries, as was
pointed out in earlier article; therefore, it went all out to demonize mullas.

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Dr Shireen Mazari voiced concerns over spreading of rumours. Some

of these rumours, which were hyped by the media, were like throwing of
acid on a girl, preparation of lists of women driving cars. Whereas,
according to Maulana Ghazi his wife drives the car. Ghazi also criticized
blowing up of the issue of danda-wielding girls. He argued that this was a
reaction to a particular action; unfortunately no one talks of the action
whereas reaction is criticized frequently.
Analysts took these rumours about Lal Masjid as authentic evidence
to urge government for crackdown. Even Dr Mazari, who had previously
acknowledged the existence of rumours, chose the rumour about Jaish-Lal
Masjid terror link to comment upon; whereas the report (rumour) had been
refuted the very next day.
The media tirelessly accused mullas of running a state within the
State. This is not something new. Every tribal agency in Pakistan is virtually
a mini sate governed through jirga system and the government encourages
that. Akbar Bugti ran an effective state within the state and this very media,
which is crying hoarse for crackdown, vehemently supported dialogue with
Bugti over military action. Most significantly, MQMs Imam Khomenei has
established the most effective state in lower Sindh.
To conclude one must acknowledge that Musharraf firmly believes in
righteousness of his cult, short of claiming it as Divine revelation. In an
interview abroad he equated assertions of clerics of Lal Masjid with cults
which sometimes emerge in the West. Somehow, he believed that the
interviewer must have bought the equation drawn by him.
He should be mindful that such statements definitely annoyed the
religious extremists. He should also bear in mind that his usefulness for the
Crusaders is diminishing fast. The Crusaders are looking for an opportunity
to accomplish some tasks in the context of Pakistan for which his
elimination from the scene would be essential.
He should not create a situation which could be used by the Crusaders
to manufacture an opportunity: eliminate him and blame the Islamic
terrorists and then proceed propagating that Islamic bomb has to be saved
from falling into the hands of terrorists.
Musharraf was asked by al-Jazeera about what legacy he would be
leaving or how would he like him to be remembered. He replied that he

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would like to be remembered as a reformist. How would he be remembered

by the generations to come; only the time would decide.
At this stage it can be said that he would be leaving his legacy of a
new sect of enlightened moderates in Pakistan and in Karachi it would be
MQM, just as JI is remembered as a legacy of Zia-ul-Haque. MQM would
prove quite harmful to national harmony as compared to Jamaat-i-Islami.
28th April 2007

OLD ISSUES NEW STARTS

Musharraf and Karzai, in a meeting held in Ankara on 30th April, made
a new beginning to resolve old issues. They vowed to defeat terrorism
together by denying sanctuary, training and financing to terrorists in both
countries. Musharraf hoped that accord will help end blame game.
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The same day, Sherpao sought a grand unity within Pakistan against
terrorism. The need for such unity dawned upon him after a suicide attack in
which he was targeted. The bloodshed going on for years had failed to make
the rulers realize this necessity.
On 4th April, Shaukat Aziz had an audience with Manmohan Singh to
complain about Indian involvement in Baluchistan and request for
information on probe into Samjhota Express. The issues raised clearly
indicated that the tables on cross-border terrorism have been turned.
On home front, the venue of political activities has shifted to the arena
of judiciary. Low-key insurgency continued in Baluchistan. There was
nothing much worth men boast about the soft image; on the contrary, the
clashes in Kurram Agency and Bara area further scarred the image.

AFGHAN PEACE
The fight for Afghan peace continued in Pakistan. Following
incidents were reported during the period ending 30th April:
Three people, including a police inspector, were killed in a clash in
Tank on 26th March. Tribal leaders in South Waziristan vowed to evict
Uzbeks. Bajaur jirga assured the government of its support after a deal
with pro-Taliban militants was signed. ANP leader was among three
people injured in a blast outside a hotel in Peshawar.
Four intelligence agents were killed in an ambush in Bajaur on 27 th
March. Principal of the school, where clash with militants had taken
place, was kidnapped along with his brother. Four persons were killed
near Bannu. Several people were killed or wounded in a clash in
Khyber Agency. Wall of ICRC workshop in Peshawar was damaged in
a blast.
Curfew was imposed in Tank on 28 th March after 25 people were
killed in several attacks.
A suicide bomber attacked troops in a training area at Guliana near
Kharian on 29th March; four people, including one soldier, were killed

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and seven soldiers were wounded. Fresh fighting in South Waziristan

resulted in killing of two people and wounding eight others.
At least 55 people, including 35 Uzbeks, were killed on 30 th March in
renewed fighting.
On 31st March, five more people were killed as tribesmen attacked
bunkers of al-Qaeda fighters; 35 foreign fighters were held. Clashes
between two religious groups in Tirah Valley forced residents to leave
their houses. UNHCR stopped repatriation following killing of a
refugee.
Ten more people were killed in South Waziristan on 2 nd April. MMA
suggested settling Waziristan issue through jirga. Next day, six
Uzbeks were killed and two were captured in South Waziristan.
Intense fighting was reported from South Waziristan on 4th April; sixty
people, mostly foreigners, were killed and 40 were captured by the
tribal lashkar. Tribesmen were urged to launch jihad against foreign
fighters.
On 5th April, tribal elders met a brigadier and political agent and
sought support from the army and government in their final push
against foreigners as death toll in two-day fighting reached 70.
Twenty more people were killed in South Waziristan on 6 th April and
army moved in to support tribesmen. Four persons were killed when a
police patrol was ambushed near Mingora.
Army took control of more bunkers as tribal lashkar advanced in
South Waziristan on 7th April.
Next day, three more tribesmen were killed in South Waziristan. Four
FC men were injured in roadside blast near Tank. Dead body of a
white South African was found near Peshawar.
Eight dead bodies of foreign fighters were found as tribesmen
succeeded in evicting them from Wana sub-division on 9 th April. An
alleged terrorist was killed and his accomplice arrested in Karak.

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 On 11th April, General Gul told the foreign journalists that Wana
Valley has been cleared of foreigners.
A tribesman was killed on 12th April in North Waziristan by a shell
fired from inside Afghanistan. A rocket fired at an airplane flying on
Chitral-Peshawar route missed the target narrowly.
A subedar of Khassadar force was killed in Dara Adam Khel on 16 th
April. Tribal Taliban set up office in Mirali to punish criminals.
Lashkar-e-Islami took control of Bara.
Pakistan and Afghan troops clashed on 19th April over border-fencing
near Angoor Adda.
Barber shops were blasted in Dir on 25th April. Two days later, three
villagers were killed and nine wounded in air strike in Saidgai;
tribesmen blamed US for the air attack.
At least 29 people were killed and 45 wounded in suicide bombing
which targeted Interior Minister Aftab Sherpao near Charsadda on 28 th
April. Reportedly, officials had warned about attack a day earlier.
Peshawar Airport was rocked by a bomb blast.
A soldier was killed in attack on army post in North Waziristan on 29 th
April. Death toll of suicide attack on Sherpao rose to 57.
Recitation of do more mantra by the Crusaders and their puppets,
despite the fact that Pakistan had inducted two more brigades in Waziristan.
On 30th March, Commander Centcom William Fallen arrived in Islamabad
on an unannounced visit. Next day, he hailed the role of Pakistan in war
against terror.
On 2nd April, Governor NWFP informed the US Congressmen, who
had called on him, that roots of unrest in tribal areas lie in Afghanistan. Next
day, Musharraf (reportedly) told the US Congressional delegation the
security of Pak-Afghan border is not the responsibility of Pakistan alone.
Canadian team visited Pak-Afghan border on 5 th April. Shaukat Aziz
cautioned the United States against anti-Pakistan law. Musharraf rejected
joint US-Pakistan operations in tribal areas. Addressing a symposium in
NDU on 12th April, Musharraf said anti terror coalition is meaningless if
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coalition partners lack trust. If Pakistan, myself, ISI and the coalition forces
across the border are all bluffing each other, then it is better to end the
cooperation.
On 16th April, the chief of US naval operations while in Islamabad
hailed Musharrafs role in war on terror. Foreign Office clarified that
Pakistan is fighting terror on its own. Next day, Aftab Sherpao informed a
seminar in London that Pakistan had arrested more than 4,000 militants out
of which 2,000 were handed over to different countries. The same day,
puppets in Afghanistan asked Pakistan to do more.
On 21st April, Kasuri vowed fencing Pak-Afghan border at all costs.
Next day, Musharraf asked Karzai to stop blame game. Kabul vowed to go
all out to stop fencing of the border. Four days later, Maleeha Lodhi tried to
deny a ground reality by saying that Pakistan cant be a partner and a target
in drive against terrorism.
On 26th April, Musharraf said Karzai was losing war against Taliban;
Karzai shrugged off criticism by Musharraf. Next day, Rauf Klasra reported
that fresh dossier about Khans link with Iran would be made public in a
week or so that might unleash a new storm for Pakistan.
Musharraf and Karzai met informally in Ankara on 29th April. Next
day, they had formal discussions and made a new beginning to fight
terrorism and set up a Joint Working Group to monitor the progress on
bilateral issues. They identified poppy cultivation as the main source of
terror financing. Foreign Office reiterated that Pakistan would go ahead with
border fencing.
After tribesmen took up arms to throw foreign fighters out of Wana,
South Waziristan, the rulers in Pakistan started boasting that their strategy is
working. Prime Minister claimed that accord with tribesmen has helped in
improving law and order. At the start of the week a similar claim was made
by the spokesperson of foreign office saying that the current uprising of the
tribesmen has validated Pakistans strategy of peace deals.
On 15th April, a jirga held in Wana announced five-point accord. It
was decided that it is against the law to protect or give sanctuary to any alien
warrior and anybody defying the law would face demolition of his home and
fine up to one million rupees besides banishing him from the region.

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Anybody found involved or implicated in lawlessness or acts of

sabotage, theft, dacoity, abductions for ransom, and restraining any
development in the region would also be subjected to punishment. The
accord deemed that it is the responsibility of the administration to implement
peace and law in the region and also cater for safety of movement of traffic
on roads.
Pakistan and Britain discussed extradition treaty. On 28th April,
Prime Minister said that extradition treaty would be signed soon. Next day,
Rauf Klasra reported that Pak-UK extradition deal is aimed at swap over of
7/7 suspects for BLA men.
The issue of Afghan refugees remained unresolved. Repatriation
centre for unregistered Afghans opened on 29 th March and four refugee
camps around Peshawar were to be closed. During first week of April it was
reported that repatriation of refugees had slowed down.
The News commented on the mantra of do more with reference to
Musharrafs remarks. Musharrafs observation that the anti-terror
coalition is meaningless unless all the partners are onboard and trust
each other is one that needs to be taken close note of by all parties involved.
This is especially important in the context of setting aside egos and taking a
moment to step back and consider the task in hand, which seems to have
been lost amid the seemingly perpetual exchange of accusations between
Islamabad, Washington and Kabul. One-way flow of accusations cannot be
called exchange of accusations.
As to the specific charge (repeated ad nauseam in some western
capitals and western newspapers) that Pakistan is not doing enough, one can
only say that if indeed Pakistan has not done everything it can possibly
do, it has still, by far done and suffered the most.
The US should read the writing on the wall in the Pakistani case and
not allow itself to be (mis)guided by Kabul or other partners. Islamabads
constraints and compulsions as a frontline participant in the war against
terror are not imagined but very real and Washington needs to recognize
them if the campaign is to bear fruit.
The News commented on US threat of aid cut in another editorial.
Prime Minister Shaukat Azizs comment that the US should avoid any
action that may adversely impact its relationship with Pakistan is not only

86

accurate but also a much-needed reassertion of Islamabads refusal to

dance to Washingtons tune. The desire is there but it has been overcome
by the fatigue.
The tone and rhetoric disseminating from the US is
uncomfortably similar to those of the time just before the US left Pakistan
in the lurch in 1988 after a cozy relationship under circumstances very
similar to todays. This, in turn, has prompted analysts to call this period of
lukewarm relations between Islamabad and Washington the beginning of the
end It shows spine and self-belief, saying that Pakistan is unafraid of
political and economic threats, chiefly because its efforts are genuine and
cannot be called into question regardless of whether or not Washington is
contemplating bailing out on Pakistan yet again.
In the end, relationship is on an even keel the US is not the
patron and Pakistan is not the mercenary. The US helps Pakistan
financially to tackle terrorism that is not only a threat to the West but, as has
been amply displayed in the terrorist attacks on Pakistani soil, also a threat
to this country and to the entire world. If the US bails out, it will not only be
abandoning Islamabad, but also its own mission of the war on terror.
Zarrar Khuhro had observed earlier that there would be no end to do
more mantra. Pakistan has gone out of its way to attack pro-Taliban
elements in its tribal areas This has also forced it to open a costly
internal front and risked alienating its Pushtun population, which is
otherwise loyal and patriotic When Pakistan attempted to solve the
Waziristan problem with a peace deal that would have marginalized proTaliban and foreign elements, this was sabotaged by the Americans at
Bajaur.
In my opinion, the Pakistan government accepted responsibility for
this action because under the circumstances it may have preferred accepting
the consequences rather than admit to the fact that the US can and does
strike on Pakistani soil. This is despite the fact that the British struck a
similar deal at Musa Qala, and that negotiation, not war, is the ultimate
solution for Afghanistan. The Americans wonder why we do not simply
carpet bomb the entire tribal areas without realizing that it is precisely this
type of disproportionate violence that creates more recruits for the Taliban.
As a reward for our help, the US could have pressured its pet
government in Kabul to accept the Durand Line. It could have prevailed on
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India to not open consulates in Afghan areas where they have no legitimate
interests, simply for the purposes of destabilizing Pakistan. We could level
every single madrassah and shave off every beard. We could dismantle
all our nuclear weapons and mothball our entire army, and we would
still be required to do more. We have done enough; unless we wish to risk
our very existence, we should do no more.
Rahimullah Yusufzai opined that while military officers on the
ground and in board-rooms in western capitals are aware of the Pakistan
Armys role in tackling al-Qaeda and Taliban fighters intending to harm US
and NATO troops, their politicians and media continue to heap scorn on
Islamabad. There is still constant criticism of Pakistan for not doing enough
to uproot Taliban hideouts
He (Admiral William Fallon) praised President Musharraf for his
efforts in the ongoing war on terror and disclosed that he had got an
assurance from the General to offer assistance to the US Army in
specific situations. He didnt elaborate the term specific situations but
earlier in his briefing he had said that his forces would do everything to get
to Osama bin Laden even though they didnt have permission to enter
Waziristan or rest of FATA.
In other words, it meant the US would not wait for formal
permission to strike inside Pakistan once it received intelligence that bin
Laden was holed up in the Pakistani tribal areas or elsewhere in the country.
It will not be surprising if the US did something like this considering the
several missile strikes that it undertookduring 2004-2006 to eliminate
suspected al-Qaeda members and those harbouring them.
The offensive by the tribesmen to evict foreign militants out of Wana
Valley was widely commented upon. S M Inaamullah wrote: Clashes
between local tribesmen and foreign militants in Waziristan are perhaps too
recent for considered comments by Washington or NATO at this stage.
Once they are accepted as a part of the Pakistan governments peace
agreements, Islamabads strategy of dealing with militants through local
population would be better appreciated. Perhaps the Afghan President would
also recognize that holding talks with resistance groups could contribute to
lasting peace in his country.
The News commented that as for the motives of the tribesmen, while
government spokesman suggest that they are united in ejecting the Uzbeks,
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independent reports suggest that things are not so much in black and white,
with some foreigners either sitting back and watching two other groups fight
it, or some foreigners possibly aligned with the local tribal militant
commander Maulvi Nazir. Also, the ejection of the Uzbeks does not
necessarily mean that the region will be cleansed of the Taliban and their
local sympathizers, particularly since the local commander fighting the
Uzbeks is said to be a Taliban sympathizer himself, appointed to his post
with their blessings. Some reports also suggest that the current fighting may
also have an inter-tribal rivalry behind it with some local tribesmen siding
with the Uzbeks.
The seemingly positive official response to a request by the
tribesmen for air support against the Uzbeks implies that the government is
willing to back the tribesmen in an unprecedented manner. From the
look of things, it seems that the tribesmen seem to be doing for the Pakistan
government what it was unable or in the eyes of some western observers,
unwilling to do.
Clearly, some lessons also need to be learnt with all of this and
the most basic and important one is that there is no need to import or
facilitate the influx of such militant foreigners into ones country because the
only thing that this ends up creating is a law and order situation for citizens.
In the case of Uzbeks, there is also the added embarrassment caused by their
continued presence which obviously can no longer be denied their
refusal to abide by Pakistani laws; and their insistence of imposing their
rigid interpretation of religion on ordinary people by force.
Kamal Matinuddin observed: It is believed that the Uzbeks militants
in the tribal areas belong to the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU), the
aim of which is to establish an Islamic state in the central Asian Republics,
Afghanistan and Pakistan. They are being commanded by Tahir
Yaldushov
There are around 10 mobile terrorist groups in the Central Asian
Republics. The two strongest militant organizations are the Islamic
Movement of Uzbekistan, known to be the most extremist group, and the
Hizbut Tahrir (HT) a softer version of the IMU. Tahir Yaldushev and Juma
Namangani first formed the Adolat Party in Uzbekistan. When that was
banned they moved to Chechnya and finally to Afghanistan, where they
formed the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan in 1998. The aim of the IMU

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and HT is to get rid of their present rulers and establish an Islamic

regime in the whole of Central Asia including Afghanistan.
The reported strength of the IMU was around 2,000 when the US
attacked Afghanistan. US pro-Israeli policies and the killing of civilians by
the coalition forces in Afghanistan have fuelled anti-American feelings
amongst all Muslims including the Uzbek militants. The IMU derived
support from the fact that if the Afghans can force the Soviet troops out of
Afghanistan they too could compel the American and coalition forces to
leave Afghanistan.
When Namangani was killed in Afghanistan in November 2001
during the US attack on that country Yaldushev took over the leadership and
moved into North Waziristan Unfortunately, the legacy of the Afghan
jihad has weakened the sanctity of the international border between
Afghanistan and Pakistan. With the presence of over two million Afghan
refugees still living in Pakistan; with many foreigners who took part in the
struggle to evict the Soviets from Afghanistan present in Pakistan; with
those who fought alongside the Taliban against the Northern Alliance living
in the tribal areas (according to one estimate more than 500 of them are still
in our midst) movement across the Durand Line cannot be totally
stopped certainly not by Pakistan alone.
The presence of militant foreigners has had a negative impact on the
law and order situation not only in the tribal areas but also in the settled
areas as well The foreigners are misusing the hospitality, which was
extended to them when they entered Pakistan after the US invasion of
Afghanistan. They had been asked to surrender but have refused to do so.
The clashes between the Uzbeks and the local tribesmen have
resulted in the loss of several hundred lives. People have had to flee their
homes to avoid being caught in the cross fire. The authority of tribal elders
in their own area is being marginalized as the foreign elements have
taken over control of certain areas. They have reportedly established their
own prisons and administer justice, which has been the prerogative of the
tribal jirgas.
It is because of their actions that Pakistan is being blamed by all those
nations whose troops are battling the Taliban in Afghanistan. By spreading
their interpretation of Islamic values they are contributing to the creeping
Talibanization of some parts of Pakistan. The policy of compelling them
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to leave the country should be supported by the government and the tribal
elders in the tribal areas.
Rahimullah Yusufzai opined: This by no means is the end of the story
as the foreigners appear to have made a tactical retreat and could now
indulge in acts of sabotage to keep the areas bordering Afghanistan
insecure and destabilized.
The government was pleased with the performance of the lashkar, or
tribal force, and both civil and military officers took pains to describe it
as an indigenous uprising of the tribes against the Uzbeks due to the
latters excesses against the local people. Arguments were advanced that the
governments peace accords with the tribes had paid dividends and the
tribesmen had organized themselves and taken on the militants under the
terms of the agreement. One of the key points in the peace agreements was
the promise by the tribal elders, and by implication by the militants, not to
harbour foreign militants and refrain from infiltrating the Durand Line
News of the formation of the lashkar in Wana, headquarters of South
Waziristan, was first heard on March 19. It was followed by reports of
intense fighting between the lashkar and the Uzbekistani militants and their
tribal supporters led by brothers Haji Omar and Noor Islam and a proTaliban commander Javed Karmazkhel. Five days later, the combatants
agreed to a shaky ceasefire due to the intervention of a delegation of
Afghan Taliban and two jirgas of Ulema belonging to South Waziristan
and North Waziristan and led by clergymen affiliated to Maulana Fazlur
Rahmans JUI-F.
There was no doubt that the Uzbek militants on account of their
high-handedness had made many enemies in South Waziristan,
particularly in the Wana area where sections of the Ahmadzai Wazir subtribes such as the Yargulkhel offered them hospitality and sanctuaries after
the fall of the Taliban regime in Afghanistan in December 2001. The
Mahsud tribe didnt allow the Uzbeks to live in their part of South
Waziristan and it is even now unwilling to give them refuge in the Mahsud
tribal territory.
Mir Ali tehsil in North Waziristan was another area where the
Uzbeks were welcomed. It is likely to become the next battle-ground
between anti-Uzbek tribesmen and the Uzbeks and their local allies It
wont be surprising if the retreating Uzbeks and their local allies open new
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frontlines and put up a stand at other places in future. In desperation, these

homeless and stateless fighters could also resort to suicide bombings and
other acts of terrorism after realizing that they have few options left owing to
the growing hostility of their once generous Pashtun hosts.
The Wana fighting also exposed the rift in the ranks of the
militants and created a split that would become evident in due course of
time in North Waziristan and rest of NWFP and beyond. The strife was so
acute that a militant commander, Haji Sharif, challenged the power of his
brothers Haji Omar and Noor Islam, who are still siding with the Uzbeks,
and pitted Maulvi Nazeer, Malik Khannan and Meetha Khan against their
former comrades.
The fighting in Wana was also a bad news for the Afghan Taliban,
who sent their top military commanders Mulla Dadullah and Sirajuddin
Haqqani to work for ceasefire and effect reconciliation between the two
groups of militants. They even offered the Uzbeks to relocate them to
Baghran district in Afghanistans Helmand province or other Talibancontrolled areas and take part in jihad against the US-led foreign forces. But
Tahir Yuldashev turned down the offer The anti-Uzbek militants
commanded by Maulvi Nazeer also voiced their allegiance and loyalty to
Taliban leader Mulla Muhammad Omar and pledged to continue waging
Jihad against the US and its allies.
It was a complex situation but the military sided with the antiUzbek militants, at least for the time-being, in a bid to rid South Waziristan
of the unwanted Uzbeks. This was a risky policy because the victorious antiUzbek militants, who have gained in power and stature, share the world
view of Mulla Omars Taliban It is thus clear that only half the job of
stabilizing Waziristan and ridding it of foreign militants has been done.
Ikram Hoti wrote, the fresh turn the situation took a couple of months
ago is now becoming central to the Talibanization issue. The Taliban and
the local youths are taking over the entire sub-region, and are taking
sides that are up in arms against the foreigners that are being treated the
same way as the Palestinians treat Israeli settlers.

PEACE PROCESS

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The composite dialogue with India failed to resolve any dispute, but
it provided considerable relief to Indian troops in IHK. On 30 th March it was
reported that encouraged by the reduction in insurgent attacks, India set up a
panel for troop reduction in the Valley. On 3 rd April, Shaukat Aziz told the
senior journalists in New Delhi; trade with India is linked to settlement of
Kashmir issue.
Talks on Siachen began in Islamabad with high hopes on 6 th April, but
failed in making any breakthrough. Three days later, Foreign Office said
Pakistan has given proposals to India on Siachen issue. On 10th April,
Manmohan Singh chaired a meeting on troop withdrawal from IHK.
On 17th April, Musharraf informed formation commanders about
growth in Indo-Pak ties. He must not have told them that some growths
could be malignant. Six days later, he urged rapid progress on Kashmir, but
on 25th April during his visit to Spain, he hinted at early solution of Kashmir
dispute.
Next day, The BJP reacted to Musharrafs statement in which he had
claimed progress in dialogue on core issue. It demanded that the government
must inform the nation about the progress being made for solution of
Kashmir dispute through backdoor diplomacy.
Statements and actions negative to confidence-building were in
plenty. On 31st March, before the start of SAARC meeting, Pakistan and
India blamed each other over implementation of SAFTA. The same day
Pakistan test-fired Abdali missile.
India test-fired long range missile on 12 th April. Three days later,
Indiras grandson, Rahul boasted of his partys achievements, mentioning
specifically the disintegration of Pakistan in 1971. Foreign Office
spokesperson said Rahuls statement proved that India has been destabilizing
Pakistan. Mushahid praised Rahul for speaking truth.
India test-fired supersonic cruise missile on 22 nd April. Two days later,
addressing the pro-Indian Kashmiri leaders, Singh asked Pakistan to halt
terror activities in IHK. On 29 th April, Nicholas Burns said the US wanted to
step up military ties with India.
Perpetration of state terrorism and armed struggle by freedom fighters
continued in IHK. Following incidents were reported during the period:

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 Five people were killed and four wounded in attacks by freedom

fighters on 30th March.
Two persons, including a Congress leader, were killed on 2 nd April. An
Indian general said cross-border infiltration has reached almost zero
level. Next day, six people were injured in grenade attack in Srinagar.
One Kashmiris was killed in custody in Doda on 5 th April. Next day,
five fighters and three soldiers were killed in violence. Police claimed
killing three men of al-Badr on 7th April.
Indian troops shot dead 5 Kashmiris in on 15 th April. Authorities
sacked 140 workers over links with freedom fighters.
Three persons were killed on 22nd April in shootout in the Valley. Next
day, four freedom fighters were killed by occupation forces. Gilani
and Shabbir were placed under house arrest in IHK on 27th April.
Eight freedom fighters were killed in IHK on 29 th April in two
incidents; one civilian was shot dead by militants in Kolgam. Next
day, four people were arrested for holding anti-government rally.
Kashmiri leaders started expressing their disappointment quite vocally
over composite dialogue. On 7th April, Yasin wanted to make dialogue
process time bound and inclusion of Salahuddin and Gilani in the dialogue
process. Nine days later, Mirwaiz said India is not sincere in resolving the
Kashmir issue.
APHC boycotted roundtable conference of Indian Prime Minister and
pro-India Kashmiris. Mujahid-e-Awwal, however, was an exception. Sardar
Abdul Qayyum visited New Delhi and termed the armed struggle of
Kashmiris as an impediment in peace process. United Jihad Council strongly
condemned his statement and equated him with Sheikh Abdullah.
The News commented on the outcome of talks on Siachen issue. The
main point of conflict seems to be Indias insistence on the
authentication of the two armies actual ground positions. Quite
understandably, Pakistan does not wish to do this since it feels that doing so
would allow India to confirm its territorial claim over the part of the glacier
where it has its forces deployed.

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If the objective is to have a permanent and lasting peace, India should

at least be seen to do something on Siachen, just like Islamabad seems ready
for some kind of compromise on a much larger area of conflict namely,
Kashmir.
This argument also implies that if Pakistan is ready to compromise
on Kashmir then why not Siachen if it is so interested in lasting peace.
India has been changing the status of the line dividing two Kashmiris and
forcing Pakistan to swallow it. India now wants the same in case of Siachen.
Indian hardline on the glacier is also indicative as to what it would like to
have in settlement of the core issue.

HOME FRONT
The political activities shifted to the arena of the judicial crisis. The
events in that arena are discussed in detail in a series of articles. The most
important event was the revelations about Benazir-Musharraf deal. On 15 th
April, Benazir told Sunday Times categorically that she wanted a deal with
Musharraf.
Musharraf continued his election campaign. He addressed a rally in
Sialkot on 11th April and distributed public funds as advance payment of
extension in his tenure by four years. Four days later, Pakistan Railways
Employees Union demanded of the Election Commission to take notice on
the involvement of some officials and employees of railways for
participating in the election campaign. How could ECP take notice when the
COAS indulges in such activities? On 20th April, probably as part of the
election campaign, a rocket was fired at Fazlur Rahmans house in D I Khan.
Low-key insurgency in Baluchistan continued. US-backed militants
availed the opportunity to operate against Iran from Pakistan. Following
incidents were reported during the period:
Four explosions rocked Quetta on 27th March. An electric tower was
blown up in Bolan Pass disrupting electric supply to Quetta and
surrounding areas; rail track was also blown up.
Gas pipeline and power pylon were blown up near Mastung on 29 th
March. Next day, FC fort in Arawan came under rocket attack.

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 On 1st April electric supply to Quetta and surrounding areas remained

suspended after three pylons in Bolan Pass were damaged in by
miscreants.
Power supply to 18 districts remained suspended on 2nd April because
damaged pylons could not be replaced. Next day, a watchman of
electric supply company was killed in landmine blast in Bolan Pass.
One person was injured in landmine blast in Dera Bugti on 4 th April.
Reuters reported that the US has advised and encouraged Jundullah
group, which operates from Baluchistan, to stage raids inside Iran.
Next day, a girl was wounded in landmine blast in Dera Bugti.
Four soldiers were killed and two injured in landmine blast in Tartani
town of Kohlu District on 9th April. Next day, four people were injured
in landmine blast in Nasirabad.
Four soldiers of FC and a civilian were killed on 12th April in Mand
tehsil of Turbat in an encounter with militants. Next day, two soldiers
were killed in landmine blast in Tartani area.
Rockets were fired at FC check post in Kohlu area on 16 th April. Four
days later, one person was killed in landmine blast near Dera Bugti.
Three children were killed in a blast in Mastung on 22 nd April. Next
day, two bombs exploded in Kalat.
The rulers pursuit of soft image continued suffering setbacks.
Mystery of Nishtar Park bombing remained unresolved a year after the
incident. Prime Minister said that the government was exploring depth of
the case.
There was significant increase in militancy across the country. The
clashes in Kurram and Bara were quite significant, which will be discussed a
little later. Two persons were injured in bomb blast in Peshawar on 5 th April.
Sixteen people were injured in a blast in D I Khan on 9 th April. ARD
submitted an adjournment motion on 21st April over attack on Fazls house a
day earlier. Four days later, three persons were shot dead in D I Khan.
On 19th April, a Spanish court decreed against the Pakistani mission
for exploiting a local woman employee and made the embassy to pay 20,380
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euros as compensation. Foreign Office spokesperson was satisfied that it

wasnt against the head of the mission as was the case in New York.
Contrary to assertion of the Foreign Office, the Spanish court named the
ambassador for the misconduct.
The government banned the drama burqavaganza on 25th April which
was staged by Ajoka Indo-Pak Panj Pani Festival. Ministry of Culture said
the burqa is part of our culture. We cannot allow any one to ridicule our
culture. Next day, it was reported that Sindh High Court lifted ban on alRashid Trust imposed by the government in February. Interior Ministry
denied the report.
The News commented on banning of the drama burqavaganza. For
starters, the job of the culture ministry should be to promote and encourage
all manifestations of Pakistani culture and to facilitate the arts. And the best
way to do the latter is to allow creative people to come forward and
produce plays, music, sculpture, paintings and so on. Furthermore, it is
the nature of artists to be creative, rebellious and critical of what they see
happening around them in their immediate surroundings in particular and
society in general.
It is more than likely that the play in question was a response (as its
director has herself said) to the countrys rapidly increasing
Talibanization, and this is best encapsulated by the governments
appeasement of the Lal Masjid clerics and the Jamia Hafsa vigilantes The
statement that the burqa is part of Pakistans culture to the extent that any
artistic performance on it must be banned is something that will be seen as
debatable by many rational Pakistanis.
The other problem, as manifested by the words of the culture minister
before the National Assembly, is that very often those who sit at the helm of
culture ministry take it upon themselves to become the guardians and
arbiters of public morality and national culture. They assume the role of
chief censors deciding what the general public should and shouldnt see.
From what the culture minister said on Thursday, his ministry
should be rechristened the ministry of moral virtue and elimination of
vice. It seems the government is not about to reverse any time soon its
myopic policy of appeasing the religious right. And then it has the gall to tell
ordinary Pakistanis to resist extremism and Talibanization.

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The remarks of blaming religion for cricket teams defeat continued to

be commented upon. Shakir Lakhani from Karachi supported Pervez Jamil
Mirs observation. This streak of religiosity is not only seen in cricket
but other quarters as well especially in business. When we employed
someone before the present wave of fundamentalism started, we assumed
that he would be a normal human who would require not more than twenty
five days a year for personal work or health reasons. But now it is common
for employees to disappear for forty days without permission, and demand to
be re-employed when they return.
Saeed Iqbal from Peshawar wrote, the statement of Miron the
religious inclination of the teams members being a primary reason for their
failure in the World Cup in the West Indies is ridiculous. After all, cricket is
a game and should be taken as such. There must surely be other more
important and relevant things that need to be addressed than picking on the
fact that the team members were devout followers of their faith.
When Yousuf attributed his world record to prayers five times a day it
was accepted quietly and when the team lost to Ireland, the media liaison
officer accused the team of lack of focus due to prayers. He only fell short of
saying that the team should have instead attended some dress shows or other
shows to remain focused.
The sectarian fighting in Kurram and Bara areas delivered a major
blow to the seekers of soft image. Following incidents were reported:
Curfew was imposed in Parachinar on 6th April after 3 people were
killed in apparently sectarian clashes, which some thought was a spillover the fighting in Waziristan.
Next day, at least 40 persons were killed in the ongoing clash as
troops entered Parachinar. One person was killed in Bara in clashes
between two religious groups.
At least 16 more people were killed in Parachinar area on 8 th April.
Next day, five more people were killed in Kurram Agency.
On 10th April, eight more people were killed in Kurram Agency. Next
day, 45 more people were killed in clashes; two villages were burnt by
the militants and army shelled positions of the fighters. Governor
moved to the area to negotiate a truce.
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 Joint jirga negotiated a ceasefire on 12th April. Next day, 8 more

people were killed in remote areas of Kurram Agency, but ceasefire
held on in major towns.
Situation returned to normal in Kurram Agency on 14 th April and
death toll was revised to 63.
Security forces were moved into Bara on 18th April. Next day,
headquarters of Lashkar-e-Islam in Bara was dynamited.
On 22nd April, protesters ransacked five security posts in Bara forcing
security personnel to run for safety. Shops were also damaged and
looted.
Five students were killed and nine others wounded when FC opened
fire on angry protesters in Bara on 23 rd April. The conflict between
supporters of Pir Saifur Rahman and Mufti Munir Shakir continued
even after expulsion of the former from the area and arrest of the latter
by the authorities.
Javed Aziz Khan reported on sectarian clashes in Kurram Agency.
People belonging to both the sects had their own point of view regarding
what was happening in Parachinar and other parts of Kurram. The
miscreants set on fire more than 200 houses during the first two days
but the government failed to stop them. A number of people were killed
when they were stranded in isolated places, remarked the president of
Jamaat Ahle Sunnat, Haji Sherin Mangal.
10 helicopter gunships had fired at local population and people in
uniforms of FC had killed innocent people in different parts of Parachinar,
alleged Shafiq Bangash, a central leader of the Imamia Students
Organization. He was of the opinion that all this was being done by the
black sheep in the administration at the behest of America.
Politicians associated with opposition parties lashed out at the
government and administration for the poor law and order situation, alleging
the authorities have failed to stop fighting in Kurram Agency despite
thousands of troops having been deployed
With the situation in Kurram, it is feared that something will
happen in Mohmand Agency very soon as it is now the only agency where
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people are living in relatively peaceful life A sectarian issue has resulted
in the death of over 300 people in Khyber Agency during the past one year
while a large number of people were killed over a similar issue in Orakzai
some months back. The government had to sign a Peace Pact with the local
militants in Bajaur to stop everyday blasts and ambushing of government
officials.
Apart from tribal agencies, the situation is worsening in Tank, Dera
Ismail Khan, Lakki Marwat, Bannu and Swat which needs immediate
attention and action on the part of all those concerned for the security of
people.
The News observed: Although Parachinar is no stranger to sectarian
trouble, the latest clashes take on a grim aspect since they occurred while the
sectarian situation in parts of the neighbouring Northern Areas is still far
from settled. Like the spasmodic sectarian violence of recent years, the
Parachinar clashes are but a fallout of the virulent strain of
sectarianism that the country finds itself a victim of.
There is a fresh lesson to be learnt from what is happening in
Parachinar, that if religious extremism is not countered with sufficient
measures that are able to de-fang it in the long run, it is bound to rear its
head, particularly in vulnerable areas like Parachinar or Gilgit.
This means moving forward of much-delayed initiatives that have to
do with madressah and curriculum reform, proscribing of hate literature and
arresting those behind its publication and distribution, and strict monitoring
of sermons in mosques to ensure that they are not sectarian in nature.
Rahimullah Yusufzai opined that there is need for soul-searching
with regard to the causes of the latest round of sectarian strife. The
Afghan refugees, almost all Sunnis, who in the past were blamed for
changing the demography of Kurram Agency and siding with local Sunnis in
sectarian battles, have mostly gone back to Afghanistan. This means there
must be certain local reasons for eruption of sectarian riots even if the cause
is barely worth a fight.
The disputes over ownership of forests, hills, land and water sources
between Sunni and Shia villagers easily trigger sectarian conflicts. These
disputes ought to be settled through traditional methods involving jirgas

100

backed by the government. The flow of heavy and sophisticated weapons to

Kurram Agency from Afghanistan and elsewhere also needs to be halted.
Going by tradition, one could hope the Sunnis and Shias of Kurram
Agency, arguably the greenest and most beautiful part of FATA with its
snow-clad Spinghar mountain range, sparkling streams and fruit orchards,
would not fight for the next 10 years. This period could be used to resolve
all those disputes that threaten the Kurram Valleys peace and
prosperity.
The News commented on clashes in Bara. Its not incidental that
three of the five persons reported killed in the clash were students. It is clear,
the students served as a human shield, in that they spearheaded the attack,
with regular members of the Laskar following them. Both Abdul Aziz and
Mangal Bagh appear to be using children for emotional mileage in case
the authorities act in response to their provocations. This is scandalous and
tantamount to willful child abuse since those participating clearly are not
given a choice.
In fact, Mangal Baghs mostly youthful followers went on the
rampage on Sunday as well, attacking music shops selling audiocassettes
and videocassettes even in the adjacent settled areas. Such vigilante actions
have to be effectively dealt with by the government, lest such elements get
further emboldened. The events of Bara are clearly linked with those
occurring in Lal Masjid, which is precisely why both need to be tackled on
priority by the government, and without caving in to the demands of the
vigilantes. The editor usually concludes his comments with mention of Lal
Masjid.

CONCLUSION
Musharraf and Karzai have vowed to make new beginning to resolve
an old issue. This wont be possible unless the two presidents bear in their
minds that Americans may stay hundred years in Afghanistan but they have
to leave ultimately. They must realize that the Crusaders from the West are
not interested in the well-being of Afghanis or Pakistanis and cordial ties
between two Islamic countries.

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They must remember that two nations have no other option but to live
as neighbours; warmer the relations, better it would be. Therefore, they must
not place their personal egos and ambitions ahead of the well-being of their
respective people.
As regards the peace process with India, before its initiation the nation
was very clear about the nature of the Kashmir dispute and its solution
through plebiscite as approved by the UN. The keenness of the brave
commando for peace and his ingenuity produced an array of possible
solutions. Now the nation is totally confused, not about the solution, but
about the very nature of the dispute.
Internally, Pakistan is in complete turmoil. The widespread militancy
in various parts of the country can be attributed, one way or the other, to
Musharrafs decision to act as front-man of the Crusaders. On March 9, he
added to his and his nations woes by self-inflicted injury.
1st May 2007

HELMET vs WIG
ROUND-VI
This round started with the acceptance of the CJPs petition for
hearing by the Supreme Court despite objections raised by the Registrar.
Rana Bhagwandas constituted five-member bench to hear the petition on
daily basis starting 7th May.
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Visit of the CJP to Peshawar on 21st May gave a great boast to the
ongoing movement for independence of judiciary. People of NWFP turned
out in great numbers to accord warm welcome to the CJP. In their speeches
in premises of the bar council senior lawyers directly challenged Musharraf.
On 24th April, the government put aside all its assertion about not
politicizing the issue of reference. The ever loyal servant from Gujrat led a
rally in Islamabad in support of Musharraf. This was an unscrupulous move
by the ruling junta, because it could have led to clashes on streets of the
capital and elsewhere.
The government continued pre-emptive strikes by arresting lawyers
and political activists on the eve of each hearing of the reference. The roads
leading to Islamabad were also blocked on each day of hearing. Police,
however stayed away from protesters, but it lost patience on 2 nd April when
MNA Asad Ullah was injured in a scuffle with them. The government served
show-cause notice to Aaj TV for live coverage of the CJPs visit to
Peshawar.
The SJC turned down the request of defence counsel on 2 nd May, in
which the defence had prayed for stopping the hearing till decision of the
Supreme Court on petition of the CJP. The panel of lawyers for the
government objected to the constitution of the five-member bench and asked
for full court. This was a U-turn from its initial stand.

EVENTS
On 19th April, the Supreme Court set aside the objections by the
Registrar and accepted the petition of the CJP and issued notices to the
President of Pakistan and others for April 24. The Registrar had raised three
objections: the matter is sub judice before the SJC, the petition is aimed at
victimizing two judges of the Supreme Court and multiple reliefs were
sought in the petition. Astonishingly, three similar petitions filed by different
senior lawyers had been accepted earlier.
Talking to the newsmen Justice Bhagwandas said the nation will hear
good news after completion of all constitutional stages in the given situation,
but he declined to give any specific timeframe.

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Aitzaz Ahsan and Hamid Khan disclosed receiving of calls urging

them not to pursue the case and receiving threats of kidnapping of their
children in case of non-compliance.
Wasi Zafar blamed media for labeling the CJP as non-functional. Five
more petitions were filed challenging the reference and the SJC. Nawaz
Sharif accepted the mistake of promoting Musharraf.
Next day, the Supreme Court summoned defence and interior
secretaries in missing persons case after deputy attorney general complained
of non provision of information required by the court. Wasi Zafar said the
petition of the CJP is intended at stifling the inquiry by the SJC. Khar met
Nawaz Sharif to clear his doubts about the deal. Musharraf rejected the
impression of any deal with PPP.
On 21st April, the people of NWFP accorded unprecedented welcome
to the CJP. He was received at Attock Bridge and activists of almost all the
major political parties had established camps along the GT Road. The people
chanted slogans against the government and in favour of judiciary and the
Chief Justice.
In their speeches Munir A Malik termed the reference as fraud upon
the Constitution; Ali Ahmad Kurd accused Musharraf of holding the whole
nation hostage; Hamid Khan called generals paper tigers and vowed to send
them home; and Aitzaz accused the government of assaulting judiciary. The
CJP restricted his speech to Constitution and good governance and the role
of the judiciary in this context.
Rauf Klasra reported from London that the US and UK were playing
role in bringing moderates closer. Benazir would accept Musharraf both as
president and army chief. Leghari and ex-Patriots wanted that Musharraf
should not trust Benazir. No deal with dictator, said Benazir. Shujaat also
denied any deal with PPP. After high-level consultative meeting chaired by
Musharraf, the government said the reference against the CJP would stay.
Next day, Prime Minister announced that there would be no change in
the present set-up. The Newsweek magazine claimed that Musharraf had
himself telephoned Benazir thrice to strike secret deal. The lawyers decided
in a convention held in Karachi to unfold real story of the reference against
the CJP. They planned to disclose the facts and names of persons who
detained and threatened the CJP in the Camp Office.

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On 23rd April, the government demanded more time to explain its

position on the petition of the CJP filed in the Supreme Court. The
government had at last succeeded in inducting its favourite gladiator into the
arena; Sharifuddin Pirzada was contracted to lead the panel of lawyers as
counsel for the President.
The Team-Helmet decided to carry out tit-for-tat protest. Opposition
feared disruption of its rally. The clash between lawyers and the elements
hired by the government was apprehended. Wasi Zafar informed the
delegation of International Commission of Justice that independence of
judiciary does not mean absence of accountability.
PEMRA issued show-cause notice to Aaj TV over its coverage of the
CJPs visit to Peshawar. Law bodies planned to move court on notice to the
TV channel. Hundreds of political workers were detained by police across
Punjab. A petition was filed in the Supreme Court asking the court to declare
that Justice Iftikhar has ceased to be the chief justice. The agencies gathered
more information on misuse of official cars by the CJP.
Sherpao directed IGPs of provinces to locate missing persons. Nawaz
urged Ansar Burni to search for missing persons. Opposition members in
National Assembly stressed on discussing the reference against the CJP; the
Speaker objected the issue being sub-judice. Additional Judge Advocate
General of Punjab resigned in protest.
Next day, lawyers boycotted courts across the country and held rallies
in big cities. The opposition political parties continued their protests for
independence of the judiciary and demanded resignation from Musharraf.
Over 400 political activists were arrested in Rawalpindi area alone.
PML-Q staged pro-Musharraf rally to counter the opposition rallies in
which political activists and some lawyers participated. Shujaat led the rally
and vowed not to tolerate anything against army. Law enforcing personnel
provided protection to keep the opposition and lawyers at bay. The rally
ended without any untoward incident.
After Wasi, Durrani also briefed the delegation of International
Commission of Jurists on the reference against the CJP. The government had
reportedly made some progress on missing persons. Rauf Klasra reported
from London that MI5 agents were secretly meeting Pakistani politicians in

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order to find out likely reaction and implications in Pakistan in case

Musharraf and Benazir strike a deal.
Justice Muhammad Raza Khan, who was heading the three-member
bench, declined to hear petition of the CJP because he was a signatory to the
order suspending the CJP and he referred the matter to Justice Rana
Bhagwandas. He took this decision despite Aitzaz Ahsan had said that the
counsel had no objection if Justice would hear the case. He also called for
composition of full court or a larger bench.
Arguments of the defence counsel continued in the SJC and the court
expected that the defence arguments would be completed on next hearing.
The court refused to suspend hearing when the defence counsel drew its
attention to the recommendation of the bench of the Supreme Court in which
composition of full court or larger bench had been proposed. The SJC
adjourned the hearing till 2nd May.
The DIG Police, who was targeted by Chief Minister Sindh, appeared
in uniform to explain his case. DIG had obeyed orders of the Supreme Court
after the CJP had taken suo moto notice of the cases in which Chief
Ministers party men were involved. He narrated the actions taken against
him which were quite similar to those taken against the CJP after 9/11.
On 25th April, Sindh High Court asked PEMRA to cancel its show
cause notice issued to Aaj TV. Wasi Zafar moved a resolution in the National
Assembly to debate opposition parties role in judicial crisis; opposition
parties strongly opposed it. Shujaat replying to a question about the absence
of some ministers from the rally on 24th April said it was due to weather;
however, I am observing the situation and will talk about it on an appropriate
forum.
Ansar Abbasi reported that the government would produce highprofile witnesses, including chief ministers and ministers, before the SJC.
The Supreme Court gave another week to seven officials to submit their
replies to charges formed against them for manhandling the CJP.
Benazir conceded that her political credibility would suffer if she
joined military-led government but she justified that it would be good for
Pakistans democratic, constitutional and development interests.

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McKinnon said Commonwealth leaders were watching reforms in

Pakistan and had earmarked an end-2007 deadline for Musharraf to stop
holding dual posts as president and army chief. BBC reported that the CJP
was detained on refusal to quit.
Next day, Shujaat again desired death for army critics. Musharraf in
an interview in Bosnia said he would be re-elected by present assemblies
and next elections would be held in November this year. Government
Senators were divided over resolution submitted by Wasi Zafar.
The opposition stressed the need for holding debate on the resolution
moved by law minister wherein he opposition political parties have been
criticized for politicizing the judicial matter of reference against the CJP.
MMA submitted anti-Musharraf resolution in National Assembly.
The International Commission of Jurists warned that if the judicial
crisis in Pakistan was not resolved immediately, the crisis would deteriorate
and could cause irreversible damage to constitutional order in the country.
On 27th April, three more petitions were filed in the Supreme Court
against presidents reference. Ministry of Interior in response to the Supreme
Courts orders submitted a list of 56 persons who are either free persons or
are under detention for their alleged involvement in one case or the other.
Sher Afgan blamed Cabinet and Establishment Division for not
briefing him over show cause notice issued to a TV channel; members of
Opposition staged a walkout. Opposition pressed for debate on the
resolution of Wasi Zafar.
Next day, Rana Bhagwandas constituted a five-member bench for
hearing the constitutional petition of the CJP. The bench comprising Justice
Nasir-ul-Mulk, Justice Raja Mohammad Fayyaz, Justice Chaudhry
Mohammad Ijaz and Justice Hamid Ali Mirza will be headed by Justice M
Javed Buttar. The court will start the hearing on daily basis starting May 7
along with all other similar petitions.
The proceedings of the Ranjha case were adjourned till May 12.
Advocate Ali Ahmad Kurd, a lawyer on the panel of defence counsel of the
CJP, was arrested in Quetta. Police had registered a case against him last
year for his involvement in violent incidents during Akbar Bugtis ghaibana
namaz-e-janaza.

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Minister Durrani said masses have rejected politics of hypocrisy.

Benazir said she was ready to be prime minister with Musharraf as president.
Opposition wanted to debate report of the ICJ on the reference against the
CJP. Ansar Abbasi reported that the government was losing its cool over
medias role in the ongoing judicial crisis.
On 29th April, Shujaat said general elections would be held in January
2008. Tariq Butt reported that the government feared that the crisis may
deepen if the CJP is restored. It may lead to imposition of martial law and
state of emergency.
More nightmarish for the coalition leaders is the fact that the apex
court bench would hold day to day hearing from May 7 and is likely to take
a week or so to conclude the proceedings if all goes well. There will be little
or no chances for the government lawyers to delay the judicial process.
However, they are going to raise objections to the bench.
Next day, Bar invited judges of LHC to the reception in honour of the
CJP. Pervaiz Elahi asked the federal government that the CJP should not be
allowed to travel to Lahore by road because of the security reasons. He
should travel by air.
Just before the arrival of lawyers from Lahore at district courts in
Rawalpindi, there was a bomb alarm. These lawyers, including a woman
lawyer, had marched on foot to show their solidarity with the CJP. Rasool
Bakhsh Paleejo filed a contempt of court petition against Musharraf and
Shaukat Aziz for summoning Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry to the camp office on
9th March.
Hundreds of political workers were arrested across Punjab on 1 st May
on the eve of reference hearings. Musharraf decided to address a rally in
Islamabad on 12th May to demonstrate his public support.
Defence counsel of the CJP decided to argue under protest if the SJC
didnt restrain itself from continuing proceedings on the presidential
reference. Our contention to the SJC would be, let the Supreme Court
decide first whether the council has jurisdiction to carry out the inquiry;
whether the three judges whom we have objected should sit on the SJC etc.
Next day, the request of the defence counsel to stop hearing of the
reference pending decision of the Supreme Court was rejected by the SJC.

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On request of Aitzaz Ahsan the SJC granted him more time asking him to
conclude his arguments by 11 a.m. on 3rd May.
The government sought full court hearing of the constitutional petition
of the CJP; initially the petitioner had requested the same but the
government had objected. Deputy Attorney General Afrasayab resigned in
protest. Secretary information hosted dinner for the journalists.
Thousands of political workers from towns and cities along GT Road
were arrested in preparation for the CJP traveling on 5 th May. President and
Prime Minister discussed law and order situation. Prime Minister ordered
full security for the CJP for his trip to Lahore.
Country-wide protests were held against the presidential reference and
lawyers boycotted the courts. All routes leading to Islamabad were blocked
by police starting from hundreds of miles away to stop political workers and
lawyers. Some lawyers in Peshawar rallied in support of Musharraf; the
provincial government blamed them for violence.
MNA Maulana Asad Ullah Khan was injured in scuffle with police
resulting when police tried to stop tractor trolley carrying water for
protesters. Similarly, a vehicle carrying food for lawyers was stopped by
police. The opposition walked out from the National Assembly after the
Speaker reserved the ruling on a privilege motion over injury to Maulana
Asad.
On 3rd May, defence counsels request for adjournment for two weeks
was turned down. Aitzaz completed his arguments as ordered by the SJC,
but reserved the right to argue once the government panel completes its
arguments. Ranjha started his argument starting from the point of bias and
said defence counsels stand on this point amounted to contempt of court.
The SJC adjourned till 9th May.
The CJP submitted an application to the Supreme Court challenging
governments request for constitution of full bench saying that it maligns the
exercise of power by the acting chief justice and is inconsistent with
governments earlier stand.
Wasi Zafar in reply to a question about request for constitution of full
bench said, it is not a U-turn or W-turn or straight-turn; it is permitted under

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the law. The government requested the CJP to travel by air to Lahore on 5 th
May for security considerations.
Protests continued on second consecutive day. Ten people, including
eight policemen were injured in a scuffle which took place when the lawyers
opened a closed gate for the CJP to enter the Supreme Court premises. The
police registered FIR against 14 lawyers. Deputy Attorney General of NWFP
resigned in protest over the reference against the CJP.

COMMENTS
The protests of lawyers have certainly turned into a movement for
independence of judiciary and rule of law. Shafqat Mahmood analyzed some
aspects of the ongoing movement. The protests are refusing to die down. If
the government was hoping that the onset of summer and spread out
hearings of the reference would dampen the enthusiasm, it has once again
been proven wrong. Midnight raids and extensive arrests in all the major
cities have also had no impact. Not only have the demonstrations continued,
more people are participating in them than ever before.
The political parties have also begun to get their act together.
Though still divided by mutual suspicion, they are becoming more adept at
mobilizing their supportersthe surprise is the turnout of Imran Khans
Tehrik-e-Insaf. This party while still small has now placed itself on the
countrys political map thanks to the efforts of its leader.
The lawyers are of course at the forefront of this struggle led ably by
presidents of the bar associations and in particular by Muneer Malik of the
Supreme Court Bar. They have been joined by a number of civil society
groups and non-governmental organizations. Given their diverse interests
and varied membership base, one is tempted to call it a rainbow coalition.
Other nations have had their orange or purple revolution. Ours may well turn
out to be a rainbow revolution.
The lawyers of the chief justice have also distinguished themselves
with the dynamic and erudite Aitzaz Ahsan leading the defence. Through
their legal acumen, they have tied the Supreme Judicial Council in knots.
Now they have drafted an unprecedented petition in which the chief justice
has sought justice from his own court. Whatever the outcome of the

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reference, this team has won a glorious place for itself in the struggle for
judicial independence.
It is obvious that the spark that lit the prairie fire has become a point
of convergence for a range of issues that gurgled within the national body
politic. The treatment meted out to the chief justice is the coalescing point
but the movement is sustained by impulses more intricate than that.
While an important motivation is a desire for General Musharraf to go, the
more deep-rooted stimulus is the reaction against militarys dominance of
the Pakistani state.
This visible in almost all the rallies spread out across the length and
breadth of the land. It is important to emphasize the widespread nature of the
movement because while the demonstrations are more visible in the
larger urban centres, they are no less robust in the smaller towns and
rural backwaters of the country.
The slogans that pepper these marches are indicative of the mood
that the people are in. While predictably they are in favour of Iftikhar
Mohammad Chaudhry and against Pervez Musharraf, the surprise is the
offensive invectives and colourful slogans reserved for the military.
The movement has become more pervasive and with a broader
agenda than just the restoration of a wronged chief justice. Even if by some
miracle or stark good sense, the government decides to withdraw the
reference against Justice Chaudhry, I dont see the movement dying
down.
The issues being raised now are of far greater importance than
just judicial independence. The very fundamentals of our states power
structure are being questioned. This struggle has begun to emerge as the
most vital challenge to the arrangement that has governed the Pakistani state
since the late fifties.
The dictatorial action against the chief justice has become
catalyst for the release of pent up emotions. The reaction against
Musharraf and military rule is deeply felt and spontaneous. No one could
have planned these rallies and no one can sustain them without a deep sense
of hurt and alienation among a cross section of the people.

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I dont think our military establishment is fully cognizant of what is

going on. There is a tendency within it to see the movement as a reaction to
tactical mishandling of the situation. The reality of adventurous might even
see it as a reaction to Pervez Musharrafs style of rule. It is unlikely that
there would be any real recognition that the fundamentals of our ruling
arrangements are being questioned Military domination of the state has
become unbearable.
Rahimullah Yusufzai observed that the visit of the CJP to Peshawar
added to the impetus of the movement. One had to be at the Peshawar High
Court premises to feel the kind of raw emotion that was on display the
day Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry came on a visit. Those present were
all fired up and ready to applaud anyone critical of the present set of rulers.
The mood was rebellious and for the first time in years one got the feeling
that frustration was giving way to hope.
Such a huge and spontaneous welcome could be the envy of any
politicians. Political parties and politicians in recent years have seen the
crowds dwindling at their public rallies and processions due to host of
reasons. Even popular parties and their leadership find it difficult to bring
people out of their homes and workplaces and the fear of getting exposed
forces them to hold public gatherings in crowded bazaars and squares rather
than in open spaces and parks.
Those who came to welcome Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry at
Taxila, Hasanabad, Attock, Jehangira and Nowshera on the way to Peshawar
or listen to him at the Peshawar High Court premises were on their own. It
wasnt a state or stage-managed show.
The lawyers-led protest campaign until now has highlighted
certain important issues. One is the growing support for the chief justice
from members of the judiciary. Initially, he was backed mostly by judges
from the lower judiciary Then judges of the superior courts started to
express their quiet support for him by welcoming him
The unprecedented unity in the ranks of the lawyers is another
noticeable aspect of the campaign to restore the dignity of the judiciary and
the rule of law in Pakistan. Since March 9, lawyers all over the country have
braved curbs and suffered physical discomfort and financial losses while
protesting the presidential action against the Chief Justice of Pakistan. Their
agitation is still going strong even though the weather is becoming
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unbearably hot and the government has struck back by undertaking a

determined effort to lure lawyers to its side.
The government-sponsored lawyers rally in Islamabad in support of
the presidential reference has neutralized the argument hitherto advanced by
President Musharraf and his allies that the issue should not be politicized.
The issue was always a political in nature and has been further politicized by
both the opponents and supporters of the president one could, therefore,
expect lot of fireworks as the summer heats up.
Dr Farrukh Saleem was concerned over the apathy of judges of
superior courts. On March 9, the Chief Justice of Pakistan was made nonfunctional. On March 19, Justice Jawad Khawja of the Lahore High Court
resigned. The other ninety-eight judges of Pakistans superior courts stayed
out. Obviously, the system designed by the masters of our state is working
just fine; only one of the ninety-nine slipped through the filter. Surely, this
isnt a judicial crisis because ninety-eight judges havent moved, not
even an inch.
Babar Sattar urged Punjabi judges to show their guts. The
unanimous position taken by the superior judiciary of Sindh and NWFP
is an extremely powerful statement in favour of the principle of judicial
independence and against Musharraf regimes treatment of the CJ, for it
reflects the shared agony of the vanguards of our Constitution on how the
elementary principles of our fundamental law are being mutilated.
The CJ is now scheduled to visit Lahore and the position taken by
justices of the Lahore High Court will determine whether the legal
fraternitys movement for judicial independence is unanimous countrywide
or if Punjab continues to suffer the curse of appeasement. The response of
the Punjabi judiciary generates anxiety for various reasons. As a matter
of historical record members of the Punjabi judiciary are blamed for
complicity in authoring the doctrine of necessity, for exhibiting the
disturbing propensity to appease rulers of the day and succumbing to the
diktat of expediency.
Further, it is now public knowledge that the chief justice of Lahore
High Court is at daggers drawn with the chief justice of Pakistan.
Consequently a civil judge who dared to attend the CJs talk at the Lahore
High Court Rawalpindi bench building was suspended for her audacity to
take a public position in support of the CJ.
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The argument that members of the superior judiciary should not take
position on the issue of suspension of the chief justice is disingenuous. The
weaker counter-argument is that all institutions show solidarity toward their
members: generals protect their officers and bureaucrats support their
colleagues, so why should judges remain neutral in face of an intrigue to
throw out their heads? The stronger argument however is that the fight of the
legal fraternity and the civil society is not just for the rights of one
individual.
The bottom line is that acquiescing in the treatment meted out to
the CJ by the Musharraf regime will do serious harm to the rule of law
and independence of judiciary in Pakistan. It is not that the CJ is
indispensable as an individual, but upholding the values and principles that
he stands for today is absolutely essential for the health of our nation and
polity and that is why the stakes of citizens in this judicial crisis are so high.
Propriety demands that justices of the Lahore High Court receive the
CJ when he visits Lahore, for he is still the Chief Justice of Pakistan. By not
extending him the courtesy due to a chief justice they will only reinforce the
cynical view that once the powers-that-be pronounce the fate of an
individual, it is carved in stone and cannot be undone
The question that many raise is this: why is Punjab always more
likely to falter when there is need to take a stand on matters of
principle? Is expediency a compulsion of power and given that Punjab has
larger share of such power necessarily makes the politics of Punjabis selfserving? Is there something about our sociological make-up that explains our
historical aversion to resist tyranny and bow to the whims of force? But then
in the present context how do you explain the unflinching position of
Punjabi lawyers?
We suffer from an inexplicable urge to appease those in positions of
authority. What is it that the Musharraf regime can do to persecute justices
who refuse to acquiesce and take silent positions to demonstrate their
support for the CJ? Can the general move presidential references against all
such judges to steal their robes? Is fear of reprisal not overstated?
If a majority of the Punjabi justices decide to grace the CJs talk in
Lahore with their presence, the support of the entire legal fraternity to the
cause of judicial independence will be complete and unequivocal It is
time our judges in Punjab suspend fear or considerations of favour and
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free themselves and the rest of us from the shackles of expediency and
appeasement.
Adnan Rehmat identified promises for and perils of political parties
in the context of the movement. Promises: Revitalizes bigger parties ahead
of elections; recharges party workers; reconnects parties with voters; smaller
parties share the cake; and hits Musharraf where hurts the most. Perils:
Building a new hero at the expense of their leaders; takes away attention
from party-centric election issues; and the risk of making judiciary a bigger
pillar of the state.
Kamila Hyat discussed the lack of peoples participation in the
movement. Certainly, leaders of political parties expressed support, and
turned out outside the Supreme Court building in Islamabad as the first,
controversial hearings were held. But since then, the involvement of parties
has declinednotably the Pakistan Peoples Party, who could potentially
spearhead a campaign, appear though to have ventured away from the
epicenter of the crisis This is not a coincidence. The phenomenon has far
wider dimensions and goes to highlight the nature of the deep-rooted
political crisis the country faces today.
People gathered for rallies often stare out with eyes that seem dead.
In many cases they have simply complied with orders to attend the
gathering, or simply been herded into trucks and brought to the venue.
This as true for the PPP as for other parties, and a sad reminder of how much
the party has lost over the past two-and-a-half decades.
The reasons for this seem to form a vicious cycle. As leaders of the
party engaged in the deadening process of deal-making with the
establishment, people were left by the wayside. The fact that the real
power can come only through mass support, a fact that Bhutto
recognized, seems to have been lost A display of the tragic depths to
which a party that once inspired millions of people has sunk came recently
in Lahore, during the demonstration organized by the WAF.
People then, for political parties, seem to have lost relevance. The
veteran PPP workers who sometimes remind leaders of this have, on many
occasions, been turned away from meetings by armed guards. In the cafes of
Mozang and other areas with a strong PPP support-base, many gather to tell
tales of the past, and lament the decline that has taken place today.

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With the PPP unwilling to lead people, it is perhaps not surprising

that lawyers have remained the focal point of the anti-government campaign
in the latest crisis. The MPL-N has been badly weakened by the
manipulations of the years since 1999; MMA is said to be suffering severe
internal friction and, at any rate, can never be relied on while Imran Khans
PTI can obviously provide only limited person power
This drifting away of people from political parties, and the resultant
sense of distance of people from national events, is possibly the most
grave crisis the nation faces today. While the methodical undermining of
parties, the sidelining of the leaders, the bars on allowing them freedom to
operate are factors in this, the parties too must be held accountable.
Ultimately, it is only by involving people that parties can gain any
real power. Otherwise they remain puppets in the hands of the establishment
unable to function until the stage is set, the correct scene built and the
strings pulled to play out a pre-written script.
The campaign initiated by lawyers against the ouster of the CJ and
the widespread sense of outrage this generated presented the perfect trigger
to ignite a larger movement. The fact that this has not happened
underscores the growing weakness of political forces not allied with the
government, and the consequent helplessness of a people who continue to
search for someone to show them the path out of their present state.
Sardar Ali Aman from Chitral made similar observation and
tauntingly suggested: The impoverished masses avoid such rallies
because they feel that unprincipled political parties would not bring
about any change in their lives. Nonetheless, ruling party, as well as the
religious parties has an edge over other organizations. It can force
government servants and the police and militia personnel to attend the
political meetings in civvies. Also, it has a free hand to spend millions of
rupees on its public meetings from the public exchequer
In order to overcome this problem of dwindling attendance at public
meetings, entrepreneurs skilled in political wheeling and dealing should
establish rent a crowd organizations across the country to provide
slogan-raising mobs to political parties on payment.
Ayesha Siddiqa pondered over the likely impact of the movement.
Many in Pakistan now imagine that winds of change have started to blow

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which will alter the political scene. The expectation is that the military
general-president will finally have to concede power to some civilian
dispensation and allow the restoration of democracy.
A couple of years ago while doing interviews for my book, Military
Inc, I met a former army chief who is considered a great proponent of
democracy. During our discussion of civilian institutions the gentlemen
pointed towards the judiciary and basically suggested that the country had
been let down by the judiciary and that it has shown no gumption or strength
of character, which, can be found in the military. A couple years hence the
agitation on the streets seems to have proved the general wrong.
A glance at the political map shows that one might not expect too
many changes. What is certain that if the crisis continues at this pace and
the number of protestors grows, the ruling elite might decide to replace the
current regime with a new entity that would have come to power through
elections and is more acceptable to the players inside and outside the
country.
Pakistans geo-political realities make it important for the world
which would not want a prolonged political and economic crisis in a state
with nuclear arms. This not to suggest that external powers will have a direct
hand in a political change in Pakistan, but that the elite will be more
sensitive of what the states external partners would prefer.
Nasim Zehra discussed wrote: The tendency of state power to rough
up its opponents is a common element in societies where state power is
exercised without reference to any legal, constitutional or moral framework.
Over the decades Pakistani rulers, whether military or civilian, have often
tended to use state power against opponents in a high-handed and
unconstitutional manner. State power has been used with no fear of
accountability.
This high-handed use of state power has gone unchecked.
Pakistans political forces have not only been violators themselves but the
overall power scene in Pakistan has taught them that pragmatism is their
ultimate survival tool. Confronted by the armys perpetually threatening
presence as a self-appointed political godfather, Pakistans weak and
blundering mainstream political class has mostly forgotten movement
politics needed to promote principles, processes and institutions, as
enshrined in the countrys constitution.
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Ironically, it was the high-handed and unconstitutional exercise of

state power by men in the presidents inner power circle that has led to a
movement that is questioning the fundamentals of how a state power is
abused in Pakistan. While it zooms in on the case of the CJ and related
issues, there is a broader canvas that this movement is bringing into
public focus. The inevitable corollary of this is the rolling back of all extraconstitutional power currently enjoyed by different institutions.
The broad canvas is focusing on the role of two institutions, the
judiciary and the army. For the first time in Pakistans history a nationwide movement of lawyers is building up seeking independence of the
judiciary and for upholding the Constitution. The movement is proving to be
a call to duty to Pakistans judiciary whose decades long history of acts of
submission laid the foundations of a mostly unrestrained, ad hoc, and selfserving Pakistani power culture.
The lawyers movement is also increasingly demanding that the army
quit Pakistani politics. Such a direct and growing challenge to Pakistan
Armys involvement in politics has perhaps never before been posed
This lawyers movement is now soberly seeking a return to constitutional
rule, the rule of law, in Pakistan. In doing, one of its key demands is to end
the rule of a uniformed president.
The lawyers movement is snowballing into a political movement.
The government may still be thinking it is a situation it can control. Instead
of having its multiple spokespersons argue why the CJs trial should not be
an open trial, why the reference was important, why President Musharraf
should be supported, why the politicians are taking advantage of this
movement etc, the government should have simply said it committed a
mistake in handling the reference against the CJ.
But this was not to be. There is hopeless poverty in Pakistans
power scene; poverty of wisdom or sobriety and of humility. The April
22 show-cause notice to a television channel for casting aspersions against
the judiciary and integrity of the armed forces of Pakistan and for running
programs that incite violence is yet another sign of this grave poverty In
yet another display of this poverty the government seems to have taken a
decision to enter the political fray on the issue of the chief justice. On April
24 the ruling party led a procession to the Supreme Court in support of
General Musharraf.

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Increased pressure on the government may translate into increased

pressure on the media. But any move to muzzle media freedom will
backfire. The public including the professional classes and the political
classes all recognize the media as the source of the complete picture and of
the facts of the many explosive issues that Pakistans state, society and
politics face. The power of a responsible media is here to stay.
Ghazi Salahuddin observed: The edifice that President General
Pervez Musharraf had fabricated with generous foreign assistance and
dishonourable domestic transactions of a political kind is finally cracking
up. Irrespective of how the leading political parties play their cards, this
process appears to be irreversible.
I gathered a substantial load of information and speculation, with
some useful insights into what is happening at different levels. But it is still
very difficult to make sense of the national drift. This is how it should be
when the rulers begin to lose control and derelictions of the recent past
begin to come home to roost.
It goes to Shujaats credit that he led a stick-wielding crowd of
lawyers and supporters of the ruling Muslim League in front of the
Supreme Court on Tuesday. According to reports, he did this under orders
from Musharraf. There is so much noise about the media, particularly
electronic media, being free and highly critical of the government. A great
story was missed by our channels when they did not trace the antecedents of
the pro-government protesters.
Irrespective of these political shenanigans of the officialdom, the
irony of the ruling party staging a protest rally after accusing the
opposition of politicizing the judicial crisis is ominous. Does it predict an
eventual violent confrontation in the streets? Or was it merely a quixotic
attempt to repair their own confidence in the face of so many obvious
debacles?
The continuation of the present crisis can be disastrous for the
country, is present to all thinking Pakistanis. But they may have serious
doubts about the ability of the present rulers to think and to take the
necessary corrective steps. Pakistan at present is placed in a very critical
situation. The president, however, can greatly contribute to the resolution of
the crisis by reading the writing on the wall.

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There is still a lot of 2007 to go. We are in the initial days of a long,
hot summer. We have this adage that in politics a lot can happen in a week.
Such is the pace of events that we may have to wait until the end of
December to find at least some answers to our flaming political questions.
Nasim Zehra opined: The establishment appears to have lost
management and control of the situation. No scripts are being accepted
and obeyed. For example, reports indicate that names of three judges that
were suggested for inclusion in the expanded Supreme Court bench that has
been constituted to hear the Chief Justice of Pakistans (CJP) petition against
the presidential reference have been excluded.
The three opportunities that existed for damage limitation were
botched. The first was of not interfering in the peacemaking mission that
Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain led to the CJPs residence on March 9, instead
the police arrived to remove the CJPs cars with forklift trucks while Shujaat
was requesting the CJP to agree to some settlement.
The second was that the president could have publicly apologized for
the polices misbehaviour with the Chief Justice. And the third was that the
governments representatives could have openly stated that the government
has no objection to an open trial.
Now it is a slippery path on which the Musharraf government
treads with regard to the CJP case. Alongside this crisis there are of course
other broader questions of Pakistans politics that are also seeking answers.
For example, what is the transition process from this army-engineered
democracy to credible democracy? If and who will elect General Musharraf
for another term as president? Will there be a deal between PPP and the
establishment?
The lawyers movement faces many risks. And there are two risks
that will especially threaten the original cause of establishing the
independence of the judiciary and rolling back of all influence that other
institutions, including the executive or the army, has attempted to exert on
the judiciary. The first one is being hijacked by politicians pushing for
Musharrafs removal at all costsThe second risk is of the lawyers growing
passion and weakened reasoning, which is calling for the withdrawal of the
reference

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While the lawyers are within their constitutional rights to hold

peaceful rallies calling for a fair trial, their impassioned demands calling
for withdrawal of the reference etc are illogical. They defeat the purpose
of ensuring the functioning of an independent judiciary and of rule of law.
If the lawyers movement proceeds responsibly it will be the first
time that we will witness within Pakistan the limits of state power, of danda
power and of manipulation. Most importantly it will be the setting of limits
to these unconstitutional, covert and unaccountable powers not by
violent politics but indeed by a movement that is pushing for that powerful
and intangible phenomenon upon which the foundations of compassionate
and humane societies are built. This is the phenomenon of the rule of law as
embedded in the Constitution of Pakistan.
Imtiaz Alam observed: Strangely enough, the government decided
not to let the lawyers movement for an independent judiciary and rule of
law mingle with the Hafsa students vigilante to enforce Sharia. How nave it
may sound coming from a government dedicated to enlightenment, but in
fact conceding grounds to the extremist clerics of Lal Masjid and stretching
its writ against those demanding strengthening of liberal-constitutional
institutions. The movements of black coat and black burqa present two
diametrically opposed ideological poles of contemporary battle of ideas
in Pakistan.
The bar has, for the first time in the history of democratic
struggle in Pakistan, set a liberal constitutional direction for the
democratic movement to follow. Such is the universal appeal of the bars
struggle for the supremacy of the Constitution and independent judiciary that
even those parties in the opposition, such as the MMA, who do not
ideologically subscribe to the framework of liberal constitutionalism and
fundamental rights have also been forced to jump on the bandwagon.
Why does the liberal Benazir Bhutto refuse to join forces with the
religious right (MMA)? That is the most interesting question. Knowing well
that the mullahs are not committed to democracy and are, rather, committed
to the enforcement of Sharia and support forced Talibanization of society,
she is reluctant to join hands with them.
Paradoxically, the state under General Musharraf is not acting against
those who are forming mini-states within state and is, ironically, fighting
against those who are out on the streets to strengthen the institutions, such as
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judiciary, of the very state President Musharraf is presiding. The question is

what has made the state trip on the wrong foot? It is in fact the
authoritarian self-interest of the rulers, not the enlightened self-interest of
the state that has placed the state on the wrong foot.
In its most logical sense, the state should have welcomed the black
coats on the streets demanding the independence of judiciary, which is
important as an arbiter of a law-based state. And in its enlightened selfinterest, the state must have acted against those challenging its writ in every
nook and corner of its sovereign jurisdiction. But things have gone astray,
so has the state.
Fahad Marwat from Islamabad wrote, some say the government is
prolonging the Jamia Hafsa issue deliberately to divert peoples attention
from the crisis surrounding the Chief Justice of Pakistan. From the look of
things, this may well be not far from the truth since the government does not
seem the least bit interested in resolving the issue with clerics, and keeps on
repeating that the matter will be resolved amicably If the government does
so, we will not only feel safe but also acknowledge the credibility of our
rulers who are so eager to solve the Palestine and Kashmir issue.
Aasim Sajjad Akhtar was of the view that a somewhat comfortable
pattern of contained protests and negotiations within ruling circles has
been established, and it would be fair to say that while the government is
far from secure, it is content in the knowledge that the various forces of
opposition to it, including political parties and lawyers, have instigated as
much unrest as they possibly could (or in the case of some parties, as much
as suits them). That is of course, if there is no unexpected twist in the tale.
After all, the government surely did not expect the kind of spontaneous
mobilization it has encountered.
That there is a frenzy of negotiations taking place in the corridors of
power is testament to the highly fluid state of affairs at the present time.
Clearly the internal contradictions of the establishment have yet to be
resolved. Nonetheless, if a deal is concluded, eight weeks of expectations
would be shattered and the disillusionment felt by many ordinary Pakistanis
as regards the political process would be depressingly confirmed.
Lest one believe that the recent developments in the Jamia Hafsa and
Lal Masjid saga in Islamabad are unrelated to the current impasse about the
modalities of sharing power within the upper echelons of the state, all of the
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evidence both solid and circumstantial points to a very real connection

between the two issues The standoff in Islamabad simply reflects the
long-standing links that the establishment has cultivated with the religious
right.
Over the past two decades, all mainstream parties in Pakistan have
been complicit in reinforcing the oligarchic power equation that persists
in Pakistan, in refusing to challenge the insidious patronage politics that
pervades society, and in not having the courage to undermine the national
security paradigm that underlies the militarys power. The PPP is scarcely
any different.
In the present climate, with the spectre of the religious rights
growing power and historic links to the establishment continuing to haunt all
progressive forces, there is a case to be made for collective struggle on a
two-point agenda. For better and worse, the PPPs role in coming weeks
will largely determine how effective such a collective struggle may be
If it repeats its past mistakes, which include relying on the largesse, of
American imperialism rather than building a domestic constituency for
change, the Pakistani people and a democratic future will be the biggest
losers.
The News commented on Shujaat-led rally on 24the April. One
wonders what could have led the government to stage its own rally in
support of its own actions. This is not usually the norm since rallies and
protests are thought to be the prerogative of the political opposition not
the party in power.
Another interesting thing to note from Tuesdays counter-rally was
the presence of several ministers who spoke in favour of the government and
the president. This is in sharp contrast to the early days of the whole CJ
crisis when, apart from the law minister and the information minister, no
member of the cabinet seemed willing to come forth and speak on public
record on the issue. In fact, it was the PML-Q chief himself who had been
widely quoted several weeks ago as saying that the whole matter was
between the judiciary and the military indicating that this was something
better left for these two respective institutions to deal with.
One wonders what has caused this change of heart and strategy. Does
this have something to do with General Musharrafs purported deal with
Benazir Bhutto? Clearly, the PML-Q chief and his close confidantes may
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have the most to lose if this arrangement actually materializes because one
of the demands reportedly made by the PPP is that the establishment allow it
to form a government in Punjab as well. Or is this part of its new approach
to aggressively counter dissent, much like the notice that the governments
electronic media regulator has served on a private television channel. All this
does not bide well for the future because the last thing that the
government needs on its hands is another confrontation.
Shahzada Irfan Ahmed reported on governments attitude towards the
media. Frustration of the government over the judicial crisis and its failure
to prevent its embarrassing coverage on the electronic media must have been
responsible for this drastic measure last week. The notice was served soon
after the channel had given live coverage to the address of the Chief Justice
of Pakistan Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry to Peshawar High Court Bar
Association.
This act on the part of PEMRA was condemned widely by media
organizations, lawyers bodies, human rights organizations, politicians and
others. All of them demand PEMRA to withdraw this notice and refrain
from depriving the masses from their right to know the truth. While
PEMRA remained unmoved, came the suspension order by the Sindh High
Court.
Though it appears that Aaj TV has survived this assault on media
freedom, rights organizations have increased the pressure on the government
to preempt such acts in future. Media Commission Pakistan Chairman I A
Rehman has termed the charges mentioned in the impinged notice vague
and meaningless.
President Supreme Court Bar Association Munir A Malik tells TNS
that under the Constitution, all laws inconsistent with or in derogation
of fundamental rights are void. He terms PEMRA action violative of the
right of freedom of speech.
Dr Ghayur Ayub from London observed that Musharraf has not
grasped the situation as yet. Two recent headlines merit our attention. The
first was Democrats are politicizing troops issue, says Bush and the second
was the opposition is politicizing CJP issue, says Musharraf. What a
commonality between the two friends. Something else is common between
them the decline in their popularity. The only difference is that the former
knows about his decline and the latter hasnt grasped it yet.
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Burhanuddin Hasan wrote, Musharrafs foreign trip at a time

when the country is facing a serious crisis is nothing new in this country.
Several Pakistani heads of state before him took refuge in state visits to
foreign countries whenever they came under intense pressure due to internal
problems.
Governments move to throw spanner of deal with PPP succeeded in
distracting the attention away from the crisis as could be ascertained from
the time and space devoted to its coverage by electronic media and press
respectively. Almost every analyst said a few words about this deal and
others specially focused on it. Distraction, however, is a temporary gain.
Mir Jamilur Rahman wrote: What Benazir Bhutto wants from a
deal with President Musharraf? First, clean elections with level playing
field. Second, she would insist for the post of the Prime Minister in case she
gets enough seats to form the government. Third, cases against her and Asif
Zardari be withdrawn or consigned to the cold storage for they were
politically motivated and have been lingered on for over a decade. Fourth,
she would like caretaker governments in centre and provinces with broadest
consensus.
What President Musharraf expects from a deal with Benazir
Bhutto? First, he will be a winner if the party with the largest vote bank
comes aboard. Second, the PPP could give a great boost to his policies of
enlightenment and modernity. Third, it will greatly enhance his and
Pakistans image if Ms Bhutto is allowed to take part in elections. Fourth, if
he is so much in love with his uniform and wants its public acceptance, Ms
Bhutto possesses the talent and strength to mollify the public sentiments on
this issue.
Nawaz Sharif stands to gain if the deal comes through. If Benazir
Bhutto is allowed to contest elections and lead her partys campaign, then
how could he or his brother Shahbaz Sharif be stopped from coming to
Pakistan?
In a subsequent analysis he added to his above observations.
Musharraf would not be the first military dictator to strike a deal with a
political party, and the Pakistan Peoples Party would not be the first
political party to enter into a deal with a military dictator. So what is the big
deal? It has happened before, it may be happening now and God forbid
it will happen in future too.
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Why would Benazir Bhutto want a working arrangement (deal)

with President Musharraf even at the cost of her credibility? First, she
wants an undiluted democracy. Second, she wants to ensure clean elections
and her participation in them full force. Third, she wants peaceful transfer of
power from the army to the people. Fourth, she sees a committed soldier in
President Musharraf who wants to subdue Talibanization. Fifth, she does not
want a violent end to Musharrafs government, which will shrink the
political space for the moderate parties. Sixth, she wants the PPP to claim its
rightful place in the political structure of the country.
Musharraf has his own reasons for finding a working
arrangement with the PPP, which had polled the highest number of votes in
the last elections. He realizes that the PML-Q, the party he has nourished
and sustained for nearly five years, has failed him in his fight against
extremism and Talibanization.
It is still not certain whether the deal would go through. Nevertheless,
it would bode well if President Musharraf and Ms Bhutto come to some
reasonable arrangement. She will not become a collaborator of the enemy
by establishing a working relationship with President Musharraf.
M Saleem Chaudhry from USA wrote, Benazir Bhutto, thinking
herself to be too smart and shrewd, attempted to trigger some positive
response from Musharraf through her interview to Sunday Times saying
that her team mates are looking for confidence-building measures before
concluding some kind of deal, of course in the best interest of the country.
Prompt came the public statement from President Musharraf: No deal, no
alliance, Im not going to don off my uniform till elections, to deflate
Benazirs game plan.
Ms Bhutto and her supporters can put up a smart face by claiming
they are negotiating all the necessary concessions to ensure a healthy
civil/military balance and preconditions for free and fair elections, but they
have to understand that its not pumpkin-headed Nawaz Sharif they are
dealing with but a shrewd commando. But this time the charm of the socalled daughter of the East is not going to work much.
Ibaad Hakim from London wrote, I had the pleasure of listening to
Benazir Bhutto at the London School of economics. It was interesting to see
amongst current students and fellow alumni a coterie of her supporters
applaud everything she said regardless of its content. The speech was
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nothing more than a lesson in Islam and history of Pakistan, which, dare I
say, added nothing to my existing knowledge.
It would be interesting to note that she spoke for 45 minutes and
did not even once mention the name of General Pervez Musharraf. I was
shocked that his name was missing from her analysis of The current
political situation in Pakistan. However, not only this but a lot more was
missing from her analysis.
If there was any doubt in my mind about a suspected deal it was
removed yesterday. Ms Bhutto did or said nothing to suggest otherwise and
it seemed obvious that even if there wasnt a deal at that point in time she
was making sure she said nothing that would affect the chances of there
eventually being one. A friend mentioned that the front row was occupied by
half of the next cabinet in Pakistan.
What disappointed me further was her side-stepping of all probing
questions asked her about the impending deal. A person with intellectual
integrity and such brilliant academic credentials would have taken the
questions head on and given straight answers. That is the least we expect of
our leaders. There is no doubt that if there were a deal it would be a
disappointment. I would like to ask her how she would justify letting down
Pakistanis who believe in democracy for the third time.
Bashir Malik from Islamabad viewed it differently. If Benazir Bhutto
speaks for democracy and against military rule she is ignored by the media
wizards. If however she chooses to remain silent she is accused of softening
towards a deal with the rulers. Why is it that some media gurus consider her
silence more newsworthy than her speech? Is it not a willful campaign of
disinformation and media trial of the PPP leader?
B A Malik from Islamabad observed that it is part of the rulers
strategy to divide the opposition. While both sides have clearly denied the
existence of any such deal or understanding at the highest level, the planted
story refuses to go off the front page. In my opinion if a deal means to share
power with the present set of rulers, PPP cannot commit suicide by falling
into trap laid by elements traditionally opposed to the politics of principles.
It is hard to believe that Benazir Bhutto will sacrifice her decades of
democratic struggle by accepting an arrangement wherein she and her party
play the second fiddle. The purpose of the deal story is apparently to

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divide the opposition assembled under the banner of the Charter of

Democracy.
Time has come to talk in terms of principles rather than deals
and underhand compromises. The guidelines outlined by the Chief Justice
of Pakistan Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry in his addresses before the bar
associations of the country can become the rules or principles of the game.
Instead of confusing the nation our rulers should go for the rule of law
defined by the independence of the judiciary, free and fair elections under a
caretaker government set up by consensus. The army should seriously and
urgently consider leaving politics to politicians who have the right to make
and correct mistakes.
Over indulgence in the debate on a deal which does not exist shows
political bankruptcy of the nations opinion makers. Let us commit ourselves
to the path of democracy and development instead of making mountains out
of molehills. The nation needs a healing touch of values and principles A
country fed on disinformation can survive for a while but it cannot go
on forever, disinformation is a weapon of mass destruction that should be
banned.
Dr Masooda Bano discussed deals impact on the movement.
Pakistanis in general have had enough of General Musharrafs government
and are ready for a change the interest with which the lawyers movement
and proceedings of the chief justices case are still being followed in
Pakistani households is a testimony to this. People for sure want change.
After all, what has the current government offered the public?
What is saving the government from tipping is not its own good
deeds, but the fact that no one seems clear as to what will be the ideal
scenario in the post-Musharraf phase. Out of the political parties, which are
actively supporting the lawyers right now, the options are limited.
The PPP continued negotiations with the military government and
Benazirs open admission of it is clearly very damaging to the movement
currently building up to cut the army to size. The united stance of the PTI,
MMA, and the PML-N not to negotiate with the army is critical right now
because it shows a clear vision of not tolerating the continued military
intervention in the running of the state. This spirit is critical because only
this commitment gives the impression to the public that the politicians have
reformed
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Therefore, when the PPP goes ahead and carries on negotiations

with the military and also shows willingness to strike a deal, it not only risks
damaging its own popularity but that of the entire democratic process.
People are then reminded that these parties are all for opportunistic politics
and are untrustworthy. This is the last thing the country needs.
It is, therefore, difficult to appreciate why a leading party, especially
one which is known and supported for its strong position against militarys
involvement in politics, should negotiate with the government and weaken
the position of the united opposition at a time when public sentiment is ripe
for a change. There are only two logical explanations that seem plausible.
One, Benazir is keen to get the cases against her and her husband
dropped. Two, the party leadership is working to keep the US happy.
What the PPPs leadership needs to realize is that right now building
credibility on the very notion of the political parties is more important
than safeguarding vested interests of ones own party mainly because the
people are so disenchanted with the political system that they will very
quickly lose this newly found faith in the removal of military from the
government. In case of PPP, what is most disappointing is that the senior
PPP leadership seems to be accepting orders from Dubai.
One lesson that the political leaders must learn from Justice
Iftikhar Chaudhrys case is that the public is keen to find credible people,
i.e. people who are willing to take position. Justice Chaudhry was not the
ultimate justice but he did dare to give some relief to people and took some
independent decisions to safeguard public interest All one needs is to
demonstrate some commitment to ones position and the public is keen to
trust. Pakistan right now presents a fertile land for the birth of a real political
leader.
Babar Sattar was of the view that the PPP can either work with the
military government in determining the political landscape of the country in
2007 and beyond, or fight against the regime to restore meaningful
democracy and civilian government. If Bhutto decides to go the former
route, she will put the PPP in a position as compromising as the rag-tag
PML-Q, PPP Patriots or other defectors. Infamy doesnt become kosher
when practiced by political parties as opposed to individuals.

It has been suggested that the PPP and the general have an
ideological convergence of interests. Their politics is that of centre-left and

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thus liberal, they have a shared vision on the role of religion in the state and
on fighting extremism as also reflected by their voting in unison on the
Woman Rights Law. But the PPP has been crying hoarse for the last eight
years that rise of extremism in Pakistan is not despite the generals
policies, but due to them.
The question is how her jumping onto the generals bandwagon
furthers the cause of moderation, liberalism and tolerance in Pakistan. If the
Musharraf Regime has directly or indirectly instigated forces of
obscurantism, will joining hands with such a regime not legitimize its
politics? Is shared liberal orientation on urban lifestyle an ample basis for a
joint fight against fanaticism and likely to mechanically address the
institutional, political and economic causes of religious intolerance in the
state and the society?
If you are tolerant, you tend to be tolerant in all facets of life i.e. in
your political, social, religious and economic outlook. Selective liberalism
tends to be self-serving, edges closer to bigotry and produces ugly results.
Social and cultural liberalism alone is not an ideological approach, but a
lifestyle choice. Such selective practice has further provoked the fears of
conservatives in Pakistan without offering any benefits to the society at
large.
The other excuse (more of an apology really) for a BhuttoMusharraf deal is that such arrangement will further the cause of
democracy in Pakistan. If working with the general is the preferred approach
to strengthen democracy in the near-term, why did Bhutto ink the muchtrumpeted Charter of Democracy
The affliction of Pakistans democracy has been a lopsided
institutional development and civil military power imbalance. The military
is more powerful and resourceful than all other civilian institutions and
organs of the state put together. This enables the military to control civilian
institutions, political processes and democracy either directly or from behind
the curtain.
Ordinary people of this country stand bewildered watching political
shenanigans unfold and wondering what are the compulsions of power that
disable fellow citizens from functioning as decent people of integrity when
in politics. They also wonder why those exhibiting integrity despite being in
politics are so beholden to their party heads to be inconsequential in
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decision-making process. Can Aitzaz Ahsan or Raza Rabbani please

explain to Bhutto that ends dont justify means?
M B Naqvi commented, the first question is: who needs a deal most?
Many assert that it is Benazir Bhutto who is desperate for a deal with
Musharraf. The reasons for this are well-known: she is anxious that
corruption cases against her in the Swiss court should not be pursued, the
sentence pronounced on her in absentia should not be implemented and she
should be allowed to return to participate in politics and run the election
campaign of the Pakistan Peoples Party
From another viewpoint, it is Musharraf who happens to be in
trouble and needs substantial political help in his present predicament.
What is the predicament? It is the judicial crisis he created by taking the
ham-handed actions against the Chief Justice and mistakes committed
subsequently.
Musharraf is lucky that the opposition parties are so badly
divided and that the largest mainstream party, the PPP, is ready to serve
office under the uniformed president and the deformed Constitution as it
stands now. This master statute subordinates the whole elected system to the
pleasure of the president. Even otherwise any ruler would be happy to
receive additional political support that the PPP appears to be supporting.
The real question is what will the deal do? Quite a few assessments
have been made; the first is that it is unlikely to stop the slide in the
presidents popularity; and the incumbency factor is gaining momentum.
Then, it cannot resolve the judicial crisis one way or the other. And this
judicial crisis is the immediate problem for Musharraf The thought
occurs: the dynamics of the legal fraternitys agitation and its inherent
possibilities will not be affected by Ms Bhuttos strengthening the military
controlled regime.
The relations with America have always been a keystone of
Pakistans foreign policy, although there is some recent propaganda that
Pakistan can very well do without American aid and if America is
disillusioned with the Musharraf regime, let it withhold aid if it wants to.
But one cannot help commenting that Pakistan has always found the
aid to have strings attached and has always gone along as much as it could in
the past, including the recent past. But now that a unilateral break from other

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side looms, this kind of propaganda may be making a virtue of necessity.

The fact is, and let no politically aware person ignore it, the kind of
American aid is and the way it is disbursed has been manna for Pakistans
elite classes Even the Americans know it.
This is something that the PPP should be concerned with because she
may be joining a ship that is adrift and risks sinking. On her part, she is
the staunchest pro-American politician in Pakistan and she should know
what she is doing by joining Musharraf: Americans may or may not like to
bolster the military regime. But it is quite possible that injection of the PPP
into a seriously amended Musharraf system might make the latter more
acceptable to the Americans in the short run. She can be trusted more than
Musharraf.
The fact that Ms Bhutto will be discrediting herself by joining the
Musharraf regime when it is at its weakest is a matter which she should be
the best judge of, whether her political stature will go up or down is what
she has to examine. But, more than that, the PPP would be dealt a heavy
blow by this betrayal of the ordinary worker who has been brought up on
rhetoric of democracy and opposition to dictatorship.
By deserting the opposition ranks in todays conditions, Ms
Bhutto will be leaving the field to the MMA and the PML-N, both of
which have used ambiguous Islamic rhetoric, the former substantially than
the latters rather vacuous slogans. If the agitation of the lawyers and an
anti-dictatorship campaign by the opposition parties goes ahead
simultaneously, the ultimate beneficiary would be the MMA.
Finally a word about the deals possible terms: PPP loyalists still
believe that Ms Bhutto cannot accept this Musharraf Constitution and the
President in uniform being elected by outgoing Assemblies or another 2002like election. She will insist on scrapping the Article 58 (2) (b). Musharraf
can be ready to accept such terms; would he have done what they did on
March 9 in the Army House? He seems still determined to implement his
known programme. The only likely deal is for Benazir to cooperate with the
PML-Q and MQM.
Some people have started talking against the movement initiated by
the lawyers. A R Kazimi from Karachi wrote: If the president had
exonerated done otherwise, these very people who are now out on the streets
would have accused him of favouritism. They would have said that the
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election this year would be rigged with full support of the chief justice. The
opposition parties are saying that the government is responsible for the
present crisis. In fact it is the lawyers and political parties who are
responsible for the present situation. The opposition is asking the
president to step down They say theyll give us democracy. Have they
come to the present assemblies and the Senate through undemocratic
means?
Jawaria Samiya Siddiqui from Karachi observed: Lawyers are still
boycotting courts. But this is not affecting the government in anyway. In fact
the people are the only ones suffering, especially those who are waiting for
the hearing of their cases in the courts for days, months and even years. The
government should resolve this issue as soon as possible. One shouldnt
agree with the statement that sufferings of the people do not affect the
government in any way. Only those rulers are not affected who place their
interests before the interests on the people.
Ijaz Tabassam from Kuala Lumpur appealed to lawyers, now please
come to the courts as your absence in the name of strikes is hurting nobody
but common man. Already, our courts are so slow in delivering justice.
Everybody has the right to protest but it should not exceed the limits.
M S Hasan criticized the CJP for addressing the bars. Without getting
into the merits or demerits of the reference against the chief justice, the
wisdom or foolhardiness of the government, it is sad to see the nonfunctional chief justice being willingly hijacked, manipulated and letting
his suspension being exploited by the politicians by playing to the gallery
and traveling from one city to the other in a motorcade, being driven and
spearheaded by an opposition member of the National Assembly sitting next
to him and waving victory signs on his way, while blocking the traffic from
Islamabad to Peshawar; so much for respect of the rule of law and dignity of
the office of the chief justice.
Nosheen Saeed was of the view that the judicial crisis is the result of a
conspiracy by the CJP and PPP. In the process two prestigious institutions
are being openly maligned namely the Judiciary and the Armed Forces. As
a patriotic citizen of Pakistan, I have a duty to perform; the masses must
know the truth and judge for themselves the reality of the situation.
The definition of Conspiracy is activity of a group that by a joint
collaboration seeks to accomplish an unlawful purpose or to accomplish a
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lawful purpose by unlawful means. Since they are banded together to

achieve some harmful or illegal purpose, (especially a political plot) they are
in reality working against the interests of the community and the country.
It goes without saying that the PPP-P has been unable to generate a
popular movement against Musharraf because of its past track record of
disappointments, scandals of corruption and misuse and abuse of authority.
To improve her image back home Benazir was desperately seeking a
course of action against Musharrafs leadership. The party had to launch
a movement against him, before the elections to pressurize Musharraf into a
power sharing arrangement.
In an unusual move, Benazir hired a top lobbying firm in
Washington for six months at a cost of $250,000 to nudge the Bush
Administration into backing free elections in Pakistan. Its a $28,500 a
month contract till the end of June 2007 with the PR group
Benazir wrote a Washington Post Op-ed in March promoting her
democracy agenda and questioning the Bush Administrations backing of a
military junta that promoted terrorism. This explains the burgeoning articles
by various US think tanks, the Op-eds targeting Musharraf and presenting a
doomsday scenario in Pakistan and statements emanating from US Senators
and the Commonwealth; all stratagems or means to gain an end.
Since months the judicial over activism of my Lord the Chief
Justice of Pakistan, Iftikhar Chaudhry and charges of corruption, misuse and
abuse of power and his display of arrogance towards lawyers and brother
judges was being discussed by all and sundry and what was most interesting
to note was that eminent lawyers linked to PPP-P were in the forefront,
narrating their own experiences and the victimization of government
officials and their colleagues.
Naeem Bokhari was encouraged by many of his colleagues of the
legal profession to write an open letter to Justice Iftikhar Mohammad
Chaudhry. Not surprising was the fact that in the forefront were prominent
lawyers of PPP-P lending support to Naeem Bokhari, who have now
conveniently ditched him and turned into defenders of the Judiciary.
Interestingly, Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry who had been a party to a
number of rulings that provided a legal cover to Musharraf including the
Supreme Court decision that legitimized his 1999 take over and another

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upholding the 2002 referendum that installed him as President on becoming

the head of Pakistans judiciary in 2005 started issuing a number of
rulings against the government agenda of development such as, New
Murree Project, cancellation of Pakistan Steel Mills privatization All his
judgments were gracefully accepted by the government and complied upon,
upholding the integrity and the independence of the judiciary.
According to a senior law expert it was the inquiry of his son Dr
Arsalan Iftikhar Chaudhry, over charges of corruption and misuse of power
that made the Chief Justice furious enough to lead to actions prejudicial
to the dignity of office of the Chief Justice. He tried to intimidate the
Executive and to undermine its role in spite of the fact that each organ of the
state has constitutionally assigned roles and each must respect the functions
of the other. But it seemed that the Chief Justice was adamant to breach the
thin line dividing the judiciary and the Executive. Nosheen claims that it
was not Musharraf who attacked independence of judiciary but the CJP who
was the first to attack the Executive.
According to BBC, Chaudhry told trainee military officers in
February that, in his opinion, General Musharraf couldnt continue as army
chief beyond his present term as President. Even such remarks were ignored
by the establishment. On another occasion he told a gathering of senior
Pakistan Air Force officials last January that suo moto action in various
cases of poor governance and corruption exposed the level of institutional
failure of the state machinery. When a judge avoids ruling on what is in the
Constitution by ruling on something that isnt, however, you know
something political is afoot.
There will continue to be speculation about what motivated the Chief
Justice to say and do all the things that he did The way the Chief Justice
is now willingly allowing his suspension to be manipulated, politicized
and exploited by the legal fraternity and the political parties by traveling
all over the country portraying himself as a hero and being driven by Aitzaz
Ahsan, member of the opposition PPP-P waving victory signs shows clearly
that he is playing to the galleries, for his own benefit.
The lawyers protesting on the streets are victims of political
manipulation. Our political parasites are misleading them for their own
benefit. Doesnt it surprise them that those who are making a big deal of the
CJs suspension are the politicians; that they are orchestrating the collapse of
Pakistans legal system. The people should be celebrating the fact that
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finally someone had the guts to take on someone at the top. With elections
round the corner for Musharraf to send the reference to the SJC must have
been the most difficult decision but he took it to enforce checks and balances
in the system for the common goal of the good of the people. It was Shaukat
Aziz who took the decision; Musharraf was under obligation to send it to the
SJC. Did she mean that Musharraf had ordered Shaukat to prepare a
reference and send it across?
The ones misleading the masses today are the Machiavellians of
the previous government who used the Supreme Courts benches to take
vengeance on opponents, to silence opposition leaders and to uphold their
sitting governments decisions. They have intimidated, undermined and
attacked previous Chief Justices to exercise their independence.
Aitzaz Ahsans condescending attitude towards the judges of the
SJC is shocking, calling them biased and expressing no confidence in three
members of the SJC and telling one of the honourable judges that he has
trust in Allah but not him. Those who are resigning, rioting and protesting
outside the Supreme Court are the ones who have no respect for the law, and
have no trust in Judiciary. A difficult problem requires cool heads and smart
thinking not emotions and hysterics. We need to realize that and make a
course correction.

REVIEW
The unity of the lawyers demonstrated in their movement for
independence of the judiciary has been unprecedented. The bar has remained
actively engaged in pursuing its objective in and outside the court. The
bench, however, remains indecisive and so far it has shown limited solidarity
with the bar which, in fact, is fighting for the cause of the bench.
Unity of the bar has been mainstay of its struggle. The establishment
has been trying hard to break this unity but so far it has not succeeded. As
long as the lawyers remain united their struggle can sustain itself for
indefinite period.

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Other segments of the society have preferred to remain silent, despite

disapproving the naked aggression of the Executive against the Judiciary.
The causes of disillusion of the majority are multiple. The experience of the
past tells the people that a change, no matter how bright it was painted, has
ever brought a meaningful change in their lives. Every change has been
continuation of status quo under different name and leadership.
All the leaders of the opposition have been tested in the past more
than once; each one of them has been a complete disappointment for the
masses. This causes hesitation in taking sides even on pressing issues. In
short there is a critical crisis of leadership in Pakistan.
Resultantly, political parties have failed in availing the opportunity of
judicial crisis to turn it into a popular movement for restoration of genuine
democracy. Their failure to do so is because of their own deeds, as said
above: The people no more trust them.
The division within opposition has hampered the presentation of a
united front which could pose a meaningful challenge to the dictatorial
regime. The disunity has been further accentuated by the talk of a deal with
the largest political party in the opposition. The deal talk has also starkly
exposed the selfish motives of the political leaders. Therefore, the chances of
lawyers movement turning into a popular movement are bleak unless the
events take an unexpected turn.
The government seemed to have absorbed the initial shock of its own
folly of attacking the independence of the judiciary. The sanity demanded
that having withstood the shock, which had not been anticipated on 9 th
March, the rulers should have initiated some damage-control measures.
But sanity and dictatorship have very little room to accommodate each
other. Having absorbed the shock, the rulers preferred to launch counteroffensive. On 24th April, Shujaat under orders from the team captain led a
pro-Helmet rally in Islamabad. This was as big a folly as initiating a
reference against the CJP. It could have led to street fighting in the seat of
their power base.
The government also seemed regretting its decision to grant freedom
of speech in the context of electronic media. It continued to harass various
channels, which by mere live coverage of some events, were pulling the
pants of the rulers down. Resultantly, the government committed another

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folly by issuing a show-cause notice to Aaj TV. It will only cause more
embarrassment to the government.
The events mentioned above, and those not mentioned, indicate that
Musharraf would go to any extent to perpetuate his rule. The dictators
seldom give up voluntarily because of their lust for power, but in case of
Musharraf it has become a necessity.
He knows that he cannot survive for long without the protection
presently provided to him as the head of the state. He also knows the reason
that by joining the Crusades against Muslims he has created an array of
enemies who have and would attempt to kill him. Once he steps down, his
days will be numbered because even a less meticulously planned attempt on
his life would have more chances of success.
Therefore, he would go to any extent to perpetuate his rule. He turned
back on his words on doffing uniform earlier and would go back on what he
has been saying about Benazir for years. He would strike deal with her if
prolonging of his rule is ensured. Principles have little or no value at all
when it comes to survival, and he as a commando knows it well.
With the passage of time, one has started hearing anti-movement
voices. The embedded analysts and journalists have gradually started
surfacing. They have started mentioning the inconvenience caused to the
people by the strikes of lawyers on each day of the hearing of the reference.
Some of them, like Nosheen Saeed, have come up with conspiracy
theory. She opined that the present judicial crisis is the result of the CJP-PPP
conspiracy. She even accused the CJP of hindering the development of
Pakistan by his decisions in cases like that of Pakistan Steel Mills.
As regards the legal side of this movement, some interesting moves
were made during this round. The CJP filed a constitutional petition in the
Supreme Court which was aimed at turning the tables; or in other words, to
turn the Helmet vs Wig bout into Wig vs Helmet. Hearing of this petition by
five-member bench on daily basis would at least determine some of the
aspects of the reference.
The government has suspected some mischief in composition of the
bench for hearing the petition of the CJP. After smelling the rate, it has

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requested for a full court hearings, which it had opposed when the CJP had
requested at the time of filing his petition.
This clearly indicates that there are certain judges who are not trusted
by one party or the other. By implication it means that even the Apex Court
has been politicized to some extent. This also means that according the
governments assessment the majority of wig-wearing personnel in the
Supreme Court are still loyal to the Helmet.
4th May 2007

HELMET vs WIG
ROUND VII
The road journey of the CJP from Islamabad to Lahore on 5 and 6 th
May dominated all other events of this round. The people thronged GT
Road, despite arrest of thousands of political workers. The turnout surprised
everyone, perhaps including the CJP. Musharraf cried: opposition parties are
using the CJP for political ends.
A day after the rally, five-member bench of the Supreme Court
recommended that constitutional petition of the CJP should be heard by a
full court in view of importance of the matter and stayed the proceedings of

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the SJC. The Supreme Court constituted a 14-member full court to hear the
petition of the CJP.
In a team meeting, Musharraf told the participants that he could not be
defeated in the ongoing judicial crisis. The Team-Helmet decided to launch a
two-pronged counter offensive by holding rallies in Islamabad and Karachi
under arrangements of PML-Q and MQM respectively.
Sindh government approached the Supreme Court to advise the CJP to
cancel his visit because of security reasons; the CJP rejected the advice
suggesting that MQM should be asked to cancel its rally. Opposition
political parties alleged that rallies in Islamabad and Karachi are part of the
move to impose emergency in the country.

EVENTS
On 4th May, the CJP refused to travel to Lahore by air and the Punjab
government planned to organize a rally in support of Musharraf to counter
the CJPs reception in Lahore. Chief Minister Punjab presided over meeting
of nazims and councilors for organization of the rally.
Section 144 was imposed on GT Road. Thousands of political workers
were arrested across Punjab and even in NWFP. According to Liaqat Baluch
4,000 workers of his party alone were arrested. Shujaat assured security
cover to the CJP during his visit to Lahore. Musharraf refused to withdraw
reference even after advice from members of ruling elite. Benazir urged
Musharraf to quit army first.
Registrar of the Supreme Court returned the application for
constitution of full bench with some objections. Supreme Court bench
directed the government to submit affidavits giving details about 56 missing
persons. Ansar Abbasi reported that amidst judicial crisis, Sharifuddin
Pirzada and Attorney General had lunch in Islamabad Club with Justice
Muhammad Nawaz Abbasi and Justice Faqir Muhammad Khokhar of the
Supreme Court.
Saturday, 5th May 2007 was the day of rallies in Pakistan. The CJP set
on a long journey from Islamabad to Lahore and by midnight he had not yet
reached Gujranwala. Meanwhile, the rulers organized some quick counter
rallies. In Naokot Musharraf himself addressed a public meeting and
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criticized opposition parties for politicizing a legal issue. In Karachi, MQM

held a rally and accused the CJP of politicizing the issue of reference. In
Lahore, Pervaiz Elahi led a pro-Musharraf rally in which the participants
rejected the CJP of ARD.
The journey of the CJP started with disruption of TV coverage and
mobile phones. Security vehicles sent for providing cover to the convoy of
the CJP were suspected of using radio jammers, which were switched off
after the security personnel were warned of the consequences.
All roads connecting interior Punjab with GT Road were blocked by
police. In Sargodha, police raided district bar offices and drove away the
vehicles meant for conveyance of lawyers to Lahore. Earlier, a similar police
raid was carried out in Sahiwal and nine policemen were later booked for
beating the lawyers. In a clash on Mirpur-Dina road some lawyers were
injured and six were arrested. Reception arrangements at Jehlum were
uprooted by police.
Lawyers, political parties and the public gathered all along the route to
welcome and applaud the CJP. Impressed by the massive turnout of the
people, Aitzaz Ahsan in his speech at Gujrat Bar Council termed it
referendum against the government.
Media asked Pervaiz Elahi to comment on the remarks of Aitzaz
Ahsan and he said that it is not correct to equate turnout of a hundred people
with referendum. He accused the CJP of indulging in politics by traveling to
Lahore via GT Road, which is an unbecoming conduct for a chief justice.
Seventeen sitting judges had arrived in Lahore High Court to join
reception arranged for the CJP. Women Wing of PML-Q vice-president,
Shakeela Rana quit the party to express solidarity with the CJP. The CJP
filed his reply to the concise statement of objections raised by the
government over his petition. He maintained that all law points in his
petition are valid, competent and maintainable.
In the evening, telecast of three TV channels were disrupted in Sindh
through the cable operators who were threatened by MQM. Party spokesman
denied issuing any instructions to cable operators. He claimed that it has
happened due to peoples reaction to medias biased coverage of events.
These TV channels did not cover MQM rally carried out earlier in the day.

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Tariq Butt quoted an official saying: The journey turned out to be a

boon to the opposition and bane to the powers that be. But it is going to be a
short-lived phenomenon because Justice Chaudhry is no politician, who
possesses the clout to upset the official applecart on the force of popular
wave.
The CJP arrived in Gujranwala at about 1.00 am 6th May, where five
lawyers were injured in fire that broke out due to short-circuiting. The
journey from Gujranwala to Lahore High Court was covered in more than
six hours. The risk-prone journey (according to the Chief Minister of Punjab
and Interior Ministry) was covered without any untoward incident and
without direct involvement of the security agencies.
In his welcome address, Ahsan Bhoon equated Musharraf with
security guard who illegally occupied the house he was employed to protect.
He vowed to continue the movement of lawyers till the end of dictatorship.
He also urged that exiled political leaders should be allowed to return.
The CJP in his speech stressed upon supremacy of constitution, rule of
law and safeguard of basic human rights. He said history proves that states
founded on dictatorship faced destruction, but in Pakistan dictatorship is a
thing of the past now. He also said that fundamental rights cannot be
suspended even in emergency. He stressed upon the lawyers to maintain in
their rank and file.
The impact of the CJPs rally on the government was reflected in the
statements of rulers. Prime Minister said provisions of emergency rule exist
in the Constitution; there is no pressure on government over reference; and
PML-Q will hold a big rally in Islamabad on 12 th May. True to the past
record of the government, he shifted the blame for disruption of TV channels
to technical faults in cable networks to protect MQM.
Musharraf once again blamed opposition parties for using the CJP for
political ends. Shujaat Hussain reiterated that the opposition has adopted
negative tactics to get political benefits from the reference against the CJP.
Minister Durrani said CJP lacked public support.
On 7th May, five-member bench of the Supreme Court ordered that the
hearing of constitutional petition of the CJP and 22 other identical petitions
pertaining to the presidential reference should be carried out by a full court
in view of importance of the matter. The bench issued a temporary

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injunction staying proceedings of the SJC in the case till the full court takes
cognizance of the matter.
The court also ordered that three Justices of the Supreme Court now
members of the SJC and Justice Raza Khan will not be the members of the
full bench. The counsel of the CJP later on demanded that Justice Nawaz
Abbasi and Justice Faqir Muhammad Khokhar, who were seen having lunch
with Sharifuddin Pirzada should also be excluded from the full bench.
Earlier, the counsel of the CJP had opposed the application of the
governments panel with the contention that raising objections on the bench
at this late stage had mala fide intention. However, both sides seemed
satisfied with the decision of the court.
Advocate Maulvi Iqbal Haider, a petitioner whose petition was
included in the list before the court, alleged that close relatives of some
judges on the Supreme Court bench were staging demonstrations in support
of the suspended CJP.
Reportedly, the government was considering another reference against
the CJP for politicizing the earlier reference. Similar references against the
judges who attended receptions organized for the CJP were also under
consideration.
Lawyers across the country decided to observe day of thanks on 9 th
May. Bhinder said the stay order on the SJC was subject to confirmation by
the full bench. Opposition sought debate in National Assembly on chance of
emergency. Maulana Sami asked Musharraf to withdraw the reference
against the CJP.
On 8th May, the Supreme Court constituted a 14-member full court to
hear the petition of the CJP and 22 other identical petitions. The court will
take up the petitions on day-to-day basis hearing from 14th May onward. The
full court will be headed by Justice Khalilur Rahman Ramday and comprise
Justice Muhammad Nawaz Abbasi, Justice Faqir Muhammad Khokhar,
Justice Falak Sher, Justice Mian Shakirullah Jan, Justice M Javed Buttar,
Justice Tassadduq Hussain Jilani, Justice Saiyed Saeed Ashhad, Justice
Nasirul Mulk, Justice Raja Fayyaz Ahmed, Justice Ch Ijaz Ahmed, Justice
Syed Jamshed Ali, Justice Hamid Ali Mirza and Justice Ghulam Rabbani.

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The SJC said its proceedings will remain stayed till further orders.
The Supreme Court reserved its judgment on manhandling of the CJP case.
Lawyers decided to continue the token strike. The CJP decided to travel to
Quetta by train.
Addressing the graduating engineers of NUST, Musharraf claimed
that he took a decision on a matter of state rising above personal and social
relationship. Pervaiz Elahi claimed that rally on 12 th May would be the
biggest in the History of Pakistan. Chairman Awami Hamayat-e-Tehreek
Maulvi Iqbal Haider, reportedly backed by the Team-Helmet, filed a
constitutional petition against Justice Bhagwandas for allegedly favouring
the CJP.
Ansar Abbasi reported that in a recent official meeting Musharraf told
the participants that he could not be defeated in the ongoing judicial crisis.
He said that for him three things are very important including if the decision
was taken after due consideration, if it was in line with the law and
Constitution and whether it was in the interest of the people. Musharraf told
the meeting that since all the points were considered by him before March 9
action so now he was not bothered about the fallout. The pro-Musharraf
source also claimed that there is no concept of judiciary independent of the
government.
On 9th May, Altaf Bhai said MQM would stand like a wall to protect
the rule of Musharraf Bhai. MQM reacted promptly and sealed the office of
Munir A Malik in Karachi saying that it was set up in residential area in
violation of the rules; later the office was unsealed on orders of the Sindh
High Court.
Secretary Interior of Sindh approached the Supreme Court to advise
the CJP to cancel his visit because of security reasons; the CJP rejected the
advice suggesting that MQM should be asked to cancel its rally, because the
visit of CJP was planned before MQM rally.
Opposition political parties alleged that rallies in Islamabad and
Karachi are part of the move to impose emergency in the country. Analyst
feared that simultaneous rallies could result in a clash. Nawaz Sharif said the
deal wont bail out Musharraf. Lawyers observed Thanksgiving Day.
Ansar Abbasi reported that Dr Sher Afgan has told the prime minister
in plain words that his views on the reference are in direct conflict with

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official line. Sher Afgan refused to defend the reference against the CJP for
which the prime minister had requested him.
The Supreme Court banned comments, debates and write-ups on the
reference. A new code of conduct was issued for the general public, the
lawyer community and the print and electronic media; the rulers were not
included. These activities could interfere with the legal process, ridicule,
scandalize or malign the Court or any of its judges. Violation in this regard
shall be dealt with under the law relating to contempt of court. Entry to the
premises of the Court will also be restricted on the day of hearing.

COMMENTS
The observers from various walks of life continued talking about the
deal between Musharraf and Benazir, despite ever diminishing chances of
reaching such understanding. Dr Ghyur Ayub from London wrote, Benazir
Bhutto knows she has been fired at from two sides by a single bullet, the
Swiss court case. It has the potential of damaging her personal career in the
West and political career in Pakistan. She will not be invited to any
international seminars if she is convicted in the court. The indications are
that the decision will go against her. Only Musharraf can save her from this
shot by asking her to help him be re-elected from the present assemblies. In
that case, she will be risking her political career in Pakistan.
She knows that political downfall is a short term wound and such
wounds heal rapidly in Pakistan. On the other hand, the alienation as a
political scholar from the West leaves a permanent scar. She would rather
risk the former and join hands with Musharraf, hoping that he will doff
off his uniform on December 31, 2007.
Why do I see a resemblance in her deal with Musharraf with the deal
the latter drew with MMA? And why does December ring certain bells? She
is definitely walking on a tightrope and only time will tell which decision
was wise as history will judge her accordingly.
Bashir A Malik from Islamabad opined that the PPP can not enter
into an arrangement outside the Charter of Democracy. It is as simple as that.
Why the so much noise about a deal which does not exist. Contacts, real or
imaginary, do not mean a deal.

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Saeed Najam from Lahore was of the view that the ongoing crisis
cannot be resolved by the moves like political deal. It is a misfortune that
the truth of the popular support for the CJP has still not dawned upon
our rulers. It is not their new-found love for the judiciary; it is not support
for the Supreme Court and it is not the liking for the CJPs personal image. It
is in appreciation of his act of defiance in the face of total might, an act
which took the nation by surprise; a nation which had become accustomed to
the judiciarys meek submission to rulers and the law of necessity.
This crisis is too deep and profound to be wished away. It would
be futile to attribute the intensity of the reaction to the media or discredited
political parties. People have come to distrust extremes of all
denominations Scratch an enlightened moderate or a liberal and you
find a closet aristocrat or a dictator. The present crisis is a crisis of the
people and requires a peoples solution which, regrettably, our statemanagers seem incapable of doing.
General Aslam Beg expressed his views on various aspects of the
crisis while talking to Dr Shahid Masood on Geo TV:
Judicial crisis has been created inadvertently but it is good for the
country as democratic forces in the country will emerge stronger.
The solution lies in dialogue and reportedly behind the scene contacts
have been established. A possible solution is that the CJP agrees to
resign and Musharraf leaves the post of COAS, constitutes interim
government and holds free and fair elections.
Emergency rule is no solution; it will lead to fiercer reaction, which
will not be good for the country.
About the CJP he said that he judges the people from their decisions.
By his decision of 9th March, he stands taller than all his adversaries.
About Musharraf he said that in the life of every dictator a time comes
when he feels no need for advice from anyone.
Dr Farrukh Saleem commented on some of the aspects of the ongoing
judicial crisis in his familiar style. Why are we where we are? What went
wrong? Why are we heading nowhere? Answer: De facto has drifted away
from the de jure. Right now de facto is as far away from de jure as can be.
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De facto in Medieval Latin phrase meaning in fact or in practice. De jure

in Classic Latin is an expression that means based on law. In other words,
what we are doing as a matter of fact is de facto and what our law says we
ought to be doing is de jure. Shaukat Aziz, for instance, is the de jure ruler
and Pervez Musharraf the de facto. He went on to mention more examples:
De facto: As a matter of fact, the Chief of the Army Staff is also the
President of Pakistan. De jure: Under Article 244, all members of the
armed forces take the following oath: Iwill not engage myself in
any political activities whatsoever
De facto: On March 9, the President of Pakistan (the Executive)
suspended the Chief Justice of Pakistan. De jure: The Constitution of
the Islamic Republic of Pakistan prescribes Trias Politica or
separation of power between the Executive and the Judiciary
(Article 175).
De facto: The president of our ruling party, also an ex-prime minister,
said that people who criticize the army should be shot dead. De jure:
The Pakistan Penal Code, in all of its 510 pages, has no such
provision.
De facto: The ministry of interior informed the Chief Justice of
Pakistan (on leave) that traveling by road to Lahore if filled with
danger. De jure: According to the ministry of tourism: Visit Pakistan
Year 2007.
Where do we begin to put things right? For Pakistans sake, please
do as the law says; if you cant, then change the law or change your
behaviour. No third choice, absolutely no hypocrisyby either nonuniformed or uniformed politicians, please. If the Chief of the Army also
wants to be the President of Pakistan then amend the Constitution
Nazeer Ahmed Malik focused on Shujaat the sharp-shooter. There is
absolutely no doubt in my mind that the armed forces are a very
venerable institution. They are supposed to lay down their lives for our
defence and humiliating them is a cardinal sin but if the army or its head and
his colleagues involve themselves in political activities then the logical
result would be some kind of fallout on them.

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I am sure the army leadership would disapprove of shooting people

without a lawful trial. The maker of this statement may genuinely presume
and it is his right to do so that he is exhibiting supreme patriotism but I am
sure he is unaware of Oscar Wilds famous statement that patriotism is the
last refuge of a scoundrel.
I am further surprised that till today no member of the judiciary,
politician or any other member of civil society has taken him to task for such
a totally irresponsible and bizarre statement. The basic tenet of law of the
land is that the rule of law is maintained at every cost and every one is
considered innocent till proven otherwise. Such statements, made not once
but twice can only be attributed either to total senility which I am sure is not
the case or as a result of a sense of bravado exhibited to display his
supposedly supreme love of the defenders of the country and by virtue of
that defenders of faith. As far as my knowledge goes he is the son of an expolice officer. It is irrespective of the fact that rank he held but after all like
me he was a law-enforcement officer and lost his life at the hands of some
criminals who had no respect for law. For a person who has suffered such a
personal tragedy cannot quote scripture.
The present leadership is trapped in ad-nauseim phraseology. The
prime minister in his professional style has been saying frequently that the
samrat (fruits) of development are going to trickle down to common man.
Let our leaders visit the villages and see for themselves the extent of abject
poverty. Verbose statements and intellectual dissertations in seminars in five
star hotels can never be a substitute for genuine development.
It is suggested that wise Chaudhry sahib use his precious words to
advocate overall emphasis on health, education and above all on rule of law.
He should disabuse himself of the idea at the earliest that he is one and only
patriot in this country. The past of this country is replete with examples of
many such enthusiastic patriots going down the drains of history.
The News commented on mention of imposing emergency by the
prime minister. Given the timing of his remarks, it would be fair to assume
that they would have something to do with the unprecedented scenes
witnessed along G T Road as thousands of people came out to greet Chief
Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry as he drove to the provincial capital to
deliver a speech at the Lahore High Court Bar. Surely, some people will
guess that this is coming from a government that is clearly perturbed
over the unprecedented reception received by the chief justice. Also,
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perhaps the presence of over a dozen sitting judges of the Lahore High Court
may have unnerved the government to some extent.
Possibly the events over the weekend made it think that this was all
the result of it allowing the protests to continue. In any such situation, there
are bound to be hawks who want to push things further and keep up a
confrontation and there will be doves or moderates who want to
compromise. The government needs to understand that the political
opposition is only doing what all oppositions would do, anywhere in the
world: taking advantage of perceived or real weaknesses of the government.
The talk of the possibility of imposition of an emergency is to send a
veiled warning to the protesters and supporters of the chief justice that their
time may be up if things get out of hand. But it wasnt only lawyers and
political party activists who took part in Saturday and Sundays events and
to think that only these two groups were responsible for the massive turnout
would be a grave mistake with dangerous consequences. As far as the
political opposition is concerned, it will in most likelihood see this talk of
emergency as proof of further weakening and disarray and will only
exploit it, as has the chief justice issue.
Ikram Sehgal opined that the Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry has
become a potent political force. As for the chief justice, he continues to
give adequate reason to admire him. Any man who stands up against the
odds and defies rampant authority if he believes it is not being exercised
judicially deserves our admiration. He has conducted himself extremely
well throughout the crisis, and above all he has not lost his cool. In the
Ingall Hall of the Pakistan Military Academy it is written: It is not what
happens to you that matters, but how you behave while it is happening. The
honourable chief justice is good enough speaker; all of what he said was true
and had to be said
The chief justices speeches were political, and in as much as I
admire the man, the fact remains that he has now become a political figure
of some consequence in Pakistan. We should start getting used to having
lost this great judicial activist from the Supreme Court benches, and I for
one feel sorry about it. One can already see him as a consensus opposition
candidate for the presidential elections later this year.
There is seething resentment among the masses at the attitude of
some among the ruling clique, particularly the agencies that can get away
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with anything. As for the presidents close advisors the less said the
better. Every time he listens to them and their advice is usually motivated,
he gets into trouble, and the country along with him gets embroiled in a
crisis. If the president has to seek advice, why not choose the best that is on
offer rather than rely on the yes-men around him. Bad people usually give
advice as bad as they are. The president has been inadvertently placed at a
critical crossroads only a few months before his re-election as president. The
honourable CJs defiance will make power-sharing come about sooner rather
than later, and in such an arrangement one believes Pervez Musharraf will
still have a role to play.
Mir Jamilur Rahman explored the possible political impact of the
crisis. The lawyers ongoing protest has convinced the MMA that
President Musharraf is politically vulnerable for first time since he came
to power nearly eight years ago. President Musharraf during his rule has
successfully reversed or drastically amended many traditional and antiquated
policies and laws despite vociferous criticism from the MMA and other
opposition parties some recent events, which include countrywide lawyers
protests and Lal Masjid and Jamia Hafsa stand-off, may have sent
encouraging signals to the MMA and other opposition parties that the time is
ripe for launching agitation against President Musharraf.
The MMAs thinking is flawed that it can force President
Musharraf to quit through its street power. If the agitation climbs to the
level wherein the government ceases to function, which is very unlikely,
then it would be anybodys game. The most likely scenario would be the
replacement of a uniformed president by a uniformed chief martial law
administrator. The CMLA would address the nation promising early and
clean elections and the whole game would restart from the beginning.
It is now certain that the new president will be elected by the present
assemblies later this year, just a month or two before they would be due for
dissolution after completing their five-year term. This was stated by no less a
person than President himself The opposition challenges these assertions
claiming that the present assemblies cannot elect a president at the fag end of
their lives and a person cannot offer himself for election if he is holding a
government post. Who will decide what the truth is? Not street protests,
but the court of law.
Shafqat Mahmood observed: The familiar pattern of regime
change at the end of military rule has begun to unfold. Active
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components of civil society led by the lawyers are spearheading the drive
but other disaffected groups are not far behind.
The political parties may differ on everything but agree on the
one point agenda of Musharrafs removal. The PPP leader may say what
she likes sitting abroad but the rank and file are desperate to join the fray.
Even the MQM, a beneficiary of the regimes largess, is thrashing about
looking for an exit strategy.
The Jamia Hafsa crisis is not a happen-stance and neither is the
constant provocation by latter day social reformers residing in Lal Masjid.
From day one, they have been seeking a conflict; retaliation from the state,
leading to blood and mayhem and scores of dead bodies. It is a transparent
attempt to hijack the judicial movement led by the liberal elements in
our society.
On its part, the regime is desperately trying one tactic after
another to overcome these multiple challenges but is not getting very far.
To face the judicial crisis, it tried brute force in the beginning and it failed. It
tried a hands-off approach and that had no affect. It has now resorted to
midnight raids and widespread arrests and even this is not likely to work.
This is not a passing bout of flu. It is a terminal illness that will have
occasional periods of remission but will reach its inevitable conclusion.
The judiciary for whose independence the civil society is so
worked up is not only guilty of legitimizing illegal military takeovers; it
has at every opportunity sought to trespass into matters beyond its legal and
constitutional domain. The desire to exercise executive authority is almost
endemic with judges summoning officials and giving directions that are far
beyond the judicial kin. There have also been instances where the judiciary
has transgressed into the parliaments domain by passing judgments that are
akin to new legislation.
While every institution has failed in its duty or gone far beyond its
legal and constitutional role it also has a huge set of grievances. The
judiciary constantly complains that it has to go to the executive for every
penny that it spends or that its perks and privileges are not commensurate
with its status. It also feels that the executive is tardy in implementing its
decisions and does not give it the respect it deserves.

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The military complains that the politicians muck up the country

through poor governance and their economic management is pathetic the
politicians say that the military is a perpetual contender for power and never
allows the civilian government to settle down.
The sins and complaints have piled up and have congealed into
permanent sores. Without clearing the air and establishing new rules of the
game, we will be condemned to repeat our previous cycles. The 1973
Constitution, an admirable document that it is, has not stopped either
military takeovers or rampant misuse of authority by other institutions. If we
revert back to its 1999 version, it may still fall short of giving stability to our
political order.
A new national concord is a must. All stake holders, the politicians,
the judiciary, the army, the bureaucracy, the media, the mullahs, the lawyers
and other elements of civil society, need to sit together and devise a new
national code of conduct. There must be an airing of complaints and an
acknowledgement of sins Out of this might emerge a consensus that can
help this nation move forward.
The Constitution can then be amended to recognize these new
rules of the game. If we are ready to go down this road, we may have that
elusive political stability that has been lacking since independence. It is a
huge task and some may even consider it quixotic but without thinking the
unthinkable, we dont stand a chance.
Imtiaz Alam saw a revolution in the making. Quite amazing was the
patience, perseverance and commitment of the legal fraternity that
thousands of lawyers and an overwhelming majority of the Lahore Bench
waited and waited all through the night at the premises of the Lahore High
Court for their chief justice.
It seems that the whole legal community has transformed from
Khyber to Karachi into a communards of a liberal-constitutionalist
revolution seeking nothing less than a republic with separation of powers
allowing full independence of the judiciary, a sovereign parliament, free
media and a law-abiding executive. The COAS-president, who had warned
the lawyers to shun politics, is the target of their scathing criticism. Where
is this revolution heading? Who is its leader? And will it reach its
destination?

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Last Saturday provided a contrasting view of the two rallies The

CJP rally was a caravan of people who had thronged G T Road all through
the route to express their solidarity with Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry. The
participants had come on their own and waited to see the glimpse of the man
who had defied a military-led executive and emerged as kind of a challenger
to misrule of the law. On the other hand, General Musharraf addressed an
officially managed rally where government servants and hereditary tenants
were forcefully brought to provide for a headcount of the participants.
It seems that a mass and right-based democratic movement has now
taken off. Emerging as a spontaneous reaction of the bar to the presidential
reference against the chief justice, it is now evolving into a mass
movement directed towards republican goals. Support of all opposition
parties across ideological divides, who are in competition to mobilize the
public at large, has given it a national and all-parties character. A unique
joint front of lawyers and civil society activists, on the one hand, and
political parties activists on the other, is emerging with a clear division of
work: lawyers focusing on constitutional issues of independence of
judiciary, rule of law and supremacy of the constitution and political
activists gunning for the military rulers.
The irony of the situation is that a democratic movement is shaping
up under the leadership of the Chief Justice of Pakistan who cannot utter
a single political word, nor indulge in politics, given his status as a sitting
judge, in the absence of mainstream leadership that chose self-exile over
fighting the dictatorship on home turf.
While history is being made on the streets of Pakistan, it is
overtaking various current phenomenon, many moves and countermoves not
at pace with the peoples aspirations or the agitation on the streets. Some of
the casualties are: the presidential reference, the Supreme Judicial Council,
the keeping of uniform and the presidency together, deal or no deal, the
kings party, section 144, rented crowds and rallies, the aborted APC, the
exile leadership perpetuating through remote control The new balance and
relationship of forces, the nature of coming general elections, the role of the
army in politics and the bench in dispensing justice, the presidential election,
the character of next government and party ratings will now be determined
by the success or failure of the current movement.
The question is will this movement survive? Given the tempo of the
lawyers, who are now politically highly charged, the movement is going to
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last its current phase that can last four or six months. However, it
depends on the judicial process which is in full swing after the formation of
the larger bench headed by Justice Javed Buttar. Now, if the CJP is restored,
the lawyers movement will have achieved its major goal But, if the CJP is
not restored he will emerge as a martyr who can then freely lead a
movement for peoples rights engaging all segments of civil society around a
charter of peoples rights.
Such a broad-based movement can be built, even if the CJP is
restored, if the lawyers community invites other professional and civil
society bodies, including doctors, teachers, students, journalists, human
rights bodies, trade unions, peasants, traders and entrepreneurs, to join
hands. Such a broad front for a republic will have to rally the people at large
around a charter of their rights and freedoms on which all political parties
should be called to sign. The speech made by the CJP on the importance of
fundamental rights at the reception of Lahore High Court can form the basis
for evolving a comprehensive charter of peoples rights.
The time has come for the self-exiled leadership to come back and
close the doors on self-serving approaches. Otherwise, the movement on
the streets will find its own leaders who may be far more clear and
committed to the peoples cause.
M B Naqvi opined that the people have spoken in favour of the
movement. The kind of welcome and love that Chief Justice Iftikhar
Mohammad Chaudhry received from the legal fraternity and the common
people of Punjab is overwhelming the people have made an eloquent
and decisive political statement: they have vindicated the CJP and sided
with what the CJP on forced leave stands for.
Who cares about the truth or falsehood of those charges? For the
legal fraternity and the people, the question at issue now is different and
strictly political: Is the countrys executive authority supreme and can it
order around the judiciary (and parliament and the media)?
The exciting cause of all this was the manner in which Justice
Chaudhry was treated on March 9 in the Army House. It was seen in the
perspective of the last 43 years history of the supremacy of the army over
the judiciary. The perspective includes the known and highly
controversial political ambitions of the army chief, General Pervez
Musharraf, to go on being the army chief and president till 2012
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Justice Chaudhrys refusal to oblige the regime has opened a chapter

of resistance by the judiciary and the legal profession to the militarys right
to call all the shots All military dictators, including those who ruled from
behind the scenes from 1988 to 1999, enjoyed the judiciarys obedient
approval. Justice Chaudhry is the first CJP who had the guts to disobey the
army chief. That act of moral courage touched the deepest chords of
Pakistanis hearts and has caught their imagination.
The point about the grand spectacles of this May 5 and 6 is the
start of a New Pakistan Movement for a New Pakistan that will be
simple democracy (without adjectives) where everything will be done
according to the constitution and where the judiciary, and indeed the whole
legal fraternity, is the guardian of the constitution in cooperation with all
citizens. The military is a necessary department of the government. But it
must be made accountable to the people
The task right now is to resolve this judicial crisis. The simplest
way is for General Musharraf to heed the advice of his predecessor in the
Amy House: withdraw the reference and reinstate the CJP. One realizes that
human pride and prejudice, not to mention ambition and self-interest, may
stand in the way.
Let no sycophants misguide the army chief that all this hullabaloo is
for the sake of Mr Chaudhry alone. The matter is no longer about one
man; even Mr Chaudhry now has no control over what he has helped
launch. It is now a peoples movement for the supremacy of law and
constitution.
Let no one miss the high significance of last Saturday and Sundays
events. The people of Punjab have done Pakistan proud; Pakistan is
stronger today because of this inspiring spectacle and will go becoming
stronger if this New Pakistan Movement is not thwarted or betrayed by the
disunity of parties. From now on it is for civil society to take it forward.
Failure in this task may hurt Pakistan irreparably.
Some anti-movement voices became audible. Aliya Nasir from
Karachi wrote: Although the lawyers are talking of independence of
judiciary, they forgot the freedom and independence of speech and thought
of other people. Why do they forget that if they have the right to chanting
anti-Musharraf slogans then some people also have the right to raise proMusharraf slogans. Why do they forget that the government is not beating
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them for raising anti-Musharraf slogans but they are beating people for proMusharraf slogans? This shows the hypocritical attitude of our lawyers.
Farhan Qutab seemed a staunch supporter of Team-Helmet. It is quite
a unique experience in the history of our country or for that matter any
country that a purely judicial matter has been turned into a political
issue. While ordinary Pakistanis are trying to get on with the rigour of their
daily lives, some vested interests are trying to create problems for them, by
creating a situation where just about everyone may end up being affected
through the foolish acts of a few.
The road-shows that we have are full of slogan chanting disruptive
elements that are participating in demonstrations as if there were still some
colonialists holding the land and people hostage; despite a complete lack of
interest shown by the majority in the almost daily seesaw battles between the
poor security personnel and the men in black. No doubt all this is quite
fruitful for expediting the exit of foreign investors from the country,
which to a great extent had returned given the positive and consistent
economic policies of the present government.
Even after fifty-nine good years of independence we have not learnt
to discard the road-show mentality and take recourse to constructive
thinking. We hate to sit down and sort things out. The days of British Raj are
over. This is our country and we owe it everything and to create a situation
where the national life is severely disrupted does not credit anyone. Why are
we creating a situation that provides enough justification to the whole world
to jeer at us at will, call us a failed state, a society of extremists, even a tribal
society where things are decided by fights and quarrels? The way forward
would be for all those protesting and demonstrating on the streets to
reconsider their actions, step back and engage in a constructive dialogue
and above all to let the rule of law prevail.
The News commented on the decision of constituting a larger bench.
Given that the chief justice, right from the SJCs constitution on March 9,
had expressed a lack of confidence in some of its members on the issue of
impartial treatment of the reference against him, Mondays decision by the
Supreme Court bench may be interpreted as a moral victory for Justice
Chaudhry. Not only that, it also presents the superior judiciary in
favourable light, since the hearing of the presidential reference against the
chief justice had come to be tainted with allegations of bias.

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The suspension of the SJCs proceedings had become necessary

given that it was not competent to hear the several constitutional petitions
that had been filed against the reference raising important questions
such as (a) whether the SJC is competent to probe allegations of
misconducts against the Chief Justice of Pakistan; (b) whether the SJC could
be constituted by someone other than the Chief Justice of Pakistan given that
he was still holding his office and in a position to carry out his duties; (c)
whether the President of Pakistan has the constitutional authority to suspend
the Chief Justice of Pakistan before allegations of misconduct against the
latter are proven and (d) the composition of the SJC itself.
On the whole, the government also will probably not be too
unhappy with what has happened. After initially insisting against a full
court, as requested by the chief justice, it did a U-turn last week when its
senior legal advisor, Sharifuddin Pirzada, also demanded that a full court
hear all the constitutional petitions and miscellaneous applications, citing the
constitution of a larger bench had left many senior judges. This, according to
legal experts, is not really a strong argument since seniority does not
determine which judge sits on which case Hence, those who believe that
the governments U-turn and demands for a full court had more to do with
apprehensions that the outcome on the constitutional petitions heard by the
five-member bench might not be to its liking may well have a point.
Mondays ruling is also a moral victory for the judiciary itself in
that it will, to a large extent, prevent allegations of bias or public outrage
when a decision on the presidential reference against the chief justice is
finally given. Furthermore, it will add to the credibility of the governmentinitiated process of holding the chief justice accountable and was sorely
needed step in defusing the current crisis whose high degree of politicization
was not helping so far as resolving the issue itself of the reference and the
various constitutional petitions filed against it was concerned.
Nasim Zehra opined, significantly, this order will likely signal the
culmination of the two-month-long street movement. On the question of
the political nature of the lawyers movement, the role of the media and on
the CJPs conduct unbecoming and the media becoming a party, some
issues need to be pointed out.
In a highly politicized environment the media did still give all sides
of the story. Mildly put, the governments story legally, politically,
morally and logically was an unattractive one. The public is discerning.
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The media could not have changed the nature of the governments story.
Meanwhile, as citizens media persons are not impervious to the issues at
hand, so also an indirect party to the CJP issue. They had preferences but did
not abandon their mandate to tell the whole story.
The CJP has been political. In Lahore his speech was political. His
decision to travel by road to Lahore was political. In Lahore he thanked
those supporting him but he did not say I am ready to face all charges
against me and that no one should be above accountability. But if the CJP
has been political so has the countrys army chief. Its difficult to knock
out the CJP on that point.
The contribution of the CJP to the struggle for rule of law has
been phenomenal. No one can take that away from him. But may be after
his case is over he should bow down as one who successfully mobilized the
cynical and indifferent Pakistanis and with solid results.
The clinical and purist argument of the case being made political will
not hold. Politics, legality and constitutionalism were at work
simultaneously. Pakistan is at a genuinely evolving stage. We have entered
a phase of serious politics and serious institution building.
Fortunately, now the risk of the reference becoming a political
football in Pakistans political arena has ended. The fear that in the postreference political battle between the opposition and the government the
original objective of the independence of the Supreme Court would be lost is
no longer there. The talk of imposition of an emergency, and of ouster of
General Pervez Musharraf, will now abate. What will remain alive
through the proceedings will be the only legitimate, and indeed the core,
issue that has emerged from the presidential reference against the CJP, that
the rule of law and independence of the judiciary.
This is Pakistans contribution to the global study of power
politics, state and society. At a dizzying speed, within a span of 48 hours,
the hundreds of thousands strong struggle for the independence of the
Supreme Court and rule of law moved passionately and resolutely through
the 260-kilometer stretch of the Grand Trunk Road and has culminated at the
doors of the Supreme Court. With the greater sense, sophistication and
discipline can a movement achieve its goals?

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Pakistan witnessed a unique movement, where the public uprising

gave muscle power to the judiciary which has been trampled by muscle
power, civil and military, as well as by the weakness of the judges itself.
The governments campaign about the issue being made political is weak.
See its own politics: its lawyers lunching with Supreme Court judges and its
ruling party organizing processions.
This must now go down in the annals of political practice and theory
as the Pakistan Model of nation-building and state-building. This is a first
crucial step towards constructing a state in line with the Quaid-authored
original script, for what Pakistan as a state was meant to be.
The baton for constitutional supremacy has been passed on to the
men on black robes. These men, sitting in the apex constitutional body, will
have the last word on how to practice the constitution-approved executive
and state power in Pakistan will be exercised.
But with regard to all the pressures of bouquets and kickbacks
emanating from all these forces, the judges of the Supreme Court have to
go strictly by the letter of the law and by their own conscience and
competence, as they interpret the law in a case with minimal precedents.
Now, the challenge is of upholding the rule of law and the judiciary has to
perform the task, impervious to the outside world and indeed to Pakistans
electoral political battles. Those will be fought elsewhere and by different
players. Undoubtedly the Supreme Courts decision will be a major
contribution towards the straightening of the ways of the state and executive
as well as setting right the context for genuine democracy and constitutional
rule in Pakistan.
M Ismail Khan was of the view that media coverage of parliament
proceedings could have curbed the tendency of public protests. When a
parliament loses touch with reality, when legislators stop representing the
public interest in the house, and when the flow of information from the
public to the parliament and from parliament to the public fails,
politicians find other means to communicate with their constituents. Then
the forum for dialogue moves to the streets. The criticism on private
television channels for a partisan approach in the coverage of the chief
justices unique long march to Lahore rings hollow, especially when heard in
the backdrop of the long standing restrictions on access of private channels
to the parliament.

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One really does not have the stomach to debate the constitutionality
of the political uprising spurred by the ongoing stand off between the
government and the chief justice, but to expect that the media will remain
aloof of a controversy of such magnitude is simply unjustified.
Many look at the current situation as more than just a political crisis;
to them this is a political crisis rooted in marginalization of the parliament
on the one hand and sense of insecurity prevailing in the country on the
other. The GT Road show, they claim, was a spontaneous reflection of
the anger among the countrys civil society about many recent events
Others who have been advocating for unfretted media access to
parliamentary proceedings are of the view that the impact of the spectacular
sight of dancing lawyers, flag waving political workers, camera flashing
journalists, and Pajero driving leaders on the GT Road would have been
much more limited had there been an honest debate on the issue in the
parliament. And the proceedings were allowed to reach to the people
through state and private TV channels.
All over the world, television is playing an important role in
fostering democratic norms. It has become a major tool to ensure public
oversight of the legislatures, and in promoting across the board transparency
in government affairs. Today, more than 70 countries telecast proceedings of
the parliament live
One would refrain from citing parliamentary coverage in the
developed countries as an example as their governments and private cable
operators spend millions to facilitate live telecasting of the house
proceedings as a public service. In the United States for instance, thousands
of C-Span employees continuously air proceedings of the houses and
committees through multiple channels. But we can certainly talk about
countries like Indonesia, Iran or more appropriately India where live
coverage of parliamentary proceedings has helped shape informed
democratic societies.
There is neither any specific constitutional impediment to telecasting
the house business, nor is there any restriction in the rules of procedure in
Pakistan. There is a bipartisan support among members in the assembly and
the senate for the idea of live coverage of the parliament. In theory, it is the
prerogative of the speaker as the custodian of the house to determine the

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degree of media access, but in actual the executive organ of the state has the
ultimate decision.
Though televised coverageis no recipe for resolution of acute
political disagreements such as the one going on at the moment, but it can
provide people an opportunity to get involved in debates in a
constructive manner and could help people understand the real context of
the intricate political conflict without having to disrupt life in the streets.

REVIEW
Patience and discipline demonstrated by the people who waited along
the route for more than 20 hours amply reflected their commitment to the
rule of law in the country. In such situations the numbers become irrelevant;
it is their resolve and determination which matters and that was displayed in
abundance on 5th May.
In such a situation any rational ruler would pause and ponder to find
out where the things have gone wrong. The events cried for a dire need for
course-correction, unfortunately, there was no sign of such realization in the
ruling elite.
The ruling junta of Chaudhry Brothers or Gujrat Mafia, under
patronization of the COAS Musharraf, keeps accusing the CJP of
unbecoming behaviour of indulging in politics. On the contrary, they cherish
Musharrafs indulgence in politics, addressing public meetings, while still in
uniform.
The banker-turned-politician, not realizing the negative impact on the
economy, blurted a threatening reference to emergency rule. In a single day
KSE lost 400 points. In one of the meanest moves during this round they
launched a campaign to malign the Team-Wig through commercial
advertisement in print media.
The Team-Helmet, however, seemed to have realized that it was
losing ground to the Team-Wig. It was also aware that it could do little on
the legal front because of the follies committed during initial stages of the
crisis; therefore it decided to make moves on an other front.

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Chaudhry Brothers, being expert in this field, were told to spearhead

the counter-attack on the streets. Elder Chaudhry led a counter-rally in
Islamabad and the younger Chaudhry repeated the feat in Lahore on 5th May,
but both of them failed to impress anyone.
The Team-Helmet decided to press on by launching a two-pronged
assault on 12th May; one in Islamabad and the other in Karachi. The former
prong could still remain inconsequential, but the Karachi-prong to be
launched by militant MQM has all the chances of ending up in creating
more trouble and thus, giving new turn to the ongoing movement which has
so far been very peaceful.
MQM has established a mini state which is far more effective than the
State. They defend their writ very jealously, which was quite evident from
the disruption of three TV channels on evening of 5th May. When the media
approached the relevant government quarters in Islamabad, they knew
nothing about the incident.
The live telecast of these channels in Sindh was disrupted on orders of
the MQM. Glimpses of the warm reception accorded to the CJP had
delivered a dizzying blow to the Team-Helmet, particularly to its hard-core.
It lost the mental equilibrium and the first symptom of lunacy was seen in
the form of closure of telecast of private TV channels.
The MQM, in fact, is private militia of Musharraf Bhai which can be
compared with Mahdi Army of Moqtada al-Sadr of Iraq. This militia is wellorganized, lavishly financed, battle-hardened and has ruthless command
structure led by men like Altaf Bhai. Such a force cannot sit back and let
their adversary go unchallenged.
This linguistic-militia, deceptively named as Muttahida Qaumi
Movement (or Mahaz), can go to any limit to protect Musharraf Bhai. Altaf
Bhai, the Commander-in-Chief of this militia had been issuing orders to his
militia to remain battle-worthy. His latest Order of the Day was to stand
behind Musharraf Bhai.
MQM leadership in Karachi immediately responded by announcing a
counter-rally on the same day, at the same time and on the same route where
the CJP rally had been planned weeks ago. This clearly reflected its
confrontational mindset.

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Then, following the precedence set by Pervaiz Elahi, Secretary

Interior of Sindh approached the Supreme Court to advise the CJP to cancel
his visit to Karachi, because Sindh government had reliable intelligence
that terrorists have planned attacks on the rally. In all fairness this advice
should have been addressed to MQM who had reacted to already planned
visit of the CJP with mala fide intentions as was reflected in sealing of the
chamber of Munir A Malik.
The information of the Secretary Interior was so authentic that within
few hours unknown gunmen sprayed the residence of Munir A Malik in
Karachi with machine gun fire. The Governor Sindh, who had been named
in a dozen FIRs of murder cases, promptly condemned the attack. He also
reiterated that his government had already warned that militants could
launch attacks availing the prevalent environments.
The sequence of events reminds one the taunting remarks of someone,
who said that SHOs in Pakistan are so well-informed that they know days
before the crimes likely to be committed in their jurisdiction. Who could be
better informed about the terrorist attacks than Dr Ishratul Ibaad?
He, being well-informed about Karachi, could have condemned this
attack even before the Secretary Interior had approached the Supreme Court.
That was the time when terrorists were ordered to carry out pre-emptive
preventive strikes at pre-selected targets.
As regards Musharrafs rhetoric of soft image, Pakistans image has
been badly scarred by the judicial crisis. His actions have also tarnished the
image of the army, the institute which enabled him to rise to the office of
head of the state.
One can only hope that some of the men around him would inform
him that what he was giving in return to this great institution. For example,
one of the banners carried by the protesters read: Merey watan kay shajeela
gernailo, yeh raqiby tumharey liay heen. A slogan chanted by them was:
Amrica ney aik kutta pala, wardi wala, wardi wala.
Both parties welcomed the decision on the Supreme Court. The
Team-Helmet was happy because to have large number of judges in the full
bench would provide wider choice to win hearts and minds of the judges
on the panel. The Team-Wig was happy that acceptance of its contention on

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suspension of the proceedings of the SJC was its victory. But by implication
the Team-Wig has lost the chance of appeal had the SJC decided against it.
The brightest side of this decision is that it would help in defusing the
crisis. The decision of the full court will be binding on both parties as none
will have any pretext to challenge the verdict. After this decision neither side
has any justification to organize public rallies.

10th May 2007

HELMET vs WIG
ROUND VIII
Having fought constantly on the back-foot, the Team-Helmet bounced
back with vengeance in this round. It launched two-pronged counter attack;
the one in Islamabad was meant to outnumber the adversary and the other in
Karachi was to create shock and awe effect in the camp of Team-Wig.
The militia led by Altaf Bhai, the MQM, unleashed its terrorists not
only to foil the CJPs attempt to enter Karachi but also bleed his supporters
so that they end up licking their wounds for quite some time. It was done
with professional excellence. However, the value of Islamabad-maneouvre
to outnumber the adversary was charred by the back-blast of Karachi.

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On 14th May, two important incidents took place in Islamabad which,

most probably, were part of the overall counter-attack plan of the TeamHelmet. In one incident the additional Registrar of the Supreme Court was
murdered and in other DIG Saleem Khan was arrested by Sindh police; both
of them were likely to be important defence witnesses in the reference
against the CJP.

EVENTS
On 10th May, Federal Interior Secretary asked the CJP to cancel
Karachi visit. During debate in National Assembly the Opposition asked
MQM to call off its rally; Jamali also asked the government to tell its ally
not to adopt the course of confrontation. PPP suspected bloodshed in
Karachi on 12th May. An MNA of MQM said Karachi is our city and no one
can organize any activity without our permission.
Police registered an FIR against unknown gunmen who fired at the
house of Munir A Malik in Karachi at night while shouting: tell your chief
justice not to visit Karachi. Lawyers condemned the attack. Police also
arrested 12 men suspected of plotting an attack on the rally of the CJP.
Opposition in the Senate rejected code of conduct issued by the
Supreme Court. Shujaat refuted the media reports on use of government
resources for organizing Islamabad rally. The Chief Justice of LHC issued
appointment letters of 100 civil judges.
Rauf Klasra from London reported that British media and public were
greatly impressed by the stand taken by Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad
Chaudhry. World lawyers body called upon President Musharraf to restore
the CJP and withdraw reference against him. Musharraf said he has no
ulterior motive behind reference against the CJP.
By 11th May, PML-Q was all set to hold a big show in Islamabad to
counter the effects of rallies held to receive the chief justice in several cities
of Pakistan. Pervaiz Elahi claimed that the rally will mark the end of
conspiracies against government and Musharraf.
In Karachi, all roads leading to airport and Sindh High Court were
blocked on the eve of the CJPs visit for which MQM had acquired one
thousand containers and trucks. Shara-e-Faisal and all link roads were
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declared no go areas for the workers and supporters of opposition parties.

Reception camps established by opposition parties were removed. Lawyers
traveling to Karachi from interior Sindh were detained in Shikarpur, Sukkar
and Rohri.
Imam Khomenei of MQM asked his party workers and supporters to
remain peaceful and unprovoked at the historic rally being staged in
Karachi. In a statement issued from London, he said he and his party firmly
believe in strengthening of the judicial system in Pakistan.
The opposition stormed out in the Senate against the overnight
crackdown on their leaders and workers in Karachi, warning the provincial
government will be responsible if a law and order situation erupted.
Opposition also accused the government of using public resources for
organizing rally in Islamabad.
Sindh High Court ordered federal and provincial governments to
provide complete security to the CJP. The court directed that the CJPs right
to choose his route should also be respected. Farooq Sattar said opposition
political parties have not sought permission for rallies. Lawyers in Peshawar
boycotted courts to protest attack on the house of Munir A Malik.
Ansar Abbasi reported that the two hawkish authors of the presidential
reference against the CJP were advising the presidency to call for fresh oath
under the Constitution by superior court judges who had taken oath under
PCO. The purpose to call for fresh oath is to shunt out certain judges from
the superior judiciary.
The Supreme Court again directed the government to submit affidavits
giving details of the missing persons who were detained by intelligence
agencies and later released. The bench also directed the parties to compile a
consolidated list instead of fragmentary lists submitted by different
petitioners.
The President of the European Parliament asked Musharraf to offer
comprehensive explanation of the reasons for the Supreme Judicial
Councils decision to suspend Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry. In a
strongly worded letter addressed to Musharraf, he also asked to furnish an
official copy of the reference. The Committee to Protect Journalists, a New
York-based organization called for withdrawal of press directives by the
Supreme Court.

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Well before the arrival of PK-301 in Karachi on 12 th May, MQM was

fully prepared to defend our city against the attack spearheaded by the
CJP. When the aircraft landed at Karachi Airport, the defenders had already
opened fire from their positions along the Shara-e-Faisal.
The first blood had already been drawn by the defenders by killing a
worker of Sunni Tehrik a day before. When the CJP arrived four more
people were killed; thus the justification was in place to stop the CJP from
traveling to the Sindh High Court by car.
When the CJP disembarked from the aircraft, there was no lawyer or
worker of political party to welcome him, instead he was received by the
Home Secretary and IGP Sindh along with a contingent of police. They tried
to whisk away the CJP, but the lawyers accompanying him foiled their
attempt. The CJPs entourage took refuge inside the lounge which marked
the start of a long and painful wait.
Outside the airport, street fighting escalated rapidly particularly along
the route leading from airport to Sindh High Court. The premises of the SHC
were surrounded by the militants of the MQM. Nobody was allowed to
enter; even judges had to sneak in by climbing the boundary wall. The chief
host of the function, Advocate Ibrar managed to reach there with great
difficulty.
The SHC summoned Corps Commander, Chief Secretary and I G
Police after taking suo moto notice of the situation in the city. The former
did care about the orders of the Chief Justice. The court ordered removal of
the road blocks immediately, but IG Police showed inability to comply with
court orders.
The police strictly complied with orders issued by the MQM and no
one was allowed to come on to the roads except those cleared by the
owners of the city. They also stayed away from the places where fighting
took place and if it happened in their presence they abstained from
interfering.
MQM militants specially targeted their old and new enemies. The
localities inhabited by Pathans were targeted to settle old scores. Media
emerged as one of the new enemies of the MQM; a hospital run by welfare
organization of the ARY was occupied by the gunmen.

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Aaj TV center was attacked by MQM terrorists with fire of all kinds
of small arms. The attackers burnt the vehicles in the parking area. They
asked Talat Hussain and others to come out. Aaj TV approached almost
everyone in the government for help but without success.
Brig Mohtram promised to send law enforcers in 30 minutes, but no
one arrived even hours after the promise. When Rangers and policemen
arrived after considerable delay they could not stop the attackers from firing
at TV center building. The siege was lifted after six hours, only after
receiving instructions MQM high command.
Home Secretary and I G Police kept sitting from 1200 hours to 1630
hours outside the lounge where the CJP was waiting. There presence in
airport terminal implied as to who was in charge of security situation in the
city. These two important officials were simply used as guards for the CJP
detained in the airport lounge.
At about 1530 hours, the Governor said the government was
contemplating stern action against those lawyers who had come from
Islamabad with the CJP. He finally decided to expel 9 lawyers from our
city. A journalist of ARYONE was also told to get out.
The MQM started shifting the blame for the bloodshed. Ibaad and
Ghouri singled out the CJP to put blame on his shoulders. The Imam
Khomenei of the MQM in his address from London also blamed the CJP but,
inadvertently or under influence of some kind of intoxication, he admitted
that we were doing this because these people were against Musharraf Bhai.
What he did to save Musharraf Bhai resulted in killing 35 people and
wounding 110. Having done that, some localities of the city were handed
over to the Rangers. All those killed, except four, belonged to opposition
parties; the aliens in our city.
In the province ruled by Gujrat Mafia, the government machinery was
in full swing to organize a rally in Islamabad to show solidarity with
Musharraf. The nazims of 35 districts of Punjab dispatched convoys carrying
the specified numbers of supporters to the capital. From Lahore, a convoy of
400 buses was led by the son of the Chief Minister. The support from NWFP
was mobilized under direct supervision of Minister Amir Muqaam.

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By evening the supporters from across Punjab and NWFP started

arriving at the site of rally. The participants dancing on the drum-beat were
in festive mood with no signs of remorse over bloodbath in Karachi. The
banners and slogans chanted by the participants clearly indicated that the
rally was for Musharraf First not for Pakistan First.
Musharraf addressed the rally out side the Parliament, though he has
yet to address those inside that building which is his constitutional
obligation. He said, I appeal to the lawyers not to turn this issue into
political one and stop their protest and let the superior judiciary make its
decision independently.
Shujaat boasted: We have proved that the PML-Q is the countrys
largest political force, which believes in decency and fair play. His cousin,
Pervaiz Elahi termed the rally a referendum in favour of General Pervez
Musharraf.
Ansar Abbasi reported: Karachi is bleeding today and the nation
already saddened by the ongoing judicial crisis is in tears. The festivity in
Islamabad rally did not match the overall mood of the country but still the
rulers deemed it fit to go ahead with it.
Honestly speaking, the television footage proved that the city is ruled
by the mafia. There was absolutely no sign of writ of the government
anywhere in Karachi. Gun-wielding youth were moving all around
unchecked and it seemed that the law enforcing agencies do not exist at all.
The chief executive of the province and Sindh Chief Minister Arbab
Ghulam Rahim was simply absent from the scene on this black day for
Karachi. His coalition partner in the province and the real rulers of Karachi
the MQM had the guts to shift the responsibility on others.
Interior Minister Aftab Ahmad Khan Sherpao offered an absurd
argument that the chief justice was forewarned by the federal government to
call off his Karachi visit in view of anticipated terrorist attack. Why did not
the federal government, including the president, ask the MQM to call off its
rallies and hold them on any other day?
As if the Karachi carnage was not enough for ones distress, this
correspondent saw a banner in the PML Islamabad rally inscribed with the

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slogan: General Pervez Kay Baghair Pakistan Namanzoor (No to Pakistan

without Pervez Musharraf).
MQM office in Quetta was set ablaze by unknown armed men; some
MQM offices in interior Sindh were also attacked. Opposition blamed the
government and MQM for Karachi carnage and called for observance of
Black Day on 13th and complete strike on 14th May across the country.
Traders in Lahore urged the government to shun hostilities before it
turns into a national disaster. Lawyers flayed treatment meted out to the CJP
at Karachi Airport. In Rawalpindi, they thronged the airport to receive him
on return from Karachi.
On 13th May, Governor delegated full powers to the Rangers to restore
law and order in the city with orders to shoot to kill. It implied that MQM
terrorists had pulled back to respective hideouts. Prime minister vowed to
nail the perpetrators of violence, but he condoled with Altaf Hussain.
Seven more people were killed in sporadic incidents of violence in
Karachi. Seventeen vehicles and seven shops were put on fire. Shujaat and
Shaukat greeted party leaders and workers for putting up great show during
pro-Musharraf rally.
In a press conference, lawyers of PBC and SCBA blamed MQM for
the bloodshed in Karachi and announced countrywide protest on 14 th May.
They criticized corps commander for not responding to the notice served by
the SHC. They said it was planned by the government to disrupt the peaceful
visit of the CJP. Munir Malik announced complete boycott of courts on 14 th
May and observance of four-hour symbolic hunger strike.
Farooq Sattar held a counter-press conference to reiterate MQMs
accusations against the CJP, his panel of counsels and the opposition parties.
He claimed that opposition parties did it because they were jealous of
MQMs growing popularity. He produced documentary evidence in the
form of photographs.
Black Day was observed across the country. ARD blamed the
government for Karachi massacre. Pakhtuns held MQM responsible for the
bloodbath. British media also blamed supporters of Musharraf for Karachi
carnage and saw power slipping away from president. Qazi demanded

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extradition of Altaf Hussain from UK. Nawaz warned Benazir against

betrayal.
On 14th May, Additional Registrar Supreme Court Syed Hamad Raza
was murdered at his house in Islamabad in the wee hours. Police said it was
a dacoity case. Doctors did not find any sign of resistance. The family
members termed it targeted killing. The widow sought protection from
British Embassy being a British national.
Munir A Malik said Hamad was an important person in the reference
against the CJP. Aitzaz said that the murder carried a warning for others. No
one from the government said anything, but the Supreme Court took suo
moto notice of the murder.
Hamad was a trusted man of the CJP. He was also kept under house
arrest for few days after 9th March. Thereafter, the officials of intelligence
agencies had visited his residence and questioned him on the CJP. He could
have been an important defence witness. The widow said, killing of Raza is
a message to the judiciary.
Ansar Abbasi reported that Hamad was under immense pressure to
stand in the witness box against the chief justice. Agencies were asking him
to provide some evidence about the CJP and his son. He had told his friends
during the last two months that on a number of occasions he was summoned
by agencies for this purpose.
The officer was living in a semi furnished house. His batch mate
wondered, only insane dacoits will try to rob a grade 19 official living in
such a run-down neighbourhood, whereas across the road they can find
affluent houses of rich and wealthy.
In another action Sindh police arrested DIG Saleem Khan in
Islamabad. He is another important defence witness in the reference against
the CJP. The Chief Minister of Sindh was not happy with him because the
DIG disregarded his orders and instead pursued suo moto notices issued by
the CJP.
Six more people were killed in violence in Karachi. None of them was
from MQM because all of its militants had fallen back to respective safe
houses. Minister Durrani vowed to trace out and punish the rioters. ISPR,
with reference to calling corps commander to the Sindh High Court, clarified

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that Army was not called in aid to civil administration in Karachi. The
clarification was cleverly worded as no media channel had reported that
army was called in aid of civil administration.
Prime Minister ruled out governors rule in Sindh. The Governor was
already ruling the province. He said the opposition was being contacted for
restoration of peace in Karachi. Farooq Sattar rendered unconditional
apology to Aaj TV; the only incident to be regretted for reasons too obvious.
Zafarullah Jamali called on the CJP at his residence. He refused to answer
any questions after the visit. S M Zafar opposed filing of another reference
against the CJP.
The Acting Chief Justice reconstituted the full court after Justice Falak
Sher declined to sit on the bench. Lawyers boycotted courts across the
country. Traders joined the strike against Karachi carnage. For the first time
the lawyers and political workers were seen protesting side by side.
Qazi repented the act of supporting the LFO. He also filed a
constitutional petition against Musharraf over holding two offices. The
session of National Assembly was adjourned after vociferous protest of the
opposition over Karachi killings. The opposition boycotted Senate session.
British media spoke of Altafs power and saw change in the wind.
Addressing a press conference in Lahore, Imran Khan said the dictator was
fully involved in patronizing biggest terrorist of the country and even the
British government was harbouring the terrorist, therefore, it was equally
responsible for the Karachi incident.
He de-abbreviated MQM as Musharraf Qatl-e-Aam Movement.
Imran said he was consulting partys legal advisers for registration of an FIR
against Musharraf and Altaf Hussain; besides moving court in London for
which evidence was being collected. He compared MQM with Hitlers Nazi
party which always won with terror.

COMMENTS
This turned out to be the bloodiest round. What happened in Karachi
on 12 May will be commented upon for long time to come. Herein a
sample of the initial public outrage is produced. But first some comments on
various aspects of the ongoing movement for independence of the judiciary.
th

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Aasim Sajjad Akhtar observed that Lahore rally was a big victory of
the Team-Wig but it still remained small in a long battle. Regardless of the
pontifications of General Musharraf, Punjab Chief Minister Pervaiz Elahi
and other prominent government figures during and after the chief justices
extended public rally, the scale of the mobilizations must have surely got
the government and establishments knees wobbling. What is most
disconcerting about the episode (for king and kingmakers alike) is that
ordinary people were out on the streets.
In spite of the somewhat euphoric mood that prevailed in Lahore and
most other urban centres on the Rawalpindi-Lahore stretch of the GT Road
over the weekend, it is crucial to keep things in perspective. There is still a
military regime in power, it still enjoys considerable support from its
western world, and particularly from the United States, and the lawyer-led
movement does not offer a coherent alternative to the current dispensation,
at least not yet. That is why it is important to step back and remember the
magnitude of the struggle that democratic forces actually face.
A cursory look at some of the bigger popular mobilizations in
Pakistans history suggests a constantly recurring theme. This explains the
relative stability of the oligarchic system of power that has remained intact
for almost all of Pakistans 60 years. Namely popular movements have
always been focused on removing the government in power, or the
individual ruler associated with that period of rule, rather than propagating
more substantial, systemic change.
On more than one occasion, popular movements representing the
immense pent-up frustration that ordinary Pakistanis feel towards the ruling
class have won a symbolic battle only to lose a much bigger war. The latent
possibility of this happening yet again is captured in the slogan that has
been widely popularized in recent times: Go Musharraf Go! The slogan
is not Go Fauji Go which is, as should be obvious, a qualitatively different
demand from that which targets Musharrafs person.
There is something different about the current wave of populism
sweeping across the country. It is impossible to ignore the fact that amongst
ordinary people, the militarys larger than-life image of guardian of the
state is being questioned. The military is no longer considered
untouchable, morally superior to politicians, bureaucrats and the rest of us
imperfect beings.

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But moral indignation will not do. And it is important to bear in mind
that while the militarys pristine image has been damaged, the imperative of
national security undoubtedly the main reason for the militarys historical
dominance remains largely unquestioned. Yet two months into the lawyerled movement against the CJs dismissal, the resounding retort to the
military regime by the people of upper Punjab the historical recruiting
ground of the army could well be remembered as turning point in
Pakistans political history. This is, of course, if the forces of democracy
do not sit on their laurels congratulating themselves on having won a
relatively small battle. There is, after all, still the small matter of the 59-yearold war that we have been losing since the very inception of the state.
T Mallick from Lahore opined that there is a message for men in
uniform, to submit to rule of law and stop meddling in politics. People
are also angry over the widening gap between rich and poor. The regime
lacks funds in health, education and provision of basic needs like clean
drinking water, but has lot to waste on buying several aircraft and luxurious
limousines and arranging frequent foreign junkets, with scores of hangerson, all paid for from the national exchequer. This country has the political
maturity to appreciate a judge who stands up for human rights and takes suo
motto action to help the common man.
M S Hasan from Karachi observed: The immediate reaction,
ramifications and possible fallout of the Journey into history is that there is
no question that the suspended chief justice has become the symbol and
torch bearer for the increasing legal and public activism against the
military rule and thus he enjoys immense support of, though
undemonstrative, the silent majority.
The government has truly been cornered and does not know how
to handle and manage the judicial-cum-political turmoil, hence the
blinking of red lights and sirens of distress being echoed by a beleaguered,
incoherent and off-balance leadership which has forced even the prime
minister to openly talk of a possible imposition of emergency. That is
essentially an admission of the governments failure to control and
effectively manage the situation.
Kamila Hyat felt the need of a leader for the ongoing movement. The
people then have, it seems, stepped into the vanguard of the struggle for
change leaving political leaders lagging somewhere several circuit
behind. The search for new leader is on, and eventually one will emerge,
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responding to the demand raised by people. As such, the significance of the

current struggle goes well beyond the immediate issues such as the survival
or stability of the Musharraf regime.
The fact that, even as the movement triggered by the chief justices
refusal to resign early in March this year has gained strength, the countrys
mainstream political leadership has chosen to remain within its comfortable
exile, says a great deal about why people are looking for a leader. While
the lawyers have surprised everyone by sustaining the protest they began
eight weeks ago, the failure of major parties to join them wholeheartedly and
indeed make their way to the frontline of the battle may prove to be their
undoing.
It is of course unfortunate that newer parties have failed to really
make a visible impression. While the Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaaf and its leader,
Imran Khan, have to their credit backed by the lawyers from the start, the
party seems to lack the ability to find roots among the people.
It is revealing that even while ideology, or politics on the basis of
beliefs, seems to be a thing of the past, people seem largely unified as to
their central demands. Regardless of finer divisions on the basis of
specific beliefs, there is agreement that justice is essential, that the
military has wronged the people by taking over more and more wealth and
more and more civilian functions and that only leaders chosen by people
themselves can steer the nation out of its current crisis.
Over the coming weeks then, developments will be compelling. The
signs of panic in the government circles are now obvious. The mass
arrests and attempts to block people joining the CJs march were evident
examples of this rising desperation. It is still not known if the temptation to
clamp emergency and to use the current situation as a means to call off
scheduled elections may prove too much to resist. Certainly, the talk in
circles of power is of using any means necessary to preserve power for those
running the affairs, and, if necessary, lay the blame on a few selected
scapegoats.
But regardless of the final outcome of the immediate drama, the fact
that people have found a focal point around which to gather is crucial. By
doing so, they have also demonstrated that a strong political spirit lives on,
and that even a figure as unlikely as the chief justice of the country, who is

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barred from assuming any kind of political role, can become a hero for the
people who see him as man wronged by the establishment.
This display by people, who in some cases turned out on the streets
with children and indeed entire families, to see the caravan led by the CJ
wind its way across Punjab is thus immensely significant. It shows, more
clearly than ever, the readiness of the people to take part in any plan for
change. The question now is who will draw out the blueprint for this and
design the structure for a future which can bring for people the
improvement in the conditions of life, more security and greater say in their
destiny all of which citizens are avidly searching for.
D Masooda Bano was of the view that governments reaction to
criticism was irrational. There is no doubt that if the movement continues
with this momentum the future military or civilian executive of this
country will have to learn to respect the judiciary. This message, if
successfully engrained in the psyche of the executive, would undoubtedly be
a phenomenal achievement of the lawyers movement.
Widespread condemnation of the way General Musharraf processed
the reference against Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry should show the government
that there is something seriously wrong with the way the state is being run.
People are fed upthey are seeing no good come out of the state machinery
and the lawyers movement has provided a brilliant platform to express this
anti-government mood. The tragedy with Pakistan, however, is the absence
of a strong political leader to cash this movement. It is clear that the public is
keen to replace the government.
The government on its part is failing to come up with appropriate
response. Rather than seriously thinking about what is wrong with its
policies, it is resorting to desperate measures to counter the public
criticism. The most obvious example of this are the pro-government
rallies
What can be more bizarre and farcical than these counter rallies?
First of all, they show the mindset of the sitting government, where using
state resources for personal interests is such a standard practice that the
sitting ministers have even lost sense of what issues actually legitimately
justify the use of public money. Who gives the government the legitimacy to
use tax-payers money, and to waste the time of the elected nazims and

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government employees including school-teachers and low-officials, to come

out and demonstrate in favour of government policies?
To top it all, Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz has also indicated that
imposition of emergency cannot be ruled out if things go out of control.
Such a proposition is clearly not desirable, as then the state will get even
more blatant in the use of forceespecially when it comes to censoring
media. However, its easier for the government to threaten the public
with emergency than to actually impose it as such a move will not help its
international image. General Musharrafs power rests in international
support rather than domestic following, but there are limits even to what US
can internationally justify as legitimate. Therefore, it is not that easy for the
government to impose emergency and retain its international standing as it
might make it seem.
Saeed Najam from Lahore opined that rulers hue and cry about
politicizing the judicial issue is unjustified. Before deciding whether our
chief justice is a political person, we should examine whether our
president, who is also the commander-in-chief of our army, is political
or not. This is important because as C-in-C he commands our army and is
sworn to be apolitical and uphold our constitution.
With due respect, the president addresses large audiences at our
expense where he tells the audience to elect candidates belonging to the
PML-Q. He is, therefore, a political commander-in-chief. On the contrary,
Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry neither belongs to a political
party nor actively supports the agenda of a political party. He is professional
judge who has honoured the oath of his office.
It is a twist of fate that, when our CJP was being treated like a
criminal the lawyers fraternity arose in unison to defend him. Aitzaz Ahsan,
one of our best lawyers, voluntarily offered to plead his case. That he is a
PPP high ranker is just a coincidence. Should the CJP have refused Aitzazs
professional services? One does not ask for the leading surgeons political
affiliation when having a heart transplant. The allegation of political
chief justice, therefore, does not hold water.
As for the lawyers community, every conscientious voter has voted
for someone at one time or the other. Our lawyers, who belong to the
educated and politically aware segment of society, must also have voted for
candidates of different parties including the PML-Q. Simply voting for a
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candidate does not amount to being a member of the candidates party.

The media cannot and should not black out the protests and gatherings of the
political parties.
Brushing off the unprecedented support of the people shown for the
CJP on his mammoth drive to address the Lahore Bar as a non-event, will be
harmful for this country. It was an exhibition of political distrust in the
ruling political setup and we dont have to be apologetic about it. The
political parties represent the masses and no one has to pretend that the
current crisis is not a national issue. In any case, this judicial crisis has
become a political crisis of serious dimensions.
Shafqat Mahmood linked his hopes with the constitution of full court.
The constitution of a full court to hear the chief justices petition has shifted
the arena of action from streets back to the Supreme Court. This may have
prompted General Musharraf to hold all precipitate action on the political
front and take his chances with the larger bench.
It also relieves him from taking the painful step of withdrawing the
reference and losing public face. Let us face it. While a withdrawal of the
reference may defuse the crisis somewhat it would make the General look
bad. He may seek to pin the blame on bad advice but this will not reduce his
personal culpability. He is the one who took final decision and whatever
the form of advice, he cannot escape responsibility.
He may have also calculated that while the demonstrations are
getting bigger and the way Punjab reacted was exceptional this does not
translate into his automatic removal from power. He may have a point
because while political conditions predicate a rulers removal from
power, there has to be mechanism which actually, physically makes it
happen.
In democratic countries where rule of law reigns supreme, a defeat in
an election, a vote of no confidence or impeachment becomes the
mechanism of removal from power. Once such an eventuality occurs, the
ruler quietly packs his or her bags and leaves. No police or army is required
to make it happen In dictatorships or quasi democracies where nobody
gives a toss about the constitution or rule of law, physical force is the
only mechanism that brings about a change.

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This being the case it is easy for Musharraf to conclude that as long
as the army is not ready to physically remove him from office, why should
he worry about a few hundred thousand people thronging the GT Road or
the Lahore Mall. Let all the lawyers in the country and practically everyone
in the educated classes come out on the streets or go hoarse shouting antiMusharraf or anti-army slogans. The name of the game is physical power
and unless the crowds have the numbers and the gumption to storm the
presidency or the camp office in Rawalpindi, there is no threat to his
power.
It is important to understand these mechanics of the regime change
because many among the intelligentsia and the political field have already
written the General off. This is more than slightly optimistic. While this
movement has badly bruised him and certainly destroyed his public
image, it does not mean that he is ready to go.
The more sophisticated among the observers do agree on one point
though. It is no longer possible, they say, for him to remain in uniform
and also be president. They come to this conclusion because Seventeenth
Amendment in the Constitution and the later holding of two offices act of
the parliament has set December 2007 deadline. It would require two-thirds
majority to change this and they do not feel that he will have it after the next
election.
All analyses and objections are based on a set of realities as they
stand today. They are also predicated on rational behaviour by the main
protagonists. There is no guarantee however, that any of these reference
points will remain constant. New realities may emerge that we cannot
foresee today and principals may take entirely unexpected decisions. When
God has willed a change, strange things happen.
Babar Sattar explored the possibilities of the public movements
influence on the decision of the court. The suspension of the chief judge by
General Musharraf challenged the established constitutional understanding
of the respective provinces of the executive and the judiciary and can thus
have lasting institutional repercussions. And finally, removing an
independent and unpredictable chief justice at a time when crucial legal
issues with extensive political fallouts were to be decided by the apex court
such as determination of the uniform issue and competence of the present
parliament to elect a president for two consecutive terms, it would be
fantastical to argue that the decision was apolitical.
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Why then does Musharraf regime demand that the reaction to the
reference be only in the form of legal proceedings? Why should political
parties be denied their legitimate right to protest the exercise of discretion by
the incumbent of a political office in a certain manner that can leave a
lasting imprint on the political landscape of the country? Why shouldnt
judges, not seized by the matter in their judicial capacity, silently
remonstrate at how actions of the General further Pakistans institutional
imbalance? And why should the publics vocal disdain for the Musharraf
regimes perceived attempts to shackle judicial independence be denounced
as attempts singularly focused at influencing the outcome of Supreme Court
proceedings?
The Musharraf regime is struggling to deal with the protests because
the public has rejected the allegations against the CJ, and leaving him
aside, the rest of the movement is faceless. It is easy to discredit individuals
as opposed to ideas and ideals. The government is eager to label the
movement as political; in order to indulge in the isnt-Musharraf-betterthan-Bhutto-and-Sharif type arguments that have sustained this regime for
so long.
The movement is not political because the CJ is not seeking
personal gains from people. He is not asking for their votes and they
cannot reinstate him in his judicial office. The CJ is soliciting moral support
for a cherished constitutional deal. It is precisely the non-partisan nature of
the spontaneous yet overwhelming public support for the cause of judicial
independence personified by CJs struggle against the reference that has
unnerved the Musharraf regime.
The question then is whether this public movement is likely to bias
the apex court and influence its determination of the constitutional issues at
stake in the matter? Courts do not function in a social and political vacuum.
Judges can never be oblivious to the socio-political milieu they function in
and the judicial choices they make are informed by their personal morality,
which in turn, fashioned to an extent by social morality. Thus, in a decision
as momentous as the present one, it is unrealistic to expect them to be
unconscious of the interests at stake. However, one must appreciate that as a
matter of historical record, Pakistans judiciary has not been guilty of
succumbing to public pressure. To the contrary, its leaning has been in
favour of expediency and authority.

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The constitutional matters involved in the reference case are not

momentous due to the intricacy of the legal propositions involved, but rather
due to the likely political consequences of the courts findings. The
Musharraf regimes coercion and suspension of the CJ that manufactured the
judicial crisis was unnecessary and irresponsible. The movement for
judicial independence has considerably weakened the Musharraf regime
and credit for that goes exclusively to the generals advisers. An adverse
ruling from the Supreme Court will undoubtedly further enfeeble the
General.
This is an opportunity in Pakistans history to establish that we
are a nation governed by laws not by men. No doubt, conducting a legal
investigation into the acts of the president or the chief justice is an irksome
as well as delicate exercise because of its political consequences, but now
seized of the matter the Supreme Court must not falter.
The litigation process produces victors and losers and that is exactly
what we need in this conflict. It is for the Supreme Court to say what the law
is, and then the nation has a right to determine whether the law in its present
state is satisfactory or not. If the Supreme Court upholds the legal
fraternitys consensual understanding of the constitution and the CJ is
vindicated and reinstated, we will be transformed into a nation ruled by law
overnight. In the event that the apex court fends for the General and rules
that a judge can be suspended by the ruler of the day on allegations of
misconduct, there will be need to re-write the constitution to ensure that
tyranny of the executive is explicitly declared illegal under our constitution.
An extra-legal compromise between the CJ and the general is just not an
option, for this is not a private dispute between two men.
Adil Najam had an overview from the US with the advice to the rulers
to revisit the slogan Pakistan First. Today, Washington has a new question:
Is General Musharraf in control? This is a much more dangerous question,
both for General Musharraf and for Pakistan. This new question holds all the
assumptions about Pakistans terrible realities constant, but then implies
that maybe the General is no longer in control.
Washington is willing to take a wait and see approach for the
time being. It looks lustfully at the potential benefits of a Benazir-Musharraf
hook-up, but continues to explore other options, including those that have no
Musharraf attached to them. It remains patient, but makes clear to all that
its patience cannot be counted on indefinitely.
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All in all, General Musharrafs carefully crafted message is

spinning out of control. On the one hand, his friends in Washington now
see the terrible realities of Pakistan as being much more terrible than they
actually are. On the other, they view him as being in much less control of
things than he actually is. The lesson for General Musharraf is: beware of
the media messages you spin.
It is time for General Musharraf, the great survivor, to rethink
strategy. He needs to change not only the answers that Washington and
others are arriving at, but also the questions that they are asking. In
particular, he has to stop arguing that he is necessary because of Pakistans
terrible realities. At the current moment this argument imperils not only his
own survival but Pakistans international standing.
As General Musharraf ponders on the related challenges of (a)
growing domestic unease over his handling of the chief justice crisis, (b) the
frightening rise of militant radicals a la Lal Masjid and elsewhere, and (c)
growing nervousness amongst his most important international ally, maybe
he needs to revisit his own original slogan Pakistan First.
Masood Hasan narrated the painful plight of the rulers in his familiar
style. The onslaught and the fallout of that March day continue to
reverberate with growing intensity. Almost 50 days onwards, things simply
are not cooling down. Neither has the weather been of much use to the
government, which must have been hoping that the soaring 40s would keep
the most diehard penguins at home. Instead, wearing those super-heat
absorbing black-coats, they have braved the midday sun rudely waking up
all the ghosts of all the mad Englishmen and madder dogs and rallied
around, in daunting numbers, at every dusty, sun-baked road you can
possibly think of. The CJs epic journey from Islamabad to Lahore took 25
momentous hours and only proves that you cant depend on public transport
with any confidence.
Although minister for information, Durrani has decided that the
current crisis calls for broad-faced full 32 teeth flashing smiles, much in
the style of Burt Lancaster who would dazzle his leading ladies, the minister
is not having good day at the Lie Manufacturing Company. In spite of his
very, very dark goggles that prompted a cartoon where the minister is still
blinding but he is a brave man.

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The prime ministers all rounder, Slapper Wasi opened his innings
with great bravado and was slapping sixes from the word slap, but then
he had to repair in a workshop in Lahore for some medical adjustments.
A new slapping hand perhaps, though rumours have it that it was a tent,
about which Wasi was very lyrical when questioned by a silly reporter. In
true Wasi-lore, he explained to the reporter what he would do with a tent to
him and his family. What a man and why are they not building statutes
honouring him in every square? Get rid of those silly missile dummies and
put Pakistans real missile on display, I say, but no one seems to be
listening.
Other than that, there is deafening silence from the hundreds of
ministers, advisors, special assistants, consultants and flunkeys who have
been fattening their middles with huge salaries and unlimited perks
Instead, they have simply disappeared into the woodwork like clever
termites It is in these circumstances that Minister Durrani has decided to
wear a permanent smile, which insiders say is one of the intense pain, but
the minister is suffering silently on that account and earning his daily bread.
That leaves the two Chaudhries. The chief minister of Punjab has
curiously sounded more and more off beat as the CJs movement has
grown larger and larger. Is there a relationship here? A message we cannot
comprehend? That leaves Ch; The Elder. Having walked from his hospital
bed in the US to save the day here, he has instead gotten stuck in
Islamabads answer to sticky gun Perhaps May 12 will give both gents the
much needed boost, since Red Bull obviously doesnt work in Gujrat.
Personally, I think the prime minister should immediately start a
ledger where apart from noting attendance, he should put in at least three
columns, namely No. of speeches made in favour of the President, No. of
TV appearances in favour of the President, No. of public functions
organized in favour of the President. There should be a daily entry and
three crosses mean standing in the corner for the whole cabinet session.
More dire punishments can be thought of and Slapper will surely oblige.
If nothing else, ministers can be threatened that should they fail to
deliver the goods, Slapper may even receive an injection sorry injunction
from the prime minister authorizing him to slap all of them into
submission. If all this doe not happen, I am afraid that the game of golf, here
or sunnier climes is going to receive a deluge of new golfers fresh from
pastures of Pakistan. That wouldnt do much for the game I am afraid.
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Some Pakistanis, however, still remained pro-Musharraf. Hayat

Malick from Lahore wrote: It must be noted that the president had simply
referred a case to the judicial council. In doing so, he was only performing
his legal and constitutional duty as head of state, and nothing more. Some
lawyers with vested interests have hijacked and politicized the issue and
are making a mockery of the judicial system in Pakistan undermining the
authority of the courts. They are attempting to force a street verdict in
connivance with the media which seems to be conducting its own trial. They
are ignoring and suppressing the views, statements and activities of the large
majority of Pakistanis who fully support General Musharraf.
The wise had been warning of the strong possibilities of serious
trouble in Karachi. They were not having a shot in the blues. The record
of the MQM, now strongly entrenched in Karachi, and confrontational
mindset of its leaders promised nothing but trouble; signs of which started
surfacing well before the 12th May.
The News asked the government to stop harassing Munir A Malik.
The continuing harassment ofMunir Malik needs to be looked into by the
government which should do something to stop it. Failure to do so presents
the government itself in poor light, especially since the lawyer in question
has been playing a key role in the protest by the lawyers community on the
filing a presidential reference against Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad
Chaudhry as well. In recent days, there had been reports that he had been
harassed by unknown people, purported to be officials of intelligence
agencies, and that even his sister, who happens to be a minister in the Sindh
government had been told to ask her brother to desist from organizing
protest rallies and speaking out against the government.
Now with May 12 around the corner, a day that could possibly lead
to considerable tension and perhaps much more given that the chief
justice is scheduled to visit Karachi and MQM has also decided to stage a
rally the harassment of Mr Malik has been raised to higher level. On
Wednesday his office, which had been operating for several years, was
sealed by the Karachi Building Control Authority (KCBA) for a code
violation, but reopened thanks to an order by the Sindh High Court. The
SCBA president is right in questioning that if the office was illegal then why
did the KBCA act now, two days before the CJs trip to Karachi.

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The harassment did not end there. On Thursday morning, fifteen

shots were fired at his house, apparently to scare him off the case and
possibly to throw a spanner in the works as far as the CJs rally is
concerned If, as some may suspect, some elements within the
government are involved, they should be told to desist from indulging in
such shenanigans because they end up showing the government in very
poor light that it is now resorting to openly intimidate its opponents on the
CJ issue.
Mir Jamilur Rahman wrote: We are also in trouble because the fascist
tendencies are on the increase. During the recent lawyers procession from
Islamabad to Lahore, the cable TV broadcasts in Sindh were blocked for
nearly 25 hours, the time it took the chief justice to reach Lahore. Who
forced the closure? Even the government does not know. It means that
fascist is at work in Pakistan.
Also, on Thursday night, the house of Munir Malik, president of
Supreme Court Bar Association and counsel of Chief Justice Chaudhry,
came under heavy fire by unidentified persons. This also is a fascist tactic
to intimidate the opposition.
This is a dangerous trend, very harmful to democracy and the outcry.
The government ought to take strong measures to arrest the fascist trends in
its infancy. Fascism is a more dangerous threat than extremism and
terrorism.
The News again appealed for restraint. The lead-up to the rally has
been one of much tension, with shooting at the home of one of the chief
justices lawyers before the Supreme Judicial Council. Furthermore, the
quarters that are expected to show some restraint, not least because they
happen to represent the government, have not done so. Police action on
Thursday night to remove reception camps set up by various political
parties in anticipation of the chief justices arrival might be seen by some as
provocative step and should have been avoided.
The main difference is that government rallies in those cities were far
smaller than the MQM ones here will probably be. Another significant
aspect of the situation here is that, unlike what happened in Islamabad and
Lahore, the rallies of both sides are almost certain to cross each others path.
This could be prevented only if the routes of the planned rallies were entirely
different, which worryingly is not the case but what must be ensured by all
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means is that this Saturday does not see things getting worse than they
already are.
A day after the Karachi carnage, The News wrote, by late afternoon,
it seemed as if the whole city had degenerated into a battle zone with bullets
flying around just about everywhere and ordinary citizens having to run for
cover as if they were on a street in Baghdad. That this was happening in
the countrys largest city with government writ nowhere in sight and
very strong suspicions that activists of certain parties were behind much of
the firing was inexplicable. And one can only wonder why the federal
government hadnt impressed upon its allied party to postpone its rally.
Surely, given past experience it should have known that the situation could
very quickly degenerate into violence and bloodshed.
Saturdays events are going to have disastrous and long-term effect
on the citys law and order situation and economy, especially in terms of
attracting foreign visitors and investment, is an understatement. And those
who think that they own the city need to take a long look at their own
actions, because these end up hurting only Karachi.
Next day, the editor added, President Musharraf and MQM chief
Altaf Hussain both blamed the chief justice and the opposition parties for the
violence. The president, yet again, asked lawyers not to turn what he said
was a purely constitutional matter into a political campaign, perhaps not
realizing that he and his government had in fact set the ball rolling and
had compounded matters by answering the oppositions politics with
politics of their own.
The Sindh governments home affairs advisor, under whose
jurisdiction come the provincial police, also blamed the chief justice for
coming to Karachi and provoking violence. Certain uncharitable remarks
were also made against the chief justice implying that while Karachi was
burning he was comfortably ensconced inside the VIP lounge of the airport.
However, this ignores the fact that he was very much willing to travel to
the high court bar to deliver his address but that the provincial
government was clearly unable to guarantee his safety.
The weekends deadly events, which reminded one of Karachis
bloody days in the early nineties, raise several questions and answers are
needed. Why did the police and the Rangers fail to take action to prevent the
carnage? Who ordered the barricading of the citys main artery and several
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other roads and for what purpose? Who were the heavily armed groups of
armed men wandering about boisterously around the city on that fateful day?
What was achieved by preventing the chief justices reception at the Sindh
High Court Bar? Is there any truth in the MQMs claim that the opposition is
out to destabilize the city as part of a sinister conspiracy? Do the federal and
Sindh governments think that what happened on Saturday was in the interest
of the country, especially considering that the centre considers Karachi to be
lynchpin of its claimed economic turn around and ongoing recovery?
And finally, what message is given to ordinary Pakistanis, the outside
world and those behind the violence when the state chooses to abdicate from
its duty to provide security of its citizens in as blatant a manner as seen over
the weekend? All this reflects poorly on the government of the day, but
instead of admitting that matters were badly handled one finds all the blame
is being deflected elsewhere.
People of Pakistan will keep talking about the Karachi carnage for
months, perhaps, years to come. In the first salvo of their outrage they, like
the editor The News, rained hundreds of questions to express their anger and
disgust. Murtaza Talpur from Islamabad said there are so many questions
which need answers. Who is responsible for this mayhem? What is the
purpose of this violence? Every political party is blaming the other no one
seems to know the real culprit. What were the security forces doing during
the violence and why did they not move in to end the fighting? On what path
is this country being taken; and for what purpose and by whom?
Even Air Cdre Afzal A Khan, a friend of the regime, was unhappy.
Will someone please answer the following questions? Why didnt the
administration foresee the violence and change the routes of the rallies? Why
werent the Rangers called in to maintain law and order? This couldnt have
been all that difficult to manage. For how long will the politicians make
fools of innocent people?
Rabia Hashim Khaskheli from Karachi asked: Despite the
deployment of 15,000 police and paramilitary troops in the city, it seemed
like a war zone, with rival groups using sophisticated weapons to shoot at
each other freely. What does this all mean? What hope can ordinary lawabiding residents of the city now have of living a peaceful existence? Who
are the people responsible for all what has happened? Will the
government please answer this question truthfully?

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B A Malik from Islamabad was of the view that General Pervez

Musharraf and MQM chief Altaf Hussain owe an explanation to the
nation. Why was it so necessary for the MQM to stage a rally on the same
day as the Chief Justice of Pakistans visit to Karachi and address the Sindh
High Court Bar Association?
A senior MQM leader speaking from London on a Geo talk show
repeatedly parried certain key questions asked from him. Even the
president, while speaking at his May 12 rally in front of Parliament
House called the MQM show of force a legitimate response to the
movement launched by lawyers for the independence of the judiciary.
Zainul Abideen from Karachi said: I just cannot understand what the
law-enforcement agencies were doing when a TV channel came under
attack for several hours. It seems they had order to do nothing. As a citizen
of Karachi I demand peace.
Ali Imran Iqbal from Lahore wished for the impossible. He wanted
trial in a criminal court of all those which include a president and a
governor. Every single person involved in Karachis violence should be
arrested, tried in the courts and given exemplary punishment to teach all
other a lesson for future.
M Umar Farooq from Saudi Arabia observed: The MQMs decision
to show blind loyalty to General Pervez Musharraf has severely damaged its
reputation in the rest of Pakistan. Before the events of May 12, the party
could have hoped to expand its appeal beyond urban Sindh. But now many
will perceive it as nothing but ethno-centric, violent organization
symbiotically linked to the army and led by people with a narrow vision.
The party may have achieved its tactical goal of stopping the Chief
Justice from reaching the Sindh High Court but it has irretrievably
harmed its efforts of becoming a national political party.
Sayed Moez Shah from Quetta wrote, the sensitivity of the situation
was known to all but no one did anything. There was no security on May 12
and this gave the miscreants a free hand. May 12 was yet another black
and bloody day in the history of Karachi.
Shakir Lakhani from Karachi tauntingly pointed out a positive
aspect of the tragedy. We did get a whole 24 hours without a power
outrage. So now we know what to do to solve the power shortage problem.

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Either we hold rallies every day or we shift all those power guzzling
factories to somewhere far away from Karachi, along with the people who
work in them. We shall have less pollution and uninterrupted power, killing
two birds with one stone.
Gulsher Panhwer from Dadu opined: The heavens would not have
fallen if the MQM had postponed its rally. But it looks as though the
rulers have not learnt any lesson from past experience and intoxicated with
power they prefer to satisfy their egos at the cost of destroying the economy
of the country and several dozen lives.
Shahryar Baseer from London wrote: The massacre in Karachi
shows that some people will never change their true colours. I just cant
help but feel sad looking at the pictures of my fellow countrymen lying with
bloodied clothes in the streets of Karachi with burning cars in the
background.
Nasir Kamal Yousafzai from Mardan said: Prior to the planned
arrival of the chief justice, the government had warned that there could be
violence a possible terrorist attack if the chief justice went ahead with his
visit to Karachi. What makes this interesting is that this warning of a
possible attack was coming from a government whose own interior
minister was injured in a suicide attack. If the government had such good
sources of intelligence giving it advance warning of the violence, then the
precious lives lost sine May 12 could have been saved.
Eram Zehra from Islamabad observed that no violence happened
when the chief justice visited bar councils in Peshawar, Rawalpindi or
Lahore. But Karachi is obviously different as shown by the events of May
12.
`Syed A Mateen from Karachi said, I do not understand why there
was a need for pro-government political parties to show their strength
on May 12. Everyone in the country is aware of the fact that after the
suspension of the Chief Justice of Pakistan he has been going to various
cities to address the gathering of lawyers which are backed by opposition
political parties.
The blockade of the roads was the main issue between the progovernment and the opposition political parties, which created a law and
order situation. In any case, barring the Chief Justice of Pakistan from

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addressing a high court bar is against the constitutional guarantee of freedom

of speech.
There is a possibility that if the government and its coalition partners
keep on flexing their muscles and do not let the chief justice and opposition
leaders to speak, similar unfortunate events could happen elsewhere. The
government and its coalition partners must exercise some restraint.
Taha Khan from Islamabad opined: The current law and order
situation in the country says a lot about the writ of the state. What the
president needs to do, instead of making political speeches, is to shed his
uniform and hold free and fair elections.
Imaan Hafiz from Islamabad was of the view that the situation in
this country is beyond redemption. This government, frankly speaking,
consists of people who do not care for citizens. Isnt the police meant to
protect the common person? The police force not only denied beating
anyone up but lied about trying to help them. What is wrong with those in
power? It is quite obvious that the activists of a political party forced some
people to get into those buses and attend the partys rally. This has to stop.
The government has to stop being so inconsiderate to the lives of its citizens;
its job is to help this country progress not regress.

REVIEW
The analysts will keep scratching their heads to find the plausible
answers to the questions asked by the people of Pakistan about Karachi
carnage. The perpetrators of terrorism and their allies will have only one
answer to every question: it is all because of the CJP and opposition parties
supporting him. Instead of waiting for the wisdom that would ooze out of its
fountains, one must endeavour using simple common sense to reach some
conclusions.
The tragedy must be seen in the perspective of Musharrafs two
statements in the recent past. In one of the meetings with his team-mates,
Musharraf had vowed not to be defeated in the ongoing judicial crisis.
Secondly, during his recent visit of Europe he was interviewed by al-Jazeera
TV. While answering a question, he said that rallies of couple of thousands
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people in Islamabad do not mean that he has lost public support: I can
collect 500 hundred thousands.
What happened in Karachi was in response to the distress signal sent
by the younger Bhai to the elder Bhai sitting in London, who ordered his
field commanders to go all out to defeat the designs of the CJP and his
supporters from political parties who were fast becoming a potent threat to
the regime of younger Bhai.
MQM announced a counter rally on the same day on which the CJP
had already planned to visit Sindh High Court Bar. This was beginning of
the manifestation of the first statement of Musharraf. MQM arrogantly
refused to listen to any advice for cancellation of the rally, even those
coming from within the ruling coalition, like that of Zafarullah Jamali who
had advised to shun the course of confrontation.
These advices were ignored altogether, because Musharraf had
decided to unleash its Elite Force called MQM. This was meant to convey a
message to his opponents that it is not easy to defeat a man who is
supported by such a ruthless gang of terrorists.
As the D Day came closer, an MQM MNA claimed Karachi as our
city. On the D Day, Altaf Bhai while addressing the rally on telephone said,
we are doing this because these forces are against Musharraf. This
statement was confirmation of the above inference.
Coalition of PML-Q and MQM in the federation has survived on a
condition that the MQM has to be given a free hand in the province of Sindh
in general and Karachi in particular. Dominance of MQM was quite apparent
from the absence of the chief minister throughout the bloody day.
Everything was controlled from Governor House under direct supervision of
the representative of the federation (president) and the chief executive was
kept out of it.
The rally in Islamabad was manifestation of the second statement of
Musharraf. It was mainly aimed at completing head-count of 500 thousands
to tell the outside world that he still enjoys the popular support. Credit of
this goes to rent-a-crowd ingenuity of Gujrati Brothers.
From the above it would be fair to infer that the aim of the plan that
unfolded on 12th May was not to maintain law and order, but to stop the CJP

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from getting out of Jinnah Terminal and stop the rallies of political parties
from coming on to the roads at all costs.
The plan is best known to its planners but its salient features can be
deciphered from its unfolding during the execution. Following observations
are important in this regard. First, the blocking of the roads by placing trucks
and trailers and by digging ditches. Road blocks are meant for impeding the
movement by creating artificial ground friction.
Any security force assigned a task to maintain law and order in builtup area would like to have all roads open, as far as possible, to minimize
their reaction time. Only the miscreants would like to impede the movement
of law-enforcers.
The road blocks were planned with emphasis on impeding the
movement between airport and SHC building. The plan was executed
remarkably well strictly in accordance with military training manuals. The
obstacles were reinforced by deploying armed groups to take on anyone who
tried to maneouvre around those.
Barricading has been favourite tactics of the MQM. This was used
extensively and effectively during early 90s to keep the law-enforcers at bay.
The security forces had to spend lot of time and effort to remove those
barriers to retain their maneouvribility.
This time, being in the government, this technique was used
meticulously with a view to impeding the movement of the CJPs entourage
and of the rallies of the opposition parties. No one was to be allowed to
move an inch on any road unhindered.
Bulk of the Police and the Rangers was deployed at two points; airport
and Sindh High Court building. The concentration of the security personnel
on two points was quite irrelevant to maintenance of law and order in a
mega city of Karachi.
Most of the spots where firing took place were along the route likely
to be used by the CJP and the groups which could come out to welcome him.
No significant firing took place along the routes used by the rallies or raillas
of MQM. No opposition party would have liked to trigger violence along
Shara-e-Faisal or National Highway in the vicinity of Malir Cantt.

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The planners of the fortress defence did not overlook the possible
threat from within. They knew very well the localities which could cause
problem in smooth execution the plan. These localities were included in the
obstacle plan and in addition pre-emptive strikes/raids were carried out to
pin them at least during the crucial day of May 12.
When the violence erupted, the so-called law-enforcers were
conspicuously absent from all trouble spots. When it happened in their
vicinity, they did not interfere, which implied that enforcement of law and
order was not the priority. In one instance the gunmen took positions inside a
police station where police staff was present.
All matters of law and order were referred to the Governor House and
other MQM leaders for orders to deal with a particular situation. The Police,
the Rangers and the chief executive were sidelined. When MQM leaders
were asked about the absence of law-enforces from the scenes of trouble,
they replied that it was done to avoid bloodshed, particularly in the form of
collateral damage.
Clearly, the terrorists of the MQM remained on the rampage
throughout the day. The Police and the Rangers simply provided cover to
these terrorists. It fact, the 12th day of May was reserved for militants of
MQM to accomplish the assigned tasks.
The Governor and other MQM leaders in the government refused to
deploy security forces till the mission was accomplished. Once these tasks
were accomplished and the CJP was forced to retreat, the second phase of
the plan was launched. The militant groups were told to fall back.
The victims of the MQM, who have been bearing the brunt for
decades, were bound to react. They reacted in an organized manner next day
and by then MQM had achieved its mission and pulled back. Once these
victims retaliated, the same Governor who was so keen to avoid collateral
damage handed over 18 localities to the Rangers with powers to shoot to
kill.
The TV footage during the siege of Aaj TV unveiled some additional
aspects of the plan. One, the terrorist groups were very well organized
having integral firing parties, target pointers and replenishment parties. Two,
communication arrangements, thanks to influx on mobile telephones, were
excellent for speedy passage of information/instructions between fighter

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groups and the command headquarters. Three, the role of security forces was
to protect flanks and rear of the terrorist groups operating in a particular
area; under no circumstances they were to interfere in operations of the
MQM fighter.
Last but not the least, each group was fully equipped to take
photographs of those resisting the MQM. The evidence so collected was to
be used in future for target killings and more importantly to blame the
opponents for triggering the violence. This evidence was now in possession
of every MQM leader who carried that to every press conference and talkshow on TV channels.
Irrespective of the cost and consequences, it must be acknowledged
that the immediate aim was achieved. Three dozen dead bodies and more
than hundred-fifty wounded was not a bad bargain for defending the
sovereignty of our city of Urdu-speaking Musharraf-supporting people.
If the CJP had come on to the road, the people of a city of 1.5 billion
would have thronged the streets even if the Urdu-speaking residents had
stayed at home. That would have been unbearable for two Bhais who keep
boasting about their popularity. That was averted successfully and in
addition Dehshat of MQM has been reinforced.
By defending the territorial sovereignty of our city, they have proved
that the claim wasnt and isnt a rhetoric. Those who want to visit this city
have to have their explicit permission. And those who have opted to live in
Karachi from up-country must merge themselves into MQM culture or
submit before its might.
The Team-Musharraf may have terrorized its opponents temporarily
and diverted the attention away from the judicial crisis, but in the long run
the Karachi carnage may prove quite harmful to their interests. Musharraf
has in no way facilitated prolongation of his rule and MQMs desire to
transform into a party of national stature has been doomed.
The above discussion leads to certain fairly obvious conclusions. The
first conclusion is about establishing a state within the State. Recently, the
followers of the cult called Enlightened Moderation faced an adjustment
problem with mullas of Lal Masjid and accused them of creating a state
within the State.

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It was height of exaggeration to call Lal Masjid and its seminaries a

state within the State. Even those who were extremely annoyed over the
attitude of its administrators should not have called it as such. Lal Masjid is
no more than an islet of fundamentalism in the sea of enlightened
moderation. But then, teachings of Islam are fundamentalist in nature. At
worst, the most angry over activism of Mulla Brothers, can say that it is an
outpost of Taliban; nothing more.
One can equate the tribal agencies along Pak-Afghan border as a state
or states within the State which were inherited from the British. However,
the federation never faced any problem in administering those areas through
special arrangements till Musharraf decided to join the holy war against
Islamic fascism.
Another instance of a state within Pakistan that can be mentioned is
that of the one created by late Nawab Akbar Bugti. That state had almost all
the characteristics of statehood. The growing arrogance of the head of this
state, however, led to his killing and dismantling of his state.
There is only one genuine state within the State of Pakistan which has
been established by MQM. The head of this state controls it from exile
because he is mindful of crimes committed by him during the creation of a
state for Urdu-speaking Mohajirs.
Its statehood was formally announced by an MNA of MQM in
Islamabad a couple of days before Karachi carnage. On 12 th May, it was
emphatically demonstrated that MQM possesses the means, the capability
and the desire to defend its sovereignty. MQM has set an example for
Islamabad as how it should defend its sovereignty in territories other than
Karachi.
The manner in which an alien Chief Justice and his companions were
refused an entry must have put European countries to shame which
occasionally disallow entry to mulla Senators from Pakistan. An overseas
Pakistani has rightly commented that the federal government, the army and
the people should learn a lesson that if today the MQM has not allowed the
CJP to enter Karachi, tomorrow this terrorist party will not allow a prime
minister or president to enter the city if they do not like him.
As regards Musharraf regime, it has practically recognized the state of
MQM. Having done that, one can only hope that Pakistan would soon

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approach Altaf Hussain for opening a visa office in Islamabad and also
request for access to sea port having become a land-locked county.
Some inferences should also be drawn about myths and realities of
MQM by those who are not ready to accept the reality of a state within the
State. The first myth relates to the much hyped popularity of MQM as a
political party. Its leaders boast that MQM is a party of the middle class.
Yes, it is a party of people of middle class as far as its funding is
concerned. It largely depends on middle class, lower middle and even poor
for taxation purposes. The taxes are extracted by strict application of
Bathha Doctrine. As regards its leaders, they like those in other parties do
not fall in category of middle class. No one from middle class can afford to
live a lavish life in the city like London.
Another related myth is that the party is fast becoming popular
amongst other linguistic communities. In one of the press conferences,
Farooq Sattar brought Pushto and Sindhi-speaking witnesses to prove the
above claim. One can understand that how these people would have been
coerced or seduced to join MQM. Human desire for existence overtakes
ones political principles and desires.
If the MQM is as popular as claimed by its leaders then why did they
complain of burning of their offices in interior Sindh and Quetta? If at all
there was any truth in claims about its popularity that has been knocked out
by the events of 12th May.
The MQM leadership has also tried to create a myth that their party is
of humble people who believe in peaceful coexistence. Its tolerance and
desire for peaceful coexistence was on display on the roads and streets of
Karachi on 12th May.
If young female students of Jamia Hafsa can be called terrorists for
carrying sticks for self-defence, one cannot find an appropriate word for true
description of enlightened moderates of MQM, who ruled the streets of
Karachi with indiscriminate use of all kinds of weapons. The word terrorist
cannot describe this, because even terrorists have some principles.
The Dehshat of MQM can be gauged from the manner in which the
personnel of law enforcing agencies obeyed their commands. They were told

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to stay away from trouble spots and not to interfere in perpetration of

violence and they obeyed this unlawful command in letter and spirit; why?
The police personnel were mindful of the past. The officers who
carried out operations against MQM in the early 90s were systematically
eliminated once the MQM came into power. The very state for whose writ
they had worked tirelessly did not come to their rescue. Therefore, the
present lot of police officers could not risk disobeying the MQM orders.
They accepted the unlawful commands gleefully.
An apology coming from a leader of MQM was another mystery.
While apologizing in a press conference, Farooq Sattar promised that if any
MQM worker was found guilty of involvement in the attack on Aaj TV; his
party membership would be cancelled. What a punishment for perpetrating
death and destruction? The fact remains that MQM leaders are as arrogant as
ever. They refuse to admit committing any wrong starting from the decision
to hold a counter rally to spilling blood of innocent people.
The role of electronic media in the crisis has been commendable. But
there are still some shortcomings. For example, during the attack on Aaj TV
some glaring facts were shown because of the exemplary display of courage
by the cameramen, but the audio commentary did not commensurate the
video takes.
During six-hour siege, terrorists were shown in action right in front its
TV centre operating in the presence of security personnel. A car with green
number plate was also shown delivering replenishments to these gunmen.
These terrorists could not be from MMA, PPP, ANP or PML-N.
Undoubtedly, they belonged to MQM, but not a single word was uttered by
the commentator in this context.
It is agreed that electronic medias responsibility is to provide facts in
real time to help the viewers in making their opinion. It is also important that
the media must avoid bias by maintaining neutrality. But one must
acknowledge that MQM has traumatized the entire nation in general and
Karachi in particular and the media too have had its share of shock and awe.
Therefore, pointing finger at MQM is littered with dire consequences.
But there is always a moment when one must not hesitate in calling spade a
spade. The viewers expected that of a journalist of Talat Hussains stature
should not have refrained saying what he strongly felt inside.

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TV channels, without any exception are making mockery of debates

on a very grave national issue by holding inconclusive talk shows. They
invite 3 to 4 guests in a 40-minute programme out of which half the time is
set aside for commercial breaks to earn bread and butter. Out of the
remaining time a few minutes are consumed by the anchor leaving four to
five minutes for each speaker to blurt out his wisdom. Most of the guests
being from the government and their counter-parts from the opposition blurt
out the memorized lines like parrots.
No concerned and thinking Pakistani can do any justice to dilate the
complicated issue presently faced by the nation in few minutes. Each
channel of electronic media should invite neutral learned men and give those
about 30 minutes to speak followed by question-answer session. The
channels wont lose much of bread and butter by sparing an hour in a day in
this defining moment of national history.
The CJP and his supporters failed in appreciating correctly the extent
to which the MQM could resort to militancy or terrorism. The politicians are
to be blamed more than the lawyers, because they had the experience of
dealing with the MQM but they failed to reach the right conclusion when
Home Secretary had hinted at bloodshed.
Fortunately, the CJP and his companions wisely did not come on to
the roads, otherwise the conditions had been created by the defenders of
our city to eliminate each one of them under the pretext of collateral
damage during implementation the plan set in motion for his and his
supporters security. The judicial crisis would have been solved there and
then.
Someone should have advised the CJP and SBC to postpone the visit.
But it would not have been fair to demand this because the CJP and his
supporters had planned the visit well before the announcement of MQMs
rally and they had no intention of seeking confrontation as was evident from
earlier trips to Peshawar and Lahore. Yet, if they had stepped back in
national interest, they would have earned more sympathies.
The CJP and SBC are still contemplating a visit to restore the
confidence of Karachites. This is not advisable; instead it would be better to
hold the much delayed function in Islamabad. This will be in the interest of
the poor residents of Karachi and will also convey a strong message that
dismantling of MQMs mini state is essential.
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Islamabad rally was organized by Gujrati Brothers in conjunction

with Bhais of Karachi. PML-Q and MQM make an extremely odd coalition,
because two parties have very little in common. They are like a jug of lassi
and mug of beer or a peg of whisky. The only commonality in these is the
degree and duration of the intoxicating effects.
This rally had no convincing aim though Chaudhry Brothers had been
asserting that it was meant for showing solidarity with Musharraf. This was
no aim, because no one in Pakistan has any doubt about their devotion and
dedication to the uniform and the reasons thereof.
Therefore, this rally was no more than a Bakkar Mandi, in which
herds of goats were transported from across Punjab and NWFP. However,
the DALALS (brokers) failed in selling much and thus the herds were
transported back from where they were collected.
Many of the goats on way back to respective homes must have
pondered hard with feeling of guilt. They must have repented for being part
of a Mela when their fellow goats were being slaughtered on the streets of
Karachi by the fellow butchers of those who had organized the Mela in the
capital.
The events have proved that MQM is Musharrafs private militia just
as Mahdi Army is for Moqtada al-Sadr. Those Pakistanis who want Karachi
as part of Pakistan have to toil hard to disarm this militia failing which
tragedies like May 12 will keep recurring.
14th May 2007

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FOR BLOODSHED ONLY

The war in Iraq seemed heading nowhere despite the surge. It
appeared that it is all about spilling Muslim blood and that does not hurt
world community. But occasionally the Iraqis also draw the precious blood
of US soldiers; that definitely hurts.
Constant trickle of body-bags has led Democrats to work for ending
the aimless war. They have started pressing for the timetable of US troops
pullout, but presidents veto power has come in their way. Bush-Democrat
tussle, however, goes on.
In Iraq, Moqtada Sadr parted way from the ruling puppet regime on
16 April demanding deadline for withdrawal of occupation forces. Puppet
regime of Maliki remained under pressure from within and outside; on 20th
April Robert Gates warned Iraq that the US would not stay in Iraq for ever.
th

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Palestinians remained under constant pressure despite forming the

unity government. All the hopes seemed to have been ditched with the
eruption of factional fighting in second week of May. US-Iran row over
nuclear proliferation continued with Bush still nourishing the idea of a strike
against Iran.

OCCUPATION ON IRAQ
Bloodshed in Iraq continued despite the surge in counter-insurgency
operations. On 12th April, eight people, including three lawmakers, were
killed in a suicide attack on Iraqi parliament cafeteria inside Green Zone.
Next day, an al-Qaeda group claimed attack on the parliament. Two more
persons were killed in a blast.
On 14th April, 84 Iraqis were killed out of which 56 were killed in a
single suicide attack in Karbala; three US soldiers were also killed. Next
day, 57 people, including 3 US soldiers were killed. Two British soldiers
were killed and one wounded in collision of helicopters.
Thirteen people were killed in different incidents of violence on 16 th
April. Next day, five US soldiers were killed in different attacks. More than
200 Iraqis were killed on 18th April in series of bombings and other incidents
of violence across the country; out of which 140 were killed in a single
attack in Shiite area of Baghdad.
On 19th April, 12 people were killed in violence as Gates visited
Baghdad. Next day, one US soldier was killed and two wounded in rocket
attack on US base.
On 21st April, 24 people, including two coalition soldiers were killed
in various incidents. Next day, 75 people, including fiver US soldiers, were
killed in different incidents.
On 23rd April, 54 people, including an Iraqi brigadier, were killed in
various attacks. Next day, nine US soldiers were killed and more than 20
wounded when two truck drivers attacked a US base; one more US soldier
and 70 Iraqis were killed in other incidents.
On 25th April, 23 people, including a British soldier, were killed in
violence. UN setup for refugees said more than seven hundred thousands
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Iraqi have been forced to leave their homes in last one year. It also blamed
the puppet regime for hiding the figures of daily casualties. Next day, 29
people were killed in the ongoing bloodshed.
At least ten people were killed in violence on 27 th April. US forces
detained four members of a gang suspected of smuggling arms from Iran.
The al-Qaeda man, who had planned attack on Musharraf and was captured
while entering Iraq, was shifted to Gitmo facility.
At least 55 people were killed in car bomb blast in Karbala on 29 th
April. Residents protested and police fired in the air to disperse them.
Sixteen more people were killed in other attacks across the country. Next
day one US soldier was killed.
On 30th April, 44 people including four US soldiers were killed in
various incidents of violence. Thousands of Iraqis protested US raid in
Baghdad in which the raiders had claimed killing eight extremists. Next
day, at least 30 more people were killed. In April, 104 US soldiers were
killed. Iraqi government reported killing of Abu Ayyub al-Misri; the US kept
silent and the group denied.
At least 46 people were killed on 2 nd May in different incidents of
violence. Next day, 24 more people, including three US soldiers were killed.
A senior al-Qaeda leader, Abu Omar al-Baghdadi was killed in a battle near
Baghdad.
Five US soldiers were killed in separate incidents on 4 th May. Next
day, 74 people, including 7 policemen and 15 recruits, were killed in
different attacks.
On 6th May, 59 people, including six US soldiers and a journalist,
were killed in violence. Next day, 25 people were killed in various incidents
including two suicide bombings in Anbar province.
On 8th May, 16 people were killed and 38 wounded in a car bomb
attack in Kufa. Next day, one US soldier was killed and four wounded in
firing in Dayila on 9th May. Four Iraqi journalists were killed by gunmen
south of Kirkuk and 19 people were killed in car bombing in Kurdish area of
Arbil.
On 10th May, a US Marine was killed in Anbar province. A resistance
group released a video showing execution of Iraqi policemen and soldiers.
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Next day, 62 people including four US soldiers were killed in various

incidents.
Gunmen in Iraqi army uniforms attacked a patrol on 12th May and
killed five US soldiers and their interpreter; three US soldiers were missing.
Next day, 67 people were killed and 150 wounded across the country. Four
thousand US soldiers scoured central Iraq to find three missing US soldiers.
On 14th may, 20 people were killed in violence. Next day, thirty
people including three US soldiers were killed. The US troops captured ten
suspected Islamist militants. On 16th May, 51 Iraqis were killed in violence
across the country.
As regards other aspects of Iraqs occupation, the tussle over
withdrawal of US troops between Bush and the Democrats remained in
limelight. By 19th April, Bush and Democrats had failed to break stalemate
on release of funds for Iraq War and the US Congress was determined to
defy on Bushs policy on Iraq.
On 23rd April, the Senate majority leader said Congress would pass
law for quitting Iraq; Bush vowed to reject any withdrawal timetable. Three
days later, despite Bushs threat of veto, US Congress passed the bill for
providing $124 billion for war in Iraq and Afghanistan, but also set a
timeline to complete withdrawal of troops from Iraq by 31 st March 2008,
starting from 1st October. Senate also passed the bill in 51-46 vote and Bush
reiterated its threat to veto the bill which includes conditional funding.
Bush turned down the call for pullout from Iraq on 28th April. The
second round of billing started with Bush threatening to veto any other
conditional funding bill. By 10th May, Bush and Congress once again veered
onto collusion course, as angry rhetoric flew between the two sides in a
deepening constitutional showdown over a Democratic bid to handcuff the
presidents powers to wage the unpopular war.
Next day, the US lawmakers voted to fund Iraq combat in installments
of just a few months, defying President Bushs veto vow in the latest tussle
of a political feud over control of the war. This legislation ends the blank
check for the presidents war without end, said Nancy Pelosi. On 16 th May,
US Senate rejected a bid to compel Bush to withdraw troops from Iraq.

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On diplomatic front, the US maneouvered to bring Iraqs neighbours

on to table for discussing the ways and means to defuse tensions in Iraq. On
29th April, Iran agreed to attend regional meeting on Iraq scheduled to be
held in Egypt.
On 3rd May, International conference in Sharm el-Sheikh adopted a
five-year plan to rescue Iraq from chaos and bankruptcy and pledged $30
billion aid. The same day, Rice met Syrian Foreign Minister and also
exchanged words with Mottaki. Next day, the participants urged support for
the transfer of security responsibilities in Iraq from US-led to Iraqi forces.
Inside Iraq, Moqtada Sadr threatened on 15th April to resign from the
parliament. Next day, his party members parted way from the ruling puppet
regime. His party had six ministers in the cabinet. Sadr wanted deadline for
withdrawal of occupation forces.
After the attack on Iraqi Parliament the puppets met to show their
resolve to continue pursuit of democracy in the country. The attack also
resulted in blaming others. On 22nd April, Iraqi Prime Minister accused alQaeda of perpetration of violence. A week later, he warned Iran of terror
threat.
Washington expressed concern on 30th April about reports that aides of
Maliki played key roles in the arrest and removal of senior Iraqi army and
police officers who tried to rein in Shiite militias. On 11th May, it was
reported that some Iraqi MPs were gathering votes to force their government
to set a deadline for US forces to withdraw from the country.
Meanwhile, the US started constructing Israel like walls to segregate
Sunni and Shia localities to implement gated strategy. The residents
protested against construction of wall. Maliki also opposed the construction
of separation walls and after resisting the demands for a while America
abandoned this plan.
Some of the other events worth mention that happened during last
seven weeks were:
On 26th April, a Colonel of US army was accused of aiding enemy and
having improper contacts with daughter of a prisoner.

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 Cheney proceeded on Middle East visit on 8th May to seek help on

Iran and Iraq. He visited the UAE and Saudi Arabia for this purpose.
On 15th May, Musharraf proposed constitution of Muslim
peacekeeping force for Iraq during his address to meeting of OIC
foreign ministers in Islamabad. Next day, Iraq rejected this brilliant
idea of Musharraf.

COMMENTS
The observers kept criticizing various events and aspects of Iraq War.
After attack on the Iraqi parliament the Independent wrote: If the zone
(Green Zone) is seen to be vulnerable, all trust in the possibility of order
spreading from there to the rest of Baghdad will evaporate. The spectre of a
Saigon-style retreat from Baghdad will be harder and harder to dispel.
This is the ninth week of the US surge. More and more American
and Iraqi soldiers are to be seen on Baghdad streets, as the attempt to crack
on the violence gains pace. The greater visibility of US troops, which is an
integral part of the strategy, automatically makes them more vulnerable. It is
probably inevitable that, even as the number of violent incidents has
declined, US military casualties have increased.
For the strategy to work, it must do much more than multiply armed
patrols. It must convince Iraqis that law and order can be restored, not just
now bit in the longer term. It is not just about deterring gunmen and
bombers; it is about instilling confidence in the authorities prospects of
success and reducing support for militant sectarianism. The US surge
already seemed to be in trouble; yesterdays bombing showed that the
citadel could be breached.
Robert Fisk commented on the strategy of gated communities. Faced
with an ever-more ruthless insurgency in Baghdad despite President
George Bushs surge in troops US forces in the city are now planning a
massive and highly controversial counter-insurgency operation that will seal
off vast areas of the city, enclosing whole neighbourhoods with barricades
and allowing only Iraqis with newly issued ID cards to enter. The campaign
of gated communities whose genesis was in the Vietnam War will

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involve up to 30 of the citys 89 official districts and will be the most

ambitious counter-insurgency programme yet mounted by the US in Iraq.
The system has been used and has spectacularly failed in the
past, and its inauguration in Iraq is as much a sign of American desperation
at the countrys continued descent into civil conflict as it is of US
determination to win the war against an Iraqi insurgency
The campaign has far wider military ambitions than the
pacification of Baghdad. It now appears that the US military intends to
place as many as five mechanized brigades comprising about 40,000 men
south and east of Baghdad, at least three of them positioned between the
capital and the Iranian border. This would present Iran with a powerful and
potentially aggressive American military force close to its border in the
event of a US or Israeli military strike against its nuclear facilities later this
year.
General David Petraeus, the current US commander in Baghdad,
concocted the latest security plan, of which The Independent has learnt the
details, during a six-month command and staff course at Fort Lavenworth in
Kansas. Those attending the course American army generals serving in
Iraq and top officers from the US Marine Corps, along with, according to
some reports, at least four senior Israeli officers participated in a series
of debates to determine how best to turn round the disastrous war in
Iraq.
The initial emphasis of the new American plan will be placed on
securing Baghdad market places and predominantly Shiite Muslim areas.
Arrests of men of military age will be substantial. The ID card project is
based upon a system adopted in the city of Tal Afarwhen an eight-foot
berm was built around the town to prevent the movement of gunmen and
weapons.
A former US officer in Vietnam who has a deep knowledge of
General Petraeuss plans is skeptical of the possible results. The first loyalty
of any Sunni who is in the Iraqi army is to the insurgency, he said. Any
Shiites first loyalty is to the head of his political party and its militia. Any
Kurd in the Iraqi army, his first loyalty is to either Barzani or Talabani.
There is no independent Iraqi army. These people really have no choice.
They are trying to save their families from starvation and reprisal.

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At one time they may have believed in a unified Iraq. At one time
they may have been secular. But the violence and brutality that started
with American invasion has burnt those liberal ideas out of people
Every American who is embedded in an Iraqi unit is in constant mortal
danger.
Spencer Ackerman observed: On April 10, the 407th Brigade Support
Battalion began installing 12-foot high concrete blast walls around the
restive Sunni neighbourhood of Adhamiya in eastern Baghdad According
to a military statement, the wall is one of the centerpieces of a new
strategy by coalition and Iraqi forces to break the cycle of sectarian
violence. An access point through the wall is only large enough for
pedestrian traffica measure to guard against car bombs.
As soon as word leaked out about the gated communities, military
spokesmen denied any such strategy actually exists. We defer to
commanders on the ground, but dividing up the entire city with barriers is
not part of the plan, Lieutenant Colonel Christopher Graver told Los
Angeles Times last week. If so, theres a lot of defence on display in
Baghdad.
In one sense, the gated communities are only a quantitatively
different from what already exists. Blast walls are everywhere in Baghdad,
owing to the ever-present danger of bombings and attacks. Nor do the
structures show any sign of being temporary; many of the blast walls
surrounding police stations, apartment blocks or official buildings display
unbleached posters advertising political slates from 2005s parliamentary
elections.
News of the gated communities has proven intensely provocative
to Baghdadis. All of a sudden, the concrete barriers reminiscent to Iraqis
of the Israeli security barrier in the West Bank appear to augur a deliberate
US strategy of dividing Iraq in an anticipation of open-ended occupation as
opposed to an unpalatable emergency measure. I think this is the beginning
of a pattern of what the whole of Iraq is going to look like, divided by
sectarian and racial criteria, Abu Marwan, a Shiite pharmacist in Adhamiya
told the Los Angeles Times.
Whats more, the gated communities have exposed a division
between the US and Iraqi government The US is now thoroughly
distanced from the Iraqi government, and both Sunnis and Shia will resent
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Maliki for acquiescing to what appears to be the US creation of sectarian

cantons True to form, however, President Bush glossed over the latest
crisis during a press conference yesterday morning with Petraeus, instead
lauding the effort to move forward with a government of and by and for the
Iraqi people. The classic euphemisms never go out of style.
Larry C Johnson urged Americans to compare the ugly aspect of the
occupation of Iraq with Virginia Tech tragedy. What are we to make of the
bizarre contrast between Americas national grief over the terrible slaughter
of students and faculty at Virginia Tech and the muted reaction to the
continuing bloodbath in and around Baghdad?
Think about those numbers in relationship to the anger expressed by
the public and press because Virginia Tech University officials failed to
prevent April 16s massacre. What would we be saying if another shooter
showed up at Virginia Tech next day and killed 20 more students and another
shooter bagged an additional 40 the next day? The president of the
university would be lynched, the students would arm themselves, and the
police would lose any pretence of control. Why do we think Iraqi Shais
and Sunnis should react differently then we would?
When you consider the events of the last week in Iraq there is no
reason any sane Iraqi Sunni or Shia would have any confidence in the
Petraeus plan. Petraeus and US forces are in trouble; desperate trouble.
White house flacks and politicians like McCain insisting that things are
improving in Baghdad, the continued mass casualty bombings, the stacks of
bodies left on the streets, the destruction of key infrastructure, and the
bombing of the Iraqi parliament is reality and cannot be casually
dismissed as the crazy ravings of a news media intent on reporting bad
news.
Hell, compare the conduct of reporters operating in the Iraq
combat zones with nonsense being spewed by every network and cable
anchor who managed to buy a seat to Blacksburg, Virginia. Not a single
news organization operating in Virginia Tech had to contract bodyguards and
armoured cars to move around to report the story. The US based media did
not have to find a sand bagged roof in the Green Zone as a background shot
for their nightly report. They roamed freely without fear.
That is not the case in Baghdad specially and Iraq in general. Despite
the surge of US troops into Baghdad the violence continues, especially
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against the Shia majority. Todays attacks on the Shia, coming on the heels
of the resignation of Shia cleric Moqtada al-Sadr, are particularly
worrisome.
In the total scheme of things the horror unfolding in Iraq will affect
our nations security more than a month of Virginia Tech massacres. Yet our
attention is riveted on Blacksburg not Baghdad. There are some silver
linings. At least the media is covering genuine grief and anguish as opposed
to the nonsense of a Don Imus or Anna Nicole Smith. And maybe, just
maybe, as we contemplate what it means to mourn the single day
massacre of 32 students and faculty at Virginia Tech we will develop
empathy for Iraqis who, today, are mourning the equivalent of five
Virginia Techs.
But the Iraqis wont sleep tonight with the hope that todays
heartache was an aberration. Nope. They wake up each and every day
confronting a new horror just as bad as Monday April 16 in Blacksburg,
Virginia Welcome to the Hobbesian world of modern Iraq.
Hussein Agha opined that almost all Muslim countries, despite the
bloodshed, wanted America to stay on in Iraq for variety of reasons. The socalled axis of moderate Arab states comprising Saudi Arabia, Egypt and
Jordan dreads an early US withdrawal. First, because it would be widely
interpreted as an American defeat, which would weaken these proAmerican regimes while both energizing and radicalizing their populations.
Second, if the US leaves, the emergence of a Shia regime in Iraq
in itself an offensive prospect to them would only a matter of time.
Facing Arab antipathy, this regime would be likely to look eastward and
forge close ties with the Iranian co-religionists.
Third, a US departure risks triggering Iraqs partition. As some
Arabs see it, the occupation is what holds the country together. So long as
coalition forces are deployed, a full-blown breakup can be avoided. In
contrast, with the Americans gone, the odds of partition would increase
dramatically, presenting a threat to the integrity and security of the regional
states.
Paradoxically, the competing axis of so-called rogue states made
up of Syria and Iran also wants the US to stay. So long as America

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remains mired in Iraqs quicksand, they think, it will be difficult for it to

embark on a similar adventure nearby.
For Turkey, Americas presence ensures that the national
aspirations of Iraqs Kurds will not metamorphose into a fully fledged
independent state, a strict red line for Ankara, which has its own irredentist
Kurdish problem.
For Israel too, an American withdrawal could spell disaster.
Already, nothing has dented Israeli deterrence more than Americas
performance in Iraq an inspiration to Israels Arab foes that even the
mightiest can be brought to heel. An early withdrawal, coming in the wake
of last summers Lebanon War, could put Israel in a dangerous position
There are risks for the smaller Gulf states too. With their large
Shia communities and heavy dependence on American protection, they
would be threatened by an early US departure from Iraq. In Bahrain, home
of an unhappy Shia majority, the fallout could be imminent.
Inside Iraq, this is a period of consolidation for most political
groups. They are building up their political and military capabilities,
cultivating and forging alliances, clarifying political objectives and
preparing for impending challenges. This is not the moment for all-out
confrontation. No group has the confidence or capacity decisively to
confront rivals within its own community or across communal lines.
Equally, no party is genuinely interested in a serious process of national
reconciliation
Al-Qaeda and its affiliates arguably benefit from the occupation.
They established themselves, brought in recruits, sustained operations
against the Americans and expanded. The last thing they want is for the
Americans to leave and deny them targets and motivation for new members.
Other Sunni armed groups need the Americans for similar reasons and for
protection against Shias.
In this grim picture, the Americans appear the least sure and
most confused. With unattainable objectives, wobbly plans, changing
tactics, shifting alliances and ever-increasing casualties, it is not clear any
longer what they want or how they are going to achieve it. By setting
themselves up to be manipulated, they give credence to an old Arab saying:
the magic has taken over the magician.

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ISRAELI FRONT
The Palestinians continued suffering because of their refusal to accept
peace dictated by Israel and the US. Arab League could do no more than
repeating their call for halt to Israeli settlements. The process of Israeli
atrocities and occasional retaliation by Palestinians continued:
Kidnapped BBC reporter was reported alive on 19 th April; earlier the
media had reported his execution.
Six Palestinians, including a girl, were killed by Israelis on 21 st April.
Next day, Hamas called for revenge as three more Palestinians were
killed by the Israeli troops. Meanwhile, Bishara had resigned from
Knesset and Israel was investigating charges against him.
Hamas fired rockets into Israeli territory on 24th April. Three days
later, a Palestinian was killed at a crossing point.
Three Palestinians were killed by Israelis on 4 th May. Three days later,
Israel carried out an air strike in Gaza Strip injuring a Palestinian.
Palestinians fired a rocket on an Israeli town.
On 13th May, Israeli cabinet discussed intensification of operations in
Gaza Strip. Three days later, four Palestinians were killed in air strike.
Attempts at imposing the dictated peace continued on diplomatic
front. On 15th May, Olmert said Israel is ready for talks with Abbas. A week
later, Israel turned down Musharrafs offer of mediation which he had made
in his recent interview.
On 1st May, EU delegation met Haniyeh; Israel protested. Three days
later Jordanian team arrived in Israel to discuss peace process. On 5 th May,
Hamas rejected American proposal for a detailed timeline. Mashaal alleged
that Israel was preparing for military operation against the Palestinians.
Three days later, Israel rejected buffer zone plan in Gaza Strip. Meanwhile,
economic blockade of Palestinians continued except a promise by EU to
give $5 million in aid to Palestinian Authority.

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During second week of May, once again the factional fighting erupted
in Gaza Strip. Following were reported:
Six Palestinians were wounded in fighting on 11th May. Next day, nine
more Palestinians were wounded in factional fighting.
On 14th May, eight Palestinians were killed and interior minister
resigned. Next day, 11 more Palestinians were killed.
On 16th May, 14 Palestinians were killed in fighting and the death toll
reached 40, which meant some deaths were not reported earlier.
Uri Avnery commented on the long outstanding issue of Palestinian
prisoners. At any time, there are some 10,000 Palestinian prisoners, male
and female, from minors to old people. Treated them as goods. And goods
are not given away for nothing. Goods have a price. Many times it was
proposed to release some prisoners as a gesture to Mahmoud Abbas, in
order to strengthen him vis--vis Hamas. All these suggestions were rejected
by Ariel Sharon and Ehud Olmert.
Now, the security services oppose the prisoner exchange deal for the
release of the soldier Gilad Shalit; and not because the price 1400 in
exchange for 1 is exorbitant. On the contrary, for many Israelis it seems
quite natural that one Israeli soldier is worth 1400 terrorists. But the
security services raise much weightier arguments: if prisoners are released
for a kidnapped soldier, it will encourage the terrorists to capture more
soldiers.
For each of these arguments, there is a counter-argument. Not
releasing the prisoners leaves the terrorists with a permanent motivation to
kidnap soldiers. After all, nothing else seems to convince us to release
prisoners. In these circumstances, such actions will always enjoy huge
popularity with the Palestinian public, which includes many thousands of
families that are waiting for the return of their loved ones.
Experience shows that a high proportion of released Palestinian
prisoners do not return to the cycle of violence. After years in detention,
all they want is to live in peace and devote their time to their children. They
exercise a moderating influence on their surroundings

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The strongest emotional argument voiced by the opponents of the

deal is that Palestinians are demanding the release of prisoners with blood
on their hands. In our society, the words Jewish blood two words
beloved by the Right are enough to silence even many on the Left. But that
is a stupid argument. It is also mendacious.
In the terminology of Security Service, this definition applies not
only to a person who himself has taken part in attack in which Israelis were
killed, but also to anyone who thought about the action, gave the order,
organized it and helped to carry it out prepared the weapons, conveyed the
attackers to the scene, etc.
According to this definition, every soldier and officer of the
Israeli army has blood on his hands, along with many politicians.
Somebody who has killed or wounded Israelis is he different from us, the
Israeli soldiers past and present?
The official argument is that the prisoners are not soldiers, and
therefore they are not prisoners-of-war, but common criminals, murderers
and their accomplices. That is not an original argument. All colonial
regimes in history have said the same.
The fiction that freedom-fighters are common criminals is
necessary for the legitimation of a colonial regime, and makes it easier for
a soldier to shoot people. It is, of course, twisted. A common criminal acts in
his own interest. A freedom fighter or terrorist, like most soldiers, believes
that he is serving his people or cause.
That is true for the prisoners that are to be released now. If Marwan
Barghouti is released, he will be a natural partner in any peace effort. I shall
be very happy when both he and Gilad Shalit are free.
In Lebanon, Hariris murder case remained a matter of interest for the
UN and the US primarily to put pressure on Syria. On 24 th April, Ban Ki
Moon arrived in Syria for talks on the case in which the UN secretary has
been acting as police inspector.
During first week of May, Hezbollah rejected a proposal for the
United Nations to establish an international court into murder of Hariri. In
the meantime, Olmert said Israel has no intention of attacking Syria and
Basher Assad denied having any contacts with Israel.

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Two Sunnis were kidnapped and killed in Lebanon on 26 th April.

Pressure mounted on Olmert after release of report on Lebanon War, but he
refused to resign despite bitter criticism. During second week of May,
Lebanese president refused to cede power to US-backed prime minister.

TENACIOUS TEHRAN
The events regarding Irans nuclear programme continued unfolding
as follows. On 14th April, Saudi King blamed Irans nuclear programme for
creating yet another crisis in the region. Next day, Iran sought bids for two
new nuclear plants. The chief of US naval operations on visit to Islamabad
on 16th April said the US had no plans to attack Iran.
On 17th April, Roberts Gates and Jordanian King discussed Iraq and
Iran. Tehran said it is continuously working to expand its nuclear
programme. Next day, Ahmadinejad said attackers hand will be cut off.
Robert Gates said the US favours diplomacy on Iran.
On 19th April, Tehran rejected US claim of capturing Iranian weapons
in Afghanistan. NATO was unable to confirm report on capturing of Iranians
weapons by the US troops. Next day a Republican candidate for presidential
candidacy sang bomb, bomb, bomb Iran.
Ahmadinejad asked EU on 23rd April not to follow US words in talks
on nuclear issue. Iran saw no reason to continue talks if the EU keeps
insisting suspension of its nuclear programme. Ali Larijani and Solana
started dialogue in Ankara on 25th April. Next day, General David accused
Irans Quds Force of helping an armed network that killed five US soldiers
in Karbala in January.
On 2nd May, Ahmadinejad refused to yield an inch on Irans nuclear
programme. Solana said his talks with Iran were difficult because Iran did
not want to suspend its nuclear programme. On 8th May, Iran accepted
agenda compromise to save the two-week meeting in Vienna from collapse.
The same day UAE arrested 12 Iranian divers near disputed island.
The US warned on 9th May about the danger of Iran withdrawing from
NPT. Two days later, Cheney vowed that Iran would never get nuclear
weapons. Presidents of Iran and UAE discussed security of Gulf region in

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Abu Dhabi only a day after Cheneys visit. On 14 th May, Ahmadinejad

warned of severe response to US strike.
Praful Bidwai was of the view that solution of nuclear issue can be
found through dialogue. Iran is one of the few West Asian countries which
hold relatively free and fair elections. But Irans democracy is deeply
flawed, with little freedom of political association. Parties are registered
only if they conform to Islamic tenets. Freedom in this deeply paradoxical
society has had periodic ups and downs. Today, its on a downward
trajectory.
Three factors will influence Irans short-term evolution: President
Mahmoud Ahmadinejads growing unpopularity; the ability of reformists to
counter the governments use of the current slogan, Islam and the nation;
and Irans confrontation with the West, in particular, the US.
If hes reined in by the Establishment as happened during the recent
British sailors detention and release that will strengthen the reformists.
Reformists, including former presidents Mohammed Khatami and Ali Akbar
Hashmi Rafsanjani, could still exercise a restraining influence. The
reformists success will critically depend on preventing nationalism
from being used as a self-legitimizing platform by the hardliners.
Much will also depend on how the West deals with Irans nuclear
programme. The US is implacably hostile towards Iran, which it wrongly
sees as an Axis of Evil state supporting terrorism. In fact, Iran is anti-al
Qaeda and has behaved with restraint in Shia-majority Iraq despite its
considerable influence there. Iran feels humiliated at the sanctions
imposed on it for running a nuclear programme which is legitimate
relatively minor infractions of International Atomic Energy Agency rules.
The more Iran is cornered over its nuclear activities, the more
itll be tempted to be defiant and make boastful claims about its uranium
enrichment prowess. Iran is many years away from enriching enough
uranium for a bomb. Its facilities for uranium conversion into hexafluoride
(Natanz) and its centrifuge plant (Isfahan) are under IAEA safeguard and
cannot be used for weapons purposes. Contrary to the claim that it has
installed 3,000 centrifuges, the IAEA says it has about 1,300 primitive
machines.

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More important, the Natanz facility produces gas which is probably

too impure to lead to enrichment This offers the US, UK, France and
Germany an opportunity to negotiate nuclear restraint with Iran while not
denying its right to enrichment for peaceful purposes. Iran is willing to talk
without suspending enrichment. A way out is possible. But the US must
muster the will to explore it while abandoning ill-conceived plans to attack
Iran.
Alain Gresh observed that Bush has not given up the military option
against Iran. At the moment nothing suggests that is likely, as each country
continues to try to mobilize the states of the region. The US vicepresident, Dick Cheney, has been touring the Arab world, reiterating
Washingtons determination to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear
weapons Responding to the threatening noises from Cheney, President
Ahmadinejad declared: The US cannot strike Iran, The Iranian people can
protect themselves and retaliate.
Although the US administrations current priority is Iraq, it has not
given up on Iran. Silently, stealthily, unseen by cameras, the war on Iran
has begun. Many sources confirm that the US has increased its aid to armed
movements among ethnic minorities ABC News reported in April that the
US had secretly assisted the Balochi group Jund al-Islam, responsible for a
recent attack that killed 20 Revolutionary Guards.
What is the truth? Since the 1960s, Iran has sought to develop
nuclear power in preparation for the post oil era. Technological
developments have made it easier to pass from civil to military applications.
Have Tehrans leaders decided to do so? There is no evidence that they
have. Is there a risk that they may? Yes, for obvious reasons.
So how is Tehran to be prevented from acquiring nuclear weapons, a
move that would start a new arms race in an unstable region and deal a fatal
blow to the non-proliferation treaty? Contrary to common assumptions, the
main obstacle is not Tehrans determination to enrich uranium
Islamic Republics fundamental concern lies elsewhere. Witness the
agreement signed in 2004in which Iran agreed to suspend enrichment on
the understanding that a long-term agreement would provide firm
commitments on security issues. Washington refused to give any such
commitments and Iran resumed its programme Without such
commitment escalation is inevitable.
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Despite the disaster in Iraq, there is no indication that Bush has

given up the idea of attacking Iran. The insistence at the weekend by
Gordon Brown that there would be no attack on Iran seems unwarranted
optimism rather than objective assessment.
The domination of Iran, aggravated by the attitude of its president, is
part of this strategy and may well culminate in yet another military
venture. That would be a disaster, not only for Iran and the Arab world, but
for western, and especially European relations with the Middle East.
Europes newest leaders Nicolas Sarkozy and Brown would do well to
remember that.

CONCLUSION
Bloodletting for the sake of blood shedding will continue as long as
Bush is the White House and American soldiers remain in Iraq. Democrats
with lean majority in the House of Representatives cannot rein in vetowielding Bush.
Iraqis will keep suffering despite the meetings of regional countries
for the alleviation of their miseries. In fact, counter insurgency operations at
larger scale have added to the sufferings of Iraqis; resignation of Moqtada alSadr will result in further heightening of tensions.
Formation of the unity government of Palestinians has caused no
change of heart in Hamas-phobic Israel and the US. Lately, they have
succeeded once again in triggering factional fighting in which Israel has
increased air strikes in support of Fatah. Israel will keep striving for
complete rout of Hamas.
The situation in Iraq has been coming in the way of fulfillment of
Bushs ambition to punish the obstinate regime in Iran. Meanwhile, the US
has satisfied itself with increased its clandestine support for Iranian terrorists
to destabilize clerics regime.
17th May 2007

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HELMET vs WIG
ECHOES OF ROUND VIII
The events of May 12 were bound to paralyze the life in Karachi. The
Karachites might not have expected that their desire to welcome the CJP
would have invited such a violent reaction from those who claim it as our
city, but what MQM did was not something new for them.
As was expected, the rulers having committed heinous crime against
the ruled started blaming others. The charge of the accusers, not surprisingly,
was led by the brave commando. The CJP was blamed for the bloodshed.

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However, some in the rank and file of King party felt their conscience
pricking.
The people across the country saw the real face of the party of the
middle class in real time. The live coverage of the events by private TV
channels left no doubt in their mind about the intent and action of the MQM.
They were bound to speak; and they spoke loudly.

EVENTS
Leaders of MQM and PML-Q held a meeting on 15 th May to
coordinate restoration of peace in Karachi. Police held a flag march to show
their presence to those who had alleged that police were missing. Shujaat
informed Musharraf that he, like Shaukat, has also condoled deaths of MQM
workers with Altaf Bhai.
Musharraf summoned parliamentarians of ruling coalition to give
them pep talk on virtues of unity. The meeting was necessitated after
reports some MNAs of PML-Q were resorting to mutiny against alliance
with the MQM. Akhtar Kanju was reported to be emerging as leader of the
rebels.
More than a dozen MNAs criticized MQM. Kanju said: It will be
difficult for us to offer an explanation even to our children about our sitting
with the MQM. Tanveer Hussain Syed complained that it is impossible to
convince the people of the justification of us sitting with the MQM.
MQM had also complained that in reward of their bold action in
support of Musharraf they have been left at their own. Musharraf advised
PML-Q to put its weight behind MQM. Signs of split in PML-Q were
reported and Zafarullah Jamali was an important absentee in the meeting.
Media was accused of blowing up the events related to judicial crisis.
Opposition parliamentarians shouted anti-government and anti-MQM
slogans in National Assembly and the Senate; the former was adjourned sine
die. Opposition vowed to work for grand alliance; condemned Karachi
killings and demanded removal of MQM from the government. ANP warned
of action after expiry of three-day deadline for meeting their demands.

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On 16th May, Aitzaz Ahsan vowed filing Rs 2 billion damages suit

against Musharraf for falsely attributing the Karachi violence to him and the
CJP. The Pakhtun Action Committee announced observing three-day strike
and demanded removal of the Governor and advisor home affairs. Shaukat
Aziz said that after 12th May PML-Q bond with MQM has been cemented.
On 17th May, Chief Minister Sindh urged that Karachi killings should
not be politicized. However, he at last, and at least, admitted that both sides
were in arms on May 12. Sindh government approached Asfandyar for help
in restoring peace in Karachi.
The trio of Home Secretary, IG Police and Rangers held a press
conference in which the journalists took them to task. They said notice of
exile to a journalist was issued due to misunderstanding. The lie that attack
on Aaj was nothing more than cross-fire was repeated but on counterquestioning, IG said the incident was under investigation. They had no
answer to a question related to dead body that kept lying in front Bhitai
Rangers for four hours and the Rangers refused to retrieve it saying they
were under orders not to come out.
Imran Khan insisted on dragging Blair into Karachi carnage. MQM
denied involvement of Altaf Hussain in the killings. The Opposition parties
once again protested and forced adjournment of the Senate. ANP urged UK
to deport MQM chief.
Musharraf in his interview to Aaj TV telecast on 18 th May said that he
has learnt a lesson by not fulfilling promise on uniform; so no more promise.
He admitted some technical errors in sending the reference against the CJP
and regretted publication of his picture with the CJP.
Senate adjourned till 9th June to escape violent protest of opposition
Senators. Asfandyar said state terrorism caused innocent deaths. Pakhtun
Action Committee Chairman, Shahi Syed, alleged the MQM was planning to
kill him. Benazir said that the deal is dead after Karachi killings. Reportedly,
UK may probe Altaf over Karachi killings, before exonerating him.
Umar Cheema reported that Chief Secretary Sindh, Shakeel Durrani,
had strongly opposed the strategy of the provincial government and had
warned of serious law and order situation. He had recommended that the
CJP should be allowed to go by the route he wanted to use for reaching the
High Court Bar.

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On 19th May, MQM leadership assembled in London to discuss plans

for tackling post Karachi carnage situation. A large number of Pakistani
students in Britain prepared to launch a campaign against Altaf Hussain.
Baluchistan criticized MQM over Karachi killings. Quitting MQM
continued in Punjab as six office bearers resigned near Multan.
Additional District and Session Judge South Karachi ordered
registration of FIR against the leadership of MQM, the Sindh government
and police officers for killing and kidnapping lawyers on 12th May. The SHO
registered FIR 53/07 and then using his powers under Section 157/2 quashed
it saying no such incident occurred within jurisdiction of the City Police
Station.

PEOPLE SPOKE
A poet said roeian gay hum hazar bar koi hamain staye quoon. The
people of Pakistan did cry but they also spoke; and they spoke very loudly.
They spoke to express their grief and sorrow over killings of innocent fellow
countrymen. They spoke to express their disgust and to condemn killings of
the ruled by the rulers. They spoke to tell the rulers that enough is enough
and they must quit.
Murtaza Talpur from Islamabad opined: May 12 has changed the
situation for all of Pakistan the death of so many innocent people has
created fear among all. Moreover, what is going to happen to our image
abroad? Foreign investment is bound to fall and this will be big blow. The
opposition parties are blaming each other and pretend not to know the real
culprit it makes one wonder if we are headed towards civil war.
Mrs Shehla Ahmed from Islamabad wrote: The television footage
exposed armed men of a political party walking hand in glove with the
Sindh police on the streets of Karachi, unleashing violence on their
political opponents and the free press. The true character of the partys
leadership now stands revealed thanks to the TV channel If such people
are coalition members of our ruling alliance then may God help us and
forgive us for our sins.
Luqman Alburraque from Islamabad said: I heard the Governor of
Sindh speak on various channels. I cannot agree with him more. He

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repeatedly called a spade a spade and said whatever happened in Karachi

was according to a pre-planned programme. Indeed it was a pre-planned
programme of the federal and provincial governments. Well done.
Iqbal from Rawalpindi opined: A certain political party has once
again displayed that they are not a political party but a mob. Though
they preach democracy they intimidate anyone who shows dissent. They
coerce the media into giving them favourable coverage but do not allow it to
write or say a single word against it.
Mazhar Butt from Karachi wrote: I think this is not appropriate step
by a party which boasts to be all-powerful in Karachi and other parts of
Sindh. It also leads one to think that the MQM is thus trying to betray its
voters who are now getting wary about their and their partys future. Is this
being done to (a) protect its activists from any retaliation or (b) as a message
to its activists to go underground for the time being.
Irfan Khan from Rawalpindi opined: This is apropos the Sindh
governments decision to expel miscreant opposition leaders. I commend it
for its wisdom and sagacity. To the detractors of this farsighted government I
would like to point out that there are two ways to stop a killing: stop the
killer or ask the victim to get out and leave.
Rabia Hashim Khashkheli from Karachi observed: Now, the more
disturbing thing is that there is counter fighting in the metropolitan. There
are continuous calls for strikes by different political parties. Public life is
being completely paralyzed because of this non-stop anarchyThe only
ones affected will be the citizens. We need to come together as a city, not
as a party, not as an ethnic group and definitely not as a political cause and
solve this issue. Make our city a better place to live and terror free.
Sarfraz Ahmed Khan from Karachi said: I wish to salute the brave
men who put their lives in danger to save the lives of other people. One
such, among those brave men was Faizur Rahman the driver of Edhi
ambulance who sacrificed his life in the line of duty. The brave driver has
left a message for our rulers and politicians of selflessness,
responsibility, dedication and a sense of duty. Such people give us hope
and make us realize that there are people out there who care others no matter
how few they may be they are there.

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M S Hasan from Karachi observed: The ministry of information and

broadcasting has placed a quarter page advertisement in national newspapers
of May 15, under the heading Lets Give the City A Healing Touch! and the
bottom line asserts Karachi, we shall give you the healing touch! the very
sight of this advertisement is very distressing since it is these very people
(now claiming to be healers) who passively watched the day of May 12 from
the comforts of their homes and offices, without taking any action to stop the
massacre of innocent citizens, and the acts of arson and vandalism.
Shireen Akhlaq from Rawalpindi wrote: What is more saddening is
the fact that the prime minister, president and PML-Q called the MQM to
condole over the death of its party workers. I just want to say one thing, in
total about forty-two people died and all of them were supporters of one
party or other. Workers of one party receive condolences, the others do
not. Are they not human also?
Saeed Najam from Lahore opined: This day will be remembered
with shame by all of us as the day when the Chief Justice of Pakistan was
kept confined for seven hours at the Karachi Airport while the orders of the
Chief Justice of Sindh High Court were treated with utter contempt by the
authorities.
It will be remembered as the day when our ruling party and our
president-in-uniform enacted a farcical display of hollow power with
dancing horses and drum beat in the capital while the writ of the government
was being shredded by professional killers.
Most of all it will be remembered as the day when the fabric of our
federation was destroyed by certain elements in collusion with blinkered
power-hungry short-sighted state managers. No amount of damage control;
no amount of blatant lies and crocodile tears; no amount of organized
terrorism is going to stem the rot of disorder and anarchy which has been
allowed to be set loose by the events of May 12.
A H Qazilbash from Peshawar apprehended: It seems every effort is
being made to try and divide the legal fraternity, the superior court judges
and blocking TV channels from showing the truth. It is obvious that such
nonsensical steps are being taken to sabotage the coming elections and
pave a way for some unconstitutional adventure. If this happens, this will
destroy the very fabric of the federation.

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Dr Yasmin Raashid from Lahore observed: The governments

inability to help or protect innocent people being killed was apparent. The
chief minister of Sindh repeatedly saying on television, I told you so. The
provincial and federal governments should be ashamed of themselves to
allow people to get killed without doing anything.
Watching General Musharraf standing behind a bullet proof glass,
surrounded by sycophants, addressing an almost uninterested crowd to
convince the people of Pakistan about his popularity while 37 lives had been
lost in Karachi, revealed how interested the leaders are in the plight of
the masses.
After May 12, people in general are questioning the relevancy of this
rule that cant protect them in the time of need. We do not want
development, which has increased the poverty index, usurped our freedom,
killed innocent people in Baluchistan, Wana and now in Karachi. We want
security.
Farah Aslam from Karachi opined: May 12 was a clear
manifestation of lawlessness, ignorance and lack of sincerity. What
happened on that day was broadcast all over the world and we were
projected as uncivilized. Tall claims were made but no measures taken to
control the situation.
Nasir Farooq from Karachi wrote: It was shocking to watch the
helplessness of the media on May 12 in Karachi. Armed assaulters
surrounded a building belonging to a channelfor over six hours, it was in
fact a threatening message for the entire media thereby justifying that
they are the truest representatives of the nation. Therefore, this is the time
for all media to support and sustain each other. The government must take
immediate steps to arrest those behind violence on May 12.
Marya Mufti from Lahore said: As far as I can judge President
Musharrafs role as president during the last seven years, has shown that he
has the capability of handling crises situations diligently and tactfully. But
the decisions taken by him during the last couple of days speak volumes for
his lack of sagacity. It is unbelievable that he is at a point to resort to
rolling back all that he has done in the past.
Najeebullah from Swat observed: Since the suspension of the Chief
Justice of Pakistan, there has been lawlessness in the entire country. On May

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12 many innocent people were killed in Karachi There is hardly any

difference between the condition of independent Pakistan and that of
occupied Iraq; because both are caught in extreme lawlessness leading to
civilian casualties.
Arfaa Ahmed from Lahore could not bear the glimpses of the killings
shown by the media. The media should refrain from showing or printing
eyesores, shocking scenes and other monstrosities as they are disturbing and
leave people distressed. The media has amplified and advanced in many
ways which is indeed praiseworthy, but, we have suffered a lot from the
grotesque massacres that have been so ruthlessly imaged through the
media.
Sana Javed from Karachi wrote: The provincial home affairs advisor
Wasim Akhtar had already said that his party alone rules Karachi. It was,
therefore, a show of street force with the support of law-enforcing agencies
like the police and no medical relief was provided to the injured.
Ambulances were not allowed to ply on the roads blocked by gun-toting
men nobody was allowed to leave except those who had connections with
the MQM.
Karachi cannot run on the whims of a party which believes in the
politics of violence. It is the financial hub of Pakistan. There is no moral or
ethical ground for the IG police and the DG Rangers to continue with
their present assignments since both failed to protect human lives. In fact,
both were silent partners in this crime of hatred and ethnic cleansing.
Saeed Najam from Lahore said: A public rally, whether it is in
London, Karachi, or Islamabad, is organized to make a certain point. What
point were the PML-Q and the MQM trying to make? That the present
rulers are genuinely popular and the rest is just a storm in a tea cup? If that
is the purpose, then, I am afraid, the point has been completely lost.
Why waste public funds and create a confrontational situation?
Irrespective of the head-count at these rallies, the people of Pakistan are
fully aware of the reality. What we are witnessing in the protests and in the
admiration by many ordinary people of the chief justices stand is a demand
for the restoration of the chief justice and a demand for restoration of true
democracy through transparent elections. That the political parties have
joined this battle should not come as a surprise. After all, any opposition
party would do the same. Maybe its time for a Justice Party?
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Fazal Raheem from Lahore opined: The rally organized by the ruling
PML-Q in Islamabad on May 12 to show its popularity among the masses
and reflect solidarity towards President Musharraf turned out to be a
flagrant display of misuse of government machinery. Hundreds of
transport vehicles were impounded and people were rounded up from all
over Punjab and brought to the venue. Even by a conservative estimate,
millions must have been spent on the rally.
Pir Shabbir Ahmad from Islamabad wrote: Karachi was burning and
people were being killed and our rulers in Islamabad were busy holding an
obscene show. It was obscene because of the excessive deployment of lights
and waste evident everywhere. It was obscene because it was pompous for
no reason and should have instead been called off in view of what had
happened in Karachi. It was obscene because hundreds of public transport
buses had been commandeered leaving people stranded in the middle of
nowhere. And it was obscene because the taxpayer will foot the bill for
holding the rally. In any case, one can only wonder what was being
celebrated. Attacks on TV stations? Extensive load shedding?
Unprecedented inflation? The rising number of missing persons?
Mrs Riffat Jahan from Sweden observed: Civilized nations hold each
and every citizen of the country, right from ordinary foot soldiers to the chief
of army staff, and junior judicial clerks to the chief justice of the country,
equally accountable for their deeds and misdeeds. And so it should be.
Moreover, no doubt, in ideal conditions the chief justice should not be
leading rallies. But are we living in ideal conditions? But then should the
army chief be holding political rallies?
Afzal Rahim from Peshawar wrote: I wont be able to forget May 12
for a long time men mostly aged above 60 and children below 15 were
sitting in various coaches and buses. It was a scene similar to that of a
mass wedding taking place in Islamabad. These people were lured with
money or coerced into joining this bandwagon of rent-a-crowd supporters.
I had also seen the convoy in which the chief justice was brought to
address the Pehawar Bar. People had literally donated money to welcome
him to Peshawar. The masses had been waiting since the morning to catch
a glimpse of the Chief Justice. No political party has the capability to bring
that number of people on to the roads. The people were willingly waiting
and throwing rose petals on the chief justices convoy and every lawyer.

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A question arises that why such a rousing welcome to the chief

justice. The answer is that the masses are extremely disappointed with all
political parties. The chief justice came as a real hope for the people,
because he defied the high and mighty.
M Shaban Uppal from Karachi said: We lost billion of dollars and
precious lives in a show of strength. Whole Karachi was burning in flames;
the president was addressing a glittering rally in Islamabad at the cost of the
tax-payer. The situation could have been averted had the government
demonstrated a minimum degree of sagacity and wisdom Have we, as a
nation, lost the guilt of wrongdoing and a sense of shame?
Gulkhaiz Hassan from Rawalpindi wrote: It was depressing and
disgusting to see people being killed in Karachi while people were
dancing at the government rally in Islamabad. The crisis was further
compounded by the soulless and incoherent confrontational rhetoric and
denials of certain actors.
We should not forget that a good society is based on the existence of
mutual trust among its members. This trust disappeared on May 12. As an
ordinary citizen I expect that at least our leaders should demonstrate
moral courage implementing and standing for true values. Is this asking
too much or should we all become gangsters?
Shahid Zamir from Karachi observed: The provincial interior
ministers statement that fool proof arrangements of security has been made
and the city has been divided in three zones as per security plan meant
nothing given the ineffectiveness of the police, Rangers and law enforcing
agencies. Meanwhile, the bhangra dances in the rally organized by the
PML-Q, a rent-a-crowd rally at that in Islamabad addressed by the
president seemed totally out of place and in very bad taste.
The government and its rallies should feel ashamed of the mayhem
on May 12 and realize the importance of the voice of the masses. Being
citizens of a democratic state it is their right to raise their voice either in
favour of or against the actions of the government. The government must
show the courage to realize its mistakes and not cover up its wrongs.
People are far more alert observant than the leaders as is evident from
what Faisal Siddique from Islamabad noted. While addressing the Muslim
League rally on May 12, Shaikh Rashid Ahmed said that the government did

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not even have enough funds to pay salaries when the present government
took over. One wonders if he was blaming himself because he along with
many others in the current government was also part of the previous
government.

PUNDITS PONDERED
The experts and analysts commented on two government rallies held
on May 12; focusing particularly on Karachi where the rally resulted in
bloodshed. The events as unfolded on that fateful day and telecast live by
private channels hardly left any riddle unsolved; therefore, almost all
analyses ended up in strong condemnation of those who were directly
responsible for organizing the carnage.
Afzal A Shigri, being an ex IG Police focused on the aspect of lawenforcement. With the announcement of the programme for the visit of the
Chief Justice of Pakistan to the Sindh Bar Council function and the decision
by the MQM to take out a rally, one could see the grave dangers inherent
in such a situation. The intelligence agencies had warned the government
well in time about the possibility of a clash between the rival political
groupings.
No efforts were made to persuade the Sindh Bar Council to postpone
the function or ask the MQM to change the schedule of its programme. The
government had the option of imposing restrictions on these gatherings
under preventive laws. No one seems to have considered this option
seriously The images on TV of Shara-e-Faisal with trucks and
containers blocking it completely were a perfect recipe to demoralize the
law-enforcement agencies and the emergency services in case of a disaster.
The rival political groups had prepared well for the showdown
and were heavily armed. Who started the race for deploying the arms will
never be known, but in the underworld of murky politics of Karachi the
word spreads fast and preparations are carried out with ruthless efficiency by
rival parties. When the political parties, obviously with a number of armed
supporters, tried to go to the airport they were confronted by armed gangs of
the opposite parties that resulted in intense firing between the two who were
using automatic assault weapons.

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The tragic incident has many questions that must be answered, and
the people of Pakistan, particularly those of Karachi, have a right to know
the reasons for the inaction by the provincial government and lawenforcement agencies. While one does appreciate the resource constraints of
the law-enforcement agencies in such a widespread grave situation, one is
horrified at the complete inaction by the police and Rangers who were
conspicuous by their absence from the scene and had left the city at the
mercy of the armed goons of the rival political parties.
The large number of killings, injuries and loss to property and the
incalculable loss to the people of Pakistan due to the complete collapse of
law and order in Karachi despite the presence of thousands of policemen,
Rangers and FC personnel must be accounted for. Every citizen of this
country has the right to have an answer to the following questions:
Why was no action taken to defuse the explosive situation that
continued for a long time?
Why was the option of preventive action not exercised to stop the
functions and rallies well in time?
Why was the police not deployed at sensitive points with orders to
intervene and strongly deal with miscreants?
Why did the police not take the initiative to maintain order, despite its
legal obligation to do so without waiting for any orders? Why were
the Rangers and the FC personnel not deployed to deal with the
emerging situation?
Why did the chief minister decide to go into the background and leave
it to the governor to exercise the powers of the provincial
government?
The provincial government must think out of the box and rise
above political affiliations in the maintenance of order. There is no point in
blaming the Sindh Bar Council or the political parties for the tragedy. This
cannot absolve the provincial government and the law-enforcement agencies
of their responsibility to perform their duties, as clearly provided in the
constitution and the laws.

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This mishandling of the situation that resulted in clashes between

rival political parties is as expected degenerating into ethnic clashes that
can spiral out of control with extremely negative ramifications for Karachi
and Pakistan. The federal government must intervene now and provide full
and immediate support to the province to control the situation. Half-hearted
measures and a partisan approach in dealing with the situation will further
exacerbate the very serious situation that requires a strong and transparent
handling now.
M Ismail Khan was of the view that in such situations only the
common people suffer. Like elsewhere, power politics in this country
manifests itself in three major groups those who wield power, those who
benefit from it and, of course, those who have to suffer from its exercise.
The tens of people who lost their lives in the streets of Karachi on May 12
belonged to the third group.
Find another country where the chief of the army staff leads political
rallies of the ruling party and where the chief justice of the Supreme Court
participates in rallies under the banner of opposition parties. One would not
find such examples even in the intricate power legacies of the
subcontinent, from the British era to Afghan and the Turkic experience to the
ancient of Gupta, Maurya, and Harrapa. It is unusual, irrational and
idiosyncratic, but nonetheless it is us.
One major difference between the crowd assembled in Islamabad on
May 12 and the one in Karachi was perhaps the gap in access to technology.
Many participants of the Islamabad rally came from the countrys rapidly
shrinking villages where people still religiously follow PTVs Khabarnama
or listen to the state-owned Radio Pakistan for news. But those on the streets
of Lahore and Karachi were a different species. They drive on fast lane
here you have a young and impatient generation to deal with. They dont
have the time to wait for the government to change things for them;
they want change today, and now. At some point, the government will have
to listen to them for a change.
Chris Cork commented on Islamabad rally with reference to Karachi
carnage. President Pervez Musharraf, the man who has led Pakistan since
he took power in 1999, had his very own encounter with reality and the
world could see his future written across his face as he spoke from
behind a bullet proof glass and metal steel. There was, he said, no need to
declare an emergency and matters were under control. They may well have
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been under control within a ten-foot radius of where he stood but clearly
were not elsewhere. Only hours before, as many as 34 men had died in
mayhem in Karachi and more than a hundred were injured. Problem? What
problem? Nothing to see here. Move along please. The president, his
entourage and seeming just about everybody else in the business of
governance had entered the waiting room of their demise The State of
Unreality.
The key to the door of the State of Unreality is called Denial. Not just
any old denial but denial with a capital D. Denial so big that anything can
be denied, refuted, turned aside, and transformed from one Truth to
another Denial may be delivered and an intricately staged production
complete with lights, flags, speeches and a selection of rhetoric notable
only for flying in the face of the blinding obvious.
Take for instance, this presidential utterance: the people, this
crowd of tens of thousands is with me, then where does the need for an
emergency come? People are with me there is no emergency. On the one
hand he spoke a self-evident truth. There were indeed tens of thousands that
he was addressing; undeniably and they were there for all to see. Yet on the
other hand, ask the question: How and why did they get there? ... They
were bussed in on requisitioned vehicles, given the flags and banners and
Bingo! rent-a-crowd was suddenly born.
There is no emergency. Look a little more closely at those four
words. So it is not any sort of emergency when despite reportedly
assembling 15,000 troops/police/paramilitaries to keep the peace in the event
of what a blind micro cephalic could see was likely to be the biggest punchup and blood-fest for donkeys years there was uncontrolled carnage in
Karachi. Those assembled forces intervened nowhere, this correspondent
can find no report of them having sustained any injuries or arrested anybody
for murder or rioting; and meanwhile there are sundry corpses cluttering up
the streets. None of who seem to have died as a result of being struck down
by the beauty of the city.
The State of Unreality has been admitted by the prime minister as
well. He has not been issued with the Denial key, but the Delusion key
instead. The prime minister, a man with political constituency akin to a
colony of frogs, was able to tell us that the party he represents would
revolutionize the lives of the common person and take the country forward
on to the path of progress and prosperity; carrying on its mission to improve
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and develop the nation. Delusional ideas such as this are treatable these
days, and psychiatrists have developed a number of helpful interventions for
people thus afflicted.
Any government with a grip on reality as tenuous as that of the
incumbent regime has to be counting its tenure in days and weeks rather
than months and years. The mayhem of last weekend is an unintended
consequence of rendering the Chief Justice non-functional on March 9.
Other unintended consequences may now follow as events have a life and
momentum of their own. There will be more deaths, more burnings, more
destruction and the State of Unreality will stagger onwards ever more
grievously wounded.
Imtiaz Alam commented on both the rallies organized for Musharraf.
The terrorists were unleashed in Karachi to subvert a peaceful movement of
the legal fraternity for the independence of the judiciary and rule of law.
Most of those killed on May 12 were innocent people, if not all since some
from among the killers gangs also became a victim of their own device.
My serious disappointment with the MQM, who a few weeks ago
quite admirably raised the secular banner against religious intolerance, that
despite being a middle class outfit became an instrument of authoritarianism
against the first countrywide republican movement of the middle class
lawyers. My gratitude to the Sindh High Court Bar who invited and stood by
the Chief Justice, despite coming under tremendous pressure.
Unfortunately, the visit of the Chief Justice of Pakistan to the Sindh
High Court Bar in Karachi was taken as D-day by the contending political
forces to establish their claim over Karachi. If the MQM went back to its
role of a party fighting on the streets with innumerable adversaries to keep
Karachi under its hegemony as in the 80s and the 90s, the various opposition
parties found it an opportunity to lay a fresh claim over the largest city of
Pakistan.
A serious political challenge to the MQMs control over Karachi
was enough to provoke the party. Hence, Karachi was left at the mercy of
the contending mafias and armed gangs who took to the streets and hostile
localities to settle their old scores. Indeed, the onus is on the Sindh
government and more specially the MQM which abandoned its
responsibility as a partner in the government. There was no justification
whatsoever for its rally on the same day and on the same route as of the
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Chief Justice of Pakistan. Its sole responsibility was to maintain law and
order and not to put the law-enforcing agencies in a state of paralysis to
subvert the Chief Justices lawful visit to the city.
The unkindest cut of all is that the chief justice and his lawyers
are being accused of bringing Karachi to such a situation. Both General
Musharraf and the chief ministers adviser on home affairs, Waseem Akhtar,
have blamed the chief justice for becoming a tool in the hands of those who
wanted to push Karachi into anarchy. Nothing can be further from the truth
than this.
If the mayhem in Karachi has triggered a cynical reaction in Karachi
against the failure of the Ibaad-Rahim government and the highhandedness
of the MQM, the rented rally in Islamabad exposed dubiousness of
public support the Chaudhries of Gujrat were trying to drum up for the
man-in-uniform If the government can use all official resources and the
administration to make a rally succeed, what will it do on earth to
manipulate the next general election? And if its allies, the MQM and Chief
Minister Arbab Rahim, can go to such an extent to counter a political
challenge, what will they do to snatch the ballot boxes in Sindh? After these
two grand shows of power, no opposition party will be ready to contest
elections under the present dispensation.
I had counted certain casualties that have already taken place Now,
yet another most important casualty, besides many, has been added to that
list after these two grand shows of power. No fair elections will be
possible under President Musharraf, even if he doffs his uniform, and
his election by the current assemblies will now become altogether
unacceptable for people at large.
There are other casualties too: the MQM, by counter-posing the
lawyers movement, has damaged its middle class leadership and the liberal
causes, and its efforts to extend beyond its ethnic base. The live scenes
shown on television of armed gangs are bound to make many question the
credentials of the party. It has also made itself a laughing stock by pledging
to Bacha Khans philosophy of non-violence and opposing the militarys role
in politics while allying with General Musharraf.
On the other hand, what has been quite remarkable about this
movement of the lawyers is that it remained peaceful and restricted to
republican constitutional demands. And what is quite disturbing about the
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evolving scenario is that it is generating into anarchy, thanks to the selfserving approach of the government and its allies. The country cannot afford
to fall into the quagmire of anarchy only terrorists and extremists are waiting
for it to fish in troubled waters.
The fact of the matter is that the present political dispensation
has failed and is thoroughly exhausted. Any effort at perpetuating it will
be disastrous for the federation and fatal for the existence of the country. It
can even no more act as an honest agent of transition after losing the
legitimacy and credibility. The earlier it bows out, the better Anybody
listening, before it is too late, this time not for the regime but for the
country.
Shireen M Mazari focused on the real culprit; the fascist MQM. Who
could remain unmoved by the loss of innocent lives? Who could distance
themselves from the shock of seeing young men wielding weapons with no
restraining element of the law and order elements of the state? And all that
bloodwhy is the blood of Pakistanis so cheap for the state that allows
it to be spilt unchecked? The nation has been left with a gaping wound and
the state is unwilling to move towards healing it. Instead, we heard the
callous sound of drumbeats and song emanating from the capital that very
evening when Karachi was counting the dead.
The leadership should have led the mourning and halted the
celebrations that had taken on a nauseating repulsion after a day of unbridled
killings in Karachi. Where was the responsiveness and sensitivity of the
leadership to the pain of the nation, which could have allowed us
Pakistanis to have a national catharsis through a national grieving which
could have put us on the path of national healing?
That was not to be. Instead, more violence has followed, including
the loss of yet another life that of Syed Hamad Raza. The credibility of the
state stands so low today that no one gives any credence to the story of
his death being a case of dacoity especially since the police standing
across the street made no initial effort to catch the dacoits. The general
perception has taken hold that this was a target killing to terrorize others into
submission.
Clearly, Karachi was not simply a case of state ineptitude since once
the state authorized the Rangers to move in; we saw the Rangers and police
in full force, post-May 12. Yet, on May 12 no Ranger was in sight, despite
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being deployed permanently in Karachi, and only a sprinkling of police who

acted more as bystanders watching the carnage unfold. Also, no
bureaucratic or political heads have rolled for the official lapse of law and
order. It seems no one in power is prepared to shoulder the responsibility for
this latest national tragedy.
What happened in Karachi on May 12 was the state allowing a
fascist party to run amok in the countrys commercial and financial
heart even the tone in incantation of the MQM leaders address from
London had an eerie ring of familiarity to Hitlers rabble-rousing speeches.
(It is also ironic that just as British Prime Minister Chamberlain pandered to
Hitler at Munich, so now the British Government is sheltering a Pakistani
fascist leader as well as many Pakistani terrorists.)
That other political groups in Karachi also responding with fire
power and violence only added to the tragedy, but the responsibility lies
with the state and the fascist party in power in Karachi. The crucial
question is simply: Where was the writ of the state?
For those who accuse the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court
(CJSC) and his accompanying lawyers for the Karachi bloodbath; theirs is
bizarre and desperate rationalism. Perhaps the CJSC could have chosen to
give in to the blackmail by the fascist party ruling in Karachi or simply been
more cautious given the warnings conveyed to him and his lawyers. Yet, the
CJSC has been going all over the country to address lawyers and there has
never been any untoward incident.
So where do we go from here? Are we going to be overwhelmed and
terrorized by varying forces of fascism while the writ of the state vanishes in
their wake even as it is unleashed mercilessly against those using democratic
and peaceful norms of protest? Pakistans distracters could not have wished
for a better scenario especially with the dreaded prospect of an eventual
civil-military confrontation Target killings and terrorization of the
innocent by those forces of the state that are meant to protect them cannot
intimidate the nation into a brutal submission.
Dr Adil Najam focused on failings on Musharrafs part. It is all too
evident now that General Musharraf is tempting fate with actions that are
politically suicidal. Seeing him at his May 12 rally holed up behind an
oversized bullet-proof dais (which only heightened a sense of besiegement)
one wondered if he actually believed what he was saying about the
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tremendous support he had from what he saw as a sea of humanity but

which was much more an assortment of uninterested spectators who were
making the best of their forced detention by roaming about, chatting and
generally goofing around even as the president and his coterie went about
their uninspiring and uninspired speeches.
The tragedy is that he actually seemed to believe every word of what
he said. No one else did; but he seemed resolute and convinced. This was a
sad spectacle because instead of coming across as a confident leader, he
came across as someone who was not only out of touch with reality
around him, but in denial of it.
He may well have come to believe in his own inevitability and good
luck a little too much. While having luck on your side is a good thing, it can
never be a substitute for clear thinking, seeking wise advice and a grounded
moral compass that can differentiate the obviously good from the obviously
bad. While General Musharraf might once have prided in having all these,
he seems to have now abandoned the last three and is banking only on his
much hyped (mostly by himself) good luck. Luck is a good thing, but it
never lasts forever; never and for no one.
Like most long-serving autocrats, General Musharraf seems to have
already eliminated all who could possibly look him in the eye and tell him
that he needs to reconsider the path he is on. Instead, his own actions
encourage only the insecurity and sycophancy of those around him who can
only cheer-lead the dance of denial and delusion that he seems to have set
his heart upon. This sense of disconnect was on grand display throughout
5/12 as Karachi bled, burned, and cried hoarse.
Irrespective of what might or might not have been done beforehand,
there were at least three moments during the day itself when General
Musharraf could have done things that could have dramatically
changed how the nation would remember this black day and his role in it;
both for the better.
The first of these moments came around noon on 5/12. Just around
the time when the Chief Justices airplane landed in Karachi. By this time at
least a few things were very clear to everyone: (a) that the road blockages
were so stringent that the chief justices team could possibly not get to the
Sindh High Court without the governments permission; and (b) that a large
scale massacre was in the works and that this, rather than the CJs
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movements or the governments Islamabad extravaganza, was going to

define the day in history. At this point, General Musharraf could have
stepped in to demonstrate real leadership, appealed for calm in the city,
instructed the Sindh government to open the blockages, and made the case
that no judicial or political issue was worth the loss of innocent Pakistani
lives.
The second opportunity came late in the afternoon by which time
much of the carnage and the MQM rally had already happened and a highlevel meeting was held in Islamabad to consider what could be done. The
meeting decided to expel the CJs lawyers and later the Chief Justice of
Pakistan himself from the largest city of Pakistan (this last bit is itself full of
irony) An alternative option would have been to focus instead of real steps
to bring calm to the streets of Karachi and saying to the CJ, OK, go and
speak at the High Court if you want to. By this time, whatever the CJ could
or would have said was predictable and would have mattered very little in
the larger scheme of things Musharraf could, for example, have gone on
the air then and announced that he was going to cancel the governments
rally in Islamabad in respect of those who had been killed that day. In all
likelihood, this would have forced the Sindh High Court to do the same with
their event.
The third, and final, opportunity to change the tone of the day and the
memories that will now forever be associated with it came in Islamabad that
night when General Musharraf finally ascended the makeshift stage made
out of empty cargo containers. His performance that night was no less
empty He could have respected the somber events of the day. Instead of
starting his speech by taunting the opposition and the lawyers about how the
government could gather more heads than them, a different General
Musharraf might have entered more soberly and started his speech by calling
for a minute of silence and saying fateh (prayer) for those who had been
killed in Karachi. In that one moment, at least, a nation that was being torn
apart by rallies and murders could have stood united in prayer.
History judges leaders not only on that they choose to do, but also on
that which they choose not to do. History will not judge kindly of events of
5/12 or the decisions that General Musharraf chose not to make that day.
Burhanuddin Hasan mourned the rulers inability to learn from
history. As if the shortage of electricity was not enough, the visit of the
Chief Justice to Karachi added fuel to the fire when the governments ill
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advised move to restrain him at the Karachi Airport by force and not allow
him to proceed to the Sindh High Court to address the Bar backfired. The
government was determined to keep the Chief Justice from showing his
strength at the lawyers meeting in Karachi, as he had done in Lahore.
Subsequently, Karachi plunged into the worst violence
The massive demonstrations triggered throughout the country against
the presidents reference in the case of Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad
Chaudhry and his epic 25-hour journey from Islamabad to Lahore joined by
tens of thousands of people all along the route, and his tremendous welcome
at Lahore High Court, are expressions of peoples discontent with the
performance of the government and cannot be dismissed as a passing
phase.
This reminds one of another chapter of Pakistans history when the
PNA launched a nation-wide agitation which lasted for four months with
considerable loss of human life and property Unfortunately, Mr Bhuttos
credibility rating had become so low This was the beginning of the end of
Mr Bhuttos government. This is recent history, but our rulers never learn
any lessons from history which finally passes its own verdict of their
demise.
Kamila Hyat wanted the leaders to ponder about the losses of the
people rather than counting their immaterial successes. In Islamabad,
President Pervez Musharraf enthusiastically hailed the success of the
MQM rally in the city even as families lifted the bodies of dead people
off the streets. According to some particularly sickening reports, sweets were
distributed at the official rally in the capital later it was announced that the
chief justice had left the city and the prime minister has blithely held that
had the CJ not gone to Karachi, the deaths could have been averted.
Amid this cheer, the bigger issues have not even been touched
upon. No member of government has thought it fit to comment on quite why
an army of goons wielding machine guns was permitted to rampage
throughout Karachi. Why, even though it was widely known that violence
was planned, state law enforcers were so completely impotent before the
men poised with their weapons at points that had sprung up overnight, and
what this resurgence of violence means for a city which has long and terrible
history of ethnic strife.

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For most, it was time to weep, a time to mourn. Even some of

those bussed in to attend the carnival-like PML rally in Islamabad, where
free food and drinks stalls had been set up to try and keep those brought in
happy, admitted ahead of the presidents much-delayed arrival at the venue
to being shocked.
As such, the messages of good cheer delivered from the podium
appeared totally out of tune with the sentiments of ordinary people.
Death, most of all when it comes sporadically, violently and aimlessly, is
after all not a matter that can simply be passed over so blithely and should
least of all be done so by leaders whose main role should be to work towards
the safety and welfare of the people of their country.
The murder of a Supreme Court official, in what his family believes
is a targeted killing, adds to the sense of menace now underlying the
struggle. It has been obvious now for over a week that the unexpectedly
large gathering the CJ had addressed in Lahore had rattled and angered
leaders in Islamabad, and as such events in Karachi seem to have been
orchestrated to deliver a lesson to the man who has emerged as the
establishments unlikely nemesis.
The display by dominant political forces in Karachi of their
ugliest face suggests the citys past could come back and haunt it in the
future. The threat of a resurgence of bloody, ethnic politics is especially
alarming with a general election scheduled over the coming months and
Karachi certain to emerge as a prize to be fought over by rival groups.
At the same time, the presence of outfits set up as fascist armies,
with such immense stockpiles of weaponry at their disposal, cannot
augur well for any state. While today government leaders are hailing certain
participants in the Karachi carnage as trusted allies, they must not forget that
in any game of politics, allies can turn to foes. The task imperative to good
governance is therefore to ensure that laws are applied equally to everyone
and those violating them duly punished.
International repercussions of the mayhem in Karachi are
becoming visible. Newspaper accounts state diplomats are sending home
disturbing accounts of the prevailing situation. At least one party of
European business representatives, due to arrive in Karachi to hold talks
with local partners, have for the moment cancelled their trip and foreigners
already present in the city are said to be planning a quick getaway.
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Leaders then need to listen carefully for the tunes to which

people lead their lives. At present, the music is not the triumphant beat of
drums that the leadership seems to have heard, but the melancholy strains of
the silence that come with tragedy.
The images that have emerged from Karachi give reason to carefully
ponder the abject failure of state witnessed across the country, rather than to
proclaim a success that simply does not exist for the traumatized people of
the city and for millions others, deeply saddened by the events witnessed
over the past few days.
Dr Masooda Bano was of the view that the rulers are more focused on
perpetuating their rule rather than worrying about killings of innocent
people. To have the president of the country cheer and celebrate right when
a major part of the country is burning is one of the most demeaning things
that a countrys top executive could do. Rather than being concerned
about controlling the damage in Karachi, General Musharraf was keen on
scoring points by blaming the violence in Karachi on Chief Justice Iftikhar
Mohammad Chaudhry for not adhering to governments advice. It is clear
that what happened in Karachi was no chance development; it was a planned
move by the government to defame the lawyers movement. How public
lives can become so cheap for those in power is unbelievable!
General Musharraf has openly blamed Justice Chaudhry for the
violence that occurred in Karachi. The argument is that it is because of this
visit to Karachi that this violence broke out. Nothing can be more illogical
than an accusation like this. Whose decision was it to hold a counter rally
on the day Justice Chaudhry was to visit Karachi to address the Sindh High
Court Bar? It was the MQMs, which is a part of the government When
the government itself was predicting trouble, why did it not tell the MQM to
host its rally on another day?
The answer is obvious: the government wanted trouble on the
streets of Karachi so that it does not have to put up with the
embarrassment of another huge turnout in support of the lawyers
movement as was seen in Lahore. This was visible in the way the city was
managed on that day as well as the attitude of the top leadership in
Islamabad that afternoon. On a day that was expected to be volatile, there
was no police or Rangers in the city, and the main roads were deliberately
blocked. A few people with the guns had the liberty to keep the entire
population hostage. The evidence that the MQM initiated this violence is
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also very strong. There were no ambulance facilities, no preparation for

emergency. People hit by the bullets bled to death on the streets.
But, if this carefully planned negligence was not enough to implicate
the state, the attitude of the countrys president and the celebratory
mood of the rally in Islamabad that very day told it all. Rather than being
concerned about controlling the violence in Karachi, General Musharraf
appreciated the MQM rally in Karachi and his own rally revealing the
support he has among the public. Rather than thinking of the people dying in
Karachi he was talking of his re-election and proof of public popularity.
At the same time, as expected, the US has issued statements that its
assessment of General Musharrafs importance in Pakistan has not changed
due to the lawyers protest rallies and the current crisis in Karachi All one
can say in response to such assessments is that within this very hypocrisy
of US foreign policy rests the seeds of international terrorism. By
strengthening authoritarian rulers in Muslim countries, the only form of
dissent that the US leaves open for the ordinary public is violence.
Rahimullah Yusufzai observed that embattled and in real trouble,
President Musharraf until now is unwilling to concede that the situation
for him has changed dramatically after his decidedly arrogant March 9
decision to render Chief Justice of Pakistan Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry
non-functional. Over-confident after having ruled almost unchallenged for
seven and a half years, he was sure the chief justice would quietly agree to
resign once threatened with the prospect of a damaging reference To his
surprise, the chief justice refused to quit.
While seeking justice for the countrys chief justice, Pakistans brave
lawyers, dedicated political workers and ordinary citizens are hoping that
their ongoing struggle will enable the judiciary to regain its independence.
There is also hope that the rule of law will be restored and the country
will become truly democratic.
The PML-led governments decision to hold its own political rallies
to match those of chief justice-led opposition has already backfired due to
loud and credible accusations that public money and machinery was used
to herd participants, including government employees, to Islamabad to
listen to uninspiring speeches Perhaps a reference or two could be filed
against the rulers for using public resources for a political activity designed

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to showcase their popular support and boost the faltering image of President
Musharraf.
By sabotaging the oppositions plans to welcome the chief justice at
Karachi Airport and take him in a procession to the Sindh High Court
premises, the government sent out a message that it could go to any
length while dealing with those challenging President Musharraf and his
allies. The free hand given to the ruling MQM, which has been unable to
alter its ethnic-based politics, to rule the streets of Karachi on that fateful
day and the inability of the law-enforcement agencies to offer protection to
political workers of rival parties has further damaged General Musharrafs
already battered standing as a president acceptable to people of all regions
and political affinities.
And if past failures havent dampened his spirits and he still wishes
to play a role in international politics, he has to rise above petty politics,
and act as a statesman at home before attempting to become a credible
mediator abroad. Perhaps it is late in the day to attempt such a make over
because the pressure for a political change in the country has become
stronger and sustained.
Nasim Zehra opined that on that fateful day the government and its
allies played lawless games. What are these parameters that are
conveyed through the many hours long reign of bloody anarchy in
Karachi? Essentially that when the rulers consider it justified, they will
suspend the responsibility of the law enforcing agencies of the state to
protect the life and property of the citizens of the state. Instead the law
enforcing agencies will aid those who are running the government to use
state power in whichever way they deem fit.
In Islamabad the presidents show was unreal. And whatever his
convictions about what the country needs, his claim of public support is not
backed by solid evidence. Whatever the reliable agencies and politicians
claimed the reality of rally was completely different from the claim that the
rally signaled a sea of support for the president. The attendees were bussed
and paid, the numbers were small, they hardly paid attention to the speeches
and most kept sitting in their busses, the bizarre festivities as Karachites bled
and were being terrorized, the head of the state said not a word about how
outrageous it was that law enforcing agencies were not there.

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By all the evidence that so blatantly flowed from the tragic and
criminal events of May 12 were about terrorizing the public and the
governments political opponents. For the ordinary citizen of Karachi the
State of Pakistan stood completely collapsed. Senior police official let the
Chief Justice of the Sindh High Court know that he could not provide any
security to the lawyers keen to enter the Sindh High Court to attend the
CJPs scheduled address or go to the airport to receive the CJP. For an
unreported reason the Sindh CJs summons to the Corps Commander went
unheeded. The law enforcing agencies ignored the controlling mafia and
subsequently the battling groups.
Unless the federal and Sindh governments can prove it otherwise, the
only message the terrifying developments of May 12 conveyed is that they
had decided to muzzle the peoples movement by hook or by crook. In
Karachi the federal government clearly demonstrated that it will muzzle
what it insists is the politicization of a legal issue, and for that it will use
whatever means it believes will help it defeat those who are attempting to
politicize the issue.
What else can explain the complete and total abdication of their
responsibility towards the citizens? Reporters of various independent
television channels repeatedly quoted members of the Rangers and the
police force that they were asked to completely withdraw from the rally
routes and not get involved in any action. Policemen were seen lying
around, while Rangers refused to come out of their headquarters in Malir.
ANP men did hit back when attacked. but to try and establish parity
between the ones hitting back in retaliation and between those who
initiated violence is erroneous; as is trying to establish equal responsibility
between the parties involved in Karachi i.e. the CJPs decision to go to
Karachi and the MQM holding as rally of the government abdicating its
responsibility of ensuring law and order are not equal in their impact. In fact
the CJP did not even hold his rally.
Meanwhile words are on the cheap Hear the speeches of the MQM
and the PML-Q leaderships. Actions often dont support their claims and
what the actions are conveying is a story of a no-holds barred power
struggle. For example, what the sub themes were at work on May 12?
Leading the men ordered to attend the presidents rally, the Punjab Chief
Ministers son was busy launching his political career. In Karachi the ruling
party seemed to be merrily thrashing opponents: the PPP, the MMA and the
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ANP. In aiding Islamabads black victory in the CJP issue, its allies
promoted their personal agendas.
Not only does the Karachi mayhem indict the two governments,
federal and Sindh governments, it also brings the government in direct
confrontation with the politicians. The politicians, who were until now
following and in fact bandwagoning on the CJP issue, now have a direct
battle to fight. With party workers killed the politicians can be a direct party
to the struggle for rule of law in the country.
Essentially what was a legal issue first turned into a popular public
issue, then into a political issue and now anarchy in Karachi has the
potential to turn into an ethnic issue. Groups from different parts of the
country and from Sindh itself have condemned the MQM; Sindh High Court
Bar in Sukkur will be petitioning in the Supreme Court to declare MQM a
terrorist organization. The ANP is also accusing the MQM for the killings of
its activities.
Karachi has again underscored that despite the larger thrust of the
lawyers movement, that is seeking rule of law, the government is still
confident in wielding unaccountable power. For the future of the people
and the country these two irreconcilable paths must meet. And clearly the
only path of rule of law where exercise of power at all levels must be
accountable. The state-society contract needs to be written.
The only issue now is: how will this country be ruled? Under the
ad hoc unconstitutional system or according to the Constitution of Pakistan
in which the wielders of power will be held accountable and will be
answerable to the people of Pakistan. Such a system can heavily contribute
in reducing the curse of injustice, lawlessness, and intolerance within the
state, politics and society in Pakistan.
Shafqat Mahmood observed that the Karachi carnage has once again
exposed the real face of the MQM and it is up to the people of Pakistan to
take note of it. General Musharraf, not embarrassed or contrite at what
his government had allowed to happen in Karachi but exulting at how
anti-judiciary forces, meaning the chief justice, had been thwarted. Anyone
else in his position would have cancelled the state sponsored gathering in
Islamabad to honour the dead of Karachi, but not him. Anyone else in his
position would have hung his head in shame at what his allies had inflicted
on the innocent citizens of Karachi, but not him. Anyone else sitting in the
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presidency would have been devastated by the fact that the provincial
government rather than stop the carnage actually encouraged it to take place,
but not him.
It is that state of denial where, the violent tactics of the MQM are
invisible to him while they are obvious to everyone else in the country.
Unfortunately, by these tactics, General Musharraf has exposed the huge
fault line of ethnicity that divides this country. Not all Urdu-speaking people
are supporters of the MQM but the way this party has taken up the gun to
defend him, has brought to the fore his own ethnic origin. He has now
squarely identified himself, whether by default or design, as a mohajir.
People may be afraid to talk about it on the air or write about it in print but it
is now the proverbial elephant in the room. Everyone knows it is there and
yet there is public silence on it.
This has huge ramifications because as the self-declared president of
Pakistan and also as never retiring chief of army staff he is supposed to be
above any kind of parochial or political considerations. Politics had become
a part of him since he chose to take over the country but now the
parochial has also taken over. This cannot be good for the country or the
army.
The May 12 happenings have once again shown to the people of
Pakistan the real face of the party. In recent times, it had acquired a
certain degree of respectability and some very astute people had started to
eulogize its organizational ability and its liberal outlook. The killer gangs
that were unleashed last Saturday have exposed how thin this veneer of
decency was.
Just a few short years of its inception, it was subjected to a military
action in 1992. This was unleashed not by the then Prime Minister Nawaz
Sharif but by the army chief, General Asif Nawaz. It was at this time that
Altaf Hussain quit the country and settled permanently in England. The
army action exposed many a torture cell and brought before the public the
tactics employed by the party but it was then allowed to peter out because
the army and the politicians did not agree on its direction.
Once Benazir was removed, the party staged a comeback and
started to display many of the old tactics that had defined it since day one. A
number of police and civil officers involved with the operation against the

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party were hunted down and killed. Others chose to run or hide. This clearly
demonstrated to everyone that the leopard had not changed its spots.
It was only after General Musharraf took over that the MQM again
started to come to the fore and even acquire a patina of respectability. The
General himself went to see the party chief in London. This was surreal
because several cases had been registered against Mr Hussain, including that
of torturing a serving army officer. An MQM stalwart was later named Sindh
governor who reportedly had several criminal cases registered against him
all of which later dropped.
Under the Generals tutelage the party not only acquired power in
Sindh but started to spread its wings to other parts of the country. I had
writtensome months ago that serving corps commanders were
interviewing potential candidates of the MQM in Punjab The MusharrafMQM link that became visible on May 12 has become another millstone
around the Generals neck.
It is all winding down for the General and at a bewildering rate.
The only decent option for him is to hold a free and fair election with the
exiled leaders back in the country and then leave. It is the only good deed
left in him but will he? Not, if the past is any indication.
Six days after the Karachi carnage, The News regretted that the rulers
were still refusing to see the reality. Several news reports of the May 15
meeting of the PML and its allied parties in Islamabad suggest that there
was palpable tension among some members of parliament. Accusations
were hurled at MQM for wreaking havoc in Karachi by some PML-Q
MPs, many of whom will be understandably worried about their electoral
chances in the coming election. The reason is that whether the party likes it
or not, anti-MQM feeling is running high in Punjab, NWFP and even parts
of Azad Jammu and Kashmir.
The MQM will be however pleased because it found a strong
supporter in the president who deflected any and all criticism that was
aimed at the party The prime minister added to this when during a visit to
Karachi he actually went on to praise the role of the Sindh government, the
police and the Rangers in containing the violence and bringing the city back
to normality. With due respect to the prime minister, one begs to disagree
with his assessment.

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Surely, real politick demands that certain compromises be made and

that sometimes these may be uncomfortable but surely there should be a
line somewhere. For instance, what kind of message is being given to the
Sindh government and the law-enforcement agencies by praising their role
in containing the May 12 violence? Instead of pulling them up for
abdicating from their responsibility of maintaining law and order, or
stepping in to quell the violence, instead of taking to task the Sindh
government for the 40-plus lives that have been lost since last Saturday, it is
thoroughly dismaying and disconcerting to see the countrys chief executive
give a complete vote of confidence to the provincial government.
According to reports, it figured in the May 15 meeting as well, with
almost all participants expressing unanimity that the government to do
something to put the media in order, given that it was blowing things out
of proportion. Coming good on that request would be a most unwise step,
for the government itself.
Those at the helm in Islamabad need to ask themselves that on a day
when dozens die in brutal gunfights, when a TV channel is attacked for six
hours with no Police and Rangers stepping into thwart the attackers, when
people are left on the road to die in cold blood, to blame the media for
blowing things out of proportion is a recipe for disaster. It means the
government is not willing to even look at what went wrong on May 12,
so finding the way forward and to ensure that such a day does not happen
again seems an elusive possibility.'
Amir Zia adopted the easier course and blamed everyone and urged
them to act rationally for the good of the nation. One should not wonder
why the issue of the suspended Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad
Chaudhrys planned rally became a fairly valid excuse for various political
interests and ethnic groups to demonstrate their power and stamp
authority on various localities of this teeming mega-city.
In doing this, these forces not just underlined the deep polarization
of our times, but also exposed the vulnerability and helplessness of the law
abiding citizens, who had nowhere to go, nowhere to turn to for security and
protection as parts of Karachi plunged into lawlessness and chaos.
Thanks to the non-stop television reporting of the days gory events,
the billowing smoke, the armed militants, and the blazing gunfire were right
inside our houses from one corner of the country to another shattering
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the much-laboured myth that Karachi has transformed into a peaceful

and business friendly city.
The foremost worrying issue that emphatically manifested itself
again was the open display and use of lethal small arms. May 12 has
clearly demonstrated that Karachi continues to remain one of the most
heavily armed cities in Pakistan where the political and religious parties,
interest groups, and the crime mafias are armed-to-the-teeth and ready to
shoot and kill at the first opportunity. This failure of the state to disarm the
non-state players even in major cities is the biggest threat for peace and
stability in Pakistans financial and industrial heart.
The second bitter fact is that the onus of triggering violence cannot
be thrown at the doorstep of this or that political party alone. Supporters
of the government as well as the opposition were both armed and fought
pitched battles in various parts of the city. All the political players stand
guilty of violence on that particular day.
Another troubling factor was the inability of the law enforcement
agencies to deal with this crisis-like situation. Despite all the visibility of
the police and paramilitary Rangers during normal days, they are found
wanting when needed the most either because of political expediency or
operational weaknesses. The government needs to probe both these aspects
in detail. The facts are too obvious; any inquiry by the government will only
be aimed at covering it up.
The present crisis has also exposed the sad fact that our political
parties be they in the government or the opposition are not yet ready to
act and express themselves in a mature manner. They remain focused on
stoking emotions and adding more fuel to the raging fire. A big majority of
our politicians seem to go to any length to score a tactical point and
embarrass opponents. The observation that every politician is prepared to
go to any length is not valid when seen in the context of earlier visits of the
CJP to Peshawar and Lahore. In Karachi, it was clearly one party which was
ready to go to any length under instructions from the real beneficiary.
If the current momentum of confrontationist politics continues, it will
prove fatal for the existing system and dangerous for the country. With
the next general elections round the corner, it is high time for our political
parties and institutions to back-off from politics of brinkmanship.

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The lawyers community, campaigning in favour of the suspended

Chief Justice, also needs to review tactics, which are transforming a purely
legal issue into a political one, creating law and order problems in an already
volatile environment. The fate of the suspended Chief Justice has to be
decided in the court, not on the streets. Forcing the lawyers to change
tactics was one of the aims of the regime in triggering the bloodshed in
Karachi on May 12.
In the past, Karachi paid a heavy price of ethnic rivalries These
two forces (MQM and ANP) have to redouble efforts by joining hands
with other political parties to maintain harmony not just between the
Urdu-speaking and Pashtun communities, but all other ethnic groups
including Punjabis, Sindhis and Balochs.
Ikram Sehgal, starting with giving an impression of neutrality, ignored
the clear aggressors and blamed those who had no option but to react. There
was a moral obligation for all to heed independent warnings of imminent
violence. The government lost considerable moral authority in not enforcing
their writ for hours, and the hands-off policy seemed deliberately designed
to aggravate the situation for a single purpose, prevent the chief justices
cavalcade from riding into town.
As one of those who strongly believe that it is the democratic right of
MQM to exercise their democratic rule in Karachi, and being extremely
impressed by the tremendous socio-economic uplift of the citys
infrastructure, the partys handling of the responsibilities to Karachis
citizens on May 12, 2007 has been disappointing, a setback of sorts. A
prosperous future for any city is directly proportional to sustained peace,
why should the MQM, whose interest lies in maintaining peace, let loose
forces that would violently disturb tranquility? It is tantamount to shooting
yourself in the foot.
As if the chief justice was leading an invading army into the city the
route from the airport into the city was blocked at many places. Rommels
beach obstacles in Normandy in June 1944 would have paled in comparison.
Trouble was only one incident away.
While this tragedy was unfolding, the chief justice and accompanying
lawyers stranded at a lounge at the Karachi Airport stubbornly refused the
administrations offer to the chief justice to use a helicopter to the vicinity

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of the Sindh High Court. What was more important to the lawyers, his
speech at the Sindh High Court or triumphant procession into town?
The MQM should have avoided being politically provoked, this
played into the hands of the opposition. While the anti-government political
parties will shed crocodile tears, they have also raised the ethnic card, a
matter of not only shame but one of national apprehension of initiating a
fresh blood cycle. One must vehemently protest this. The opposition may be
aggrieved at what they took as excesses by the MQM, those shooting back
were not angels. There is moral bankruptcy in trying to trumpet this as
ethnically motivated. For short-term advantage you cannot risk the stability
of the country by raising ethnic and/or racial motivation. This is a deliberate
escalation by our politicians bereft of other ideas. The CJ was meant to be
used by the politicians and he has been.

REVIEW
The events of May 12 re-exposed the worth of rulers Pakistan has
been blessed with. The analysts have described that fairly accurately what
has been revealed during rallies in Karachi and Islamabad. Herein, some acts
of the two men at the top deserve to be recalled.
Standing behind the bullet-proof rostrum, Musharraf indulged in selfdeception by seeing a sea of humanity in front of him. Like all dictators he
was relying upon the head-count, dead or alive, to assess the worth of his
power. Dictators never believe in the heart-count. A passionate human being
would prefer one man welcoming him sincerely rather than a crowd of
thousand people chanting memorized slogans dispassionately.
By asking the MQM to do what it did, he also revealed that like true
dictators he also believed in head-count while slaughtering those who dare
opposing him. He showed no sign of remorse or regret. But, because of this
one act he tumbled from the high stature of president and chief of army staff,
to the level of Altaf Hussain, a fugitive criminal, perhaps even much lower
than that.
The inquiry ordered to probe into the debacle of Pakistan cricket
teams defeat in World Cup found that it was due to Inzimams dictatorial
attitude. If a dictator like Inzi can spoil so much, one can imagine what kind

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of damages a real dictator like Musharraf would has caused to date; but who
will find that out and when?
Shaukat Aziz visited a hospital in Karachi and like efficient bankcashier disbursed cash, for a change not across the counter but standing
beside the bed of an injured man. One could have only wished that one of
the wounded persons had asked him: Where were you and what were you
doing when he and hundreds of others like him were being targeted by
terrorists operating under the protection of law enforcers.
But, the shrewd MQM hosts of Prime Minister must have catered for
such an embarrassing encounter. They must have selected the wounded very
carefully and most of them must have been the innocent workers of the
MQM; to prove partys victim-hood and also allowing the Prime Minister to
commend their acts while distributing cash rewards. If Musharraf could
degenerate to the level of Altaf Hussain why cant Shaukat.
During the visit he also praised the police and the Rangers for doing
wonderful job on 12th May, while the entire nation criticized them for not
performing their duty of maintaining law and order. What does this odd
exception mean? Clearly, he was appreciating them for obeying the orders of
the MQM in letter and spirit.
Surely, the people of Pakistan would like to get rid of such rulers
imposed upon them. One way to get rid of them is to make them coach of
the cricket team turn by turn and send them to tour the islands of West Indies
while hiring the services of someone to do the needful.
One of the accusations hurled by the offenders implicates the CJP,
particularly his refusal to travel by helicopter. The question is would the
trouble that had started before his arrival subsided if he had flown to SHC by
helicopter? The record and psyche of the MQM tells that it would have
added to the arrogance of Urdu-speaking terrorists.
The MQM has also blamed political parties and other linguistic
groups for the bloodshed. There was no doubt that the opponents of the
MQM would exercise the right to defend or retaliate. Living in the land
infested by beasts, these people could not risk coming out unprepared and
they did not; yet the beasts took the toll they wanted to before the victims
could retaliate.

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The cunning leadership of the MQM had anticipated that and had
decided to collect the evidence to implicate them. They sent cameramen to
every trouble spot and the evidence so collected is now available with every
leader and spokesman of the MQM.
The events of 12th May have proved beyond any doubt that
maintenance of law and order was not the priority of the MQM government;
instead it took all the steps to create chaotic conditions to stop the CJP from
coming out of airport. They did it successfully.
The arrogance of MQM leaders remains intact. They refuse to accept
any wrong doing on their part, except the attack on Aaj TV. The pattern of
events that followed the attack explains the reason behind this odd
exception. An apology was rendered to Aaj TV immediately, but all other
heinous acts were denied or ignored altogether. Most importantly, Musharraf
graciously agreed to be interviewed by Talat Hussain like Kamran Khan.
The dictator and his allies seemed fully aware of the importance of
electronic media.
They can rejoice over short-term gains but they will certainly regret in
the long run. Had the CJP been allowed to move around as per his
programme, he would have only repeated what he achieved in Peshawar and
Lahore, but peoples hatred for the rulers after killings could have been
avoided. MQMs act of stopping him from getting out of the airport by
resorting to bloodshed has damaged its cause more than hundred rallies of
the CJP could have done.
The analysts have unanimously proposed that disarming is the only
way to restore peace in mini Pakistan. Under the prevalent environments no
one will surrender arms voluntarily and in case of MQM it can be said that
this militant ethnic group will not give up arms even if normalcy returns.
During a discussion on a TV channel a participant suggested that the
solution to the Karachis woes lies in making it weapon-free. Farooq Sattar
reacted spontaneously and said first the rest of the country should be made
weapon-free. This showed that MQM is in no mood to give up arms and at
the same time its leadership fully understands that the federal government
cannot risk doing it by force as it would paralyze the port city for quite some
time and Pakistan cannot afford that even for a week.

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To conclude, a few words about the equation of discipline and

dissent. People working in various government departments have expressed
their dissent over the official policy in the ongoing judicial crisis; even some
politicians in Kings own party have found it difficult to digest blatant
terrorism perpetrated in Karachi on 12th May.
The astonishing exception, perhaps not so astonishing, has been the
army, particularly its higher hierarchy or senior commanders. They have set
an extraordinary example of military discipline. The question is, should the
discipline cause the demise of the conscience?
The perpetration of terrorism in which innocent people were killed has
failed to breach the wall built around their conscience in the name of
discipline. There could be another reason. It is worth exploring that how
many Urdu-speaking Generals had been holding the senior posts in the army
during entire period of Musharraf era. The figures would reveal awesome
realities.
20th May 2007

CLASH WITHIN III

Charge of the Enlightened Brigade against Lal Masjid and its
seminaries continued. Media led the charge. The government, however, for
its own reasons decided to defuse the issue for the time being using the ploy
of dialogue. The enlightened section of civil society accused the
government of appeasement.
Shujaat Hussain, for a change without the help of the sentence
completer, held talks with Lal Masjid administration and came close to
resolving almost all the issues. Astonishingly, the leader of the ruling party

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failed to secure implementation of the agreed points and CDA was blamed
for that.
In fact, the government while negotiating did not stop harassing the
people of Lal Masjid and its seminaries. The clerics of the Mosque
apprehended mischief from the government and on 18 th May got hold of four
police officials who were keeping watch on the Mosque in civvies; two of
them were released next day.
The kidnapping and subsequent detention of police officials rang
alarm bells particularly for the Enlightened Brigade and the media. They
once again cried hoarse for crackdown against the obscurantist mullas, but
the government refrained from carrying out any operation. The situation
improved, at least temporarily, when Lal Masjid administration released the
remaining police officials.

EVENTS
On 29th April Mushtaq Alvi reported that normalcy was returning fast
in and around Lal Masjid after dialogue with the government. Nilofar
resigned as Chairperson of the Womens Wing of the PML-Q, citing
pressure of work as the reason.
Shakeel Anjum collected some more information about Aunty
Shamims business by interviewing the affected girls. The Aunty used to
exploit young women in search of a job under economic compulsions. She
strictly adhered to day time business hours so that girls could come out of
their homes without being suspected/questioned by anyone. The business
remained closed on Sunday and after 12:00 oclock on Friday.
The young women were exploited by Aunty who kept 70 percent of
their earnings allowing them to retain only 30 percent. Yet one of the women
said that this is very paying occupation in Islamabad. One can earn millions
in few months.
She enjoyed full protection of Aabpara police as she greased the right
palms. She was never touched by law enforcers despite several complaints
lodged by neighbours and others. No one dared to touch Aunty Shamim and
police used to inform in advance if there was any chance of a raid.

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Aunty Shamim accused the girls of Jamia Hafsa of launching a

campaign of malicious propaganda against her. She alleged that the women
who revealed information about her business were actually the students of
the seminary pretending to be the exploited women. She also denied
separately that she was writing a book.
The dialogue with Lal Masjid administration resulted in about threeweek lull. During this period following developments took place. Imam-eKaaba decreed that Lal Masjid can only advise government for
implementation of Shariah. Talks between Shujaat and Lal Masjid
administration concluded with positive note to implement all agreed points.
Later, Lal Masjid administration accused the government of delaying tactics.
Two women ministers visited Jamia Hafsa and announced that they saw no
weapons inside the seminary.
On 18th May, the things flared up again. Lal Masjid students
kidnapped four police officials, two each of Bahra Kahu and Sihala police
stations, from a police post in Islamabad and held them at the seminary. The
Lal Masjid demanded release of their 15 persons held by police and
intelligence agencies. Police agreed to release four of them on bail.
Maulana Abdul Aziz in Friday sermon blasted Altaf Hussain for
suggesting military operation against the female students of Jamia Hafsa,
while he himself was hiding away from the entire nation, and urged the
masses to rise up against all the evil and vice. By cursing MQMs Imam
Khomeini, Maulana was risking wrath of his younger brother. Meanwhile,
Nilofars four-say absence from her office led to rumours that she might
have resigned; or she might have proceeded on another adventure trip.
On 19th May, Lal Masjid administration released two police officials
and the government reciprocated by freeing four students of Jamia Fareedia
on bail. Next day, tensions mounted as the authorities assembled thousands
of police and Rangers for action against Lal Masjid. However, the law
enforcers dispersed after midnight. It was claimed that district commissioner
had successfully defused the situation but, probably the secrecy of the
operation had been compromised.
Students of Jamia Fareedia detained three policemen on 21st May for
three hours and released them as police assembled for action. Prime Minister
deplored unruly behaviour of clerics of Lal Masjid.

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Next day, President and Prime Minister discussed options over Lal
Masjid standoff. Negotiations continued for release of two police officials
and 11 men of Lal Masjid seminaries. Government denied setting any
deadline and Maulana Aziz hinted at release of detained persons soon.
On 24th May, Lal Masjid management freed ASI Aurangzeb and
Constable Jahangir after their families approached students of the seminary
and made passionate appeals for their release. The government welcomed
their release but said that it had not requested for it.

COMMENTS
Critics of the Lal Masjid stuck to their guns and wanted destruction of
this eye-sore in the city of enlightened civil society. Shaharyar Khan
Baseer from London wrote, the Lal Masjid incident is a disgrace for the
people who are taking part in it I am shocked that the government has
allowed this to go on till now The structures that are built on the
government plot should be demolished overnight.
The government should take care not to extend this threat any further
as this is already emboldening these people to commit other crimes and
encourage other people to think that they can get away with things if they
employ women as a strike force or threaten Pakistan on FM radio.
Imaan Hazir from Islamabad opined, the menace of Talibanization
has sprawled from Afghanistan to the tribal areas of Pakistan and then to the
rest of the areas including the capital Islamabad. This menace is growing
day by day and no measures have been adopted to contain it.
Enlightened kept harping that Islam wasnt even in the scheme of twonation theory. Khalid Khan from Bajaur Agency said: Pakistan seems to be
moving nowhere. How long is this Lal Masjid issue going to go on for? As it
is, the citizens are getting restless and are starting to severely dislike the
governments intentions, but apparently the government doesnt care. The
mullahs think that they can implement Shariah when it wasnt even in
the plan for Pakistan. Jinnah made this country and never did he even once
state that Shariah was to be implemented.
No opportunity was missed to demonize Lal Masjid; even Charsada
suicide attack was used as a pretext. The News wrote, Pakistan continues to
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pay the price of rising extremism and unchecked Talibanization and there is
no better proof than Saturdays massive suicide attack in Charsada which
targeted the interior minister. It also has to be said that much of the blame
for this lies at the governments doors since it seems either unwilling or
unable to take on the forces of extremism and intolerance in the country,
often ending up appeasing them.
Close to the federal governments power base is the Lal Masjid
and Jamia Hafsa issue. The cleric running the mosque and the principal of
the Jamia in public threatened to send suicide bombers if the government
were to take action against them, all the while claiming considerable support
in this from FATA. And what did the federal government do? Nothing.
In the past, even the attack on the then Karachi corps commander
(and currently the army vice-chief) was linked to militants in Waziristan
(specially to Mehsuds comrade Nek Mohammad) and even the Lal Masjid
clerics has publicly claimed support and connections in Waziristan, this
is the same region where the government has in one place secured a deal
with local tribesmen and militants so it would be fair then to ask Islamabad
what kind of a deal is this which is unable to prevent frequent attacks against
its own senior functionaries The moral of the tale is that as long as the
government keeps on appeasing the extremists and the obscurantist, as long
as it is unable to stand up and resist growing Talibanization and intolerance
in the country, the atmosphere prevailing in Pakistan will be ideal for such
attacks to occur again and again.
Shireen M Mazari also joined the chorus. It appears that the state has
chosen to appease Jamia Hafsa-Lal Masjid extremists by giving in to
many of their demands. Even more worrying, because the state is now
clearly unable to protect the ordinary citizen against the violence and
extortionist threats of the extremists, this minority has already achieved its
goal of forcing the citizenry into submission. If anything, the state
functionaries are going out of their way to appease the Jamia Hafsa-Lal
Masjid combine even as they become ever more daring in their terrorization
of the public at large.
The ultimate absurdity has come in the form of a statement by the
SSP of Islamabad that the police will now rid society of social evils. The job
of the police is to enforce the law of the land and protect the citizens given
their record of ineptitude, the citizenry can only look at their new role of
moral policing with horror and fear. In any case, why is it that only now the
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SSP has awakened to the fact of illegal operations in the city of brothels
and gambling dens?
There is also an insidious campaign through the internet which seeks
to play the sectarian card, with many journalists, editors, analysts and some
politicians being vilified especially those who have been in the forefront of
the protests against the illegal actions of the obscurantist. The diatribes and
abuse are so intense and full of hatred that they may appear to be the work of
madmen to be ignored, but this is a most dangerous development and many
unsuspecting or vulnerable people in our amidst could be converted to a
violent course.
In the present environment, where is the enlightened moderation
that was a cornerstone of President Musharrafs political creed, which
touched a chord in civil society but also raised expectations the Jinnahs
vision of Pakistan would finally come to fruition in terms of a liberal,
tolerant and moderate Muslim polity? One finally thought the nightmares of
the Zia legacy of sectarianism, religious obscurantism and intolerance would
finally be put to rest, having lingered on in the compromises Ms Bhutto
made with the extremists how can one forget the advisor from a now
banned sectarian group in the Punjab and Nawaz Sharifs efforts at the
same in parliament which had led to the resignation of Mr Kasuri. But it
seems the brute force of the obscurantist tends to win over the mainstream of
civil society as far as the state is concerned.
The Enlightened vehemently opposed any dialogue with clerics for
amicable solution. K Aziz from Islamabad wrote: The Lal Masjid mullahs
are what they are, but why all this appeasement on the part of the
government. People have been at a loss here; the government, as a
precaution, has been arresting those who might stage rallies, but it
holds talks with those who have indulged in outright criminal
activities.
Arif Jamal opined: The government has condoned all the illegal
and criminal acts of the clerics and their followers. Now they can carry
on their agenda with impunity. The governments surrendering to the two
clerics would go a long way to influence the course of Pakistans history
because the two clerics and their followers are no ordinary mullahs.
It seems that Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain has emerged as the
Islamists face the government with the passage of time. On several
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occasions in the past, he pressed the government to change its policies in

favour of the Islamists demands such as the addition of a religion column
in the machine readable passports a couple of years ago.
It looks like the Lal Masjid clerics do not want peace, but why is the
state not acting the way sovereign states do in such situations? The answer to
this question will throw light on the course of events in the coming months
and years. The chain of events in the last three months has shown that a
powerful part of the establishment, if not the entire state apparatus, is
firmly behind the two brothers. They do want to strengthen the jihadist
forces in order to retrieve the strategic depth of Afghanistan and the jugular
vein of Jammu and Kashmir.
The agreement has indirectly sanctified tens of thousands of
mosques built on stolen plots of land across the country. Even a faint hope
of retrieving stolen state land has disappeared with this agreement. It will
encourage young clerics to steal more state land and build their palatial
houses in the name of mosques.
The process of Afghanistan in the Pakistani state is already taking
place as the big and small warlords like the two clerics of Lal Masjid are
emerging across the country. Some people are already talking of the
inevitable Islamist revolution in the country. If this happens in any shape,
future historians will describe the Jamia Hafsa affair as the beginning of it.
Pir Shabbir Ahmad from Islamabad opposed the decision to rebuild
the razed mosques. It was recently reported in the national press that
Chaudhry Shujaat has assured the Lal Masjid administration that the
demolished mosques will be built. There was another report that the
respectable Chaudhry has asked the CDA administration to quickly rebuild
the demolished mosques.
These news reports raise many questions. (1) Whose money will
be used to rebuild the demolished mosques? If the tax payers money is
going to be used, then I object vehemently to this. Why should our money be
used to rebuild mosques of a particular fiqah which preaches violence,
including suicide attacks? (2) Where will the demolished mosques be built?
If they are going to be built on their original premises, then why were they
demolished in the first place? (3) These mosques were reportedly
demolished because they had been built unlawfully on green belts or other
government land not meant for this purpose. Therefore if they going to be
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rebuilt in the same place the original violation of constructing mosques

illegally on green belts would end up being condoned.
The News equated dialogue with appeasement. According to reports,
the latter (Shujaat) is now apprehensive that the deal he had brokered with
the Lal Masjid and Jamia Hafsa administrations may fail because, according
to him, the Capital Development Authority may not fulfill its part of the
bargain by indulging in delaying tactics. This is quite incredible, not least
because the chief of ruling party seems to be shifting the entire blame
for the Lal Masjid-Jamia Hafsa fiasco on to the government instead of at
least acknowledging the highly disruptive and negative role played by the
two seminaries in compromising the law and order situation in the federal
capital
According to the deal brokered by the PML-Q chief and clerics, the
CDA was to rebuild the seven demolished mosques at the locations from
where they had been razed reportedly for being built on encroached land.
The CDAs position seems to be that the mosques may be rebuilt at
alternative sites which is still better than the appeasement carried out by
the PML-Q chief, who seems to have wholeheartedly caved into the clerics
by acceding to their unjustified demands.
The PML-Q chiefs assurance that according to the deal, the Lal
Masjid clerics will stop the moral policing being carried out by their
students needs to be taken with a pinch of salt. Recent experience
strongly suggests that extremists often tend to go back on their word, and
hence it should not come as a surprise that in his Friday sermon the Lal
Masjid khateeb made an appeal to ulema all over the country to hold protests
rallies and demonstrations to stamp out obscenity and vulgarity. He even
objected strongly against mobile companies saying that they should be taken
to task because they were instruments in the spread of this culture of
permissiveness.
The question that in fact should be asked of the PML-Q chief is why
he promised the Lal Masjid clerics that the CDA would rebuild the seven
demolished mosques at exactly the same location. What was the point then
razing them in the first place given that the government had taken the
defence that this was done because they were built on encroached land
owned by the state.

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Shireen M Mazari agreed. While the issue has been sidelined in the
face of judicial crisis and the Karachi melee, the Jamia Hafsa-Lal Masjid
combine have become a fortified no-go area in the heart of the capital. While
the government has been conceding point after illegal point of these fascists,
the latter merely keep upping the ante. Clearly, all commitment to
enlightenment and moderation, on which so many of us had our hopes, has
been lost sight of in the wake of the challenge by the terrorists of Jamia
Hafsa-Lal Masjid.
Sana Shamsher Ali from Karachi complained of complacence on the
part of the government. I am quite perplexed about one particular aspect of
the whole Lal Masjid issue. Islamabad is the capital and the government
has so many intelligence agencies working for it, all based there. So how
come they did not know about this revolution? According to my
information preparations had been going on for the last six months. What
was government doing when these madressahs were being built and when
they expanded?
M S Hasan from Karachi drafted a charge sheet against rulers on
behalf of the followers of cult called Enlightened Moderation. Religious
extremism, appeasement of the militant mullahs, political expediency, covert
alliance of the current ruling alliance with the conglomerate of religious
parties, reluctance or inability of the ruling junta to confront and tackle
extremists head on are truly the engine for the unchecked spread of
extremism and acts of terrorism. As aptly said, how a government that
cannot even control a bunch of stick wielding misguided Talibat, would
confront the heavily armed Taliban, eradicate extremism and fight terrorism?
It is beyond an incapacitated and lame duck government, imprisoned
and shackled by its own cloak and dagger gamesmanship, motivated by
political and personal expediencies to take on its own B Team.
He also had a charge against Musharraf. While addressing the faculty
and students of the College of Electrical and Mechanical Engineering, The
president is reported to have said that the matter of the judicial reference
against the suspended chief justice, he stood for the state. With profound
and due apologies, the president is wrong.
As far as the assertion that he stood for the state is concerned, one
may be constrained to ask the president that where is he with regards to
establishing the writ of the state, ending the illegal occupation of public

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property, confronting the extremists and the misguided students of Lal

Masjid and Jamia Hafsa?
NGOs also found themselves in the line of fire. Ahmed Zaheer from
Islamabad wrote, in the recent weeks, some foreign funded NGOs have
raised lot of hue and cry over the governments supposed inability to enforce
its writ on the girl students of Jamia Hafsa in Islamabad. On the other hand,
when the government banned a stage drama in Lahore that denigrated the
wearing of the burqa (which incidentally has been a part of our culture for
many centuries); these same NGOs participated in the screening of this
drama thus completely ignoring the legal ban. It seems NGOs are not
interested in imposing the writ of the government per se but only in
forcing it on those whom they dislike.
The Enlightened were in no mood to compromise, but the government
seemed lacking will to take stern action. Sardar Ali Aman from Chitral
observed: These days the assertive minister from Lal Haveli and the
formidable administrator-cum-mujahid of Lal Masjid are holding the
nation on tenterhooks. The former is continually making off-the-cuff
remarks about a possible deal between Mohtrama Benazir Bhutto and Pervez
Musharraf. His statements have put the ruling coalition especially the turncoats on high-alert. However, the educated and more aware sections of
society call it a Havelian bluff.
The latter, the self-proclaimed reformer is intent on enforcing his
brand of Sharia by means of danda (sticks). He has openly challenged the
writ of the state. The government, with its back to the wall, has no will to
face the situation. Needless to say, Zias boomerang has returned in
Musharrafs era and struck civil society with full force.
S M H Bokhari urged the government to act immediately and evict the
mullah and their students from their abode. A black brigade has of late
surfaced in Islamabad and created a stir in the nation. It has hit the
world headlines and done incalculable damage to the moderate image of
Pakistan. It is composed of 3,500 burqa-clad stick-wielding women of Jamia
Hafsa.
Two main demands of the clerics are enforcement of Shariah and
reconstruction of the razed seminaries on the original sites. Their
pronouncements are a negation of Quaids vision of Pakistan. The

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violent activities of their followers pose a direct challenge to the presidents

agenda of enlightened moderation.
Jaish-e-Muhammad leader Mufti Adul Rauf and his activists have
reportedly joined Lal Masjid (denied by JM) to confront any armed
operation by the security forces. Jaish is considered to be the pioneer of
suicide bombings in the region. Despite the denial of the report the General
deemed its mention necessary to highlight the threat of suicide bombing.
The governments inept handling of the situation and its policy of
appeasement has emboldened the clerics who have become stubborn and
rigid. Not satisfied with Chaudhry Shujaats efforts, the principal of Jamia
Hafsa has asked Musharraf to come to the seminary. She has assured him of
his safety in the Jamia.
A few pertinent questions come to ones mind. One, Islamabad is a
well-planned modern metropolis with proper allocation of spaces for
community services and places of religious worship. Why have the
seminaries mushroomed in every nock and cranny of the federal capital?
Two, there is no dearth of seminaries in the country. Why do these students
come to Islamabad when it is more convenient for them to go to the nearest
seminary? Three, if it was intended to have seminaries in Islamabad, why
was a separate enclave away from the main population centre not earmarked
for this purpose? Four. Why have the ministries of religious affairs and the
ministry of education been so compliant in laying down a policy for
establishment of seminaries? Five, why has the CDA been turning a blind
eye towards their unchecked growth? Six, why does no policy exist
regarding the province-wise allocation of seats in the seminaries? The
majority of madressah students in Islamabad are from remote areas of
NWFP. Seven, what is the source of funding of these seminaries? It needs
considerable money to house, clothe and buy books for nearly 20,000
students.
The Mullah Brothers seem to be more concerned about the
retention of precious real estate that they and their followers are illegally
occupying in the heart of Islamabad. They blackmail the government any
time from this vantage point which is only minutes away from the
parliament and the presidency. They are exploiting religious sentiments of
imprudent extremist elements to protect their personal interests. They are
using misguided students as human shields for this purpose. They have set

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up a fortress of defence around Lal Masjid and the area has become a nogo area.
Enough time has been wasted in finding a peaceful solution to this
menace. The civil society is fed up with the governments inaction and its
policy of appeasement. It is being misunderstood by the clerics as the
governments weakness. No further time should be lost in firmly dealing
with them and getting the premises vacated. The Lal Masjid
administration should be changed and the two mullahs removed from their
positions. And, enroll the retired general to fill one of the two vacancies so
created.
Adil Najam viewed the situation while sitting in the US. To the
outside observer, the images coming from Jamia Hafsa and Lal Masjid in the
Federal Capital, the unending armed occupation of a childrens library in
Islamabad, and daily news reports of local Taliban burning music CDs,
harassing shop owners, and intimidating citizens are far more frightening
than scenes of processions in support of a beleaguered chief justice.
Indeed, the one thing even more frightening is the general sense of
acceptance with which the government, the media and the public seems to
have internalized this radicalization: as if this militant fundamentalism right
at the centre of the Capital in nothing more serious than a minor irritant;
something that is not comfortable, but can be accommodated; unfortunate,
but not really important.
There are those who argue that the passivity of the governments
reaction is merely a tactic of distraction. It may well be. But if so, it
seems not to be working. Domestically, it has failed miserably in
distracting public attention the public and the media are more glued to the
chief justice debacle than ever. Internationally, it has placed the government
in a double bind General Musharraf is being seen not only as being
incapable of controlling religious militants but is now seen as
accommodating them.
Asad Suleman from Islamabad opined that instead of rejecting the
demands of the clerics out rightly one must ponder over these
dispassionately. The sudden rise of a number of madressah students
demanding a ban on DVDs and calling for implementation of Sharia seems
rather comical at first. And given the sensitive atmosphere prevailing
worldwide after 9/11, it actually seems absurd that such a call has been made
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when the country is going through all sorts of crises ranging from the war on
terror to the CJ saga. So, the question is, how should we respond to these
people?
While we need to clarify the implementation of Sharia does not only
mean a ban on CDs, we need to look at the basis of the entire issue. Muslims
believe Islam to be a complete system. They also know that Sharia attempts
to organize human affairs and provides an entire framework to run a society.
Instead of questioning the demands of this handful of clerics, why dont
we ourselves ponder over the Islamic teachings to seek solutions to all
sorts of problems that we are currently facing? Why dont we do research to
see how Islam can be actually implemented in this day and age? Pacifying
the Jamia Hafsa students is not the issue here; it is clearly the
implementation of Sharia.
Kamila Shamsie observed that neither Hafsa girls nor those protesting
against them represent majority of Pakistani women. The ninjas; the burqa
brigade; the women in black, for some years now Ive been hearing such
terms thrown around with disdain by burqa-unfriendly sections of Pakistani
society to describe the women who swathe themselves entirely in black. The
terms are disparaging, but until recently they were a joke, not invested with
the property of fear invoked by the ninjas male counterparts: the beards, the
fundos, the jihadis. In the few weeks, all that has changed.
The gendered nature of the commentary about the Jamia Hafsa
students cuts across many sections of society from the radio DJ who,
tongue firmly in cheek, declared the theme of his show of girl power in
honour of the ladies of Jamia Hafsa, to the highly respected journalist
deploying the phrase chicks with sticks, to the head of Jamaat-ud-Dawa
opposing the students actions on the grounds that it is un-Islamic for women
to take a leadership position, to General Musharraf dismissing the vigilantes
as misguided women which seems to suggest that they wouldnt or
couldnt behave as they were doing if not for someone else (presumably
male) guiding their actions.
Its easy to think of the paragliding minister and a burqa-clad
militant as opposite poles of Pakistans complex pictures of womanhood.
Newspapers have taken to juxtaposing oppositional photograph in support
of this thesis: a tracksuit-wearing female athlete with a javelin beside stickwielding women in black; a bare-headed, short-sleeved female protester
holding up a sign saying No to extremism. Yes to music taking the front265

page space given the previous day to more stick-wielding women in black
(the photographs of the JH students are taken from different angles, in
different places, but are ultimately always the same photograph).
The more complicated truth is that the real opposite are the women
who appear on the front pages and those who dont appear anywhere at all,
except in a small column tucked away inside, detailing a story of a woman
raped, a woman killed for honour, a woman stoned alive. Obscured
women in Pakistan are a metaphor to a greater extent than they are a literal
presence.
Small wonder, then, that when they enter the public sphere with any
gesture of defiance be it progressive or regressive their femaleness
attracts particular attention. Women should stay tucked away in the local
news section of newspapers, is the implicit message of all this gendered
scrutinizing; to behave otherwise is simply not appropriate.
Dr Masooda Bano had a rational and realistic view of the issue. The
actions of the students of Jamia Hafsa and the leaders of Lal Masjid remain
the focus of serious criticism in the media. They are being criticized for
violating other peoples liberties by trying to impose their own version of
Islam in the country. Aunty Shamim, an alleged brothel owner in
Islamabad, has in fact gained much sympathy from many. Some people
are actually very afraid. I have been told of incidents where women have
stopped driving because they are fearful of being attacked.
However, being from the same liberal circles, my personal
experience of repeated interviews and visits to Jamia Hafsa and to Abdul
Rashid Ghazi, do not support this fearful image. And after seeing others
reactions, I repeatedly wonder why. Once inside the madressah, the place
feels to me like any girls college hostel the girls do have a very purist and
strict interpretation of Islam but they make sense in what they say. In
their discussions they peg their actions against the governments own illegal
actions of military operations in tribal belt; the issue of missing people; the
efforts to over modernize the electronic media; and a general breakdown of
the state system where no one can get any work from a government
department without connections. Covered just in their dupattas and not in
their black tunics they joke, they engage with you and appear to be ordinary
college girls with conservative mindset.

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Yet this is not the image they project during their TV interviews.
Increasingly, I think it has a lot to do with their dressing. All covered up
and that too in jet black they give a much more militant image than they do
when you see them in ordinary colourful clothes inside the madressah. On
one of my visits to the madressah I attended a function The madressah
students were dressed up as Musharraf, as Ejazul Haq and other ministers, as
media representatives, and were carrying out numerous skits on how the
government and the media is engaging the Jamia Hafsa. Interestingly, the
skits openly ridiculed Musharrafs and Sheikh Rasheeds inclination for
members of the opposite sex.
Again the whole event was such a strong reminder of the kinds of
things one saw in normal colleges of Pakistan. Similarly, having conducted
interviews with madressahs all across the country for over two months now,
when one meets Abdul Rasheed Ghazi he definitely is not a hatemongering fundamentalist. One has many more conservative ulema
around. He is a very easy to access, gives you time and is well informed of
modern world realities.
What puzzles me a lot after these interactions is as to why Jamia
Hafsas public image is much more militant than when you visit the place in
person? I have actually been told by people that you have a lot of courage to
go inside this madressah which surprises me given its peaceful atmosphere.
Why the Ghazi brothers tried to create a very militant image of themselves
more than what they really are when you visit them in person can be
understood in two ways. One, if it is actually an agency operation then it
makes sense because the agencies want to give a very militant image and
they will ask the brothers to take very extremist positions. Two, if it is not an
agency operation, which after my many interactions with the madressah
seems more to be the case, then the question is why are the brothers taking
such extreme stances; do they realistically think that they can take on the
government and impose Sharia?
I think that they are taking these extreme actions not to actually
impose Sharia but to safeguard their own right to exist. They believe that the
governments policies have become so negative towards madressahs and
Islam in general that they must show the government and the society that
they have been pushed to the margin so much so that they have no option
left but to resort to extreme measures if the state or society tries to push

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them anymore. And, they have indeed been successful in conveying this
message.
Finally, one reason that I believe might be applicable to them more so
than other colleagues from liberal sections of society is that as a researcher
you dont try to judge the object of your study, you try to understand it.
When I look at Jamia Hafsa, I come to it after visits and interviews in over
70 madressahs across the country. I find that in all these madressahs I
have heard similar concerns about the governments pro-US policies,
attacks in tribal belts, issue of missing people, marginalization of
madressahs and Islam, and an exaggerated push to modernize the media
while as far as they are concerned the country was established in the name of
Islam.
When you see that such a large section of your society actually shares
these concerns then you also realize that demands from the PPP and the
MQM or other sections of society to use force to curb Jamia Hafsa are
unrealistic (but essential to earn favours of the Crusaders). These people
with conservative values are part of your society and they constitute a
big number; the only way to stop the governments blind adherence to the
war on terror policies because these are giving the ulema power to
mobilize a large number of followers.
The dialogue process restored normalcy but only temporarily because
of the lack of sincerity on the part of the government. Shabbir Ahmed Mir
wrote: The existing hype resulted from governments follies; one should
understand that the issue could trigger an upheaval anytime if dealt with
carelessly. Ch Shujaat did what was expected from him but now its the
responsibility of the establishment to take it to its logical end.
It is also now the ethical
what had transpired between
administration be it
mosques/seminaries, reversal
administration or whatever.

responsibility of the government to honour

the political leadership and the Masjid
reconstruction of some dismantled
from the demands by Lal Masjid

The public, however, can no more sustain bloodshed in the country

where (hardliners) politicians egoistic approaches have narrowed down the
possibility of coexistence A fight with arms is not the solution to the
present crisis. Its a table talk, as history proves, which turns out to be
ultimate option for all the armed struggles. So why not try it now?
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The News, however, did not approve of soft approach. This isnt the
first time these self-styled guardians of public morality have taken the law
into their own hands. The students of the mosques associated women
seminary, Jamia Hafsa, had taken two policemen hostage in the past as well
besides three female residents of Islamabad. Things would not have gotten
so bad had the government acted decisively then and taken strong action
against these extremist vigilantes for taking the law into their own hands and
had it not gone about appeasing them by not only agreeing to rebuild the
demolished portions of mosques.
In any civilized country, where rule of law is paramount, such
elements would have landed behind bars long time ago. The
governments excuses that it was not acting against the Lal Masjid clerics
because it was mindful of the fact that there were women inside and perhaps
because of the fallout of any raid on the federal capitals overall law and
order situation are simply not tenable, and if anything only serve to reinforce
the growing perception that the government has deliberately allowed the
situation to continue, perhaps to remind its western allies of the threats that
extremists pose to Pakistan.
As for the Lal Masjid administration, its reason for the hostage drama
this time is that the men were in plain clothes and spying on the mosque.
This does not hold water because the government is justified in believing
that the area around the mosque complex presents a potential law and
order problem and with the past shenanigans of the Jamia Hafsa students
and management in mind, it was only to be expected that the mosque was
being kept under close watch by the government.
The repetition by the Lal Masjid clerics that they reserved their
right to carryout suicide attacks across the country if raided is nothing but
incitement to violence in commission of a terrorist act. All this shows, quite
conclusively, that the governments decision to show patience at the cost
of its own writ was a grave error. The government can to some extent
make amends for that by ensuring that its writ is established this time
around.
Shireen M Mazari agreed with above views. We in Islamabad
continue to be confronted with the growing power of the extremist law
breakers of the Jamia Hafsa-Lal Masjid combine. While for the urban
centres of Pakistan, the extremist terrorism still remains at a distance, for us
in Islamabad, the unreal nightmare continues as we witness the black
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comedy being enacted by the law enforcement personnel and decision

makers in response to the growing challenge thrown to the state by these
extremist terrorist forces.
We have seen the ridiculous scenario being repeated, ad nauseam, of
law enforcement personnel coming in with what is assumed will be an
operation to end the siege of Aabpara by these law breaking extremists and
then we see the forces of the state backing off with no action having been
taken. Meanwhile, the extremist terrorists are becoming even more
emboldened and have directly begun challenging not only the authority and
laws of the state, but also the law enforcement personnel themselves.
The argument of the state that they cannot use force because of the
collateral damage and its fallout is losing its credibility as the extremists
widen the area of their control and operations. The roads around the Jamia
Hafsa have been cordoned off by these fascists and their supporters from the
Jamia Fareedia in E-7 have joined the terrorization of state and society far
beyond the Aabpara area. Tolerance of these law breakers has given them
an upper hand in the standoff with the state.
So cowed down has the citizenry become that barring a few
words of protest by individuals, there was no civil society protest at the
attack by a religious extremist against a woman professor of Quad-i-Azam
University. In days gone by, the teachers association would have held
suitable protests and so would the students supported by WAF and other
societal NGOs; but not so this time. Certainly there is a feeling of frustrated
resignation about the inability of civil society to impact the state with its
peaceful protests.
Instead of blaming the silent majority for frustrated resignation, why
not accept the reality that bulk of the people, who are conservative, reject the
undue hue and cry against Lal Masjid clerics by the members of the cult
called Enlightened Moderation.
But the learned analyst drew favourable assumption and added: As
for an anticipated civil society fallout following civilian collateral damage
from state action, surely the civil society is far more distressed at the way
in which fascist forces can indulge in violence as and when they please
while innocent people are left defenceless.

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We may not have a highly educated and prosperous populace, but we

do have well-budgeted, strong and well-equipped law enforcement
organizations, including paramilitary forces and, of course, one of the most
cohesive and strong national organizations the military. When will they
protect the nation from the forces of fascism and extremist terrorists,
because we have to believe that no one in officialdom can be suicidal
enough to have any truck these forces of hate and destruction? So why is the
mainstream civil society being left to feel under siege with no state
protection? Dr Mazari is demanding this only twelve days after Karachi
carnage in which the government set an example of providing state
protection.
Ahsan Raza Firdousi from Karachi argued: These actions (of clerics)
are only providing the wrong impression to the world about Islam. The
mullahs and students of this madressah have to realize that they are not
doing any service to Islam; in fact they give reasons to our opponents to
castigate our religion.
Ali Khan from D I Khan opined that there were also other menacing
forces to be get rid of. We dont need the maulvis Islam if it doesnt offer
the cure for pains of the poor citizens. We dont need an army that has
contracted out our sovereignty to Americans. We dont need ISI that turns on
its own people in the service of the United States. Our problem is that when
a general or a politician forces his way into the reins of power, the focus of
his activities shifts to legitimizing and consolidating his illegitimate
usurpation of power.
Myra Imran in her report compiled after the visit of two women
ministers tried to give the viewpoint of the condemned party. This weeks
visit to the seminary of two women ministers for talks had yielded no
results. Principal Umme Hassan told The News that Federal Minister of
Women Development and Youth Affairs Sumaira Malik and Minister of
State for Education Anisa Zeb Tahirkheli had a heated debate with the girl
students for more than an hour.
She complained that although they had been told to contact the
Deputy Commissioner Muhammad Ali for various cases they keep
receiving, he cannot be conveniently contacted. We keep calling him up
and he never responds, she remarked.

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Umme Hassan dismissed the impression that they had

discontinued their corrective activities. This is wrong because the male
students still go around markets advising music and video shops not to keep
and sell obscene stuff; letters are regularly distributed among transporters
not play vulgar songs while school managements are asked to adopt Islamic
way of teaching, she said.
Responding to Sumaira Maliks view that Pakistan was an Islamic
state with complete freedom, the girl students said they wanted Islam to be
implemented practically and not just on papers. The girls also called for
amending the womens protection bill.
The minister, who also spoke about the suicide bombings as unIslamic, was told that in their terminology they were called fidai
attacks and they would be carried out only if the government launched an
operation against them.
Umme Hassan alleged that the government was siding with the
Mutahida Quami Movement (MQM) despite the May 12 killings in Karachi.
However, our baton-wielding students were considered a threat and we
were accused of challenging the writ of the government.
Maulana Abdul Rashid Ghazi, one of the brother clerics, wrote: After
his press conferences against Lal Masjid in 2004, Minister for Religious
Affairs Ejazul Haq, is once again in the forefront of a vilification
campaign against the administration of Lal Masjid and Jamia Hafsa in
general and me in particular in a desperate bid to cover up the follies of the
government. With little else to fall back on, the honourable minister is
harking back to and attempting to revive the events of August 2004 which
if facts are considered, were no more than a poorly conceived and ineptly
orchestrated stage-managed drama enacted by the government itself to prove
its worth in the war on terror launched at the behest of America.
In a recent interview with a private TV channel the minister came
upthat it was only because of his kind intervention that I was released
from the custody of the intelligence agencies after I had ostensibly tendered
to the government a written apology and undertaking to refrain from any
such actions in future. Will the honourable minister care to substantiate
his claim and produce my so-called apology/undertaking? Would he like
to clarify why he came to the aid of a suspected terrorist?

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Public memory is proverbially short but not so short as to have erased

the events of August 2004 from the minds of people who are only too well
aware of how the government had to beat a hasty retreat after it landed
itself with egg on the face when its own elaborately constructed drama
flopped and failed to turn the tide of public opinion against Lal Masjid and
its administration of which I am a part.
Since the minister of religious affairs is continuing to flog a dead
horse and remains unwilling to stop leveling false allegations against Lal
Masjid/Jamia Hafsa and indulging in character assassination attempt against
me, it has become necessary to clear up the misconceptions he and his ilk are
trying to create in the minds of the people.
Lal Masjid in no ordinary place of worship. Its position, according to
the traditions of Islam, is that a nucleus around which the life of the
community revolves. Affiliated with Lal Masjid is a Darul Ifta where
people come to seek guidance and help in resolving their personal and
collective problems and social issues afflicting their lives. Daily, scores of
fatwas are issued by a full fledged panel of muftis of Darul Ifta solely in the
light of the Quraan and Sunnah and without fear and favour to anyone.
When the Wana operation was in full swing in 2004, a retired colonel
of the Pakistan Army approached the Darul Ifta with a written request for a
fatwa regarding the Sharia perspective on the army waging a war on the
tribal people. In line with its set principles, a fatwa based on the solid
support drawn from the Quraan and Sunnah was issued by Darul Ifta. The
fatwa declared the killing of its own people by a Muslim army as haram.
This fatwa marked the beginning of the crisis which having taken various
twists and turns still keep persisting.
This touched the raw nerve of the government whose wrath
descended upon Maulana Abdul Aziz, head of Darul Ifta and me. At first,
pressure was brought to bear upon us by the government functionaries
(including the ISI) to withdraw the fatwa. No amount of reasoning that a
fatwa was not like an official notification which could be withdrawn on
anyones whim and fancy and that its withdrawal meant denial of the
injunctions of the Quraan and Sunnah had any effect. Our inability to
comply with their wishes was taken as defiance and we were threatened with
dire consequences. From then on began a campaign of vilification and
slander and soon it was pronounced by the government that Lal Masjid was
a safe haven for terrorists.
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Blatant violations of human rights by the government reached

all-time high during this period. Disappearances, kidnappings and
abductions by intelligence and other agencies became everyday occurrences.
This was state terrorism at its worst, no one not even army personnel, were
spared. The case of missing persons is now too well known for the
government to offer even a fig leaf of an excuse for the dangerous policy it
has been pursuing to crush opposition in any form or manner to its policies.
The colossal toll in human suffering and their misery was of no
concern to the government, so long as it kept receiving pats on the back, and
sometimes kicks at the backside, by its mentor the US. Families of army
officers and civilians whose near and dear ones were abducted by
intelligence agencies were ruthlessly dealt with until the chief justice of
Pakistan himself was constrained to take suo moto notice of their case.
And we all know what happened to him.
I was in the forefront of those who rose in protest against the blatant
abuse of the fundamental human rights of its own people by the government.
This was another black mark against me in the eyes of the government. No
sooner had I joined the movement in support of the families of the
victims that I began to receive anonymous hate calls and threats to my
life. I never dreamt that a time would come upon this oppressed nation when
to answer to the dictates of ones conscience would be regarded a crime.
The governments policy to give the dog a bad name and hang
him is a dangerous one as it erodes the very foundations of any civilized
society. It involves nabbing anyone without even charging them with an
offence, and using extra judicial detentions, and torture to extract
confessions from a suspect with one sided media trials which permit no
opportunity for defence.
Mr Ejazul Haqs wild allegations against me personally in connection
with the so-called terrorist plot in August 2004 are meant to confound the
Jamia Hafsa episode. Misleading statements of other government
functionaries (including the ulema on its payroll) all have to be seen in the
light of this background scenario. In so far as the specific allegations
against me in the so-called terror plot are concerned, there are too many
holes in the ministers and governments version.
Lal Masjid is surrounded by intelligence agencies at all times. On
August 11, 2004, a young man Usman, who had earlier been introduced to
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me by Javed Ibrahim Paracha, borrowed my car for a short while. The

agencies had been on the lookout for a long time for an excuse to nail me but
had failed to come out with a plausible reason. Usman was obviously tailed
after leaving Lal Masjid with my car. He was waylaid by the agencies and
later booked for his involvement in the so-called terrorist plot to blow
up key installations such as GHQ, the Presidency, Parliament and the
American Embassy simultaneously on August 14. My car being in his
possession at the time provided the agencies with a ready-made excuse to
draw me into the sordid affair.
To this day, however, the government has not been able to prove
anything against me, though this has not deterred the minister and others of
his ilk from carrying on ad nauseum about my involvement in the so-called
terrorist plot. No terrorist with even an iota of common sense, much less the
mastermind behind a plot to carry out a terrorist attack on such a massive
scale as claimed by the authorities, would use or allow his own car to be
used for such an operation and that too with all the identification papers in it
to provide leads back to him.
The faux pas committed by the authorities in their desperation to pin
the aborted terrorist plot on me are just too numerous to be detailed here. But
what is to stop Ejazul Haq and others to continue to commit more and more
of them? The latest and the biggest one which has landed the nation in
the worst crisis of its 60 years of history and has not escaped anyones
notice, of course.
Pir Shabbir Ahmad from Islamabad commented on Maulana Ghazis
article. The Maulana has tried to defend his position with regard to an
incident that occurred in August 2004 when some illicit arms and
ammunition were found in his car. The fact is that had these weapons been
found in an ordinary citizens car, he would have been beaten blue and black
by the agencies before sundown the next day. Or in case they had shown
leniency, the accused would have been instantly converted into a missing
person with his near and dear ones making innumerable and futile
appearances before the Supreme Court.
The problem is that when the members of the ruling coalition party in
one of the provinces openly brandish weapons in their rallies, when the
agencies consider it their birthright to beat journalists, when witnesses
favourable to the chief justice are either killed or arrested, and when people
like Maulana Ghazi take the law in their own hands by arresting civilians
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and policemen at will, these are clear signs that full-scale anarchy is just
around the corner.
The electronic media, at last, thought it wise to broadcast the version
of the condemned party. Maulana Ghazi appeared on Aaj and Geo TV
channels and once again clarified some misperceptions about Lal Masjid
and its seminaries created deliberately or inadvertently.
He said that he was not against driving by women; his own wife
drives a car. He denied that Lal Masjid administration ever threatened to
carry out suicide bombings; in fact, it persuaded some young people who
sought permission for suicide attacks out of sheer desperation.
None of the seven demolished mosques were built on encroached
land; some of them were more than hundred years old. CDAs bye-laws
clearly spell out that during the development the ziarats and mosques wont
be touched. State land, being common property, can be used for building
mosques and madrassas particularly when the state ignores it responsibility
in meeting this essential requirement of a Muslim society.

REVIEW
Despite the provocative attitude of the clerics, it is fair to say that the
critics of Lal Masjid had been harsh and irrational in expressing their
views. No matter how strong critics convictions might be, they should have
avoided being unreasonable to save upon the weight of their argument.
Maybe, in some cases the incentives were too attractive to draw them away
from the logic and rationality.
For example, The News while commenting on the suicide attack in
Charsada dragged Lal Masjid in for no reason other than availing an
opportunity to demonize it. This is unwarranted commitment to the cause of
Enlightenment and ignoring the Moderation altogether. In fact, the only
terror attack which the editor did not link with the Lal Masjid during the
period was the Virginia Tech massacre.
Another irrational comment, surprisingly, came from a learned person
like Dr Mazari. When Bush used the word fascist she had reacted with
typical Baloch ferocity, but now she used the same term for an Imam of a
Masjid. This is not justifiable, no matter how strongly she differs with the
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ideas and approach of the clerics. A glimpse of the real fascism was seen on
the streets of Karachi on May 12.
Almost every critic, driven by the urge to curse mullas, forgot the real
menace posed by Aunty Shamim and her likes. One expected that these
Enlightened should have demanded eradication of this evil, if for nothing
else, at least for controlling HIV/AIDS. But they didnt; simply because
mullas had raised their voice against that.
Incidently, during the period Shabbir Ahmed Mir in his report
published in The News on 9th May asked: are cyber cafes corrupting
teenagers? Had a mulla asked this question, it would have led the
Enlightened Brigade raise the war cries against Talibanization.
Critics were also wrongly claimed that they spoke on behalf of the
majority of the people of Pakistan. Residents of no Goth, no Killi and no
Chak in rural areas and no mohalla, no street and no locality in urban areas
would like an Aunty Shamim running her business of enlightenment in their
neighbourhood. On the other hand, they wont mind having a Jamia Hafsa
amidst them. The clerics of Lal Masjid only made Aunty Shamim repent,
had she been any of the above mentioned neighbourhoods, she would have
regretted being an aunty for the rest of her life.
In fact, aunty of the Enlightened emerged as the sole beneficiary in
this episode. She is now in position to sell her diary without publishing; each
page fetching fortunes far more than the entire book containing diaries of
Field Marshal Muhammad Ayub Khan.
There is no doubt that the government hesitated in carrying out an
operation against the Lal Masjid. The issue was revived to divert attention
from the judicial crisis, but it didnt work. Having its hands full with
problems the government tried to defuse the issue; that too didnt work
because of governments own follies. Its refusal to release men of Jamia
Fareedia led to the kidnapping of four police and rise in tensions.
The government also seemed to be conscious of the fact that demands
of the Lal Masjid clerics are not in conflict with the Constitution or other
laws of the country though their attitude has been embarrassingly
authoritarian. The government was also cognizant of the public sentiment,
which is quite contrary to the cries of the so-called civil society.

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The civil society often referred to by the media is just like the
international community referred frequently by the Crusaders to promote
their interests. For example, the kidnapping of Aunty Shamim did not
provoke the government to take stern action against the kidnappers,
because their action was in consonance with social values practiced by
majority of Pakistans conservative society.
Moreover, Shamim was merely a part time aunty of the Enlightened;
had she been the whole-time aunty, the Mullas would have certainly landed
in Adiala Jail if not in Gitmo facility. The governments weakness in the
context of the fatwa issued by Darul Ifta in 2004 also came in its way to act
firmly and justifiably against the clerics.
The secret of clerics resiliance lied in belief and conviction in
righteousness of their cause. They have been shrewd in adopting aggressive
posture which scared some weakhearted Enlightened. They also maintained
ambiguity about suicide bombings, knowing well that those warring against
terrorism were very scared of this form of attack. However, presently they
seemed to have no intention of carrying out suicide attacks. But by acting
irrationally the government might force them to resort to this; just as the
holy warriors have done it in Afghanistan and Iraq.
Lal Masjid administration released the remaining two police officials
on the request of their families. The Islamic fascists have displayed respect
and regard for the feelings and sentiments emanating from human bonds.
This was not something unusual from imams of a mosque; even hardened
criminals too show such response at times.

But this cannot be expected from the law enforcers as there is no room
for such feelings and sentiments when the State law is enforced by the book.
Similar is the case when the rulers decide to establish their writ as was
done in Karachi recently.

25th May 2007

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HELMET vs WIG
ROUND VIII KEPT ECHOING
On May 12, MQM defended the sovereignty of its state and
established its writ emphatically by blunting the invasion led by the CJP and
suppressing its political opponents. The ruthlessness, with which it was
done, however, has sown the seed of revolt by Pakistanis inhabiting
Karachi against the Urdu-speaking rulers the new-found state.

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The brave commando has categorically identified himself with MQM

defending the heinous acts of the party and by accusing the CJP, opposition
parties and media. By doing so he has slumped from the high status of the
president and army chief to lowly position of Altaf Hussain; the bhathacollecting dadageer.
The commission and condoning of criminal act of May 12 have added
the elements of hate and anger for the criminals to the existing sympathy for
the CJP providing boost to the ongoing movement. The people of Pakistan
saw the ugly face of MQM and expressed their disgust with desire and intent
to rein in the monster.

EVENTS
On 20th May, Asfandyar and Achakzai demanded that the president
and the governor should apologize for Karachi carnage. Sherry Rehman held
MQM responsible for Karachi carnage. Rally against Karachi carnage was
held in Washington.
Opposition parties held rally in Lahore on 21 st May to protest Karachi
carnage; PPP did not participate. PTI slated the government for not probing
the killings in Karachi. A petition was filed in SHC against the Governor
over failing to maintain law and order on 12th May.
A number of MPs attending meeting of PML-Qs Central Committee
spoke on the judicial crisis and Karachi killings. Kabir Wasti and Majid
Malik wanted out of the court settlement of reference issue. Voices were also
raised for early elections, inquiry into Karachi killings and for holding
roundtable conference to cool down the persisting temperature. Zafarullah
Jamali resigned from PML over attitude of the party leadership.
On 22nd May, Zafarullah Jamali boycotted PML-Q meeting and
President invited him for discussion. PML-Q central executive committee
asked the Sindh chief minister to give a befitting welcome to the CJP when
he visits Karachi.
In three-day marathon meeting in London the MQM leadership
decided to get opinion of the party on three options for withdrawing from
ruling alliance. MQM seemed to be resorting to familiar tactics of exploiting

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the weakness of coalition allies. Imran declared that a team of lawyers would
move British Court against Altaf Hussain next month.
On 23rd May, the Governor Sindh initiated a reconciliatory maneouvre
and met Asfandyar and Professor Abdul Ghafoor for restoration of peace in
Karachi. ANP withdrew the call for three-day strike. Minister Durrani hailed
the meetings. Qazi blamed Musharraf for bloodshed in Karachi.
On 24th May, addressing a public gathering at D G Khan Musharraf
set an example of lying in public by alleging that opposition had conspired
to stoke ethnic strife in Karachi. Ishratul Ibad continued his peace offensive
and met Fazlur Rahman and Qaim Ali.
Musharraf reviewed security in Karachi. While appreciating the role
of law enforcement agencies on 12th May he wanted the government to set
up peace committees and make the city arms-free. Arbab Rahim said deweaponization of Karachi is impossible and any inquiry into the events of
12th May would end up politicizing the issue.
Thirty office bearers of MQM resigned in Jamshoro. A petition was
filed in LHC against PML-Q MPA Mian Khalid under the Treason Act for
carrying objectionable banner during Islamabad rally of May 12.
On 26th May, SHC Chief Justice, Sabihuddin Ahmed, took suo moto
notice of May 12 happenings and constituted a seven-member larger bench
to hear the case. The bench issued notices to chief secretary, home secretary,
DG Rangers, IGP, CCPO Karachi, and TPO Sadar Town for May 28. Judges
of Sindh High Court also unanimously decided not to act as acting governor
in the absence of governor and speaker in future.
Sindh government banned Imrans entry into the province after he
reiterated his plan to file a case against Altaf Hussain in England. Activists
of MQM held protest rallies over Imrans blasphemous remarks against
their Imam.
Some of the happenings of May 12 were captured by the TV cameras
and telecast live. But the events that took place in a vast city like Karachi
could not be covered by a few dare-devil teams of TV reporters. The details
of these events, in the form of eye-witnesss account, have started pouring
in; herein excerpts from four reports are reproduced.

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Munir A Malik, who had accompanied the CJP from Islamabad,

narrated the events at airport. We landed in Karachi, 25 of us, at 11:55 am.
As the plane was attached to the satellite, two uniformed people tried to
snatch the CJP and take him from the other side. We formed a ring around
him and started walking briskly towards the arrival lounge. On our way, two
people in plain clothes tried to pull the CJP. Aitzaz stepped in. We took the
CJP to state lounge No 2.
I tried to make contact with president SHCBA to find out about the
arrangements. By this time the cell phones were jammed both inside and
outside the lounge. I had to go down to use a landline. I was told about
lawyers in Malir fired upon and kidnapped at gun-point and the lady lawyers
being abused and beaten up. The president of SHCBA told me to wait there:
We will come and get you.
I came back to the state lounge, while I was speaking to CJP, the
Home Secretary walked in. It was he who told me that cross-firing was
going on in the city. He offered to transport the CJP via helicopter. But the
offer was for CJP alone. We did not accept the offer, more so because some
people had tried to snatch him earlier. The IGP asked us about the route of
CJP but did not agree with what we proposed.
Around 12:30 Registrar SHC met me, he told me about the events in
SHC. He was brought to the airport via helicopter to see what could be done
to bring the CJP. He also told that judges of SHC wanted to receive the CJP
at the airport but all roads were blocked. Then we started getting reports
about people being killed.
Around 5 pm, Kamran Khan contacted me and I mentioned this in his
live programme that the home secretary and IGP were sitting at the airport
when they should be enforcing law and order. On hearing my statement,
they immediately left.
Around this time, an address was going on at the Tibet Centre. The
televisions at the airport were either shut down or showed Star Movies. Now
we could use our phones outside the state lounge No 2. My sim was
jammed Around 6 pm, I was told by a news reporter (of KTN) that a slide
had started running on television about externment orders having been
issued. I said that I cannot be forced to leave because I belong to Karachi.

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We were in constant touch with SHCBA office-bearers because the

invitation was for 6:30 pm. They told us that they will fetch us if the
situation improves. At that point we heard the announcement that PK 308
was ready for boarding. Aitzaz took leave of CJP because he had to prepare
for Mondays hearing.
Around 8 pm, two police officers came to the first floor and
approached me. They handed over twelve externment orders including one
for ARY reporter. We were 25 in all. We told them that we would leave as a
team. The externment order said that we will stay away from the province of
Sindh for thirty days, Asma Jehangir asked the police officer that Munir A
Malik cannot be asked to leave, he said, we have orders for his protective
custody. When she told this to the CJP he asked me to accompany him back
to Islamabad.
The above gives brief account of the plight of the guests who
remained confined in the state lounge of the Jinnah Terminal. The plight of
the hosts was far worse as could be seen from the report compiled by Jamal
Khurshid.
The city was portraying two pictures on May 12. On one side there
was complete calm, on the other total fear. There was no restriction on free
movement, freedom of assembly and speech for the participants of the
moderate ruling coalition partner. Neither did the home department extend
any warning to the organizers of this rally about violence nor were they
asked to postpone the rally.
Seeing the MQM rally, nobody could claim that the writ of the
government wasnt established in the city. The situation was, however,
different for the legal fraternity, as well as for opposition political parties
that wanted to welcome the CJP at Quad-e-Azam International Airport.
The night of May 11 and 12 was a witness to a violation of all
assurances extended by the government and its high ups to the legal
fraternity for security during arrival of chief justice in Karachi. The city
courts, Malir District Court, and High Court were virtually being ruled and
governed by people who were neither in police uniform nor moved in
official vehicles.
In Malir District Bar, where the chief justice was to address first after
arrival in Karachi, lawyers were attacked by armed gunmen. One lawyer lost

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his life while several others were injured in this attack. Entering the High
Court or city courts was not an easy task. They were tortured and
manhandled by miscreants who took position outside the premises of the
city courts. Even women lawyers were not spared and were manhandled.
Several judges had to reach SHC by foot due to barricades placed by the law
enforcement agencies.
Bar leaders claim that around 2,500 lawyers however managed to
reach High Court building and it was proved that they were united and
striving for the independence of the judiciary and restoration of rule of law.
During the nine or ten hours that the lawyers remained in the building as
hostages, they continued to wait for the CJP and expressed resentment
against President General Pervez Musharraf, Sindh government and MQM.
Bar leaders say that the removal of containers in the evening only
proved that the government, police and their civil associates were in league
with the miscreants in an attempt to assert their illegal authority by force
over even the judiciary of Pakistan.
The legal fraternity strongly condemned Sindh government for
bloodshed and violence in the city and demanded its immediate resignation.
The murderers have been unveiled, Pakistan Bar Councils member Rashid
A Rizvi said, addressing a general body meeting of SHCBA, which was held
after the postponement of CJPs visit. Those people who tried to sabotage
the CJPs visit must know that he will visit again and will be accorded a
warm welcome as that given in Lahore, he said.
Sindh Governor Dr Ishratul Ibad had earlier assured that lawyers
would be provided protection on May 12. But the governor went back on his
word and told me to ask the CJP to call off his visit, said SHCBA President
Abrar Hasan. When I refused to do so, he reminded me that the crowd
gathered at M A Jinnah Road could storm the Sindh High Court, he added.
SHCBAs President Abrar Hasan condemned state terrorism by the
coalition ruling party in Sindh for creating hurdles during the Chief Justice
visit in Karachi. He said that the CJP had decided to call off his visit in
protest as his lawyers were asked to leave the city by the government.
The plight of the dwellers of the city, which happened to be the venue
of CJP-related function, was far graver than that of the hosts and the guests.
Omar A Quraishi wrote: The MQM has blamed the opposition and the chief

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justices visit for the violence (echoed the same day as the May 12 carnage
by President Musharraf at that most inopportune rally held outside
Parliament House in Islamabad) while the rest of the country has blamed the
MQM, Sindh and federal governments for allowing its ally a free hand
wreak havoc on its opponents. The party has also been accused of showing
on May 12 that it had not changed its old ways.
I remember in the early 1990s, on visits during the summer in
between semesters, there came a time when you couldnt drive around in
some decent neighbourhoods without risking being shot at so the trick was
that your head only remained high enough (above the steering) to ensure that
you could see the road ahead and no more. One would have thought that
such days would be a thing of the past, but one was proven wrong by what
happened on May 12.
The following is quoted verbatim from Karachi Netblogs sensibly
the person who has written it has chosen not to reveal his/her identity: I am
a doctor. I work in a government-run, large and well-known hospital in
Karachi. I have been at work for more than 32 hours. I attended the people
with multiple gunshot wounds but nothing struck my soul more than what
nine fully armed workers of a political party along with two sector officebearers did on May 12. They tried to drag out a wounded man who had been
brought in an ambulance to the hospital saying, presumably to finish him
off. When my junior resident tried to prevent that from happening, he was
slapped by these men. Me and my junior were both dragged by these men to
an alley and left there, the men, armed with shotguns, pistols and AK-47s,
then went into the lobby, presumably to look for the wounded man.
I ran out to the Rangers and a police ASI standing at some distance
from my hospitals main gate asking for their help. I was told: Jaante ho in
logoun ko, phir bhi kyun lartay ho. Hamain opar say order hai kay inn ko
char bajay tak karnay do jo karma hai. Char bajay kay baad dekhainge. I
immediately called a friend in Bohrapir who is related to a senior member of
this party, five minutes later, the armed men received a call on their cell
phones and they left.
One of them was wearing a bandana and threatened me as he left
saying: Naam dekh liya hai tera. Koi shor sharaba karnay kee zarurat
nahin hai baad main warna samajh ja hya hoga. He also took my junior
residents mobile phone saying chikna set hai. The man they had come
looking for had been shot more than once in the head.
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So where were you on May 12 Mr President and Mr Prime Minister?

Oh yes, now we remember, you were both addressing a rally in Islamabad
that evening, a rally that was more of a mela, with large sections of the
apparent rent-a-crowd dancing. Normally one doesnt have a problem in the
least with people dancing but when surely it cannot reflect too well on you if
you happen to be the head of state and head of government when this
happens at the same time as your largest city is in flames?
M Azeem Samar reported: May 12 witnessed a classic case of willful
surrender of state authority. But who surrendered the authority, to whom, for
how long, and for what purpose? These are the questions that boggle the
minds of all concerned? But one thing is quite clear: the recipe of the socalled arrangements that had been prepared by the state to greet the CJP on
his visit to Karachi was all set to invite disaster of horrendous proportions.
A thorough survey of the area around Sindh High Court building by
some of the journalists in the city on early morning May 12 revealed a
curfew-like situation in the vicinity with little signs of awakening of public
life and manning of barricades by a sizeable number of reserved police
personnel without proper arms support and legal authority. Though reserve
police personnel were seen guarding the blockades around the High Court
Building, they were not briefed and equipped properly to take action against
as ensuing violence in the area.
Bridges, flyovers, rooftops of flats, containers, and vehicles parked
alongside Sharae Faisal were all used to take positions by armed political
activists. The heavy obstacles on Sharae Faisal not only gave cover to armed
men but also proved deadly battle zones between rival groups; these were
the points where the opposition rallies applied full force to make final
headway to the airport.
According to several eyewitness accounts, at several trouble spots on
Sharae Faisal, police personnel deliberately disassociated themselves from
the rioting and took no responsibility to restore law and order. Some of the
witnesses also saw policemen napping.
Helpless policemen could be spotted without proper strength at some
places around troubled spots of Sharae Faisal but the Rangers disappeared
completely before the armed clash between rival groups erupted. It was
credibly learnt that Rangers virtually withdrew their deployment on Sharae
Faisal on midnight May 11 when the barricades were being placed on its
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various points. At the time of CJPs arrival in the city, the Rangers presence
and concentration was reported at the Jinnah Terminal of the airport where
the rallying public had already been denied entrance.
In such a backdrop, giving all exclusive shoot-at-sight powers to
Rangers and calling in its additional force, around 3000 from interior Sindh
after two days of recurring violence, seemed to be meaningless steps
According to the spokesman for PPP the Rangers blatantly misused its
shoot-at-sight powers and opened fire on the Lyari public demonstrating
against the violent incidents of May 12.
Beena Sarwar started her report by quoting: Here in Karachi, we
avoid name calling and finger pointing due to fear of having our knees
drilled She reported: At 5:00 am on Saturday morning, Shahrah-e-Faisal
(Drigh Road), the main airport route normally trafficked at all hours, was
deserted as a journalist friend in Karachi found who was out and about early.
He emailed me: I saw something which gave me the chills no police no
Rangers on the roads, just kids with guns guiding trucks, tankers to block the
intersections, entry and exit points on the main artery of city. I saw an NLC
truck also being used to block the road (picture attached). We all know NLC
is Pakistans largest trucking company, owned and managed by the army.
Tie-rods were being removed from front tyres so the vehicles could not be
moved even by a tow truck. I thought, what if ambulances are required to
move on Shahrah-e-Faisal? my thought was immediately answered when I
saw two KKF ambulances moving freely (Khidmat-Khalq Foundation,
MQMs social service wing) and MQM activists among those supervising
the blockade.
Getting to office took him two hours; a journey that even during rush
hours takes only 45 minutes. I told my colleagues about my fear and almost
all of them told me to relax as MQM is not that stupid they will not repeat
the 1992-94 stupidity. By 12 noon Karachi was bleeding.
There were bodies lying at every street intersection, Uzi, a reporter
related later on her blog. We picked up a whole bunch of them and put them
inside police mobiles parked nearby. As for the police and the Rangers:
They did nothing! They stood around and loitered while my city was tainted
with blood.
The areas she covered were the second bloodiest that day. It took her
nearly an hour to get to Jinnahs mausoleum, normally a 15-20 minute drive
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from her house. At Kashmir Road the cab driver couldnt go any further and
she walked the remaining distance. At around 01:00 pm, she was stopped by
a political worker who put a TT pistol to her forehead (not the temple, the
forehead). She was allowed to proceed after showing her press card.
Over at the Sindh High Court, lawyer Ayesha Tammy Haq sent this
message around 5 pm Karachi time: In the High Court, things getting
worse. Judges will not leave as there will be a rampage (Later in an
interview, General Musharraf denied such plans and reasserted his
commitment to democratic politics. But then, he has also justified what
happened in Karachi as the political activity of a political party attempting
to show its strength to its constituency interview with Aaj TV).
Another lawyer emailed: Not only was the High Court under virtual
siege by armed activists, but lawyers attempting to enter the Court were
repeatedly beaten and roughed up. The armed activists did not even spare the
judges of the High Court. One judge was held at gun point and his car
damaged. While holding me at gun point, the youth called someone and
stated, yeh bolta hai kay High Court ka judge hai kya karun is ka?
acha theek hai, pher janay daita houn.
The CJP and his team, of course, were extended to Islamabad after
several hours. Late that night, residents in the low-income Ranchore Lines
mohalla were awakened by loud banging on their doors. One resident relates
that it was two young boys distributing freshly cooked biryani and suji in
plastic bags: Yeh chief justice ki wapsi ki khushi mein hai.
On the Karachi streets, Uzis press card had saved her again at
around 5:00 pm as she and a colleague tried to reach the Rangers
Headquarters in Dawood College. A car full of ammunition passed in front
of us, stopped, backed up and stopped in front of us, Kalashnikovs pointing
at the two of us from the windows. We showed our press cards and the car
moved on. Never in my life have I felt more grateful to my press card than I
did yesterday.
At around 6:00 pm, she and her colleague were trapped by gunshots
all around. Short of climbing the walls and entering one of the houses
around, there really was no other place for us to go. They stopped a police
mobile and asked which way would be safe to go. The answer, accompanied
by laughter: You can be killed wherever you go. Choose your place.

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In published reports, journalists prudently avoided naming the parties

involved But the affiliation of these gangs was visible in the live coverage
provided by several private television channel, which showed plain clothes
men brandishing weapons on the deserted roads, using government tankers
as cover, exchanging gunfire with unseen opponents, the tri-colour MQM
flag visible on their motorcycles.
There is a story behind each of those who were killed, some
belonging to one or other political party, and others just because they were
their. Masked men stopped ambulances and sprayed them with bullets,
killing an Edhi Ambulance driver, Faizur Rahman, 65, when he refused to
throw out a wounded person he was transporting to hospital from near the
airport; the wounded man was also shot again.
There have been reports about an SHO who guided a procession into
an ambush and a pregnant woman who had to deliver her baby in the car
when armed men refused to let her proceed to the hospital with her husband.
The Pakistan Press Foundation reports that several journalists were
manhandled and nine wounded.
Many others, including Aaj TVs Talat Hussain and MQMs Dr
Farooq Sattar have also suggested that the blame game be avoided. But a
lawyer friend, angry and distressed in Karachi, argues that if we avoid
name calling and finger pointing, we will simply be brushing the events
of last Saturday under the carpet of indifference Even Urdu-speaking
lawyers while talking of last Saturdays events at the Sindh High Court look
over their shoulders and speak in hushed tones when mentioning the name of
MQM
Finger pointing is necessary, because throughout our history, instead
of a catharsis, we simply go through a jo ho gaya ab bhool jaao, aagay
daikho. Already, with the Presidents pat on the back at the emergency
meeting of the ruling party in Islamabad the MQM is back on the front foot.

VIEWS
Before listening to serene discourses of the pundits one must pause
and listen to the ordinary people. Muhammad Afzal from Attock observed:
One only feels that the government should not have blocked the CJs travel

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route by putting containers at critical points. The blame is now being put on
the lawyers community for having politicized the issue. The lawyers are in
fact fighting for a cause, and that is safeguarding the independence of the
judiciary. Furthermore, those questioning the involvement of political
parties need to understand that the parties represent the wishes and
aspirations of the people and one of these is the constitutionally-mandated
right to have a free and independent judiciary.
Asadullah Khan from Islamabad said: I would only like to comment
on Mr Altaf Hussains blame on the person of the Chief Justice saying
that he took an oath under the PCO and that he should apologize openly
to the public. Surely he is under the PCO oath as are so many other judges,
but there is no denying the fact that it was only Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry of
them all who took a few bold suo moto actions and defied the illegal orders
of the Army Chief, earning respect overnight.
How many judges have done this in our history? Will Mr Altaf
Hussain not accept this action of the Chief Justice as an open apology for
wrong he committed under the PCO and showed a path to his
contemporaries? While the MQM chief blames the Chief Justice, will he
exonerate himself and his party from the blame of supporting army rule
by acting as a coalition partner of the same government for the last so many
years? The MQM has receded back in time and confirmed itself once again
to be a small ethnic group with limited, not national outlook.
At the end I would say that Mr Altaf Hussains dramatic style of
speech may impress those in his party but not most other people. Will he
please reform his style to be more palatable to his listeners? Above all, will
he ever come back to Pakistan to lead his party?
Beena Sarwar commented on Karachi carnage. Black Saturday in
Karachi got the kind of attention that such mayhem never has in the past
There must be accountability for this removal of police and Rangers from
strategic positions, allowing snipers to take over those positions and fire at
will on those who headed for the airport to welcome the chief justice.
Someone has to take responsibility for allowing the police and Rangers
to stand by while armed men opened fire, claiming precious lives on the
streets of Karachi.
Mohammad Arsalan from Lahore wrote: People were watching the
gruesome scenes being enacted on the roads of Karachi, while our leaders in
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Islamabad watched camel dances, chanted slogans and asked for votes
singing the tunes of good governance. Anyone with sense, dignity and selfrespect would have bowed his head in shame at these horrifying scenes.
The closure of Munir A Maliks Karachi office and ruthless firing on
his home clearly showed who was going to dictate terms in Karachi on May
12. At dawn on May 12 all kinds of sophisticated weapons were littered on
Karachis roads, roads were blocked. It seemed to be a well-laid out plan
by MQM. The most humiliating thing of all was the way the MQM treated
the honourable chief justice, as if he was their political opponent. They
called him a criminal, murderer and only God knows what else without any
fear or shame. They ridiculed the orders of Sindh High Court to clear the
roads.
I ask the General whose slogan is war against terror: What does
he call this massacre in Karachi? Is this not terrorism? Is the open display of
weapons and killings not terrorism? Did you bomb any terrorist den in
Karachi?
Akbar Jan Marwat from Islamabad opined: No matter how one looks
at the recent killings of the innocent in Karachi, the MQM and the
provincial government, of which the MQM is a coalition partner, cannot
be exonerated. The blame squarely lies with the allied party and the
provincial government. The federal government also has to share blame, for
not only acting as a silent spectator but also showing scant respect to those
who died in Karachi by organizing a cheap rent-a-crowd-rally, beating
drums and performing bhangras in Islamabad.
Farrukh Rahman from Karachi said: While the public was in agony
our president was addressing a gathering in Islamabad. It seemed to us that
he was not concerned about the tragedy unfolding in Karachi but instead
declared his success in both Karachi and Islamabad. Many people living
abroad showed surprise at this approach. While General Musharraf is a front
line leader in the so-called war on terror, he himself supports politics of
terror and oppression in Pakistan.
Khushhal Khan from Rawalpindi wrote: President Musharraf has
frequently said on different occasions that he has been blamed for the
situation in Karachi. But the people of the country seem to blame the
government for the mess in the country, especially Karachi. Every

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concerned citizen of the country hopes for betterment of the current turmoil
as the facts have started to be revealed.
Muhammad Riaz from Malakand advised: It is true that the
mohajirs in Karachi have cruelly killed innocent people and targeted the
people of other provinces but we should never retaliate. We should know the
nefarious designs of the enemies of Pakistan and Islam who want an internal
war among the Muslims to weaken and destroy them If we react harshly
it will fulfill the political motives of the leaders of the MQM and destroy
the peace and economy of our country.
Sardar Ali S Aman from Chitral said: It goes without saying that
having sunk back into its old tactics of violence and terror, the MQM
and its government is responsible for the May 12 carnage in Karachi. The
president, who is the symbol of unity of the federation, closed is eyes to the
wanton killings in Karachi and tended the ill-timed rally of his party at
Islamabad on the same tragic day.
Needless to say, the present rulers are locked into very difficult
situation at the moment and the only way out for them is to set up an
interim national government as early as possible, hold fair and free
elections and restore democracy in the country. The leaders in exile should
also be allowed to return to the country and take part in the elections.
The analysts kept commenting on two rallies, with emphasis on
Karachi carnage. Fatima Bhutto opined: There are no principles to be
found in the wreckage of Karachi, no higher moral ground, it has become
entirely devoid of conscience. It is like watching a football match with only
one team playing; a shadow-boxing match. And I for one will not allow my
city to be the stage for a megalomaniacal bout of deep political stupidity.
The chief justices tour, complete stages and flower petals and
Rolling Stones concert seating, made its way from Peshawar to Islamabad to
Lahore without any violence the only injuries suffered were of bad taste
and form. But Karachi is different, isnt it? Its perfectly acceptable to let
loose the dogs of the war on our turf, heaven forbid the capital or food street
be sullied with ethnic or partisan bloodshed.
Mir Jamilur Rahman wrote: It will never be known for certain who
had ordered the Karachi police to disappear from the scenes of carnage and
let the innocent suffer death and injuries. It will not be known for certain

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whose brilliant idea it was to block the major roads with water tankers and
huge trucks loaded with heavy containers, their tyres deflated. It will never
be known for certain who had ordered the police not to apprehend the stout
gunmen who were shooting to kill those who had gathered to welcome the
chief justice of Pakistan. It will never be known for certain who ordered the
siege of a private TV channel; we will never know the answers to these
questions because the Sindh Government has turned down the demand to
hold a judicial inquiry to ascertain the facts about the May 12 slaughter in
Karachi. These will never be known for certain simply because these are
too certainly known even without holding an inquiry.
A picture of a murdered man lying at the roadside in a pool of blood
published in a newspaper would have a passing effect on a reader. But the
same picture depicted on the TV screen would have far larger impact on the
viewer. What people saw on their TV screens on May 12 will haunt them
for the rest of their lives The day would go in the history books as Black
Saturday.
The gunmen could easily be identified from TV images, but the law
enforcement agencies have not bothered to identify and arrest them. So far,
not a single gunman has been arrested who was seen on the TV screen
taking part in target practice. It is strange that Karachi was subjected to
utter lawlessness on May 12 and not a single arrest was made nor a single
shot fired by the police to control the anarchical situation.
Chaudhry Aitzaz Ahsan, lead counsel for the chief justice, told a
press conference after being asked to leave Karachi, that in future we may
need a visa to enter Karachi. He was not far off the point. A day earlier,
MQM MNA Nawab Mirza had told a TV channel that Pakistan is
everybodys but Karachi is ours.
The order of deportation itself is an indication that undesirable
Pakistanis are forbidden to enter Karachi to be sure, the word deport is
only used for the foreigners. It literally means remove a foreigner forcibly
to another country. The Sindh government has therefore attained
unenviable position of deporting Pakistani citizens from Pakistani
territory.
The federal government has personalized the administration to
such an extent that the four provincial governors enjoy different levels of
authority in their respective provinces. For example, we can safely say that
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in Punjab the chief minister wields administrative powers and is the chief
executive of the province The situation in Sindh is radically different.
There, the governor is the boss not because the constitution says so but
because the federal government wants it so. Most of the time, the chief
minister is a silent spectator as was observed on Black Saturday.
May 12 also saw a large rally in Islamabad organized by the PML-Q
to show solidarity with President Musharraf. There is nothing wrong with
such a rally. However, it was more a carnival than a political rally It was
most inappropriate and regrettable that while Karachi was burning,
there was jubilation in Islamabad.
Kamal Siddiqui commented: The media is full of reports of the
events of May 12 in Karachi. Our pundits and politicians both in the
civvies and in uniform are now discussing the merits and demerits of what
happened and who is to blame. But these are academic discussions. For the
people of Karachi and of Pakistan, the questions are very simple.
In response to the growing public resentment against the presence of
the Rangers in the city, the chief of the Rangers held a press conference
some days back in which he defended the work of his force. He concluded
by saying: I am proud of my men. The question of course is whether the
common man and the taxpayers, on whose considerable burden we have the
force in Karachi, share those sentiments.
What we have come to know, or are being told, is that our law
enforcers did all they could to make sure that the day was peaceful. What
happened instead was, an unfortunate series of events. The Rangers and
the police proudly say that they were able to protect the buildings and
installations in Karachi. One wonders who we need to protect the people.
However, in the final analysis it is not the Rangers, the police or the
coalition partners who should be held wholly responsible. It is the
government; both in Sindh and in Islamabad. Instead of ordering an
inquiry, the president in all his wisdom has endorsed some of what
happened that day. This is scary.
Nobody wants to come to a city where armed men can take control
and fight pitched battles at will while the government looks the other way.
But this days events have had somewhat of a backlash. People are angry.
And some in Islamabad and Rawalpindi are taking note. Some even argue

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that this may be the beginning of the end. However, it is too early to say that
for now.
The most worrisome threat comes from the ANP. Karachi has a
considerable Pakhtun community the number of Pakhtuns in Karachi, we
are told, exceed those in Peshawar. The next danger that Karachi faces is
sliding into ethnic strife. The political fallout of this is not restricted to
Karachi. It has national repercussions. General Musharraf has also
weakened his position by endorsing the role of his coalition partners.
As the people of Karachi go about picking up the pieces, a sentiment
that some are pushing is that one should move on. This is the line that the
government is also promoting. Move on, let bygones be bygones. But it is
not as simple as that. By abdicating its role for a day, the government has in
effect shown to the people how unreliable and uncaring it is.
Given this scenario, one is scared of what to expect in the
forthcoming general elections. Some say that May 12 was a trailer so that all
could see what which party is capable of doing. These tactics are not new.
However, for the president to endorse them puts the whole process of
elections in doubt.
Babar Sattar observed that in his book, Musharraf states that one day
when a resident bully wanted his older brother to hand over some kite string
that his brother had caught, he jumped into the conversation and refused to
hand over the string. He confesses that there was no provocation from the
alleged bully and further states that, without thinking I punched the bully
hard. A fight ensued, and I thrashed him. After that the people recognized
me as a sort of boxer, and became known as dada geer an untranslatable
term that means, roughly, a tough guy whom you dont mess with. The only
problem with this narrative of bravado is that tough-guy-that-you-dontmess-with itself sounds like an elaboration of the term bully.
With Karachi burning and the carnage of innocent people underway,
General Musharraf came to the bully pulpit in Islamabad amid celebratory
drum-beat and informed fellow citizens that the butcher was a consequence
of (i) politicizing the issue of judicial independence, and (ii) insistence of the
chief justice to go to Karachi and address the bar council against advice of
the Sindh government. The king league convention of May 12 was
revolting, and the generals demeanour and the incredible content of his

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speech probably lost him more die-hard supporters during that

unforgiving evening than all the follies of his regime put together.
The events of May 12 made some significant contributions to the
nations public consciousness. One, it reaffirmed the popular view
regarding the MQM as a political group characterized by an obsessive
preoccupation with victim-hood that continues to treat Karachi as its
personal fief devoid of all ethical and legal restraints in its brutal pursuit of
unbridled power. And two, it exposed the precariousness of Pakistans muted
calm and highlighted afflictions intolerance, political violence and
intimidation, failure of the writ of the state and rule of law that were never
healed but covered by a thin veneer of the generals authoritarian rule.
The MQM has reduced its stature from a major political party in
Sindh to armed goons, whose ideology is self-righteous and bigoted,
operational strategy based on fear and intimidation, and political logic
flawed
Its argument for opposing the movement for judicial
independence is as follows: (i) any movement for judicial independence
should be focused the institution and linked to an individual; (ii) the real
heroes in the judiciary were the judges who resigned in protest against the
Musharraf regime when it imposed its provisional constitutional order on the
courts and not the present CJ; (iii) the CJ lost all moral ascendancy while
swearing oath under the provisional constitutional order and should thus
apologize to the nation and resign his office; (iv) the opposition parties
should not politicize the issue and leave the matter to be resolved by the
Supreme Court.
The train of MQMs thought is conflicted on multiple levels. One,
institutions do not act for themselves, but are comprised of individuals who
act on their behalf. The movement for judicial independence is focused on
the institution, but the immediate trigger was the treatment meted out to the
chief judge by the army chief that highlighted the vulnerability of the
judicial arm in face of executives coercion. Two, there is little doubt that
Justices Saeeduzzaman Siddiqui, Nasir Aslam Zahid, Khalilur Rehman
Khan, Mamoon Qazi and Wajeehuddin are national heroes, who established
that principles are to be practiced and not just moralized. But that was a
lesson not just for the legal fraternity but all citizens, including politicians.

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And three, to the extent that the MQM is taking the moral high
ground against the fallen CJ, why only ask him to resign and apologize to
the nation? To the extent and swearing oath under the PCO was
unscrupulous, why doesnt the MQM demand that all judges under the PCO
resign their offices? Further, in view of the MQMs position on the PCO, is
it not self-contradictory to ask lawyers not to agitate the issue and place their
faith in judges functioning under the PCO? The bar councils at least passed
resolutions and took out processions against the PCO, even if they were
unsuccessful in generating public support. What did the MQM ever do to
condemn the arbitrary rule of a dictator?
The events of May 12 have left the nation aghast And then they
heard the governor and the chief minister of Sindh, the MQM leadership and
the general himself speak in unison blaming the CJ and mysterious
miscreants and conspirators for the carnage.
Liability springs not just from acts but equally from omissions.
Even if one ignores all smoking guns pointing to a deliberate strategy of the
Musharraf regime to provide dissenters and those sitting on the fence an
illustration of the dada-geer philosophy, the king league and the MQM were
duty bound to protect life, liberty and security of citizens of Karachi. How
can the Musharraf regime and its cronies evade responsibility for the
mayhem in Karachi when they did absolutely nothing to prevent it?
The disquieting realization that seeped deeper in public
consciousness on May 12 was that any amount of damage is acceptable
damage for our ruling regime so long as it manages to cling on to power.
The speeches at the king league convention were even scarier as they
established that sycophancy knows no bounds and all that it takes to
create ones own reality is selective processing of information and a strong
imagination.
Fasi Zaka opined: Given what happened in Karachi on May 12,
leaders across the country have been calling the MQM fascist. If anything,
the troika of violence included the government in Karachi, the ruling party
and the president (whose remorse has been questioned extensively) was
acting according to fairly Machiavellian principles of Goebbles distract
by marching from WWII. Again with the MQM, if it isnt fascist then it
certainly has a cult of personality behind it that has messianic overtones;
which is the clincher in the dictatorship.

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At least when it came to the MQM the term fascist had not been
thrown around for some time now, during their legitimization in government
the city had been peaceful, a stark opposite to its initial struggle for control.
Thats the problem when fascists come to power; the system they ride on
expects a significant degree of pluralism. However, once in power they are
unwilling to make the compromise to revert to sentiments that want less
from the state, because it is the strength of the state, and by extension
themselves that are paramount.
Its what happened in Karachi, the moment popular sentiment
against the government because of the state of the writ of law was seen as
paramount over the personal dictates of the leaders that be, the sentiment
was crushed with much violence The machinery similar to most fascist
operations was pulled out again without realizing that their new remit
included upholding the state, not LEtat, cest mai (I am the State).
Ishtiaq Ahmed was of the view that Bal Thackeray of the Shiv Sena,
Sant Jarnail Singh Bhinrawale of the Khalistan movement, Prabhakkar of
the Tamil Tigers and Altaf Hussain of MQM have certain things in
common. All of them made their way into politics when their ethnic group
felt threatened by competitors and challengers from other groups. They
resorted to questionable methods to crush perceived threats and thus gained
a reputation of being men of steel. In the process a cult of adulation grew
around them and they began to be surrounded by fanatical devotees but
themselves became victims of megalomania.
In December last year I was in Karachi to deliver a keynote speech at
the Karachi International Book Fair I was very surprised that it continued
to be feared as a ruthless organization. Many people I spoke to said that
what they were telling me in private what they would never dare to say in
their office or before their staff or strangers.
This type of culture of fear did not affect only Sindhis or Punjabis or
Memons and so on, but cultured and civilized, law-abiding Urduspeaking Mohajirs also lived in constant fear of the party. Who can
forget the murder of Hakim Muhammad Said of the Hamdard Foundation?
One day he was mercilessly gunned down. MQM activists were arrested and
found guilty of that heinous crime.
When a democratically elected government committed to the rule of
law is in power in Pakistan it may well demand from Britain that Altaf
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Hussain be extradited to face charges of his alleged crimes. Britain is

opposed to extraditing people to countries where capital punishment is
practiced. This is worth keeping in mind.
Rahimullah Yusufzai said that there is need to fix the responsibility.
There is so much physical and visual evidence, mostly captured by
daredevil photographers and brave camera crews of private television
channels, to prove that the MQM-dominated provincial government was
hand-in-glove with the trained killers on May 12 that all those involved in
the planning and execution of the pre-planned Karachi killings would find it
hard to escape exposure. This should explain why no judicial probe has been
ordered even two weeks after the incident, although in past the government
has been quick to order such an inquiry into happenings where the death toll
was far less and the implications were not so critical.
The governments stance is reinforcing the public perception that
it is seeking to hide something. Most of the blame is being laid at the door
of President General Pervez Musharraf, who as the creator of the present,
military-backed ruling arrangements is ultimately responsible for all that is
happening in the country. Stung by accusations of being partisan, the
president has rightly gauged the mood of the people and commented that he
is being linked to the MQM on account of his Urdu-speaking and Mohajir
family origins. That indeed is the perception even if it is difficult to say
openly or to prove it through solid evidence. In fact, the president
contributed to the strengthening of that perception by not ordering a judicial
probe into the Karachi killings and by publicly praising the MQM-sponsored
peoples power that violently ruled the streets of Karachi on May 12.
It amounted to patting the killers on the back and assuring them
that nobody would be able to hold them accountable. The president of the
country isnt supposed to do or say such things. Politicians of almost all hue
and colour have acted more sensibly by refusing to present the murderers of
Karachis streets in ethnic terms or to exploit the tragedy for political gains.
The Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) is claiming that 14 of its
activists were killed. Families of some of the Pakhtuns and two Azad
Kashmiris killed on May 12 and listed by the MQM as its members have
refuted this claim. In fact, the grieving families of the slain Pakhtuns in the
NWFP have unanimously and angrily blamed the MQM for these deaths and
have denied having any link with the ethnic-based and Mohajir-dominated
party. Some MQM leaders were proudly claiming that Pakhtun members of
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the party by sacrificing their lives in Karachi had bonded in blood with
fellow workers from other ethnic groups in the party and joined its long list
of martyrs. The MQM also faced an awkward situation in Azad Kashmir
when both its Kashmiri lawmakers were told not to turn up for funeral of the
two men killed in Karachi. These lawmakers were elected to the Azad
Kashmir Assembly in controversial circumstances on the MQM ticket from
the quota of Kashmiri refugee seats in Karachi and had helped in changing
the image of the party from being Mohajir-centric to one capable of taking
on board members of other ethnic groups. That emerging image took a
battering in Karachi on May 12 before it could sustain and will be
difficult to restore.
No answers have been provided as to who made and okayed the
security plan for May 12 despite reservations of Sindh chief secretary Shakil
Durrani, why the police was disarmed and given sticks so that the armed
assassins could safely and smoothly carry out the killings, and on whose
orders huge containers and trucks were parked on roads to block opposition
processions from reaching the airport. Accusing fingers have been pointed at
federal sports and shipping minister Babar Ghauri, whose ministry would
have in its possession such containers, and the Sindh chief ministers adviser
on home affairs Wasim Akhtar, who reportedly made the security plan for
the day. Both are MQM stalwarts and they would have done anything
without getting approval from above, which means Sindh Governor Ishratul
Ibad and party boss Altaf Hussain. And to take the argument further, such a
plan to deny welcome to the chief justice in Karachi would have the
sanction of the federal government and President Musharraf, who in his
own words is in favour of the concept of unity of command and, therefore,
the final arbiter of all that has been going well or wrong in Pakistan since
October 12, 1999 when he overthrew democratically elected Prime Minister
Nawaz Sharif in a military coup detat.
Dr Masooda Bano also emphasized the need for accountability. Much
has already been written about the systematic violence that was unleashed
on May 12, where the general public opinion is holding the government
responsible for engineering it. The MQMs role in initiating the violence is a
subject of common discussion, whether or not it is ever officially
recognized. A group of Pakistanis, mainly students and academics, in UK
have also launched a lobbying campaign with the British government to
review the protection they have provided to review the protection they have
provided to Altaf Hussain, who now has a British passport, and to ensure

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that people in UK are not allowed to initiate violence in other countries

through their telephone calls when such behaviour is not allowed within
the UK.
The demand for public inquiry is coming from within the country as
well as internationally. All of this is good, as some pressure is being built to
identity the guilty and hold them accountable. But the question is that
whether the young men who came out that day with their guns to fire and
kill with no qualms represented a violent culture for which the MQM is
quite well-known but no one dares to publicly challenge. You go to
Orangi, one of the massive katchi abadis of Karachi where the MQM is
apparently strong, and talk to the people and they openly tell you that they
have no choice but to comply with the partys wishes.
No other political party in Pakistan has this open association with
violence. Even the characters sitting within the PML-Q, however, much one
criticize them for their opportunistic behaviour, cannot be associated with
such systematic violence. Although May 12 will remain a public tragedy
forever especially for those families who lost their loved ones on this day
but one good outcome could be that if a public accountability drive is
sustained then in the long term the MQM might be pressured to
relinquish its violent arm.
The News rejected the conspiracy theory. Musharraf, in an address in
Dera Ghazi Khan on Thursday, termed May 12, as well as the general
backlash against the suspension of the chief justice of Pakistan, a
conspiracy to stoke ethnic tensions. Now, while one can expect such
sentiments to be repeated by the opposition, whose job, after all, is to make
life difficult for the government, one cannot quite swallow such theories
being iterated by the president and the chief of army staff of Pakistan
regardless of whether or not it is in actuality a conspiracy. The people of
the city, and of the country, are awaiting serious and substantiated answers,
not more political notions, that have all, to date, been tainted with political
opportunism, more so than anything else.
It is unfortunate that the President Musharraf too is attempting to
explain what happened on May 12 by using the ethnicity card instead of
remaining resolute and waiting for all the intelligence to be gathered before
embarking on explanations especially since he is in Karachi to be briefed
about the evidence that has been collected by various quarters of the Sindh
administration. It would have been a lot better for him, politically and
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ethically, to wait till he had spoken to the necessary quarters in person and
then theorize about what happened. There is already widespread anger over
the actions and rhetoric of senior government figures in Islamabad the day
Karachi was burning, and such statements will do nothing to assuage that
anger. To rub salt into the citys wounds, there has been no apology of
any sort to the people of Karachi on behalf of the government.
Nasim Zehra saw an opportunity in the carnage. Today within the
realm of state power and politics it is General Musharraf and his close
key advisors who call the shots However, occasionally on tactics there is
some input from the political partners. Significantly on Baluchistan and
perhaps to a lesser extent on Waziristan, despite the input from its political
partners, the Musharraf government opted to take the predominantly force
route to establish internal sovereignty in Baluchistan.
The March 9 reference against the Chief Justice of Pakistan became
the most critical issue that progressively acquired the characteristics of a
serious political challenge to the authority of the Musharraf government. The
Musharraf government must take full responsibility; first for the
mishandling of what was a constitutional move and then subsequently for
the blundering strategy adopted to tackle a deteriorating political situation.
The fact is that key members of the presidents own party the PML-Q
have let the president know from the inception of the CJP issue, that it could
potentially snowball into a serious political crisis for the government. There
has been open and not-so-open disagreement with the president. Reports
suggest that the president, the secretary-general, the former Prime Minister
Jamali, Dr Sher Afgan Niazi and others have suggested the path of
reconciliation.
While some political framework around the CJP issue will continue,
the more serious issue is now what emerged from the Karachi mayhem
the abdication of states responsibility towards its citizens. Perhaps no state
or law enforcement institution could have done worse in abandoning their
responsibility virtually becoming party to the killings and mayhem in
Karachi the crime committed by the state has become the subtext of the
endless political battling.
The main text of Pakistans current political narrative must be
criminal negligence of law enforcement agencies. That main text demands
action too. Essentially a neutral credible inquiry is required with
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recommendations on how to deter another horrible replay of the Karachi

mayhem. Why are the senate committees not taking the initiative to push for
a bipartisan inquiry the senate committee on human rights, on law and
order, or on national security?
The CJP issue and the bloody mayhem in Karachi paradoxically
provide an opportunity to clearly assess at what cost to the people and the
country, lawless power games and individual decision-making continue. The
CJP and May 12 crisis can prove to be vital developments for the powerwielders to embark on new paths. In the eye of storm our country also sits in
the lap of opportunity. Every risky situation brings with it new openings.
Much depends still on one man on President Musharraf. He has
strongly held views on Karachi. He has said that those political forces
against me are trying to blame for the Karachi killings; they are trying to
give it an ethic colour and say that because of his own ethnic background
He said MQM was the majority party controlling Karachi and the CJP rally
amounted to throwing the gauntlet to the MQM. The president wondered
what happened if the CJPs rally passed through MQM strongholds
The governments ally the MQM however has been angry. The
MQM leader Altaf Hussain, London-based and a British citizen, has been
roundly criticizing all political parties as well as the Establishment. The
MQM has released alleged evidence supporting the PPPs involvement, has
accused the ANP for killing MQM activists and has criticized the ruling
party for creating confusion. The MQM has held sections of the
Establishment and the law-enforcement agencies responsible for not
intervening to stop the killings of MQM workers. The MQM leadership had
taken on the rally planned for the chief justice, resulting in Karachi carnage,
reportedly on Islamabads encouragement.
Any attempt by the government to explain Karachi away as an
inevitable development because the CJP was to lead a rally from the airport
to the Quaid-e-Azams mazar and to the Sindh High Court premises is
unacceptable and dangerous. It is unacceptable because no party has a
right to physically control an area The presidents explanation of the
MQM militant behaviour i.e. if the MQM was behind the killings, is also
dangerous because the State is opting to withdraw from its law and order
maintenance duties because its ally party is opting to enter into a political
contest with its opponents.

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The presidents responsibility as the head of state is to order a high

level impartial inquiry into what led to the May 12 bloody mayhem in
Karachi. Failure to take such steps is what promotes hate and political
extremism that the president believes is the real enemy of Pakistan.
Hussain H Zaidi focused on Islamabad rally. Holding large rallies in
the mega city, with or without the support of the administration, is not much
of a problem for the party. However, in the given charged situation, the
wisdom of the rulers to themselves stage public shows while preventing
others from doing this in the name of security is indeed very much
questionable.
The public meeting in Islamabad was aimed at showing the popular
face of the ruling PML. The League is often accused of being no more than
the political face of the establishment and lacking popular credentials. But
does the Islamabad rally confute these accusations? There is no gain saying
the fact that the present League government owes its existence to the
establishment out-and-out.
By inviting the President-cum-COAS to address the Islamabad rally,
the League has only lent credence to the charges of being the
establishments baby. As for demonstrating its popular credentials, a party
in power need not do this by staging large processions or rallies. Rather it
should do this by ensuring a pro-people, responsible government
It is regrettable that on May 12, the government failed to show its
strength where it should have and rather showed its strength where it
could easily have avoided. Before the fateful day, top federal and provincial
government functionaries were very vocal in asking the CJP to cancel his
scheduled address to the bar in Karachi, while the political leadership was
harping on the note that a constitutional issue had been turned into a political
one. But the ruling party did not try to set its own house in order. At no point
did the government advise the MQM not to stage its rally.
Secondly, when the miscreants were on the rampage in Karachi, the
government did nothing but point a finger at its rivals. Regardless of the
political affiliations of the culprits and the victims, precious lives were lost
and property damaged. Enforcement of law and order is a basic test of the
governments strength, which it failed miserably.

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Thus on May 12, little was gained but a lot was lost. Precious lives
were lost. The countrys image went down. Peoples confidence in law
enforcement agencies was further eroded. The public exchequer was
drained. And the rule of law was struck a heavy blow. Even the regime did
not get anything. Rather it lost whatever credibility it had. A show of
strength turned into a show of weakness.
Shakir Hussain had a comparative view of the two rallies. He
(Shaukat Aziz) issued a statement that the police and other state security
apparatus had done a good job in handling the May 12 carnage. Mr Aziz
might as well have sent the governments chief slapper, Wasi Zafar, to
individually come and slap every one of the 15 million citizens of this city.
The citizens of Karachi were all bewildered when they took stock of the
tight security along Sharae Faisal which had a few days ago been devoid of
such needed firepower and semblance of order. We also saw a stark example
of the fact that our taxes do not go towards protecting the life and property
of citizens; rather to protect self-proclaimed VIPs who visited the scene of
the carnage four days too late.
If we had statesman at the helm of affairs in Pakistan, both the
president and prime minister would have cancelled their rally and
flown to Karachi to condole with the families of the forty dead, hundreds
injured, and the residents of the shocked city. Instead, they chose to sit
behind a 50-foot bullet-proof stage in the middle of Islamabad and feed their
egos.
Interviews of the attendees of the rally which should actually be
called a mela spoke of being paid 300 rupees, a free trip to Islamabad, and
free food for participating. If we take the government figure of 80,000
attendees and even averages out the cost of each attendee to 500 rupees for
fee, transport, and food this works out to a whopping 40 million rupees
which was paid out.
The government and especially the prime ministers and presidents
offices which are always so aware of Pakistans image should look at the
press coverage, which were getting due to the May 12 carnage both locally
and internationally. No commentary or analysis was needed as the images
spoke for themselves.
While it may be too late to invoke the humanity of our leaders, they
should look at what events like this can do to the deal-making business and
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the government kitty local and foreign investors will rethink their Pakistan
strategy which will ultimately affect deal making and facilitation of business
for everyone. Maybe this makes a lot more sense to our leaders than the
loss of life and the feeling of insecurity that the people of Karachi face
today.
The president has surrounded himself with sycophants who have
made careers of being sycophants, yet what he doesnt realize is that their
loyalty lies with the seat of power and not his person. When hes long gone
these very people will have aligned themselves with the next General so he
might want to filter this advice Egos and Ezzat should be put aside
immediately and the greater good of the country should be looked at by the
very leaders who claim Pakistan First at the drop of a hat. Gentlemen, what
does it really mean to all of you?
Masood Hasan gave a Masoodi resume on two rallies. Now that we
know that after all, it was the CJ and his loony lawyer, Aitzaz Ahsan who
were fully responsible for the May 12 massacre at Karachi, we can all go
back to bed. For days we have been tossing and turning, wondering
whatever happened in Karachi. Now we know and for that we have to
thank the president who has solved this riddle, Minister Durranis
gobbledygook notwithstanding. Mind you we had our suspicious all along.
We all know too well that the lawyers did this to disrupt the
peaceful MQM rally. We also know that this particular MQM rally was to
celebrate wheat harvesting and a new nihari recipe developed by the Great
Leader in London and had been planned months in advance. Some said it
was planned when Mr Jinnah was still around and he had personally
endorsed the date, a fact that Mr Sharifuddin Pirzada not to be mixed up
with a wily lawyer who can be found in sunny Jeddah, later confirmed. The
Governor of Sindh, who is to Sindh what the CM Punjab is to Punjab, was
told that the CJ was visiting the city the same day. As a man passionate
about peace on his beat at all costs, he did the right thing and ensured the
roadblocks were placed at all roads leading to the main route the CJ was
taking. This was a sagacious step to prevent anyone from disrupting the CJs
procession which was not expected to be more than a few dozen people
same numbers that had been seen and noted by the intelligent agencies (not
to be confused by their more illustrious cousins, the intelligence agencies).
Of course what happened had nothing to with the government and
everything to do with the lawyers.

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In fact not only was the doves-for-peace MQM rally taking place
in Karachi while the lawyers got peeved and refused to leave Karachi
Airport, but elsewhere, people were expressing their solidarity with the
great leader. Millions poured in a gesture of spontaneous love to be seen and
counted at the glorious May 12 rally in Islamabad Those who were lucky
enough to have made it to Islamabad say it was a sight to see and relish for
years to come.
Here were the great leaders, adored and loved by their people, who
traveled from far distances just to have a glimpse of their halos. They stood
there, hand in hand, rock solid and in great humility and delivered rousing
speeches that would have brought tears to the most stubborn Potohar
rock.
MNAs pleaded, MPAs wept, ministers wrung their hands in vain,
nazims staged hunger strikes, councilors beat their breast or breasts if you
must know and there was mass frustration all around. Things would or have
taken a turn for the worse had the ordinary people not rallied around
and solved the dilemma by donating whatever they could. Some gave
money, some gave food, and some gave umbrellas. Transporters, greedy and
manipulative throughout the year, offered their fleets free of cost. Drivers
volunteered these services without hesitation.
People with one rickety old personal car simply deposited the keys
with their councilors and said that these were theirs to use for as long as they
wished. Devolution had become revolution. As crowds poured into
Islamabad, the rally grew larger and larger, all but eclipsing all other news.
One can imagine that people, who had braved the hot sun all day in the open,
didnt flinch when they learnt that before they could listen to their leader,
they would have to listen to a dozen more orators.
Of course the people were confused to notice a rather large plastic
sort of sheet that stood between them and their beloved leaders.
Rumours that this was a massive bullet-proof, people-proof and suiciderproof hi-tech gismo were quickly dispelled as people understood that this
protective sheet was merely a stage decoration item placed by a team of
PML-Q jiyalas so that dust would not impair the speech quality of the
leaders and every word uttered would be heard and understood. That would
explain why those present swore that the speech Ch Shujaat made was as
clear as daylight, but didnt elaborate daylight where.

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The fact that the president spoke long after nine pm and was heard
patiently speaks volumes and needs for further elaboration. Of course the
mood of the party for it was indeed a party, turned a bit quiet when news
started to filter in that some people had lost their lives in Karachi, a
fairly commonplace occurrence in Karachi and other parts of country, human
life thanks to the governments policies being cheaper than half a kilo of
lentils.
The mood in the country has since May 12 been rather somber
because in spite of the governments best efforts and particularly in Karachi
where the MQM leadership has not stopped mourning for lost lives, there are
disgruntled elements, as always, laying the blame elsewhere. This is not
good. Firstly Pakistan is passing through a very critical phase yes the
same one that we witnessed in 1947, 1958, 1965, 1971, 1977, 1988, and so
on and secondly we must have unity of command, real democracy and other
real things. There is no real reason to despair, no panic calls to families
overseas or thoughts of abandoning this country. The half page ad showing
us the smiling faces of our leaders and the message of giving a healing
touch, has worked wonders and all are at peace now. We are in safe hands;
relax.
Dr Farrukh Saleem discussed the choices for Musharraf. The
presidential dream of retaining all four stars and getting re-elected by dying
assemblies will remain just that a dream. In fact, the ongoing nightmare is a
direct consequence of that dream. Is Islamabad getting new dispensation and
Pakistan early elections? The jury is out whether the new team will be
headed by Musharraf or not. Between now and then its going to get worse
before it before it begins to get better. Musharrafs spectrum of choices is
now down to five.
Option one: Tough it out. Make summer heat an accomplice and
hope demos will run out of steam. Reality check: in March, the CJ addressed
Rawalpindi High Court Bar Association Then 5/12, when hell broke loose
in Karachi, Pakistans commercial hub bled and burnt. To be certain, its
getting bigger and deadlier by the day. So far, toughing it out isnt
working.
Option Two: Reinstate the CJP, find scapegoats and blame it all on
wrong advice. Reality check: There is no indication from the government
that its prepared to do anything close to that, and then it might be too little
too late. Reinstatement shall mean an emboldened judiciary, and that by
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definition is in conflict with unity of command (in Political Science, unity

of command is the equivalent of dictatorship).
Option Three: Co-opt Benazir. Reality check: Its post-May 12.
Benazir is now going to demand an arm and a leg but real power sharing
and unity of command are mutually exclusive. Besides, the essence of the
current struggle has made a Musharraf-PPP alignment largely irrelevant.
Option Four: Doff off the uniform, call early elections and serve as
a transitional president. Reality check: Time shall be essence (and this may
in effect be a non-option).
Option Five: Emergency measures; martial law, suspension of all
fundamental rights, press censorship, postponement of elections along with
wholesale repression. This is what armies around the world do best (SCs
removal of CJP will also lead to Option Five).
Pre-5/12 there was a choice between repression and PPP co-option.
Post-5/12, co-option will change little if anything at all. If Option Four is
really a non-option then repression is the only avenue open. The only
avenue open has always been a double-edged sword because state
violence weakens the users political grip rather than strengthening it.
Adnan Rehmat opined: Less than ten weeks ago, it was a foregone
conclusion that Musharraf would continue in the saddle with perhaps a few
changes in his set political allies. The judicial crisis has disrupted not just
the planned post election scenario of more-of-the-same variety but also
the pre-election equations of simple majorities. It is no longer given that
Musharraf will be re-elected president by the current assemblies.
This will disturb Musharrafs electoral college the federal and
provincial legislatures. And even if Musharraf manages to hobble
through to new term as president, it will not just be with a severely
dented legitimacy but will also leave him to manipulate an endorsement
from an increasingly unpredictable post-election parliament.
Musharraf by renting disinterested crowds through PML-Q and
state resources, and forcing his allies the MQM to try and steal the CJs
thunder in Karachi in a bid to deflect perceptions of dwindling public
support for him, has only managed to alienate more people.

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If PML-Q and MQM, exposed as opponents of public opinion, are

the support-bases of Musharraf for the presidential elections, the Generals
days of power and forced respect are numbered. His time has come and
passed. For Musharraf, the Supreme Court trial is the beginning of the end;
for surely he, and not the Chief Justice, is in the rock. The General has
overstayed on his welcome by a long time.

REVIEW
The Muttahida Qaumi Movement, the MQM, is a party of the Urduspeaking Mohajirs who migrated from a particular area of northern India.
When they started migrating, Nehru was asked to take some measures to
check it. What Nehru said cannot be quoted because it would certainly
annoy the staunch followers of Imam Altaf. In brief he said that India would
not lose much by their migration.
The events since then have proved him right. The party founded by
these Mohajirs has been a constant headache for Sindh in particular and
Pakistan in general. Since coming into power through coalition
arrangements in federal and provincial governments, the party has been able
to create certain myths about it. These myths were broken on 12th May.
Prior to the visit of CJP, officials of MQM government held meetings
with representatives of the lawyers community pretending that they wanted
to coordinate the security of the guest. The law-men were completely
deceived by the hardened law-breakers by collecting information they
needed for making the plan that unfolded at night pre-ceding May 12. The
law-breakers led by the governor thus spoiled the show of the law-men.
MQM showed no remorse over what it had done. Having done that,
the governor along with other leaders flew to London instead of coming to
Islamabad. Governors being representatives of the federation when facing
situations like 12th May are obliged to personally apprise the president of the
facts and to get directive for the future.
But the Governor of Sindh dashed to London to attend three-day-long
discussions. The rulers of our city do not consider themselves answerable
to Islamabad. If President and Prime Minister are interested in knowing the

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evidence collected by the war correspondents of the MQM, they must

travel to Karachi.
Ibad returned from London with a peace ploy. His move to meet ANP
and JI leaders has been made in accordance with decisions taken in London.
This apparent change in the attitude of arrogant leadership of MQM is due
the realization that cameras of private TV channels have caught activists of
their party red-handed while committing heinous crimes on the roads of
Karachi.
By initiating this move, the MQM aims at diverting the attention away
from their crimes and to cover up its militant face. Astonishingly, Asfandyar
has responded positively despite referring to Kafans only a few days back.
Certainly, it is too early for Kafans of the dead Pakhtuns to become dirty, but
he has kept the interests of millions of Pakhtuns at the foremost, majority of
which work in Karachi as daily-wagers.
The people of Karachi in particular and Pakistan in general should not
fall prey to the ploy of peace initiative launched by the pack of MQM
leaders led by the Governor. Not that one would like to preach retaliatory
violence, but because the MQM would never curb its beastly instincts.
Ishrat, like a vampire, has the ability to conceal its blood sucking canines
and acquire the appearance of beauty to charm the victim.
This is also apparent from the fact that the MQM remains arrogant as
ever. Suffering from the complex of self-righteousness, it has been refuting
all the criticism. Lately, the party has introduced new propaganda technique
to blunt the widespread criticism; it has planted callers for leveling the
counter-allegations.
The manner, in which Musharraf has defended the MQM, showed
that he had connived for the perpetration of terrorism on the streets of
Karachi. The SHO was in league with the bandits. In his endeavour not to be
defeated, he from his august status of the president and army chief has
slumped to the level MQMs bhatha-collecting dadageer. What a fall?
Musharraf has also been trying hard to get the MQM out of the gutter
in which it had sunk due to its own deeds. The party seemed to be making
some progress, but like a scorpion it could not resist its instinct; resultantly
the act of May 12 has sunk it deeper into the gutter.

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The very idea of holding an inquiry, or even debating to establish as

to who is responsible is waste of time because everything is crystal clear. An
inquiry would amount to a fraud in which the facts would be buried under
the garbage of fabrications. Here, one tends to agree with Musharraf who
said that judicial inquiry into the Karachi mayhem is not required, though
for different reasons.
The matter of immediate concern is the accountability. The question
is; who will punish the culprits, the state or the people? Most importantly,
the long-term goal should be to free the two hostages; Pakistan from the
captivity of Musharraf and Karachi from clutches of Altaf Hussain.
It is a difficult proposition, but prospects have certainly brightened.
Karachi carnage has saved rest of the Pakistan from becoming the hostage of
the MQM militants because the true face of this party has been exposed and
the people who had been seduced or coerced have started disowning the
party. Ethnic communities in Karachi having witnessed that the Shiv Senalike armed wing of the MQM must defeat this evil force by standing united
and avoiding any political alliance with them in future.
27th May 2007

HELMET vs WIG
ROUND IX

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The extent of foul play to which the Team-Helmet resorted to during

Round VIII, drew the attention of the nation away from the real issue.
Therefore, the start of the Round IX could not get the due attention. This is
the round in which the real battle is being fought inside the Supreme Court.
This battle will certainly determine the fate of the Team-Wig and the TeamHelmet.
The legal bout started on 15th May with exchange of verbal outbursts
between Team-Helmet and Team-Wig. The imposing thirteen-member full
court soon had the sobering effect on tempers of both the teams; the
proceedings have progressed smoothly thereafter.
Team-Helmet argued against the points raised in the petition of the
CJP which were completed on 23rd May. The arguments of Team-Wig had
only gone for two days when it resorted to foul play for the first time, not
inside the court but during the seminar held in the auditorium on the
Supreme Court on 26th May.

EVENTS
The 13-member full court started formal hearing of the petition of the
CJP on 15th May and confirmed stay of SJC proceedings till further orders.
In Lahore, a lawyer filed a petition in LHC against Pervaiz Elahi and Shaikh
Rashid for making derogatory remarks against the CJP during Islamabad
rally. Petitioner prayed that both should be removed from their posts and
punished. British media observed that Musharraf was losing friends at home
and abroad.
Prime Minster ordered judicial inquiry of murder of Hamad. Justice
Bhagwandas taking suo moto action formulated a panel of two judges of the
apex court to monitor the investigations. Musharraf told the parliamentarians
that the government was not involved in murder of Hamad; nevertheless he
stressed upon the need to win over hearts and minds of the deceased family.
Ansar Abbasi reported that wife of ex-DIG Police, Saleem Khan
charged the government of arresting her husband to stop from appearing
before the Supreme Judicial Council in defence of the CJP. She wailed that
her family was losing everything just because her husband was not ready to

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follow the unlawful dictates of the Sindh Chief Minister. Forget about the
job of my husband, our foremost concern is his life and safe return.
The President cannot be sued in any court, argued Pirzada on 16th May
in the full court. The government lawyers argued against maintainability of
CJPs petition. The Supreme Court asked police to submit daily report in
Hamad case. The CJP did not have any fear of his life and expressed his
conviction that no one can touch him unless ordained by Allah. PPP sought
protection of ex-DIG Saleem Khan. US media made grim predictions about
Pakistan.
On 17th May, the government panel focused on non-maintainability of
CJPs petition. Musharraf reiterated that Benazir and Nawaz cannot return
before elections. Inquiry commission was formed to probe murder of
Hamad. Colleagues abandoned the ex-DIG high and dry, reported Ansar
Abbasi.
Next day, the Supreme Court directed the government to appoint a
senior judge of LHC to probe in Hamad murder case. MMA submitted a bill
in NA to repeal 17th Amendment. MMA argued that the amendment was
passed as an outcome of accord which has been violated by the government.
Musharraf defended MQM rally in his interview to Talat Hussain.
On 19th May, JI condemned attempt on life of journalist Shakil Turabi.
PPP slammed harassment of media men. The party also demanded probe
into Hamad murder by a judge of the Supreme Court.
Next day, SCBA warned the government against disrupting a judicial
seminar to be addressed by the CJP on 26th May. Benazir proposed that
Musharraf should call a roundtable conference in which Nawaz Sharif must
be included. Minister Durrani said Musharraf-opposition talks were possible.
The New York Times wrote that the US doesnt want to further weaken
Musharraf.
Addressing a public gathering in Balakot on 21 st May Musharraf said,
they are conspiring against me and want to incite people That will be a
day of grief for me if these lies and deception triumph over truth and
reality That will be a very sad day for Pakistan and the point where I will
cry. Was he begging favour from the full bench?

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The full court rebuffed the government counsel, Malik Muhammad

Qayyum, when he cited the example of Malaysia tribunal which had
suspended five judges of the Supreme Court. Justice Ramday told the
counsel not to scare the court: We want to forget the Malaysian case as a
bad dream. Ramday also observed that proceedings of the SJC can be
subjected to judicial review.
The Supreme Court cancelled the routine summer vacations because
of the load of pending cases. Advocate Imtiaz Ahmed Kaifi filed a petition
against Musharraf and Shaikh Rashid over passing derogatory remarks
against the CJP. Suicide bombing hoax created panic in Peshawar High
Court; Imran alleged that the move was aimed at hindering his visit to
PHCBA. Protest rally for recovery of missing persons was held in Peshawar
and demanded closure of secret detention facilities.
British HC, Robert Brinkley stressed the need for respect for an
independent judiciary and rule of law in Pakistan and Musharraf should
separate the two offices held by him. Acting HC was summoned to tell him
that his remarks were unacceptable and amounted to interfering in internal
affairs of Pakistan.
On 22nd May, Justice Ramday observed that the President should have
checked whether the reference he was forwarding to the SJC against the CJP
had enough substance to move the Council. Prime Minister offered the
opposition a dialogue on all national issues including strengthening of
democratic institutions and for formulating code of conduct for free, fair and
transparent elections in the country.
Next day, Aitzaz started his arguments in the court. He questioned
whether a judge of the superior court can be prevented or restrained
(suspended) from working after an adverse order under Article 209 of the
Constitution and deciphered that every judge hearing the case of the
government is at risk of removal because the executive misuses Article 209.
He said that one witness has been killed, another arrested and lawyers are
being intimidated.
Prime Minister failed to convince Jamali over resignation. Burns said
the US will stand by the friend Musharraf. German Foreign Minister
visiting Pakistan expressed concern over judicial crisis, but hoped that
conditions might improve before elections.

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On 24th May, Aitzaz continued arguing on the limited scope of the

Supreme Judicial Council and submitted that SJC has no power to suspend
the CJP. The SJC contended that no court, the Supreme Court included,
holds any jurisdiction over the Supreme Judicial Council.
Lawyers and opposition parties held protest rallies across the country.
A judge of LHC was appointed to head probe into murder of Hamad. Amna
Masood Janjua claimed that 2,500 people are still missing. PPP declined to
attend all parties meeting called by MMA.
Ansar Abbasi reported that Musharraf was getting reckless pieces of
advice from intriguers close to him. Various proposals were made to cleanse
the higher judiciary; including settlement of seniority of Justice Falak Sher
and fresh oath by the judges to get rid of undesirable ones. While different
ideas kept popping up, the government MPs including some ministers were
concerned about the fast changing public mood due to the ongoing crisis.
Next day, all the opposition parties, except PPP, held a consultative
meeting in Islamabad and decided to hold joint public meetings at all
provincial capitals. The meeting held Musharraf and MQM responsible for
Karachi carnage and demanded to bring Altaf Hussain for trial; called for
removal of all hurdles in return of former prime ministers; and threatened
launching of civil disobedience if Musharraf goes ahead with his plan of
taking extra-constitutional steps to prolong his rule.
Justice Ramday said the Supreme Court will determine its jurisdiction
for hearing of the CJP case. The Supreme Court was informed that five more
missing persons were traced out and the total of traced out persons reached
98. The government representative, however, did not reveal as to how many
of them were retrieved from the Jihadi setups as Musharraf had claimed.
On 26th May, the CJP attended the seminar on the independence of
judiciary. The speakers criticized Musharraf and his generals and vowed to
continue lawyers struggle till victory. The seminar ended with a paper read
by the CJP. He quoted the famous saying: Power corrupts and absolute
power corrupts absolutely. CDA kept the lights of Constitution Avenue
switched-off during the SCBA function.
District and Sessions Judge Sanghar Ms Kausar Sultana rejected the
plea of Sanghar police which sought 15-day physical remand of the ex-DIG
Saleemullah in a kidnapping case registered against him in Khapro. This was

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fifth attempt to get his physical remand. Journalists protested against

victimization of Shakil Turabi. Lawyers observed complete strike in Punjab.

VIEWS
Before picking the pearls of wisdom showered by the analysts one
should know how the people feel about the events unfolding in the ongoing
crisis. Ali Imran Iqbal from Lahore wrote about the murder of additional
registrar of the Supreme Court. Hamad Raza was one of the key witnesses
in the trial against the chief justice and was residing in Islamabad, the safest
city in the country. His residence was under twenty-four hour surveillance
by the security agencies. No common criminal could walk in at the risk of
getting apprehended. It is a known fact that the majority of robberies are
well-planned rather than random. Criminals only shoot when there is
resistance from the other side because they do not want to attract attention.
Those who did this must know that violence begets violence.
Syed Askari Raza from Islamabad wrote, I feel ashamed to note
that the widow of additional registrar of the Supreme Court and personal
staff officer to the Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry, Hamad Raza
does not believe in Pakistans judiciary and is seeking justice from courts
in the UK. I humbly request for the sake of national stability to the people
concerned to work for an independent judiciary, which is the symbol of a
great nation.
Dr Irfan Zafar from Islamabad welcomed Musharraf to the club of
weepers. This is with regard to what the president said in Mansehra on May
22. nothing surprising for a nation whose poor people have been weeping
for the last 60 years on the prevalence of lies and deceptions over truth.
Join the club, Sir.
B A Malik from Islamabad said: General Musharraf while addressing
a PML-Q rally in Mansehra on May 21 said that he would cry if lies
triumph over truth. The fact is that the vast majority of Pakistanis differ
with the president on this, especially after March 9.
M S Hasan from Karachi wrote: Despite being traumatized,
distressed, harassed and helpless, we, the beleaguered citizens will not let

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the president weep, for we are already weeping on his behalf, for all the
lies and deception we are being fed and subjected to.
We are promised safety and security of life and property by the state.
This remains a promise and we continue to weep, along with the families
of 40 innocent citizens who were brutally murdered in Karachi.
We were assured a corruption free administration and today,
Pakistans corruption rating, according to independent global evaluation, is
an all time high. We are weeping for being one of the most corrupt
countries in the world.
We were promised rule of law, justice, fair and transparent
accountability. The country is run by bank loan defaulters, hoarders, and
black marketers, (remember the sugar and cement crises). We are weeping
for the blatant discriminatory and selective accountability.
The list of broken promises, lies and deception is very long which
goes on and on and yet we the helpless citizens, will not let the president
weep and subject him to the same torture we go through every day and night
of our miserable experience.
Azmat Khan Qasuri from Kasur commented on another statement of
Musharraf. I visited Kana-e-Kaaba six times and each time its doors were
opened for me; no such thing happened for Nawaz Sharif. Why the need of
such comparisons? Divinity has different ways of measuring piousness
that we cannot comprehend. The president should refrain from making
such comments since they only add to his already dwindling image. Abu
Jehal had been inside Kaaba countless times; but it did not reflect on his
piousness because it was due to his position in the tribe of Quraish.
Dr Irfan Zafar from Islamabad felt the need of revising the scripts of
oaths administered to incumbents of higher offices. Most of the oaths taken
at the time of assumption of many high-profile offices of this country have
lost their relevance and credibility in the light of their non-adherence and
deviations by individuals. Having failed to abide by these oaths, it will be
much more practical to revise them for good and bring them in line with
the ground realities. At least it will help in giving cosmetic illusion of
integrity and self-respect; the virtues were lost a long time back. The best
course would be to abolish the oaths altogether.

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Usman from Islamabad was of the view that it should be free-for-all

game. If the army chief can address public rallies, then all in the army
(officers at least) should have the right to do so. The corps commander of
Lahore be allowed to address the rally in Lahore at least, the area of his
domain. This can trickle down to majors and captains as well. All should
have this right if their present chief has it. We have got the army involved in
politics and it is doing no good to the institution.
Adnan Rashid from Swat said: I dont think that a common citizen
has the right to call himself a Pakistani. This is a copyright reserved for the
agencies and armed forces personnel and as a Pakistani they are in a
position to do anything in the name of the country, even if it means
killing and abduction.
I am not free to ask why the ex-premiers are living in exile: I am not
free to ask about my missing brethren, although I have a Pakistani green
card I am unable to change the government by my vote. Although I know
that the judiciary is trying to free itself, journalists are seeking freedom and
political parties are struggling for the restoration of democracy, I am not free
to voice my concern.
Murtaza Talpur from Islamabad had a solution for the problem faced
by men like Usman. If we look over the past few weeks in Pakistan, it
seems that everything is drifting away from its actual place. Before the
suspension of the Chief Justice the condition of the country was quite good.
But after this mishap, the whole scenario has become distorted. The
government of the president seems to be in trouble. The chain of the current
events can lead to the downfall of the current government. Because these
problems such as, oppositions rallies, bomb blasts, killings in Karachi, and
the Lal Masjid dilemma, for instance, are not issues that can be ignored.
What do these events show? They show that the government has become
weak and it should be replaced.
Nazeer Ahmad Malik also suggested a way out. Recent events in the
country have amply proved that the time has come to dismount. This can be
done in a very honourable manner by fixing a date for general elections,
with an independent chief election commissioner and the handover of power
to where it should be according to the Constitution. Those who suggest that
the man on the horseback be elected in uniform for 10 to 15 years are his
worst enemies. They would rather see him pulled down than being provided

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with a chance to quit honourably, which is in the interest of the horseman as

well as the whole nation. The time to honourably dismount has come.
Lt Col S Jamshaid Raza from Karachi opined: The government
should feel the pulse of the nation and the direction in which the current
legal crisis is going. There are more important and urgent problems facing
the police. In the overall interest of the nation the government should
immediately withdraw its legal reference against the chief justice,
showing magnanimity, sagacity and farsightedness expected of good
leaders.
Jawad Raja from Rawalpindi said: Government mulls another
reference against CJ, was a headline in The News of May 8. Anybody who
advises the government on such lines must get their heads examined. Such
an action will further aggravate the already complicated situation in which
the government finds itself at present. The government is losing precious
time by not finding an amicable solution and following the path of
confrontation. The CJ is in win-win position no matter what the
government does. If the government (I mean the president) could apologize
to the Geo TV management, he could have done the same to the CJ as well.
There is still time to agree on a workable formula Mr President. This nation
should not suffer.
The News suspected that a process of elimination of witnesses for the
CJP has started. The emergence of three recent events, shrouded in some
mystery, is ominous. The first is the murder last week of additional registrar
of the Supreme Court Syed Hamad Raza. The second is the arrest of a
former DIG from Sindh who says that he has been arrested because he has
access to information that could be key in the presidential reference filed
against Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry. The third, which is not
really related to the first two, still merits mention (since it is related in
general to a growing crisis of credibility regarding the state) and it is the
death of former alleged al-Qaeda financier Saud Memon.
First, with regard to the tragic death of Hamad, it is good to see the
Supreme Court stepping in and announcing that the inquiry into his death
will be headed by a senior judge of the Lahore High Court. The Supreme
Court action overrides a notification issued by the interior ministry which
had said that the district and session judge of Islamabad would oversee the
inquiry. Given that the dead mans family had from the outset disagreed with
the line being taken by the police, that Hamad died during a botched
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robbery, insisting that he was targeted because of his official position, the
move by the Supreme Court is welcome. Reports suggest that he was the
chief justices personal staff officer and hence it would not be out of place to
presume that in the hearing of the reference filed against the chief justice,
his testimony would have been crucial.
The arrest of the former DIG is somewhat related to the chief
justice issue. The police official on Friday told the press, in between a court
hearing in Mirpurkhas, that he feared for his life because he knew many
things related to the reference against the chief justice and which if revealed
could damage the governments case.
He said that the cases against him by the Sindh government were part
tactics to pressure him, and also since he was conducting inquiries on orders
of the Supreme Court in certain cases that it had taken note of As for Saud
Memons death, it relates more to the controversial matter of the
disappearances of dozens of Pakistanis.
Nadeem Iqbal reported the case of DIG Saleemullah in some detail.
Two days after Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry was rendered
non-functional by the federal government, Chief Minister Sindh Dr Arbab
Ghulan Rahim said in a press conference that chief justice was sacked
because Sindh and other provinces had submitted complaints before the
president that he was consistently interfering in the administrative affairs of
the state.
Listing interferences, he specifically mentioned the case of DIG
Mirpurkhas range Saleemullah Khan Given this background,
Saleemullah is considered a potential witness in defence of the CJ in
presidential reference pending against him in the Supreme Judicial Council.
In the backdrop of additional Registrar Supreme Court Hamad Razas
murder in Islamabad, Saleemullahs apprehension that he possesses some
important information and the fear of its disclosure may cost him his life
seems serious.
Saleemullah denied allegations leveled in FIRs registered against him
and claimed that efforts were underway to lodge more false cases. He said
he has done nothing wrong as he was only conducting different inquiries
under orders of the apex court. The most glaring case is that of Munoo
Bheel

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In the year 2005 the Supreme Court took suo moto action in the case
on an application filed by Swedish human rights activist Torborg Isakssan.
And a three-member Supreme Court bench headed by Chief Justice
Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry entrusted DIG Saleemullah to
investigate the matter.
That seemingly put him on the wrong side of the government. In May
last year the Supreme Court ordered for forfeiture of property of Sindhi
wadera Abdul Rehman Marri, a disciple of Pir Pagara, for his
involvement in abduction of nine members of Munoo Bheels family.
DCO informed the court that Abdul Rehman Marri had no movable
or immovable properties in the area. This was disputed by DIG Saleemullah
by stating that Marri was most landed person in the area and that he had not
left for Saudi Arabia and was still living somewhere in the country.
On courts direction, another case the DIG was probing was the
allegations of abduction and torture of Naeem Arain by Mirpurkhas
police in a private torture cell The bench was told that some police
officers, at the behest of influential feudalists, operated private cells where
innocent citizens were kept in illegal confinement.
Naeem was recovered; appeared in the court and informed the bench
that each of the accused police officials was now ready to pay him Rs
500,000 as compensation. He submitted that police were pressuring him
to withdraw cases against them and had even threatened him that
women of his family would be kidnapped.
DIG Saleemullah Khan informed the court that 10 police officers,
including four SHOs who had been running torture cells in Sanghar,
Mirpurkhas and Jhole had been arrested and some of them had even been
dismissed.
A divide between the Sindh government and DIG Saleemullah
and Supreme Court became visible, the Sindh government tried its best to
take the case of Naeem and Munoo from Saleemullah and informed the SC
that a new DIG has been appointed to investigate these cases but the CJ
observed that the Sindh administration was violating and interfering into
courts affairs. No one is above the law. Even if the Sindh chief minister is
causing hindrance, the CJ added Saleemullah will supervise the
investigations.

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The whole issue took an ugly turn on October 22 last year when
the rift between DIG Saleemullah and the Sindh government intensified.
Saleemullah was suspended and a case against him and a number of other
police personnel reporting to him was registered on directive of the then
Provincial Police Officer, Sindh, Jehangir Mirza.
The News wrote about another issue which has been the cause of the
ongoing judicial crisis. The bench was told (on May 25) that out of 254
complaints of missing persons, the government had tracked down the
whereabouts of a total of 98 individuals This whole sordid affair of
citizens disappearing without trace only for their families to be told later
after the Supreme Court took suo moto notice and after much public and
media pressure that their whereabouts had been found and that they were
being released reflects the truly massive misuse of power and authority
of the states various intelligence agencies.
The immediate question that comes to mind out of all this is that
were it not for the court cases and the fact that the issue is one that tends
to get highlighted considerably (for obvious reasons) in the media these
people would still be unaccounted for to use the clich (but quite apt in
this case), they would be allowed to rot in prison but without their arrest
ever being acknowledged.
Recent developments have shown, the governments eventual
acknowledgement that at least some of the missing persons are in its
custody or have been released means that the charges against these people
would not have stood in a court of law. Simply admitting their detention
after, in most cases, several months or even some years of incarceration, is
not something that should be allowed to go unpunished.
Even truly democratic and industrialized countries have intelligence
agencies that sometimes work beyond the pale of the law, but at least in
those instances, their officials who do engage in such activities do so at the
risk of being sacked and prosecuted for their actions. Regrettably, in the case
of Pakistan it doesnt seem likely that this will happen any time soon, not
least because the operational head of the most important and powerful
of these agencies also happens to hold the post of president.
The rulers continued blaming and harassing the media for
exaggerating the extent of the crisis. This resulted in obvious reaction. The
News wrote: An Islamabad-based journalist was assaulted in broad daylight
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on Friday and beaten so badly that he had to be admitted to hospital. Recent

days, starting from the brazen attack on the Islamabad offices of Geo TV and
this newspaper, have seen harassment and intimidation of the print and
electronic media rise manifold. The man, who works in a local news
agency, according to the well-respected New York-based Committee to
Protect Journalists had written a story a day earlier contesting the
governments claim that police personnel had manhandled the chief justice
on the day he was made non-functional. In his story, he had, according to
CJP, written that intelligence agencies personnel were in fact involved.
The journalists statement given to his brother that he was being
beaten, he was asked by his assailants whether the chief justice was his
father. Prior to this incident, TV channels have been taken off air twice,
have been served with notices which are meant more as a form of
harassment, and print media journalists have been routinely intimidated and
pressured when reporting and writing on certain issues.
These days that issue seems to be coverage of the crisis arising out of
the chief justice being made non-functional by the president, upon the filing
a reference against him with the Supreme Court on the advise of the prime
minister. Now in an interview to a private TV channel, the president has
again accused the media of being one-sided about the whole matter,
particularly mentioning coverage of the chief justice which he said was
being given minute-by-minute updates as if it were a cricket match He
also implied that the media was playing a major role in the politicization of
the crisis, which has been a constant refrain ever since the crisis emerged.
With due respect, it needs to be pointed out that the politicization
started when the government dealt with what should have been a purely
legal and administrative matter in a most ham-handed fashion This was
followed soon by the attack on the offices of Geo TV and this newspaper in
Islamabad, which was also shown live on television, and then by taking off
air of three major television channels for their coverage of the crisis it then
culminated in the wanton attack on the offices of a Karachi-based TV
channel on May 12, and which has now been dismissed by the Sindh home
secretary as being an unfortunate instance of the offices getting caught in
crossfire between two rival armed groups. For the sake of argument, even if
the home secretarys version is to be believed, why did it take the provincial
government so long to send police and Rangers to control the situation,
especially given that the attack was being shown live as it was taking place.

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To top this all, May 12 also saw mela-like scenes at a government

rally in Islamabad, at around the same time dozens were dying in Karachi
(something that has been roundly condemned by all shades of opinion). So
in all of this, not just May 12 but going back to March 9 when the
current judicial crisis began, what was the media supposed to do?
Ghazi Salahuddin said: There was this joke told by Prime Minister
Shaukat Aziz when he visited Karachi on Wednesday and held a meeting at
the Governors House. As reported, he praised the police and Rangers for
doing a good job in containing the volatile situation in Karachi. We dont
know if after this statement, there was a dramatic pause or if anyone
laughed.
What did happen on May 12 in Karachi? This is a rhetorical question.
We know. Yes, we may be conditioned by our own biases and political
leanings and that would influence our understanding of the entire issue.
However, the point that I want to make is that there are facts and there are
opinions. We should not include in this equation lies that are told by
those who have a vested interest in distorting the truth.
Facts should be considered as sacred and should not be tainted
with opinions. Unfortunately, facts and opinions sometimes get
intermingled. As it is, our media has traditionally devoted more space to
statements and opinions than to factual coverage of events The same
statements that the president or the prime minister had made umpteen times
become new headlines day after day.
Talk shows on the news channels also tend to mystify the viewers
with reference to the contingencies of the prevailing realities. There is that
otherwise valid notion of balance to have equal participation from both
sides. But it becomes problematic when certified events and happenings are
denied by a participant. Go back to the discussions that were held after
March 9 and recall what some federal ministers were saying and you may
get the point I am making.
Hence, it is very important for the media to maintain its focus on
facts and explore them in an objective and professionally competent
manner. In this respect, mere visuals may also not tell the entire story. A
proper investigation is necessary to get to the deeper layers of truth. We are
talking about events of May 12 in Karachi. On the same day, a rally was held
in Islamabad by the ruling party. Shots of audience provided some clue to
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what the mood was like. But there were only some scattered hints about how
the audience was gathered and how many people were there.
In a subsequent article he added: It is very dangerous time in the life
of a country when its rulers are inclined to, as the expression goes, kill the
messenger who brings bad news. By so assertively rejecting the validity of
adverse news and comments, they are also conveying a message to their
subordinates, advisors and, obviously, friends. This message is: tell me the
truth at your peril.
Addressing a gathering at the Chief Ministers House in Karachi, he
(Musharraf) said that it was difficult to identify the elements that first
opened fire on May 12. Hence, he underlined the need to close this chapter
and think about the future.
Ah, but is it also difficult to identify people who had blocked the
main roads during the night? Is it not possible to find out why the police and
Rangers were not there until the evening of May 12? It is so simple for any
sane person to see that the officials are insistent on cover up the making of
the May 12 carnage.
No less tragic than the events of May 12 is the governments
attempt to willfully distort facts. As for journalists, they have once again
discovered the limits of press freedom with the threats they encounter when
they seek full, unvarnished truth. There was this statement of Mohajir Rabita
Council in which a number of journalists were identified by name. There
have been many other, more alarming incidents that underline the quality of
press freedom that exists in Pakistan.
With whatever sources of information that the president enjoys, he
believes that the people are still with him. He points towards the big
rallies he recently addressed; only conceding that the buses for bringing the
people had to be hired. Dont you know that he knows the truth
Anyhow, if the domestic media is so unjustly negative in its coverage
of the recent social and political developments, we can turn our attention
towards the international media. Pakistan has remained in the news because
of its front-line involvement in the war on terror and its struggle with the
rising forces of Islamic militancy. However, the judicial crisis has provided a
new perspective on the country. And the Karachi carnage has become a
flaming reference to the mounting sorrows of Pakistan There is a

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general agreement that Pakistan is on the edge, to invoke the words The
Economist has put on its cover One wonders if the president and his
friends have also stopped reading the foreign publications.
Munir A Malik expressed his views about the movement in an
interview to Farah Zia and Nadeem Iqbal for The News on Sunday. Replying
to the question about the future of the movement, Malik said: I believe we
have made substantial headway in raising the consciousness of ordinary
citizens and in changing the attitudes in the judiciary. Were it not for the
lawyers, they would have convicted the chief justice in three days.
He was asked: Do you realize that the issue is not confined to CJPs
reinstatement and what you are fighting for now is a systemic change which
may not be possible unless this turns into a political movement? He replied:
No. The issue of whether everyone has a function within the limits of
the constitution is something that the courts will decide.
Arent you frustrated then that political parties are not active
enough to use this catalyst for a larger change? He said: Its a defining
moment for them, too, and theyve got to stand for the people. The bar,
meanwhile, will ensure that no particular ideology is thrust upon it.
About the secret of the sustenance of the movement, Munir said:
I am amazed myself. But I believe the catalyst has been that television
image of uniformed people asking for the CJPs resignation on March 9.
And then the television image of March 13 when the CJP was dragged by his
hair.
In reply to the query about lawyers strength he said: Weve been
quite divided within various bars. The elections have been rigged and then
re-election held in my case. I think this is only a consequence of pent up
emotions that were always there; they only needed a catalyst.
You see what were being asked to do now is to go home, and
await the verdict of the Supreme Court. Now this is something we can
ill-afford. We believe that it was the protest on the streets that changed the
attitudes on the bench. It was only after the bar rose that the majority of the
judges in Sindh and NWFP and even Lahore High Court went to receive the
chief justice.

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Do you hope as many others do that this time round any move to
impose emergency or martial law will be immediately struck down by the
courts? Munir said: No. I dont think so Weve made some irreversible
gains though. One, the ordinary man knows it is not produced in the court
thats enough; its having justice that matters. Two, the judiciary knows it
has to face the bar of lawyers and the bar of public opinion. And lastly,
weve destroyed the myth on invincibility. They thought they were
invincible; not anymore.
The News was opined it was time for the rulers to step back and
reassess. The context of what the president said in Mansehra should come
to even sharper focus if one looks at reports of recent PML-Q meetings,
where more than one member of the party has advised the government
to change tack on the CJ issue and criticized it for what happened in
Karachi on May 12. Several PML-Q members of parliament have, it has
now emerged, told their senior leadership that the government needs to
review the strategy on the presidential reference and should have acted to
prevent the May 12 bloodshed instead of apparently giving one of its
coalition partners a free hand. The reasons for the unrest in the ruling camp
are obvious unlike the general, most members of parliament will have to
present themselves for re-election to an electorate which by and large seems
quite unhappy with the present governments policies.
As far the presidents remark that he is being blamed for the May 12
carnage, one can only say that his defence of the Sindh government and its
ruling coalition, the MQM in particular, flies in the face of popular feeling
since most people think that the bloodshed could have been averted if the
government and its law-enforcement machinery had stepped in a timely
fashion and had the MQM been asked to postpone its own rally to another
day. Also, the reluctance by both the federal and Sindh governments to
even hold a judicial inquiry into the events of May 12 reinforces the
public perception that there is perhaps something to hide.
They say that when a leader, ruler or dictator begins to see everything
happening around him through the lens of conspiracy, then the future does
not look very bright. After all, it cannot be that the whole country is
conspiring against the government surely there must be some tangible
basis to the generally popular discontent against the government in the
country. Leadership demands that mistakes made be acknowledged and
amends made for because that is what furthers the nations interests.

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Mir Jamilur Rahman advised that the government should not be

misled by the numbers game. General Musharraf has politicized the
presidency. The constitution has provided for a neutral and apolitical
president who shall represent the unity of the Republic. That constitutional
concept has ceased to exist. Under General Musharrafs rule, our political
system has acquired a different look which was not envisaged in the
Constitution. To be sure, parliamentary form of government has been
abandoned and in its place the country has embraced the presidential
system.
Lawyers are protesting nationwide every Thursday demanding
withdrawal of reference against Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry. The
teachers have started protests and hunger strikes to press their demands.
Every evening, there is protest in front of the imposing Supreme Court
building for the missing persons by their families and human rights activists.
The protests are reaching the dangerous level. Any attempt to stop them
forcibly would result in bloodshed and more vigorous agitation.
The government should not be misled by the numbers game,
claiming that the PML rally in Islamabad was attended by 300,000 people
while the lawyers rally did not exceed a few thousand people proving that
majority of the people is with President Musharraf. When the Pakistan
Resolution was passed on March 23, 1940, the number of people attending
the Muslim League rally was estimated at about 40,000. But these people
were motivated and dedicated to the cause which enabled them to win a
country for the Muslims.
M S Hasan from Karachi suggested a way out for the good of the
nation. The impending decision of the Supreme Judicial Council in the
matter of the reference filed against the chief justice will either result in the
upholding of the governments position detailed in the reference, in which
case the chief justice will be relieved of his responsibilities, or alternatively,
it will be rejected, leading to the reinstatement of the chief justice. In either
situation the chief justice will come out as the winner.
He will become a hero, and a crusader against dictatorship, autocracy
and authoritarianism. If he gets reinstated, it will be seen as a victory of
justice against dictatorship. The opposition will walk laughing all the way
to next elections if they are not cancelled through extra-constitutional
measures which may be invoked by the ruling junta to prolong and
perpetuate its rule.
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However, every crisis also brings along great opportunities for a

change for the better. Now it is up to the president to seize the
opportunity and act decisively, dispassionately, fairly and sincerely to
put the country on the right track. This can only be done if he dissolves the
current government, installs a non-partisan national government, removes
his uniform, makes the judiciary and the election commission independent
and answerable only to the parliament, holds free, fair and transparent
elections and hands over power to elected representatives of the people.
Firozuddin Ahmed Faridi wrote: When men in military uniform
become the makers, and the unmakers, of the constitution of the state, and
men in lesser uniforms become the custodians of law, without the effective
control of a civilian authority, history tells us that there can be law and order,
one supplementing the other. We saw that on May 12. Pakistan is now
either a police state or a garrison state. It is neither a civilian nor a
civilized state.
If we still want to fight the losing war of re-establishing law and
order in this state of emerging anarchy, we must start by asking ourselves:
what went wrong where? A little introspection would show us the quickest,
the cheapest, the easiest and the most effective course of action It takes
courage to admit, and to learn from, ones mistake, nay blunder. Above all, it
takes a statesman, i.e. one who is man enough to place the state before and
above self. Is it asking too much in this land of the pure?
Dr Farrukh Saleem observed: On May 17, the US Department of
State said that General Musharraf has not yet reached the end of his
line. That may indeed be so, but that line now forks out either to democracy
or repression (no third choice). Democracy is all about compromises and
power sharing. Repression means a military solution, unenlightened
immoderation even more confrontation, black laws, censorships, violence,
end of prosperity and everything else that Musharraf has built over the past
nearly eight years; bringing down each and every feat one by one. Imagine,
an architect ripping apart his own most treasured building brick by brick,
window by window, floor by floor. Could there be anything more painful
than that? A painter putting to light his most adored piece of art inch by inch.
A sculptor fracturing his most beloved sculpture bone by bone, tissue by
tissue, joint by joint. Repression entails all of that and more.
Tariq Butt identified the emerging leaders out of the judicial crisis.
Shahi Syed is the man to be watched in the muddy but precarious Karachi
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politics in the weeks and months to come. He heads the Pakhtun Action
Committee when well-founded fears are expressed about any ethnic strife
(God forbid) in Karachi, Shahis name figures prominently. He narrowly
escaped death during intense firing on him on black May 12
In the decade of bloodletting, Sarwar Awan (who died recently after
remaining in the background for years) used to be a powerful political force
as he presided over the Punjabi-Pakhtun Ittehad (PPI) that was put up by
invisible forces to counter the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) in the
eighties.
Shahi Syed is the leader of largest Pakhtun population concentrated
in any city of Pakistan. Like other opposition parties, he, being the chief of
the ANP Sindh, had also geared up his supporters to welcome Chief Justice
Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry on May 12. His supporters faced the
maximum casualties that included 16 dead.
With the Pakhtuns living in Karachi having re-emerged as a
compelling entity in the May 12 episode (for having faced maximum
deaths), the ANP too has secured an extraordinary importance. Even
otherwise, it has hardly been considered a mighty force to be reckoned with
as far as the electoral scene is concerned.
It is this weight and relevance of the ANP that has prompted Sindh
Chief Minister Dr Arbab Rahim and Governor Dr Ishratul Ibad to invite its
President Asfanadyar Wali to visit Karachi for meeting them in order to
contribute to restoration of normalcy in Pakistans commercial and business
hub and heal the wounds inflicted on it.
If any single person, who can be designated as hero in the judicial
crisis, after, of course, Justice Chaudhry, it is indefatigable Barrister Aitzaz
Ahsan, who is wearing caps of lawyer, politician and poet. Even before
March 9 when the presidential reference was filed against the Chief Justice,
he was a highly respected figure.
The judicial crisis has undoubtedly added a lot to Aitzazs leadership
skills and qualities and illustrated his valour, heroism and fearlessness. Day
in and day out, he is challenging President General Pervez Musharraf with
remarkable poise and perseverance in a bid to defend the independence and
supremacy of the judiciary, and at larger level, institutionalism.

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At times, one wonders how he is sparing enough time for all these
pursuits. Being the principal lawyer of Justice Chaudhry, he has the
exclusive responsibility of representing him in the Supreme Court or the
Supreme Judicial Council; he is available to every private television channel
(that abounds now) to present the chief justices side of the story as well as
to speak on politics; and he is driving the top judge wherever he undertakes
an important journey
Utterly contrary is Aitzazs leader, Benazir Bhutto, who is harping on
a theme that, on the face of it, gives the impression that it is intended to bail
out Musharraf. It makes even many of her committed party leaders hang
their heads in shame. This unflagging lawyer is the biggest saving grace for
the PPP in the worst judicial crisis.
Munir A Malik, Ali Ahmed Kurd, Ahsan Bhoon, Shafqat Abbasi and
many other lawyers who stand shoulder to shoulder with Justice Chaudhry
would have surely never thought of so unprecedented glory and
magnificence that they have now attained just because of their credible role
in the judicial crisis. Munir A Malik is, in fact, the architect of the unity of
lawyers community.
Shafqat Mahmood discussed the latest state of the crisis in some
detail. A weeks pause in street protests and the General has started to talk
in bellicose terms. He has hinted at using extra constitution powers and
declared that the uniform is his second skin which presumably cannot be
removed. The common impression is that this statement was meant to
warn the judiciary to behave or else. It is also clear message that come
what may Musharraf is not inclined to give up his army office.
Instead of making moves to defuse the crisis, the General is
drawing battle lines and throwing an open challenge to pro democratic
forces. Besides mobilizing his political allies, he has even claimed Gods
grace by declaring that the door of the holy Kaaba was opened for him six
times while Nawaz Sharif had this privilege only twice. Whoa, clap, clap.
We know that power and the circle of sycophants do strange
things but this is getting bizarre. He has an answer for everything but very
little of it makes sense. And none more than his statement that the MQM had
a political right to do what it did because Karachi is its domain. Forgive me
but we all thought this city belonged to the state of Pakistan and no one,

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least of all a political party, had the right to declare it to be its exclusive
preserve.
Not far behind in this hall of shame are some other luminaries of
this government, reportedly being investigated by the FBI for insider
trading. Let us assume that these stories are false but then why is no one
coming out to positively deny them.
The nation has been held hostage to the personal ambitions of
one man and to the antics of his cohorts. Already, stories have begun to
emerge that foreign investors and technical personnel are refusing to come to
Pakistan, and, those already there are heading straight for the airport.
The fault lines are obvious and so are the solutions. Why is the
judicial crisis not being defused by withdrawing the reference against the
Chief Justice? Why is the General still adamant to get himself elected as
president from the current assemblies? Why is he strongly asserting that the
uniform is part of his being? And why is he threatening extra constitutional
steps to get his way? Will any of this make the situation better?
This dogged insistence by the General to fulfill a personal agenda
through a game plan that was devised before March 9, is going to create
more and more difficulties. I was under the impression that a military mind
is trained to be flexible and to change course if situation demands it. There is
no shred of evidence that this has happened.
There is only one decent and honourable way out of this crisis. It
will be good for the General and a huge balm on the festering wound of the
nation. The reference against the Chief Justice must be withdrawn. The
General should acknowledge this was a mistake and pin the blame on bad
advice.
Secondly, an early action should be called, that is before the
presidential election becomes due. This will defuse the entire controversy
regarding election from current assemblies and also give legitimacy to the
process. A date in August or early September can be given. Summer is no
hindrance to an election campaign.
Third, he must unequivocally announce that he will not be
candidate for the presidential office in uniform. Some who understand the
law better than me think that he cannot be a candidate even if he sheds his

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uniform for two years but let us leave this aside for the moment. If he
announces quitting the army post, the high moral ground that he will gain
will allow him to become a candidate.
Fourth, to ensure that the election has credibility, he must allow
Benazir Bhutto, Nawaz Sharif and Shahbaz Sharif to come back and fully
participate in them. Without their participation, the election will be
controversial and undemocratic and the purpose of seeking legitimacy for
the process will be lost. The idea is to heal wounds of the nation and this will
not happen if major political leaders of the country are forcibly kept out.
The election of course must be totally free and fair and under a
neutral caretaker arrangement This is the only process which would
defuse the national crisis and make us begin to pick up the pieces again and
work towards building a civilized nation. In this route, there is no guarantee
that Pervez Musharraf will have enough votes to win the presidential
election but that should not worry him. If he cannot get elected he will at
least quit the office honourably and live to fight another day.
Babar Sattar expressed similar views. The General further reiterated
that he had a constitutional right to (i) double-hat the office of the army chief
and the president, and (ii) get re-elected by the present assemblies. The
interviewers suggestion that his power and influence might spring from
his khaki and not his personal stature almost broke his heart. But then
we all know that the General is a strong man.
In ignoring the abating patience and excoriating cries of Pakistans
ordinary folk, is the Musharraf regime guilty of incompetence, bad
judgment, a disconnect from the reality or simply pursuing a deliberate selfserving agenda? There are many reasons why the General should contain
his zeal to serve the people of Pakistan and actually call it quits.
First of all, can the Constitution of Pakistan really allow the army
chief to be the head of the state? Would such permission not annihilate the
elementary principles of common sense and justice that underwrite the
constitutional scheme of checks and balances between state institutions in
any democracy?
Further, does it not defy logic that a parliament elected for five years
should be able to impose a president on the entire country for ten years?
Would that not enable one parliament to bind a successor parliament in an

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impermissible manner? After all a president cannot simply be replaced if he

loses a vote of confidence in the successor parliament he can only be
impeached
Second, the General introduced a controversial amendment to
Pakistani law barring a prime minister from serving a third term in office.
The law was allegedly focused on excluding Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz
Sharif from returning to office of prime minister. The Musharraf regime
however argued that this was a good law for it would encourage the
evolution of new leadership and bring in energetic people with fresh
ideas. This is sound logic.
But why does this principle and philosophy not apply to the
General? What moral authority does he have to force out other hackneyed
politicians when his political agenda is no longer than perpetuating himself
in power? The General had set out in 1999 to bless Pakistan with true
democracy. Has he not failed by his own standards when after eight long
years of his revolutionary democracy, a free and fair election threatens to
return the conventional democracy of PPP and PML-N?
Third, (and at the peril of venturing further into the cuckoo land)
what happened to the concept of self-accountability? Can the General
seriously not hear the chorus of grumble all around Pakistan and realize that
those coarsely lionized his rule are actually his political dependents? Is the
glitter and clatter of power really so blinding and deafening that nothing
short of grinding social upheaval will indicate the need for an exit strategy?
It is clear that since March 9 the Musharraf regime has been consumed by
efforts aimed at self-preservation. And unfortunately in view of current
public sentiment it can safely be prophesized that the General will remain a
liability for any regime that he heads.
Pakistan does not need any more bale-out plans authored by the logic
of expediency. The end of the Musharraf regime will not be a harbinger
of hope if it is not in accordance with the law and the constitution. If the
eagerness for change results in extra-constitutional arrangements between
the military and political elites, we will have learnt nothing from history.
The question of who will replace the Musharraf regime need not be
answered by citing a name. Let us live in the world of ideas for a bit. Let this
military regime be replaced with a tolerant democratic government, which
comprises people who have a vision, integrity and a belief in practicing
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principles. This popular social movement will not have served its cause if it
doesnt also end the political careers of people who are responsible for
making the concept of politics synonymous with unscrupulousness,
sycophancy and corruption.

REVIEW
In this round, under watchful eyes of dozen-plus judges, the heavy
weights of the lawyers community representing the two teams were pitched
against each other to outscore the opponent using their professional acumen.
In view of the ethics in vogue, the spectators were not allowed applauding or
booing any side and the commentators were constrained not to pass any
remarks; therefore the events inside the court lacked the luster that has been
a familiar characteristic of the ongoing movement.
The two teams in particular and the people in general are aware of the
fact that the decision of the full court will have telling impact on the
movement of lawyers; therefore everyone waited with mixed feelings of
expectations and apprehensions. The full court, true to the judicial traditions,
has also provided no indication during first ten days of hearing about the
possible outcome on the legal points being contested by the two sides.
Apprehensions and expectations primarily resulted from
circumstances leading to the beginning of the formal hearings by the full
court. Much of the bickering particularly on the issue of bias showed that
all is not well inside the superior judiciary. The neutrality of some of the
judges has, unfortunately, been rendered suspect.
The lawyers community supporting the CJP faltered for the first time
on 26 May. During the seminar held in the auditorium of the Supreme
Court the speakers and the participants exceeded the limits of decorum by
saying and chanting few things which could have been avoided. Such things
can have negative impact on their movement which has been progressing
fine to date.
th

Is it the first reflection of what the chief justice had quoted in his
paper; the power corrupts If that be so, the lawyers have corrupted
themselves too soon as their movement has still to cover a long and arduous

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journey. They cannot afford to be corrupted, that too midway, because the
strength of their cause lies in the uncorrupted decency.
Team-Wig with a noble cause cannot afford foul play at a stage when
they have almost cornered the Team-Helmet. Their onslaught has already
dazed the rank and file of the army of yes-men gathered around the dictator;
they must remain steadfast for the final push. Their adversary, despite
enjoying protection of helmets of American-origin, may not be able to
absorb the thrust of the Wig.
28th May 2007

HELMET vs WIG
ROUND IX PART II
Having identified the strength of the ongoing movement in medialawyers unity, the Team-Helmet had been trying to draw the media away

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from lawyers. This could not be achieved despite some incidents of violence
against journalists by lawyers.
Since then the Team-Helmet had been on the lookout in separating the
two and then strangulating the media. The lawyers faltered for the first time;
during the seminar held on 26th May they were driven by their exuberance
beyond the limits of decency and thus provided the Team-Helmet to get hold
of hostile section of electronic media.
The Team-Helmet, however, found it hard to manage after-effects of
the Karachi carnage, despite the fact political parties have not been able to
show any meaningful strength on the streets. The cracks within the TeamHelmet started widening, but these cracks have so far been concealed well.
Having observed that lawyers-media combine has weakened politicalwing of his team, Musharraf decided to launch military-wing in the ongoing
contest. He gathered three-star generals in GHQ, who announced
unequivocal support to their bosss agenda, unfortunately, the ongoing crisis
including the Karachi carnage has been the consequence of this agenda.

EVENTS
On 27th May, Musharraf urged leaders and workers of PML-Q to
resolve their differences to win forthcoming elections. The federal
government accused lawyers of using the Supreme Court building for
making political speeches and drew the attention of the Supreme Court
towards political seminar.
Punjab government obliged MQM by confining Imran to Lahore. Pir
Pagara asked MQM to mend fences with the nation. The Rangers withdrew
from Karachi to pre-May 12 positions. Benazir once again refused to attend
All Parties Conference.
The observers felt that Imrans case against Altaf would raise storm in
UK. PTI activists staged a protest against MQM. MMA caravan set out for
three-day journey to Gujranwala, Faisalabad and Lahore as part of the
struggle for elimination of dictatorship, supremacy of judiciary, impartial
interim government and fair elections.

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Next day, during the court proceedings, Justice Ramday said that
CJPs case would be decided on merit irrespective of the consequences.
Aitzaz continued his arguments; he said the CJP has already refused to
resign once and would do the same in case he would be reinstated.
Presidents top legal aide ruled out martial law. Prime Minister
condemned the language used against the armed forces during the seminar
held on 26th May. The government considered various options, including
invoking of Army Act. Acting CJ, Justice Javed said there is no pressure on
judges from the government.
Altaf called upon party workers to exercise restraint despite
provocative statements of politicians. MQM acquired services of Sarfraz
Nawaz to counter Imran Khan ball-by-ball. Arbab Rahim accused the courts
of interfering in matters of the country.
Lahore High Court did not entertain petition of Imran due to late
submission. Barrister Baachaa offered his services to fight Imrans case
against Altaf. He also sought an end to policy of appeasement of MQM.
Sindh High Court sought comments from SHCBA and other bars on May 12
incidents. Nawaz Sharif alleged that Musharraf had his hand in Karachi
killings.
On 29th May, Aitzaz Ahsan filed an affidavit of his client as he
completed his arguments. The statement covered events from March 9 to 13.
He said that he was forced to stay in the Army House for five hours against
his will; his refusal to resign had angered Musharraf; DGMI, DGISI pressed
him for resignation after Musharraf had left; and the events of his and his
familys confinement.
Sarfraz Nawaz-Altaf Hussain meeting was put off as MQM leadership
remained undecided over the issue of meeting. Naseerullah Babar showed
his willingness to appear before the court in UK, if a case against Altaf
Hussain is filed. Rauf Klasra reported that Shaukat Aziz cancelled his
official trip to UK to avoid meeting Altaf Hussain. Lahore High Court
sought report on Imrans petition. Imran and Khar called for unity in
opposition. Qazi vowed to continue anti-government drive. PPP asked MMA
to quit Baluchistan government.
Top leadership of PML-Q held a meeting to formulate their strategy
afresh for the judicial crisis, presidential election and upcoming general

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elections. One person was killed and eight wounded in a car blast outside
Peshawar High Court; provincial minister accused centre of refusing to share
intelligence on terrorists. Lawyers blamed the spy agencies for the car blast.
Next day, Fakhuruddin G Ebrahim argued that the president having
been elected unconstitutionally cannot and could not avail immunity given
under Articles 248 and 211 of the Constitution. Gillani said the Supreme
Court can take up any mala fide act of the president.
Police arrested two Kashmiri brothers for killing Hamad Raza and
recovered wrist watch of Hamads father worn by one of the them and the
pistol on the lead provided by them. Both of them were part of a gang
involved in various crimes.
Musharraf, while addressing the officers of Jehlum Garrison, urged
media not to politicize judicial matter. He accused some channels of creating
pressure on judiciary. Acting CJ of the Supreme Court constituted a twomember bench to take up the application of the federal government about
SCBA seminar.
Ibad continued his peace offensive, went to SHC, and deplored May
12 carnage. Three-member inquiry into May 12 carnage ordered by IGP
halted its work; Arbab Rahim blamed SHC for non-cooperation. A contempt
petition was filed in SHC against COAS, DGISI, DGMI and IB for
demanding resignation from the CJP on March 9.
The government decided to appoint a separate principal information
officer to act as bridge between the government and the media. Journalists
staged a demonstration in Rawalpindi-Islamabad to protest threats to three
journalists.
On 31st May, counsel of PBA, Hamid Khan argued that the president
does not have immunity into the case. Justice Ramday observed that the
president does not have immunity under Article 248 of the Constitution. He
also said lack of justice invites divine wrath.
Minister Durrani asked media to behave. The government banned live
coverage of rallies of the CJP. Lawyers condemned threats to the counsel of
the CJP through anonymous letters. Protest rallies were held across the
country. Addressing Attock Bar Council, Imran said no power in the country
could stop the movement for independence of judiciary.

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Acting CJ constituted five-member bench to hear SCBA seminar case.

Karachi Bar Council filed a contempt of court petition against Arbab Rahim
regarding his statement accusing SHC of not cooperating with three-member
inquiry ordered by the IGP.
Next day, three-star commanders showed full support for the political
agenda of their chief. The agenda obviously included the actions of March 9
and May 12. They took note of malicious campaign against institutions of
state. The non-combatant (enrolled) once again announced the army
detractors must be shot dead.
The counsel of SCBA and SHCBA continued his argument for
maintainability of the petition of the CJP. The court adjourned till 4 th June.
Sindh High Court heard contempt case and a petition seeking judicial probe
into killings in Karachi. The court issued notices to the chief minister and
Altaf Hussain.
Imran Khan rejected MQMs offer to sit with Altaf Hussain on a
negotiation table. Spokesperson of UKs mission in Islamabad condemned
Karachi killings and said UK would grill MQM chief upon receipt of
evidence showing his involvement in terrorist activities in Pakistan.
Curbs imposed on electronic media evoked strong opposition. Police
arrested two more persons from Muzaffarabad who are linked to the murder
of Hamad. ANP denied covert compromise with MQM.
On 2nd June, the CJP evoked people power on his way to
Abbottabad. Private channels were not allowed live coverage of the journey.
The CJP said the Constitution ensures free movement of people. Two judges
of the five-member bench refused to hear the seminar case.
Minister Durrani said media would be tackled as per law. No
propaganda against the army would be tolerated. The Committee to Protect
Journalists expressed concern over curbs on media. Imran Khan left for
London to file case against Altaf Hussain.
Next day the bench for hearing seminar petition was reconstituted.
Blocking of transmissions of TV through cable operators continued. Imran
led protest rally against Altaf Hussain in front of 10-Downing Street. The US
wanted early resolution of the CJP issue.

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VIEWS
The people kept venting their feelings on the lingering crisis.
Given the bloody episode that took place in Karachi claiming the lives of
dozens of innocent citizens who are striving hard for the reinstatement of not
a man but the restoration of an independent judiciary, let me ask the
honourable president where his so-called writ of law is? He could see the
sticks and lathis of the members of Lal Masjid but not of the armed
political activists on May 12. A couple of days ago, he offered to mediate
between Israel and Palestine but he chooses to turn a blind eye to Karachi,
observed Barkatullah Marwat from Kuwait.
Mohammad Arsalan from Lahore advised that the Opposition should
take leadership lessons from the CJP. One thing has been very obvious from
all the cries starting from the March 9 incident that our so-called opposition
has little leadership qualities The leaders of their parties are alright but
they dont have what it takes to become a leader of a country because these
desperate souls cannot stick to even a single point i.e. to liberate this country
from generals dictatorship.
If these people really want to be true leaders they should learn from
the Chief Justice of Pakistan; who since his reference has not given a
single interview, uttered a single word in front of the media and newspapers
or addressed a single rally to prove his innocence yet the whole country is
behind him and wherever he goes people salute him and the institution he
belongs to.
Imran stole the show by calling spade a spade, but invited the wrath of
the terrorist setup led by Altaf Hussain. The reaction of the terrorist group,
called MQM, was widely condemned. Afzal Rahim from Peshawar wrote:
The statement from a ruling party, that if the chairman of Pakistan Tehreeki-Insaf comes to Karachi he will be responsible for the law and order
situation that may entail and the subsequent ban on his entry into Sindh says
a lot about May 12 incidents too. Imrans only fault is that he had
protested against that terrorism and those who think they own Karachi.
The ruling party under question has been using fascist tactics since its
inception. Karachi is no ones property and it belongs to all Pakistanis.
Ijaz A Siddiqi from Canada wrote: Finally some in Pakistan have
had the moral courage to speak the truth. I am an Urdu-speaking

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Canadian of Pakistani origin and would hate to be affiliated with a party that
resorts to violence as a tool to achieve political; hegemony. It is time for the
MQM to reform, shed away its ethnicity-based politics and adopt a
democratic culture with tolerance for dissent.
Tariq N Syed from Lahore observed: Mr Altaf Hussain is allowed to
run his party in Pakistan, through remote control from London. A legal
question: are British citizens permitted to run political parties in other
countries, and interfere in the other countries affairs. I am sure the British
constitution and law do not permit this.
Farooq Ali from Islamabad wrote: Imran Khan has said that he will
file a case against Altaf Hussain in a British court of law. I want to tell
Imran Khan that the whole nation stands by you on this courageous
decision.
Abid Mahmud Ansari from Islamabad opined: Instead of giving a
political reply, the MQM resorted to mudslinging and made uncharitable
remarks about Imrans personal life. This was followed by a ban on the
former cricketers entry into Sindh.
B A Malik from Islamabad asked: If the MQM comprises 98 per cent
of the people of Pakistan as vociferously claimed by Altaf Hussain why is
the Chief Justice stopped from entering the city of Karachi? Why has Imran
Khan been banned from traveling to Karachi?
Muhammad Raza from Karachi wrote: The MQMs use of abusive
language against Imran Khan after the latters criticism of the party is
in poor taste. Political parties in the opposition and those in the government
always exchange hot words with each other, which are part of a healthy
democratic system, but this should be within the certain boundaries.
Imran Khan is our national hero and a clean politician as well.
He always talks about justice and peace, and his party is the only weaponfree political party in Pakistan. I have never heard irrelevant nonsense from
him, he always shows facts and figures and presents his opinion according to
the ground reality.
Although he only got a single seat in the national assembly in the last
election his popularity is increasing sharply, and he will get more seats in the

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upcoming elections. MQM should stop criticizing his personal life and
instead present properly argued and political rebuttals.
Yassir Rasheed from Rawalpindi was of the view that by banning
Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaaf chief Imran Khan to enter Karachi, the Muttahida
Quami Movement (MQM) has augmented our fears that Karachi only
belongs to it and to no other political party.
The MQM has also amply proved that it cannot tolerate any
dissenting elements, which I think is the lifeblood of a true democratic
party. Imran Khan is a globally acclaimed personality and if he intended to
visit Karachi, there was no harm. After all, Imran Khan is a Pakistani citizen
and can travel anywhere he likes.
If Imran has uttered some words, which have disheartened the MQM
leadership, they should have protested democratically or moved the court to
seek justice. By resorting to threatening tactics, the MQM has further
damaged its image, following the incidents of May 12.
There were odd exceptions like Adeela Imran from Karachi, who did
not agree with the majoritys viewpoint. I read in a newspaper that the
Sindh Bar Councils Human Rights Committee has announced that its
Human Rights Award would be given to Imran Khan for his brave role in
fighting the May 12 incident. Imran Khan is the chairman of an insignificant
party getting only one seat He is a proud and self-conceited man who is
always finding faults with the government. He denies that Musharraf has
been able to make Pakistan an enlightened, moderate and prosperous country
with a sound economic base. Imran does not know how to talk about a
political leader who heads a very big party in Sindh. He should not take
political leaders as boys of his cricket team.
Ahmed Quraishi was another exception who being pro-Musharraf
argued in favour of status quo. Regardless of how honourable the intentions
of Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry are his case has been hijacked now
by an opportunistic political class struggling to reclaim power and
perpetuate its brand of failed politics. This is not about democracy. This is
about an inept political class using any excuse to rebel against the upright reform-minded policies of a military-led administration.
The visible deformities inside the Pakistani political culture make it
probably one of the worst in the world. Politicians who ordered supporters in

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the past to storm the building of the Supreme Court of Pakistan to coerce the
judiciary are today re-marketing themselves as champions of law and reason.
Pakistani politicians observe no rules in the game. Since May 12, our
politicians are working overtime to spark an ethnic confrontation where
none exists, giving an ethnic colour to a dirty political squabble, just to
complicate matters for the President and his allies.
In Karachi, the nations business artery, our politicians sent their
armed cadres to fight pitched battles with a government ally but are out
now to blame one party, forgetting their own culpability in continuing this
culture of violence, where party leaders maintain armed militias specifically
for such occasions.
In other words, a bar association is openly saying it has no
problem in using the tactics of political parties street agitation in a
matter that is the exclusive business of the honourable judges of the
Supreme Court and involves one of their own, the honourable chief justice.
Let there be no ambiguity here: This is an ailing political culture that needs
to be reformed We dont want to see a weakened Pakistan again. For this
reason, an enlightened and open-minded military-led administration is far
better than the flawed democracy promised by our politicians.
Haroonur Rashid from Jehlum asked few questions: from Ahmed
Quraishi. He has every right to do so. But the question, which comes to
mind, is that where was the state machinery (central and provincial) on May
12? Was the state not responsible to protect the life, property, etc of the
masses on May 12?
The other question is that if the politicians of the opposition were
responsible for the May 12 slaughter of innocent people, why hasnt the state
booked them? Why has the president said: Close this chapter? Look for the
future. Why did the Chief Minister of Sindh categorically say the other day
that there will be no inquiry on the May 12 incident?
Dr Irfan Zafar from Islamabad took strong exception to Ahmed
Quraishis attempt to defend a dictator. It was disturbing to note that the
writer, a producer and host of a weekly foreign policy show on television has
tried to defend a military dictatorship, a concept of governance that is not
defendable in any civilized society. Dictatorship is just like a giant tree, very
magnificent to look at in its prime, but nothing grows underneath it. Even
the worst kind of democracy is better than the best dictatorship. In
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democracy power is more equitable, dictatorship is a temporary process and

does not last long Intellectual morality demands that our writers
should not defend the undefendable and in the process become part of
the sycophancy, which propagates and helps dictatorial regimes.

Karachi carnage was the most unfortunate and most deplorable

episode in the ongoing peaceful movement, which would certainly keep
resonating for long time to come as is evident from views of people
enumerated above. The analysts, too, find hard to ignore it.
Azam Khalil wrote: Recently when the MQM tried to establish a
foothold in Punjab and elsewhere many thought that perhaps Altaf had
abandoned his policy of forming a party along ethnic lines and was now
trying to enter mainstream politics courtesy the president. However, the
brutality and ferocity of the events of the events of May 12 have
completely negated that impression.
Who needs to be reminded about an ancient tradition of the region
that in case of a death in a neighbourhood, where a marriage ceremony is in
full swing, the marriage may be postponed and the festivities stopped But
the country saw a sad departure from this age-old tradition when people
were shown dancing to the beat of drums at the same time bodies were
shown lying on the street gasping for life because armed men had closed all
roads rendering medical help impossible.
Before the president climbed the stage in Islamabad, he was fully
aware of what was going on in Karachi. He boasted of his supporters had
shown their strength in Karachi and Islamabad this showed his
political immaturity. It would have been far better had the president
cancelled the Islamabad rally for another day and rushed to Karachi and
personally visited the worst affected areasand the hospitals that had
declared medical emergency.
The president should understand that the prevailing situation in the
country is not a law and order problem, it is a political problem that
demands dialogue. It is already late and in case more time is lost, everything
could be lost for him. He should start settling contentious issues before the
elections. A Supreme Court judge may be appointed to fix the
responsibility for the Karachi carnage.

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Kamal Siddiqi talked about arrogant defiance of Musharraf in not

censoring the guilty party. This week, the president finally arrived in
Karachi to take stock of the incidents of violence on May 12. Not
surprisingly, he ruled out any probe into the May 12 carnage and instead
took the oft-repeated line to close the chapter and think about the
future.
The president seems to be in no mood to censure the Sindh
government, including the coalition partners for the manner in which they
allowed the city to slide into anarchy. Look at the irony: forty people are
dead, hundreds injured while millions have been shaken by the series of
events and yet the president wants the chapter to be closed.
The culture of closing chapters is not new for the government. In the
past as well, many chapters have been closed officially, but the problem is
that they dont remain closed for long. Karachi will continue to simmer if
one party is given a free hand, which seems to be the case with the
government right now. The repercussions of this can be quite negative in
the long run.
The main question here for the people of Pakistan is what message
the government is giving in terms of the forthcoming elections. There are
two conclusions that one can reach outright. The first is that if there were
any chances of a deal between the PPP and the military, this has fallen
through after the carnage of Karachi.
More important, by shelving any inquiry and endorsing these actions
of its coalition partners, the government has sent out the signal about how
fair the elections will be. But not giving people a sense of security, the
government has given the message that they would have to endure the needs
and misdeeds of its coalition partners come poll time.
In the final analysis, it can be concluded that all this is not well in
Islamabad. There are rumblings that need to be heard. At the same time,
things are not as bleak or dire as painted by so-called champions of the
people. It is a testing time for Pakistan. Let us hope the country emerges
stronger.
The News apprehended the negative effects of the carnage. Events
like the ones seen on May 12 in Karachi and the manner in which the
government reacted to them has scared away many potential investors

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and visitors. One can gauge this from the number of cancellations that have
been received by the Karachi Chamber of Commerce, which organizes the
My Karachi exhibition on yearly basis. This year, the exhibition is slotted
to open on June 1, but the number of regrets received has forced the
organizers to think whether it would be a good idea to even hold the
exhibition at the first place.
What many in Pakistan may not realize is the hidden cost that the
country is paying as a result of the deteriorating law and order situation
in the country. While some of the incidents of violence are such that the
government can do little to prevent, there are many in which the negligence
and short-sightedness of the government adds fuel to fire. Exporters
complain that buyers are reluctant to come to Pakistan and prefer to meet
elsewhere, usually in Dubai or other nearby counties. This adds to the cost of
doing business in Pakistan and puts our exporters at a disadvantage.
Instead of blaming the media for reporting what is actually true and
happening, the government should ask itself what it can do to improve the
law and order situation in the country and ensure that such an improvement
is noticed abroad. Unless this is done, the whole exercise of building the
image of Pakistan, undertaken at great expense with taxpayer money,
will prove futile and wasted effort.
The editor also commented on the issue of de-weaponizing the mega
city. Attempting to clear only Karachi of weapons is to ignore the
source problem and tackle only the effect, which ultimately is nothing but
a short-term cosmetic arrangement that can fall apart at any given time. If
deweaponization, which is an extremely desirable end, is to be achieved and
sustained, the campaign needs to be on a national level and must take into
account factors such as where the arms come from, who brings them here,
and so on.
Secondly, based on day-to-day evidence, the current setup, especially
the Sindh government, falls well short of the political will required to
make such a move, which will firstly entail the de-arming of political
parties. An example of this is the reluctance of the Sindh chief minister to
make a commitment on the issue. Even if the current setup was interested in
investing the sort of time and effort required to embark on such a campaign,
the fact remains that political parties are the most heavily-armed institutions
in the city.

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Considering that the current government, like most previous

governments, is essentially run on basis of a fragile coalition, it is
impossible to demand and force member parties to comply with legal
demands. The political repercussions of such a stand, given the fractured
nature of government support structure, will be massive and few will be
willing to risk their power for such a campaign.
Thirdly, deweaponization doesnt simply involve taking away
guns from people, but from their minds as well. Hence it should be
accompanied by a concerted effort to demilitarize society. It is not only a
physical effort, but one that needs to be taken up on the psychological plane
to alter mindsets and to deal with the problem in terms of pathology
Keeping the profundity of the matter in view, the question that remains is:
does the government have the necessary will to prevail over many important
people and groups that are largely responsible for the massive amount of
guns found in Pakistan.
Ekramul Haque said: The dizzying array of protests we are seeing in
Karachi is a symptom of malaise, whose root cause is the peoples
unhappiness with the state of things. The furore over the Chief Justices
suspension and subsequent maltreatment has added a new wave of protests.
Its heartening, however, that despite the obvious dissonance of protesting
voices most demonstrations are relatively peaceful.
Despite Karachis innate problem, we can do better. We can make a
difference. In the aftermath of May 12, some political parties have called
more strikes, while others have threatened yet more. You can smell ethnic
flavour from some of their statements.
We dont need more processions in Karachi, at least not for some
time. They paralyze the city and polarize its people. The city administration
should define sensible rules for allowing strikes, and deny permission to
those who dont qualify. Our city should not be allowed to become a
venue for slugging out political or ethnic scores.
Imposition of travel restrictions on Imran Khan was a by-product of
Karachi killings. The News wrote: The disallowing of Imran Khan to travel
to Karachi a joint venture of the Sindh and Punjab administrations
Now, if we may, just for a moment, set aside the politically motivated nature
of the debate, there are a few points that must be made on the issue. Firstly,
one person not being allowed to set foot in Karachi can be categorized as an
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anomaly or even an isolated incident. For it to happen twice in a month

suggests that there is some sort of concerted effort by the government to
keep out people whom it doesnt like and that is reflective of an antidemocracy attitude. Karachi is an MQM stronghold and implying that
anyone who speaks against the party or its chief is a security risk defies
logic.
If anything the responsibility lies on the government to ensure that no
harm comes to any such individual; to place the burden of restraint on that
individual suggests a lack of even-handedness. The sudden appearance of
graffiti in many parts of the city with crass remarks against the former
cricketers personal life is deplorable It is unacceptable in this day and
age for a country to ban one of its citizens from traveling within its borders.
Fasi Zaka observed: These are strange times. All the cabbies in
Karachi are convinced that if Imran Khan were to arrive in Karachi any time
soon a targeted murder will take place. In the same vein the print in the press
looks different. Everyone has always treated the MQM with kid gloves
when reporting on them in print and TV, but now since May 12 things
are different.
Though they still have excess temerity in reporting, the Press is
now firing the gun from the shoulders of politicians, however big or small,
who give statements about May 12 and lay the blame squarely on Altaf
Hussain, the MQM and Musharraf. It is having a field day reproducing those
statements verbatim while still being timid in its analysis.
Masooda Bano opined: A critical sign of a weakening government
is its tendency to cause one blunder after another. General Musharrafs
government, which has been at its weakest in recent months, has proved no
exception The latest addition to this list is the Sindh governments
decision to ban Imran Khan from entering Karachi for a month. A move
supported by the Punjab government, which forbade the airlines to issue
Imran Khan a boarding pass on his planned flight to Karachi this week.
The government position is that since Imran Khan has been
criticizing the MQM publicly for May 12, his presence in Karachi can
generate some reaction from MQM supporters, who have also been rallying
against him. In other words, the government claims to be doing Imran Khan
a favour by being concerned about his security. This is exactly the same

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argument used to stop Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry from visiting

Karachi on May 12. But, this logic is outrageous.
The gravity of the situation can be judged from the fact that General
Kamal Matinuddin in his early eighties could not resist venting his feelings.
The president was not entirely wrong when he said that the chief justice
was politicizing a judicial matter. In ordinary circumstances judges should
not air their views in public. They are required to express their opinion only
through their judgments. But when a person is pushed against the wall,
pitched against the entire governmental machinery and whose future is at
stake will use all kinds of tactics to gain support for what he believes is an
injustice to him. It is up to the crowds and the political parties not to follow
him if he is in the wrong, but an opportunity to drum up support against
the president was provided and they are making full use of it.
Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry, whose professional qualities,
till a few months ago, were known to the lawyers community only, has been
suddenly turned into a hero, because he has become the symbol of
defiance and a focal point for the opposition to rise up against the
government. By asking the president/chief of army staff to address public
gatherings has the regime also not politicized the judicial crisis?
There is no denying the fact that the MQM has been and will remain
the largest political party in Karachi, but to claim that Karachi hamara
shahar hai (Karachi is our city) amounts to showing a red flag to the others,
who also reside in the commercial capital. The PML-Q presumably
encouraged the MQM not merely to bring out a massive rally in Karachi
on the very day the Chief Justice was to address the Sindh High Court Bar
Association but to also prevent rival political groups from using this
occasion to display their anti-government feelings.
This was a recipe for disaster and both the MQM and the opposition
knew this and were prepared for the clashes, which were bound to occur in
such a tense situation. The law enforcing agencies by placing themselves in
between the opposing groups could have prevented the clashes. They were
apparently told to step aside. According to the president 25,000 people of
the opposition moving about freely in MQM majority localities of
Karachi could lead to clashes. But by stopping them from doing so also led
to the loss of more than 40 bread earners.

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Altaf Hussain must have been fully aware of the consequences of

his directive to hold a rally on May 12 as millions of non-MQM followers
also live in this mega city, many of who are armed. It was distressing,
therefore to hear him shedding crocodile tears when he ended his telephone
address to his followers by praying for the souls of those MQM supporters
who were killed.
President Musharraf was full of confidence during his interview with
a TV channel recently. He implied that he was prepared to accept the
crown if was offered to him the third time. The fact that it could become
a crown of thorns does not seem to bother him, because he still believes that
the vast majority of the 160 million people of Pakistan are with him.
President Musharraf has been at the helm of affairs for eight years.
During his watch the economy has indeed improved. The foreign exchange
reserves have gone above $13 billion But law and order situation has
deteriorated. Political polarization has increased. Religious extremism is
creeping into the settled areas.
In the last 60 years we have experimented with basic democracy,
controlled democracy, socialist democracy, Islamic democracy and now
quasi-democracy. Let us go back to genuine democracy. To reduce the
highly charged atmosphere in the country the president should now doff his
uniform; declare that he will not be a presidential candidate; hold early
elections and provide a level playing field for all the political parties.
Imtiaz Alam was of the view that Military regime is fast going down
the slide. Not only that the executive arm of the state let loose armed men
on citizens and political opponents in Karachi, it also refused to hold a
judicial inquiry into the carnage. Where the executive failed on all counts,
the judiciary has stepped in as a messiah Their Lordships in Sindh have
kept the faith of the nation where an authoritarian executive has failed and
has lost the right to rule, which it did not have in the first place; hence, the
crisis of legitimacy.
General Musharraf pretends that there is no crisis situation in the
country and appears determined to perpetuate his rule through whatever
means and at whatever cost to the country. In fact, the military regime is
fast going down the slide and is in no position to take the country out of its
current predicaments Given its hopeless situation, the regime is bound to

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commit more blunders that may help fuel the ongoing agitation for
restoration of democracy.
The MQM is reeling under embarrassment for what it did in and
to Karachi on May 12. And what will happen when CJP will travel to
Quetta by train? The people will come out in millions This is what the
isolated regime fears most and may again commit the mistake it committed
in Karachi. If it tries to obstruct the CJPs caravan, it will lose much more
than it lost in Karachi in terms of public support.
As the regime seems determined to fight the growing agitation for a
republic and liberal democratic values, it will be left with no legs to stand
upon. In the meanwhile, the people will set their own course as they have
already under the dynamic leadership of the bars. The people have already
given their verdict in favour of a republican Pakistan. The question is
who will stand on which side of the barricades? Whosoever will stand
against the judgment of the people will be swept away by the rising waves of
history.
Dr Adil Najam observed that the regime was on suicidal mission.
One of the many advantages of real democracy is that it allows leaders who
have lost public support to leave power with some modicum of dignity. This
political safety valve is critical for the political and social stability of
nations. In allowing unpopular leaders an exit route it encourages them not
to cling to crumbling power which, nearly always, throws society into the
abyss of political chaos, social turmoil and, sometimes, civil violence.
Things become more problematic when there is no real option of a
non violent, non-traumatic transition. Once you convince yourself that
there are no acceptable exit routes to consider, the only remaining
option is to dig in. this attitude, in turn, can push embattled leaders into the
downward spiral of suicidal politics. Leaders who are unwilling to pay heed
to public sentiments and/or have systematically removed advisors who could
have brought them bad news are particularly prone to suicidal politics. The
deeper you sink into the spiral, the more difficult it becomes to crawl out of
it. This dynamic is clearly illustrated in the recent behaviour of General
Pervez Musharraf.
Since everyone has to eventually leave one way or the other it is
only logical that leaders who become irreversibly committed to fighting to
the end must, in the end, go down fighting. Autocratic leaders have a
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tendency to believe that such digging in to the very end is an act of

valour. More often than not it is more a case of chauvinism, sometimes even
narcissism. The cost of digging in is invariably paid by society.
The absence of non-violent exit options is only one determinant of
suicidal politics. A second, possibly more important, determinant is the
tendency of long-serving autocrats to become believers in their own
inevitability. This makes them incapable of tolerating anyone who might
dare to bring them bad news. The delusion of grandeur is easy to come by
when you have absolute power; especially if you have had it for
considerable time. Denial on the other hand, emanates from disconnect. For
those who have already succumbed to delusional politics, it is so much
easier to deny the problem than to resolve it.
What we see with General Musharraf, and what we have seen
everywhere in similar situations, is a leader who has now imprisoned
himself in a bubble where there is no one around him who has either the
ability or the willingness to speak truth to power. Those who could once
have done so, within the political or military establishments, have either
moved on or have been sidelined. What remains are either political
sycophants or a military leadership that is hand-picked by and so much
junior to General Musharraf that it seems unlikely to highlight the new
ground realities to their chief. One is also left wondering whether the chief
is any longer able to accept constructive criticism and advice in the way that
he once might have been.
General Musharraf fumbles around in the dance of suicidal politics,
the nation and the world looks on in stunned shock as he makes one political
blunder after the other. Many wonder how his ultimate exit might come. It
is not clear whether he himself does. He would be well advised to ponder on
that question, both in terms of his own legacy and the countrys future. But,
then, the state delusion and denial that we are in suggests that he is not
prone to taking such advice.
Burhanuddin Hasan opined: Rulers dont believe what they dont
want to believe. They say ignorance is bliss. This adage applies to
beleaguered rulers who want to conveniently ignore ground realities as
long as they can. They recline in the cocoon built by their sycophants and
only believe in what they tell them and see what they show them. Pakistans
history is full of such rulers.

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This is the legacy which General Pervez Musharraf inherited when he

overthrew the government of Nawaz Sharif in 1999. So much had gone
wrong with the country in so many ways that any hope of its revival as a
healthy and progressive nation looked like a pipe dream.
The recent tactical mistake by President Musharraf to suspend Chief
Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry and send a reference against him to
the Supreme Judicial Council has cost him dearly. His popularity has
considerably plummeted and the pent up feelings of the people have found
an outlet in the person of the CJ.
The disbelief syndrome has set in the mind of the president. He
believes his sycophants when they show him a crowd of thirty thousand as
three hundred thousand in a folk mela on the day of the Karachi carnage in
which 48 people lost their lives.
In order to get over the present crisis, he seems to have no other
choice but to act like a statesman rather than a General. He can consider
pre-empting the CJs further forays by announcing a date to leave the post of
army chief and present himself as a civilian candidate to the newly elected
assemblies for re-election as president.
Mir Jamilur Rahman opined that Army as an institution cannot escape
criticism. President/COAS General Pervez Musharraf said Wednesday that
respect of the army is obligatory for the nation. His statement indicates that
things have come to such a pass that the President/COAS had to order the
people to respect the armed forces. President was constrained to make this
order because of the offensive and derogatory anti-army placards that are
displayed during the lawyers rallies. In the seminar at the Supreme Court
auditorium, the speakers went overboard in disparaging the army.
President/COAS General Pervez Musharraf is a benign military
dictator compared to his predecessors. He insists that he is running a
democratic setup but that is not the case. He has closely followed in the
footsteps of a detested COAS, General Ziaul Haq to sustain and
strengthen his absolute power.
President/COAS General Musharraf is the first military ruler who
claims that military is a stakeholder in power and it should have rightful
share of power legally. He is implementing this scheme effectively with the
result that armys intrusiveness in civil affairs has become all-pervasive.

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For instance, the affair of the Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry
was entirely handled by three-star generals.
The army is now fully involved in the governance of the country, its
chief, General Musharraf calling the shots. It is the corps commanders who
frame government policies under the chairmanship of their chief. It is but
natural that army is held responsible for any act of commission or
omission and bad governance. As long as President Musharraf wears the
uniform, the army will remain in the line of political fire.
President/COAS General Musharraf is not at all happy with the
media coverage of CJ Chaudhrys activities. He has found it distasteful,
showing the bloodied dead bodies lying on the streets of Karachi. He has
admonished the media saying that the US media, which is considered the
freest, adheres to journalistic ethics by not showing dead bodies of American
soldiers killed in action in Iraq and Afghanistan. But on the contrary,
President said, the media in Pakistan showed images of dead people on the
streets.
To put the record straight, Pakistani media has never published or
aired images of dead Pakistani soldiers. As far as the civilian victims of
rioting or terrorism are concerned, their images are published and aired
all over the world including Pakistan. The images of victims of the Karachi
riots and the free-for-all exchange of fire showed that on May 12 the law
enforcers had taken casual leave en masse.
When the army chief strikes at the civilian order, the army falls
behind him. There is no lack of enthusiasm in the army in dismantling
the elected civilian order. Not a single military officer resigns in protest at
the contravention of the constitution by the COAS. For that matter, not even
a civilian or judicial officer has ever chosen to resign at the army takeover.
In fact, there is no tradition in Pakistan for resigning in protest.
It is the frequent takeovers by the army of the governments that has
diminished the respect for the army. The army as an institution cannot
escape criticism, which is sometimes very harsh, because it has always
supported the takeover willingly and adroitly. Moreover, army personnel,
serving or retired, now play a major role in the entire administrative
machinery. This creates a situation of conflict between the army and the
citizens. The army would have to subjugate the Pakistanis as aliens and deny

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them basic rights, such as the right of freedom of expression, to win

approbation from the people instead of criticism.
Where do we go from here? Alas! The political decline of a
government is an irreversible process. The political decline of a
government is an irreversible process. When this happens, the government
loses control of events and it is the events that take over the control of
destiny. The weaker the government gets, more arrogant and aggressive it
becomes. As usual, the media will be the first target because it is being
blamed daily for bringing things to this pass.
The News commented in some detail about governments attitude
towards media during the ongoing crisis. It is good that the president said
that the government had no intention of imposing any curbs on the free flow
on information, but the actions of the government in recent weeks suggest
otherwise Following this, a body known to be affiliated with a political
party that is part of the Sindh government, issued a statement identifying
around a dozen journalists by name and the organizations they worked for
saying that the notice was being issued in the public interest because these
journalists were enemies of the people. Two of the journalists found bullets
in their cars recently and have filed a complaint with the police demanding
that those behind this harassment be arrested and prosecuted.
As for the media publicizing a purely judicial and legal matter, one is
again constrained to remind the government that it is senior state
functionaries who every now and then speak on the crisis and have some
times spoken of the presidential reference. They have also spoken on the
conduct of the chief justice, which obviously has some bearing on the
reference that is being heard, and have consistently said that the government
is in the right.
The affidavit filed by Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry on
May 29 is damning as well since he names several military officers by rank
who tried, according to him, to convince him to resign, with the head of
military intelligence eventually telling him that he had chosen to go a
separate way and that he was being restrained from working in his post. This
is only going to add fuel to the proverbial fire and the government would
do well to file a reply so that its version of the events on record. But to
expect the media to not cover or play down explosive contents of the
affidavit is to miss the entire point about the role and function of the
media.
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This has two main aspects: the first is to be a mirror to what

happens in the society and environment around it and to present a depiction
of events that is as close to the truth and reality as possible while the second
is to act as watchdog and monitor over the actions and policies of various
institutions of the state so that the public good/interest can be furthered. It is
because the second aspect that the media can end up having a somewhat
strained relationship with the government of the day, especially since the
latter will tend to dictate to it by often using the in-the-national-interest
reference. However, it does not serve the public or national interest if the
media begins to toe the official line because if it does that it loses its
independence and credibility and becomes another arm of the state
(government) which it is not.
The Nation commented on flag-march of three-star generals. The
endorsement of General Musharrafs policies by the military top brass on
Friday was no surprise as these policies have been regularly vetted by corps
commanders conferences. The meeting specifically noted positive
developments in two spheres i.e. socio-economic progress and the
promotion of tolerance and moderation The support should strengthen his
hands as he deals with the crucial issues facing the country with confidence.
What is needed is a healing touch rather than actions that further divide
the nation or pit one institution against another.
The corps commanders conference has taken serious note of the
malicious campaign against state institutions launched by opportunists
for their personal interests. The remarks of Chief Minister Arbab Rahim
calling into question the integrity of the judiciary are the latest example of
the sort. The slogans being raised against the army too have worried many.
The moves to put curbs on the media, widely considered as the fourth pillar
of the state, have also evoked concern.
One expects the issues to be resolved through statesmanship rather
than what might be interpreted as strong-arm tactics. Institutions need to be
strengthened rather than weakened by the imposition of arbitrary and
stringent restrictions or through measures that bring them into confrontation
with one another instead of creating harmony. The top brasss support for the
President is important but it is by no means enough. There is a need to
resolve the deepening crisis through measures that enjoy widespread
public support.

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Farhatullah Babar appreciated the decision of judges of Sindh High

Court. The unanimous decision on Saturday by their lordships of the Sindh
High Court not to act as governor in the absence of the governor and the
speaker in future is most heartening and must be welcomed. It raised the
prestige of the judges to a new height.
The point to be kept in mind is that one can either wield the
executive stick or wear the judicial robes, but not both. The choice of
opting for the executive authority or the judicial robes rests with a judge and
judge alone. The government cannot force any judge to make this choice.
Refusing to accept the office of acting governor is also an
announcement that the independence of the judiciary will be upheld
more powerful and loud than any formal verdict. Not long ago some
members of the Defence Committee of the Senate formally declined to go to
the GHQ for an official briefing. When the standoff was not resolved the
briefing was cancelled, but a loud political statement had been made and it
could not have been ignored.
If our honourable judges also refused the office of acting governor as
a matter of principle, they would appear to make a powerful statement of
judicial independence. Such a statement coming from the bench would
perhaps achieve more than what all the noise and din in the streets for
the independence of the judiciary can achieve.
Shafqat Mahmood expressed his views on the affidavit of the CJP
submitted before the court. It was hearsay before but now the chronology of
sad events between March 9 and 13 is contained in a sworn statement placed
before the Supreme Court of Pakistan by its Chief Justice. An affidavit is
not just any legal document; it is given under oath and in the full
knowledge, that if any part is proven false, it will lead to serious legal
consequences.
In the present case, it is not just any person who is affirming the
truth of events under oath. It is the highest judicial officer of the land. If
he cant be believed then who can be. And the story he tells will make some
angry and others sad but it leaves me with an overwhelming sense of
despair. What a country we live in? Is no one or nothing sacrosanct here?
It is not so much the conversation that took place in which he was
asked to resign that was sad. Judges should never be subjected to these

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indignities. But, what I find inexcusable and depressing is the fact that he
was detained in the Generals camp office against his will for over five
ours.
The country is supposedly not under martial law and the
Constitution, we are repeatedly told, is in force. This means that we are at
least notionally subject to the rule of law. The law does not allow illegal
detention of any individual under any circumstance. If every individual has
this protection under law, what level of crime would be the detention of a
senior judge?
The obvious answer is that at least as serious as of any other citizen.
What makes this detention more horrendous is that he was at that moment,
even by the Generals reckoning, a functional non-suspended Chief Justice
of Pakistan. Not that what happened later at his home, when he was
supposed to be non-functional or suspended, is any less serious.
But, at that particular moment when the first detention took place at
the presidents camp office, he was, in every sense of the word, the Chief
Justice of Pakistan. This makes his detention a shameful crime that has
added to the dark chapters of our history. It also is a clear impeachable
offence under the law. But, who will hold the General to account? Who can
move this process forward?
The Supreme Court is now cognizant of the events as they unfolded
in those terrible days between March 9 and 13. It cannot ignore the
affidavit placed before it by the Chief Justice. Whether his petition is
legally maintainable or not, or, whether he should or should not be tried by
the Supreme Judicial Council; these are matters that the court will, I am sure,
decide in a judicious manner.
If his statement was not an affidavit but an application, it would
immediately attract the human rights provision of the Constitution contained
in the much quoted Article 184(3). It is under this article that the apex court
has many a times taken notice of human rights violations. Now it has before
it an affidavit by one of its brother judges, in fact by its chief, alleging
serious violations of his human rights. Can it afford not to take notice?
Many people are calling this petition and this moment as the defining
period in our history it is a defining moment now because the decision of
the Supreme Court will determine the future direction of this nation.

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Whether they like it or not the burden of history has now descended on the
shoulders of Mr Justice Khalilur Rahman Ramday and his colleagues.
This court does not have any guns or tanks or fighter jets but it has a
moral authority that is greater than all the arsenals put together. It is possible
that its decisions may have individual consequences for the judges and if the
Generals threats of extra-constitutional measures are to be believed,
anything could happen. But, by taking a principled stand, the court will draw
a line in the sand differentiating the legal from the unlawful, the moral from
simply expedient.
This kind of situation has emerged because the courts have in the past
not protected democracy or rule of law. Now the intelligentsia and civil
society, indeed the entire nation has risen up to fight for those very
principles that determine the supremacy of law. It is up to the judiciary to
join the fight or sacrifice principles at the altar of pragmatism.
Nasim Zehra observed that the current political battle is between the
power of weapons vs power of rule of law. On May 26, when the Supreme
Court Bar Association organized a seminar, which in fact was a lawyers
political gathering, in the auditorium of the Supreme Court, militant
political energy was witnessed both inside and outside the auditorium.
Inside, every lawyer was attacking President General Pervez Musharraf
for much less an utterance about the army some years ago, this regime threw
a PML-N MNA, Javed Hashmi, in jail.
Outside the Supreme Courtas the national anthem played inside the
auditorium at the start of the seminar cum political meeting, the few
thousands who sat outside on the avenue witnessed it on the huge television
screens put up by the organizers. It was a chilling scene as the diverse group
of thousands sprung to their feet all at once and respectfully, in complete
silence and unity, heard the national anthem. The energy was
unmistakable. It was political and positive. However, how this available
raw material is utilized remains unclear.
Besides the lawyers-led movement there are those political
groups that actively threaten the state. They believe that taking up arms
against the state is a holy war. These groups are increasingly using
coordinated violence, attacking symbols of state power, specially the army
and law-enforcement agencies.

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While these militant groups may be numerically small, it is what

they are able to do in public that makes them big in impact. In these dark
times, calls to social morality and ritualistic piety, invoking the holy
Quraan and Sunnah, will reverberate in the hearts of hundreds of thousands
angered by exclusion, deprivation and disrespect within and outraged by the
killing fields of Iraq, Afghanistan, Palestine and to some extent in India-held
Kashmir.
In Pakistan we have entered an unhinged political period.
Matters are now on a political boil. It seems highly unlikely that either
tinkering with the existing political alignments or destroying state power,
overtly or covertly, will take the country back to relatively manageable preMarch 9 political situation. When internal dynamics come alive the ability of
the external factor to impact the situation is usually diminished. In Pakistans
case, given the connection between Washington and the leadership of
Pakistan Army, Washington would, to some degree, impact the army
leaderships political decisions. Similarly, given that Washington views the
PPP as a moderate party suited to be Musharrafs partner, the PPP leaders
decisions on future political alignments could also be influenced by the
Washington factor, but to a much lesser extent.
In the realm of power and politics, there are two contests that are
concurrently being fought: One that wants to dictate the terms for the use
of state and political power. The lawyers and the militants groups are both
seeking to redefine the exercise of the state power; one wants the
Constitution of Pakistan while the other wants Islamic Shariah, according to
its own perceptions, to dictate the terms for the exercise of state and political
power.
Forces participating in these two contests do overlap, but there are
two distinct contests underway. And undoubtedly it is those struggling to
dictate the terms for the use and exercise of state power who have triggered
the unhinging of the current setup. The militant groups and the lawyers
cannot be contained within the existing political system.
Pakistan is facing the fallout of the incessant failure of state
authority to ensure that its public space is controlled in accordance with
constitutionally-determined rule of law. Instead, Pakistani public space
became the arena in which contesting groups, patronized by civilian and
military managers of Pakistan, fought their battles There has been endless
abuse of Pakistans public space by the state and the government.
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Today new players are contesting for ways in which public space
should be managed. Unless the state can reclaim public space to enforce the
dictates of law for all its citizens equally, internal security cannot return to
Pakistan. The answers and response to that lie with movements focusing on
rule of law and a stronger, more credibly functioning state, in which
institutions play their constitutional roles and the judiciary can ensure rule of
law, reining in the men and women who wield state and political power.
While the militant groups and the lawyers movement will continue
their protests and battles with the establishment, the two institutions that will
determine if these protests and battles will lead to more mayhem or to some
saner arrangements, are Pakistan Armys leadership and the judiciary. They
both wield genuine power. One, now aided by the lawyers movement,
derives it from the Constitution, the other from the weapons that it carries.
Significantly though, within the domestic political context, undoubtedly the
corollary of increasing judicial power must be diminishing the weapons
power. Pakistans decades old power construct is now showing signs of
discontinuity.
M B Naqvi pondered to find a way out. The American media and
think tanks now find that General Pervez Musharrafs regime is losing
authority. This is true enough. But does it mean that Musharraf will not
get himself elected by the outgoing assemblies; when so elected; will he not
nominate a suitably sympathetic caretaker government and proceed to hold
an election that will give him a pliable majority without the assistance of any
mainstream parties? Can his constituency (army high command) afford to
replace him, considering its institutional interests? And where can
Americans find a better Musharraf? Dont forget most elite groups feudals,
bankers, big businessmen, and traditional politicians are behind this
regime and the armys own share in the total wealth is at least 25 percent.
Pakistan happens to be engulfed in two separate sets of crises:
The uppermost is the immediate one of the present regime that began with
the March 9 events This case has polarized the country. The lawyers enjoy
the full support of the civil society, intellectuals, a large swathe of the media
and other professions. The government is also mobilizing its resources and
showing how popular it is by holding officially-sponsored rallies.
All Musharraf has to do is to call a roundtable conference and ask for
alternative policies without ignoring the leading lawyers who have started a
veritable revolutionary movement. The RTC needs to agree on a genuinely
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independent election commission and impartial caretaker regime that will

lead to free and fair elections. Alternatively, instead of finding caretakers, let
the top few party and key lawyers leaders constitute a national government
with one point agenda: holding free and fair elections within a short span of
time after assuming control over undercover agencies.
The issue of who the ministers should be in an interim government is
sure to occasion controversy. While the rich dowager queens the PPP and
the PML-N cannot be ignored, some share has to be given to the MMA.
One radical principle must guide those who agree to an interim arrangement.
The leading lawyers share should not be less than 50 percent of the
government and they should insist on their control over all the undercover
agencies to ensure free elections and a dominant say over a new election
commission.
The News indirectly urged an end to one-man rule. The Chief Justice
of Pakistan, Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry, is right when he says that oneman rule is the anti-thesis of democracythe Chief Justices remarks
merit comment. They come at a time when it seems to be becoming crystal
clear that one-man rule and dictatorship can have far-reaching negative
consequences for a countrys democratic order and state of governance.
He said that the separation of powers in Pakistan should be done so
that the judiciary could function in a fully independent manner without any
pressure from the executive. Of course, the Chief Justice was speaking with
the armys role in the countrys national affairs and politics in mind, but it
has to be said that even civilian-led political parties have to share some of
the blame for the many ills that have befallen Pakistans polity the point
being that all kinds of actors on the national stage, the army and the
political parties, have gone about in their way to enlarge their power
and authority, and often at the expense of other state institutions as well as
ordinary Pakistanis.
An elected dictator is still preferable to one who is non-elected
and answerable to no one. The problem obviously is that in the latter
instance there are no real checks and balances on the dictators power not
from the judiciary or from parliament, or for that matter even the press.
The other problem with one-man rule is that when things begin to go
bad or when public opinion begins to ebb, the lack of consensual approach
to decision-making means that their can be a failure to judge the way the tide
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is flowing and this only exacerbates the situation. Some advisers may try
and give a dictator some suggestions on how to see the real picture, but the
taking of all decisions rests ultimately with that one individual. And that
brings us to the crux of the matter, that should a whole countrys present
and future be linked to the fortunes of one person? Is that not a somewhat
unequal bargain? Some would say that this is happening in Pakistan.
Amina Jilani suggested that the offender as well as the victim should
quit. On May 25 in Karachi President General Pervez Musharraf told a
select gathering that the shock effects of May 12 will be over, that the
chapter would be closed and recommended that we shall all put it behind
us.
Well, the shock effects are far from over as the judges of the
Sindh High Court so amply demonstrated on May 30. The chapter cannot
be closed or put away. The General was off the mark. Where he was right
was in saying that it will be of no avail to hold a probe into the events of
May 12. Of course it will of no avail. We and the world fully aware of the
who, the how, and the why as the General is aware and it no longer needs
to be spelt out.
The pity of it all is that Musharraf has allowed himself to be
aligned with a party that has become a stigma for his regime. It appears,
quite transparently, that he now finds himself not only at arms length with
reality but in complete denial of it.
Whatever it may be, signs are, according to most international
analysts, that army will not be going away. It will be very much part of
whatever political process may fall upon us. Though, Musharraf himself in
an interview with Reuters in February stated that the people of Pakistan and
the Pakistani parliament will select a person who would lead if I am not
there, such cannot be the case in the present junglified circumstances. The
political parties, all of them, are in disarray, and the judiciary, the dominant
factor in this present impasse, is not as united as it would like to be and
despite recent noises (which we heard so many times before) about its
independence this remained in doubt apart, that is, from the honourable
judges of the Sindh High Court who have led where the others must follow.
This republic is now held hostage to a spat between a general and
a judge. The General needs to make a strategic retreat. The Judge, unless he

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can fully clear himself of whatever charges, frivolous or otherwise, have

been leveled against him, will forever remain under a cloud.
Do any of the charges in the presidential reference against Chief
Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry hold good? If one, or two, do; did the
Chief Justice do wrong? He, in his exalted position, cannot be absolved on
the excuse that multiple wrongs make one right. If others, the hundreds if
not thousands, in position of power abuse that power it does not follow
normally, in a democracy not ruled by corruption, that it is right or
excusable.
To end on a lighter note, homegrown fire brand Tariq Alihe came
up with a solution to our problematic state of national affairs: The General
should discard his uniform, the Judge should forego his black robes and the
two men should battle it out on the electoral terrain without hindrance
from the MQM or the numerous apparatuses of the state.
Arif Nizami observed: The mood in the federal capital is despondent,
bordering on uncertainty about the future, even amongst the ruling party
circles. However, there is a silent consensus openly expressed in private
conversations. However, few would muster the courage to convey the
bitter reality to the top boss without mincing the words, the conventional
wisdom is:
The President cannot keep the uniform beyond the expiry of two
offices bill in November.
The mood of the Bar and the courts is such that it will be a miracle if
the Chief Justice is sent packing and the government case against him
is upheld on all counts.
The proceedings of the Supreme Judicial Council, if the case is
referred back to it, would stretch over months, bleeding the
government in the process.
With a virtual election campaign by the Opposition political parties in
progress and lawyers in the forefront, it looks increasingly difficult for
the ruling party to deliver.

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 A deal with Ms Benazir Bhutto, despite mixed signals from her, on

government terms looks increasingly difficult; seeing the ruling party
in disarray she will extract her pound of flesh to strike a deal.
Scenarios like imposing Martial Law or emergency to extend the term
of the present assemblies for a year will not fly either. Nor will giving
a fresh oath to the judges would stem the lawyers movement. On the
contrary it will stoke the fire.
Notwithstanding some hawks and vested interests who are still
advising that the President should keep his uniform. Get himself elected
from the present assemblies (even if virtually the whole Opposition resigns),
saner voices of the regime are advising caution.
They feel that the Prime Minister should rather advise dissolution of
the assemblies before their term expires, and call for early elections, and
the President be elected from the next assemblies sans uniform. For that
purpose a deal could be struck with the PPP before the elections.
Obviously every scenario is fraught with pitfalls and uncertainties
for the present regime. It will not be easy to manage and rig the next
general elections like those of 2002. Whichever party gets the maximum
number of seats will call the shots after the elections and would negotiate its
terms notwithstanding any pre-election deal. Efforts to resolve the present
impasse by gagging the media will not put the genie back in the bottle
either.
Fossilized apparchicks are still trying to use obsolete, counterproductive and hackneyed third degree methods to control the media.
They have failed to realize in time the multiplier effects of the electronic
media and are still unable to channelize it to the advantage of their bosses
because they dont know any better.
In sharp contrast, Ch Aitzaz Ahsan in his role as strategist, adviser,
script writer and lawyer, all rolled in one, has served his client Chief Justice
Iftikhar Chaudhry well by being media savvy and by making it work to his
advantage, once to the disadvantage. Full marks to him.
Instead of taking the bull by the horns and resolving a political crisis
by political means, the government still insists calling it a purely legal
matter, hence administrative fiat is the order of the day. General Musharraf

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probably believes that he is the saviour of the nation who has done a lot of a
good in the past eight years in sharp contrast to the real or perceived
misdeeds of civilian rulers.
In Pakistan the military is expressing shock and surprise at the
manner in which attempts are being made to make it controversial and
blaming the media in the process. The fact of the matter is that it has made
itself controversial by insisting to perpetuate its rule instead of doing the
job it is mandated for under the Constitution.
The groundswell of civil society is evident from the consistent
agitation by lawyers in growing numbers, with people from other walks of
life joining in and Opposition parties following the lead. This Black-Coat
Revolution phenomenon is a manifestation of the craving of the people
of Pakistan for democracy and the rule of law.

REVIEW
With reference to the Karachi carnage and danda-wielding students
of Lal Masjid seminary, Barkatullah Marwat observed that Musharraf
seemed to be suffering from double vision. He said that the Musharraf
regime could see the dandas but did not see the weapons that were used
freely on the streets of Karachi.
In fact, Musharrafs elder brother, Altaf Hussain, was the one who
raised the hue and cry over Jamia Hafsa and called the mulla brothers with
variety of names. Even on May 12, leadership of the MQM could see the
few small arms carried by some workers of political parties but did not see
the blazing guns of their own terrorists, who operated under the protection of
police and the Rangers. As far as the weapons on MQM, it was not a case of
double vision but total blindness.
The terrorists of MQM were seen on the rampage by the entire nation.
MQM exposed (re-exposed) its inherent inclination for bloodletting.
Unfortunately, no one dared pointing finger at the real culprits; Musharraf
and Altaf Bhai. Imran Khan was the sole exception who dared announcing
that he would proceed legally against the criminal hiding in London.
The reaction to Imran Khans announcement further confirmed
MQMs habit of impulsive militancy. The language used in wall-chalking,
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slogans and banners reflected the total moral bankruptcy of the so-called
Urdu-speaking middle class.
Despite all that the intellectuals and the media hesitated telling
anything to the MQM for the reason too obvious. Even Aaj TV, which has
earned reputation for its truthfulness, advised Imran not to go to England. In
its programme Bolta Pakistan of 28th May, Imran was told to desist from
washing dirty linen outside, totally ignoring the dhubi-ghat established by
Altaf Enterprise.
Karachi carnage was a naked crime against humanity in general and
against Pakistani nation in particular. If those involved in this criminal act
escape punishment, irrespective of their official status, the nation has to
blame itself and regret all times to come.
The government agencies showed unusual urgency in solving the
mystery of Hamads murder. Police arrested two brothers linked to a gang
of criminals. One of the hardened criminals was wearing the wrist watch
robbed from the father of the deceased. He seemed to be too hardened a
criminal because he chose to wear the watch despite the fact that the crime
was so widely hyped in the media?
The lead to the weapon used in the crime also came too soon from the
criminals after their arrest. Is it another standard solution of a crime? It is
too early to accept or reject the Police version; but one thing is certain that if
the recovered wrist watch belongs to Hamads father, the police certainly
know the murderer.
Musharraf was quite angry with media. He condemned the TV
channels for showing the dead bodies. For almost six years since the start of
the war against Islamic World, Musharraf never felt such need. Why did the
showing of victims of Karachi carnage hurt him so much? Did he feel that
every dead body was pointing the finger towards him?
In fact, he was in search of an excuse to strangulate the media which
had been recognized as the strength of the movement of lawyers. Musharraf
regime had been trying to drive a wedge between the two, right from the
early days of the movement, using all sorts of tactics. It did not succeed, but
the proceedings of the Seminar held on 26 th May finally provided him an
opportunity to pressure the media.

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After holding rallies and bloodletting in Karachi, Musharraf led the

flag march of three-star generals. According to the press release of ISPR,
armys high command fully supports Musharraf regimes policies. The
formal expression of such solidarity is something unique. Why was it needed
at this juncture and that too at a forum primarily meant for deliberations on
professional military matters?
Before answering these questions, it must be said that no Pakistani
would ever want the armys higher command not to be fully behind the army
chief. This loyalty has to be taken for granted without its verbal or written
expression. It would be most unfortunate if it happens to be otherwise.
The ISPR press release conveys more than its text. It is a declaration
that the higher command supports army chiefs indulgence in politics. By
implication, it means that the army is a party and a force to be reckoned with
in the ongoing tussle. This is an extra-constitutional measure carrying a
threat for Musharrafs political opponents in general and for the bar and
bench in particular. Militarization of politics has been formalized.
There are two other conclusions which can be drawn in the context of
this movement. First, the very fact the higher echelons of army had to
formally announce unity, speaks of existence of differences in some
quarters. These differences must have also been expressed; however, in view
of the increasing criticism of the army by the civil society they preferred to
counter it through display of unity. Secondly, by falling back on his main
line of defence, Musharraf has indicated that his political base is crumbling.
What happened during the seminar was nothing more than the warcries; an ancient ritual of the warriors. The war-cries incite fighting prowess
of own soldiers and create harassing effect on the opponents. Kurd and his
companions did exactly the same on 26th May. It had the desired effect on
the adversary as was evident from the proceedings of corps commanders
conference.
4th June 2007

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ALWAYS AT SERVICE
Musharraf regime remained committed to serving interests of the
Crusaders and the proxy crusaders, despite facing unprecedented crisis on
home front. The US acknowledged that Pakistan has been active in repelling
Taliban and al-Qaeda from its soil.
There was some change in the attitude of Karzai. He denied reports
regarding stalemate in relations between him and Musharraf. But this change
was accompanied by worsening of security environments in Pakistan,
particularly in the province of NWFP.
Having ruled out military option and having choked all sources of
support for the freedom fighters, the rulers kept hoping for just solution of
the Kashmir dispute. In third week of May, they sought help from the
platform of OIC and hoped that India would pay heed to the resolution
passed by this most ineffective body on the planet.
At home, the rulers were kept busy by the lawyers. They have
temporarily forgotten about numerous problems which remain unresolved,
particularly the volatile situation in tribal areas and Baluchistan.

SERVING CRUSADERS
Pakistan continued fighting for peace and security of occupied
Afghanistan. Following incidents were reported during last seven weeks:
Eight Afghans were arrested on 1st May in Quetta for illegally entering
Pakistan. Benazir opposed peace deal with tribesmen. Next day, dead
body of US spy was found in North Waziristan.
On 4th May, a government driver was shot dead near Miranshah and a
soldier was wounded in attack on a convoy. In Charsada, 22 music
shops were damaged in blasts.
Two soldiers were killed and four wounded in an accident near Mirali
on 8th May. Eight oil tankers were burnt in an explosion in Landikotal.

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 Blasts damaged 18 music shops in Mardan and Charsada on 10 th May.

Pakistan Army completed fencing of 20 kilometer of border near
Lowara Mandi. The footage shown on TV was nothing more than an
apology to fencing.
Seven Afghan soldiers were killed and five wounded in border clash
near Parachinar on 13th May; three Pakistani soldiers were also
wounded. More than 70 protesters of TNSM were arrested in police
crackdown in Swat and Dir.
On 14th May, two US officials and a Pakistani soldier were killed and
two Americans and three Pakistani officials wounded when gunmen
opened fire at them soon after a flag meeting at Teri Mangal near
Parachinar. Curfew was imposed in Tank after killing of two persons.
Three persons were injured in bomb blast in Chaman.
A suicide bomber killed 25 and wounded 28 in a restaurant in
Peshawar on 15th May. The restaurant was managed by an Uzbek who
had been spying for the US and from where two Afghans related to
Mulla Dadullah were apprehended in the recent past.
Six more people were killed in violence in Tank on 16 th May. Three
Afghan refugees were killed in clash over closure of refugee camps
near Qilla Abdullah. Tension mounted as troops on either side moved
closer to the border in Teri Mangal area. Thousands protested in front
of Pakistan Embassy in Kabul over killings by Pak Army. NATO
asked Pakistan to investigate the incident of shooting. Ninety TNSM
activists were released.
On 17th May, Army was called out in Tank after six people were killed
and 17 wounded. Four Afghan soldiers were killed and two wounded
in border skirmish near Parachinar; three FC personnel were also
wounded in the encounter. NWFP cabinet blamed the centre for
terrorist attacks and demanded reversion of FC platoons. Maulvi Faqir
was pardoned after an accord in which he renounced terrorism and
pledged loyalty to the government.
Militants killed US spy in North Waziristan on 18th May. Eight
government employees were abducted in Miranshah area. Next day,
militants commander, Qari Sarfraz was arrested near Lakki Marwat.

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 Temporary ceasefire held on until 20th May as jirga pondered for a

solution of border dispute.
On 21st May, ten oil tankers carrying oil supplies for US-led forces
were destroyed by gunmen near Torkham on 21 st May; 8 Afghans
were arrested. Music shop was bombed in Sherpao village.
Army troops, supported by armed helicopters, launched an operation
on a training camp in North Waziristan on 22nd May; four militants
were killed and two wounded. Next say, eight government employees
were freed in North Waziristan.
Several rockets were fired at FC Fort in Tank on 24 th May. The jirga
settled the issue by ordering that the disputed border post near
Parachinar would remain unoccupied. 15-member peace and
coordination committee resigned to protest Army operation carried out
on 22nd May without their consent.
Two soldiers were killed and seven wounded in roadside bombing
near Tank on 26th May. Next day, one person was killed and two
wounded in two blasts in Quetta. Two explosions occurred in Tank.
Shaukat Aziz said Osama is not in Pakistan.
On 28th May, four security personnel and four militants were killed in
attacks and shootouts in Tank and Bannu.
US gunship helicopters violated Pak airspace in North Waziristan on
30th May. Next day, 13 people were killed and two wounded when
armed men attacked the residence of PA Khyber Agency near Tank.
A journalist was among five persons killed in roadside bombing in
Khar on 2nd June. Two Arabs linked to al-Qaeda were released after
four years.
The Crusaders maintained pressure on Pakistan to ensure that their
interests were served as hither-to-fore. NATO General Secretary arrived in
Islamabad on 7th May for talks on cooperation with Pakistan. He met
President, Prime Minister and commended increase in number of troops by
Pakistan along Afghan border.

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Trilateral meeting on patrolling of Pak-Afghan border was held in

Quetta on 9th May. Next day, Cohen and Kasuri discussed counter-terrorism
efforts. Ambassadors on NATO countries based in Kabul and Islamabad held
meeting in Islamabad on 11th May to sort out the differences between
Pakistan and Afghanistan.
The Governor NWFP and British Envoy discussed situation in FATA.
EU envoys were briefed on 12th May on Pak-Afghan border situation. Two
days later, Pakistan and UK signed extradition treaty.
Kabul regime showed interest in Pak-Afghan Peace Jirga. On 3rd
May, Pak-Afghan commission for peace jirga held a meeting in Kabul.
Taliban rejected Pak-Afghan peace jirga. Next day, Pakistan and Afghanistan
agreed to hold first meeting of Joint Peace Jirga in first week of August in
which 700 tribal elders, politicians and other influential people would
participate.
The US welcomed Pak-Afghan jirga. On 31st May, Kasuri and Spanta
agreed to increase cooperation. Next day, Pak-Afghan Jirga body held talks
in Islamabad and both sides pledged to do their best to curb terrorism. No
Taliban would be invited to next round at Kabul.
On 2nd June, Pak-Afghan jirga constituted a technical body to finalize
arrangements for Grand Jirga scheduled to be held in Kabul. Three days
later, Shaukat Aziz visited Kabul, met Karzai and said Islamabad and Kabul
needed no umpire to settle disputes. On 7th June, FATA Alliance rejected
Pak-Afghan jirga.
The issue of repatriation of Afghan refugees kept lingering on. On 8th
May, Pakistan donated $45 million for Afghan refugees. Next day, Sherpao
briefed the cabinet on his Kabul visit and told that 2.5 million Afghan
refugees would be repatriated in three years. On 17 th May, the government
temporarily suspended its operation for vacation of two Afghan refugees
camps in Baluchistan.
The News commented on Ankara Accord. The fact remains that there
first needs to be an air of goodwill to dispel the mistrust that, however
unfortunate, is clearly marring relations between Islamabad and Kabul
Bad-mouthing Pakistan, either at the behest of vested interests or to cover up
internal problems, while convenient right now, will not help solve anything
in the long run. In addition to this, one hopes that this government and its

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benefactors in Washington and Brussels also understand Islamabads

position.
What has happened is that Kabul at least in Islamabads assessment
has been seen to be giving considerable leeway and favours to New Delhi
by allowing it to set up several consulates and permitting groups opposed to
Pakistan sanctuary inside its territory. At the same time, Islamabad must be
prepared to give a patient hearing to Kabuls allegations that Taliban forces
use Pakistani territory to regroup and launch attacks inside Afghanistan. If
this new arrangement holds, at least the sparring will not be in public,
which often draws in nationalist sentiment and creates an environment
conducive for bilateral relations to worsen.
Rahimullah Yusufzai observed: The fact that Turkey is the lone
Islamic country that is member of NATO and has diplomatic and defence
ties with Israel makes it perfectly acceptable to the US and its western
allies to mediate between Afghanistan and Pakistan, the two countries which
would determine the success or failure of Americas war on terror.
Turkey also has its own interests in Afghanistan, Pakistan and the
region Firms from Turkey have won lucrative reconstruction projects in
war-ravaged Afghanistan and the security of Turkish engineers and workers
in the dangerous southern and western Afghan provinces has been a matter
of concern for Ankara in view of the ever-present threat of Taliban guerrilla
attacks against foreigners.
More summits would be held toward the end of 2007 or early 2008 as
a follow-up of the April 2007 meeting between leaders of three countries.
The declaration highlighted the commitment of the Afghan and Pakistani
governments to fight terrorism and deny sanctuaries, training and financing
the terrorists.
The Ankara Declaration is primarily a document aimed at
increasing cooperation between Kabul and Islamabad to militarily solve
the Taliban-linked problem of militancy and extremism. Non-state forces
such as the Taliban have no time for such declarations because they feel their
viewpoint isnt being heard. It is for Kabul, as well as the US, to decide how
best to incorporate the genuine aspirations of Afghans who feel alienated and
ignored.

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After the border clashes, The News wrote, at the moment, it seems
that all the parties concerned are keener on blaming each other rather than
finding a solution However unfortunate these events, Pakistani troops
cannot let intruders come frolicking into their territory. Such instances will
continue to happen if Kabul is not willing to accept certain ground
realities and respect the border. First, it needs to realize that it cannot
solve things unilaterally and that it will need to negotiate with Pakistan if it
wants problems solved. Secondly, its demands are only subjective in nature
Pakistan is in no way obliged to accept them.
The newspaper also commented on suicide attack in Peshawar.
Following the devastating suicide attack in Peshawar on Tuesday the
question that needs to be answered is whether this is retaliation for
Mullah Dadullahs death late last week at the hands of NATO and Afghan
forces in southern Afghanistan. One can understand reaction by a senior
government official and interior ministry spokesman who dismissed out of
hand any links between the suicide blast and Dadullahs death (though
NWFP officials had earlier said that there may well be a link). This is
because the government and correctly so wants to remind its many
critics that the Taliban operate mainly in Afghanistan.
The interior ministry official was quite categorical: he said that the
only thing he could say was that Dadullah died in Afghanistan and that the
Pakistan government did not provide any intelligence that led to his
elimination. However, he went on to add that whatever was happening in
Pakistan was the result of the governments campaign against extremism and
terrorism and linked to what was happening in the tribal areas and across the
border. It seems that the official, while partially contradicting himself, was
trying to lay the blame on Kabul and perhaps imply that it was fallout of the
recent Pakistan-Afghanistan tensions on their borders. This has to do with,
as seen from Islamabads vantage point, the increasing Indian presence
in Afghanistan
The government official is contradicting himself because it is
common knowledge that the Taliban and their sympathizers have taken to
terrorizing Pakistan population and that the tactic commonly used is to send
brainwashed recruits on deadly suicide bombing missions.
Coming on the heels of another suicide attack in Charsada just a
couple of weeks ago, Tuesdays bombing is not obviously good news for the
country. These two are in addition to several that occurred in the country last
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year, none of which have been solved. Of course the police and the
investigating agencies have a job to do but the only way that this curse of
suicide attacks can be removed in the longer term is for Islamabad to
rethink several important facets of its foreign policy given that the
Indian presence in Afghanistan cannot be simply wished away.
More than five years of dedicated service has failed in quashing the
prejudices of the Crusaders. The world was reminded of the existence of
dirty bomb through a dossier. The government procured a copy of the
dossier Nuclear Black Market: Pakistan, A Q Khan and the Rise of
Proliferation Networks a document prepared by International Institute of
Strategic Studies made available to the media on 2nd May.
The editor of the IISS dossier on Dr A Q Khan claimed that Pakistan
might still be involved in illicit trading and smuggling to procure equipment
from black markets to run its nuclear plan. He said many questions still
remained unanswered. Dr Khan had revealed during investigations that all
army chiefs since Zia knew his activities.
The dossier also said that if anyone could be titled as the father pf
Pakistani bomb, it was Zulfikar Ali Bhutto on the political side and Munir
Ahmed Khan on technical side. It also revealed that Rafsanjani had sought
the consent of Benazir to execute a $6 billion deal with General Aslam Baig
for purchase of nuclear technology.
On 1st May, Bush Administration designated three groups as foreign
militants; Harkat-ul-Mujahideen, Jaish-e-Mohammad and Laskar-e-Tayyiba.
During first week of June, Bush wanted more open society in Pakistan.
Meanwhile, the European Parliament adopted the controversial Kashmir
report; Pakistan reacted cautiously. Foreign Office said EU cant undo UN
resolutions on Kashmir. In fact, these resolutions have been rendered
redundant without undoing them.
Shireen M Mazari commented: It will serve little purpose to undergo
a rigorous self-confessional path and go beyond international legal
commitments in terms of giving across to our old equipment and so on since
we will always be targeted on the nuclear issue and Dr Khan when we are to
be pressured by the US and its allies and there is no ally more devout than
Blairs Britain. Sure enough, despite all our protestations and
accommodation to international demands on the proliferation issue,
periodically the Dr Khan factor and its suspected linkages to state
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functionaries and institutions comes up. This despite the US itself now
having contravened its NPT obligations by signing the civilian deal with
India. Meanwhile, we continue to accommodate some more; but that will
only raise the ante against us since our nuclear assets sit uncomfortably
with the West.
Take the recently released IISS publication from London, entitled
Nuclear Black Markets: Pakistan, A Q Khan and the rise of proliferation
networks. The title itself shows the political bias built into the study.
After all, the insinuation is that it was Pakistan and Dr Khan that gave birth
to the proliferation networks and nuclear black market.
It is too bad that the IISS is exploiting its research and academic
credibility to do what is primarily a highly biased, political work targeting
Pakistan, with a few sections only devoted to the global problem of
proliferation. While Israel is barely cited as a state that was acquiring
clandestine nuclear technology much before Pakistan even got into the
game, India is also spared despite its known proliferation record in terms of
Iran, Iraq and its own programme.
The major part of the IISS study is more a project on Pakistans
nuclear programme, various estimates relating to the number of nukes it
possesses, details of countrys nuclear installations and so on. Yet the IISS
claims that the subject of this study is not a single country but the global
problem of proliferation networks and nuclear black markets.
Worse follows with claims that Dr Khan and Pakistan got off
lightly. Given that the State of Pakistan was not the proliferators, unlike the
State of India or France or the US, why should it be penalized on any count
in the context of nuclear proliferation especially since in any case Pakistan
has never been a party to the NPT nor has it been asked to join the Nuclear
Suppliers Group (NSG)?
Clearly, the dossier seeks to have Pakistan pressured into giving
the West direct access to Dr Khan. In fact that is one of the options it
suggests. So it is time Pakistan declared, with no ambiguity, that the issue is
definitively over once for all. Nor is that all that is being sought from
Pakistan.
The question is why we continue to be excessively open and
accommodative to outsiders on sensitive issues? Worse still, our leaders

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are ever ready to make statements, which have tremendous repercussions on

the well-being of the country per se rather than any particular government.
Take the latest statement of Ms Bhutto When will we ever learn?
Rabia Akhtar wrote, Khans activities were those of an individual in
charge of a scientific organization in a state that was not a member of NPT,
and therefore was not in violation of international law (p.102, IISS Dossier).
This statement is the highlight of the latest dossier on Pakistan and the A
Q Khan network and the ensuing proliferation activities.
As a state actor, Pakistan has been trying to say exactly the same
thing to the rest of the world but coming from western source and that too
from an independent think tank like UK-based IISS, I believe it lends itself
more credibility because somehow the people in Pakistan and abroad have a
tendency of dispelling Pakistani sources of information especially when it is
the official stance on issues such as that of AQKs nuclear proliferation
activities.
The opening statement of my article is not the only statement in this
dossier that talks of AQKs independent activities as a proliferators on the
loose; rather there are numerous occasions whereby it is reiterated that there
is no evidence of state involvement with his acts of proliferation to DPRK,
Iran and Libya which can thus be verified.
Towards the end, the dossier applauds the reforms in great detail
launched by Pakistan in the wake of the damage it had suffered at the
hands of the AQK network, particularly NCA (with SPD as its secretariat)
regulating the export controls, developing command and control structure
and ensuring the security and safety of Pakistani nuclear assets. The effort
Pakistan has undertaken to project itself as a responsible nuclear weapons
state can be summed up by saying that Pakistans openness in explaining its
command and control structure goes beyond the practice adopted by most
other nuclear capable states. The professionals in these strategic
organizations working day and night to fight the blames set atone by the
AQK network, demand our respect and trust.
Alex Stolar criticized Musharraf for avoiding the hard choices. With
each bombing, President Musharrafs vision of an enlightened and moderate
Pakistan seems more illusive. The unraveling of Musharrafs vision of
enlightened moderation was not unpredictable. For far too long, Musharraf
has avoided making hard choices on the most pressing problems which
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confront Pakistan on madressah reform, militancy in Kashmir, the

resurgence of Taliban, and democracy.
Musharraf is now entering a critical period and he faces very
difficult choices about his future and the future of Pakistan. While most
alarmist predictions about the security of Pakistans nuclear weapons are
unlikely to materialize, instability is likely to increase unless Musharraf
redirects the Pakistani ship of state.

PEACE PROPCESS
Composite dialogue did not prove even as useful as coffee house
chats. Pakistan continued making unilateral moves. On 7 th May, Kasuri said
Pakistan has suggested setting up a Zone of Peace at the Siachen Glacier.
Ten days later, Indo-Pak talks on Sir Creek began in Islamabad. On 18 th
May, both countries agreed to hold more negotiations on the issue.
Pakistan also continued taking unilateral CBMs. On 10th May, it
allowed import of Indian cotton via Wagah. The most bizarre confidence
building measure pertained to arrival of a delegation of Indians in Pakistan
to search for Indian soldiers missing since 1971 war.
They had photo session at jails in Lahore and Karachi displaying
photos of their kiths and kins languishing in Pakistani jails. At Karachi Altaf
Bhais followers helped the visitors in their search. After finding no one in
these jails, the visitors wanted to search jails run by army and wanted to
meet Musharraf Bhai, who had allowed them this opportunity.
Acts negative to confidence building were in plenty as usual.
Pakistani Hindus visiting India tore their passports and raised anti-Musharraf
slogans. On 1st May, Islamabad asked New Delhi to provide particulars of
the protesters who had alleged that authorities in Pakistan were putting
pressure on them to change their religion. Other events worth mention were
as under:
India alleged and Pakistan denied 7th May the existence of any
terrorists training camp in AJK.
India Army started maneouvres in Jalundhar area on 8th May. Next
day, India test-fired nuclear capable missile. At least nine people were
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killed in bomb blast in Makkah Mosque of Hyderabad city in central

India on 18th May. Police killed three more and wounded 32 when
Muslims protested the terrorist attack. Fingers were raised toward
Pakistan.
On 1st June, India told Sri Lanka not to buy arms from Pakistan and
China. Pakistan Foreign Office spokesperson said Pakistan wont
accept Indian hegemony.
As India continued work on Kishan Ganga and Uri-2 hydel projects,
Pakistan requested on 4th June for stoppage of the construction.
On 9th June, Manmohan Singh ruled out the long awaited visit to
Pakistan in the near future.
India was able to consolidate occupation of Kashmir, nevertheless,
perpetration of state terrorism continued:
On 4th May, police opened fire at Kashmiris protesting the damage to
the mosque and injured several people.
Indian forces were accused of turning a mosque into army camp.
Fifteen people were injured when Indian troops thrashed civilians in
Hindwara on 7th May.
Ten persons were killed in different clashes in the Valley on 9 th May.
Three days later, a human rights group in IHK said it has received
3,600 cases of rights abuses by Indian troops.
Three Kashmiris were killed by Indian occupation forces in separate
incidents on 15th May. A week later, six people were killed in clashes.
One Indian soldier was killed in gunfight in IHK on 26 th May. Four
days later, six Kashmiris were killed by Indian occupation forces; one
Indian soldier was shot dead by his comrade.
On 1st June, three policemen and eight suspected Kashmiri fighters
were killed in various incidents. An Indian soldier was killed by his
colleague in Poonch area on 5th June.

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Kashmiri leaders were rendered a non-entity, but they continued

incoherent chanting for resolution of Kashmir dispute. On 3 rd May, Sardar
Qayyum at the end of nine-day yatra of New Delhi informed the newsmen
that Musharraf has dismantled militants training camps in AJK.
On 13th May, Gilani accused India of conspiring to change the
demography of IHK. Three days later, Kasuri said Pakistan was engaged in
the confidence building measures to raise the comfort level of Kashmiris.
On 27th May, Chief Minister of IHK said cut in Indian troops was unlikely.
The News commented on the bomb blast in Hyderabad. Its a shame
that every time a bomb explodes inside India, Pakistan and its intelligence
agencies or outfits on this side of the border get blamed for it. Days after the
massive bomb blast at Hyderabads main mosque and the violent reaction of
the Andhra police to Muslim protesters, investigators, according to several
Indian newspaper reports, seem to have assumed a Pakistani connection.
Unfortunately, this is hardly the way to go about solving a crime,
especially one as heinous and tragic as this one. It shatters the myth of
Indias much-vaunted secularism and shows that in many cases, certain
political parties, state governments and law-enforcement agencies hold a
deeply communal mistrust and hatred of minorities, especially Muslims.
This mistrust comes out especially in times such as this because how else
does one blame the Andhra police shooting dead five Muslim protesters,
after the bombing took place. What the state government needs to do is heed
the call of the Muslims by ensuring that Muslims are not arrested without
any plausible reason as part of the investigation.
Wouldnt it be more likely that a virulently anti-Muslim group like
the VHP, RSS or the Bajrang Dal is behind all this violence that targets the
Muslim community? Surely this is an angle that the police investigators
should look into, or is it assured that any bomb on Indian soil must have
been the handiwork of the Pakistani-based terrorist groups or state
intelligence agencies. If anything the Andhra chief minister must seriously
consider the demand of local Muslim groups to transfer the investigation
from the local police to the Central Bureau of Investigation.
The News also spared some time and space to review the progress in
improvement of Indo-Pak ties. If one were to believe the Pakistani
foreign minister, everything is hunky dory as far as relations with India

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are concerned. A possible solution, or at least major change on Kashmir, is

within sight and ties are on a firm and sure footing.
One is constrained to speak generally on this matter after reading a
report in a wire service that quoted Doordarshan as saying that in its annual
report Indias Ministry of External Affairs had blamed Pakistan for its
failure in dealing with cross-border terrorism. The Doordarshan report
further said that this was responsible for stalling the peace process and that
as a result ties between the two countries remained well short of their
potential. This is in sharp contrast to the optimism President Pervez
Musharraf expressed before an OIC summit meeting earlier this month when
he said that ties between the two countries were making reasonable
progress.
The most obvious is that what is the definition of progress that
functionaries from both sides keep talking of. Apparently, the general
public seems to have a very different notion of this progress, and that is fine
because lay-people do not see an issue in the same manner as foreign office
diplomats or ministers. However, has there been any real movement forward
as far as bilateral ties are concerned? Surely a good way to gauge the
meaning of real in this case would be whether the improvement in ties has
benefited the people of both countries in any tangible and material way since
the peace process after all is for their sake.
The Nation wrote: Indian External Affairs Minister Parnab
Mukherjees assertion that New Delhi cannot set a timeframe for
resolving the Kashmir dispute is no surprise as the Indian leadership has
been shying away from making any commitment in this regard. Talking to
journalists after addressing the concluding session of a two-day South Asian
Parliamentarians Conference in Simla on Sunday, he also rejected the
proposed demilitarization of Kashmir. There will however be few takers for
his view that security forces are maintaining law and order in the Valley
to restore normalcy.
Earlier day-long deliberations at the conference organized by
SAFMA boiled into a verbal brawl between Pakistani and Indian delegates
after Congress MP Daniesh Trivedi objected to the wordings of the draft
declaration and insisted that Jammu and Kashmir was an integral part of
India. This was met with a firm rebuttal from Maulana Fazlur Rehman with
Ms Kashmala Tariq reminding the Indian MP that the draft had been
prepared after long debate by the concerned committee.
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The hype given by the Foreign Office to the last months Asia-Europe
ministerial conference received a blow when Mr Mukherjee denied to have
met Mr Khurshid Kasuri on the sidelines of the moot. This calls for an
explanation from our foreign policy establishment lest the veracity of its
future claims should also be called into question.

HOME FRONT
Judicial crisis overshadowed all other happenings on the home front.
Nevertheless, Musharraf found time to address a public gathering in Sui on
10th May. He announced development projects for Baluchistan and asked
militants to surrender. Two weeks later, Baluchistan Assembly rejected the
Somiani harbour project.
Low key insurgency in the Baluch-dominated areas of the province
continued. Following incidents were reported:
Railway track was blown up near Sibi on 28 th May. Guard of Sui Gas
Company was killed in Quetta.
Four persons were killed and four wounded when insurgents and
tribesmen exchanged fire on 30th May.
Next day, an officer of Geological Survey was killed and seven others
wounded in grenade attack in Quetta. Electric tower in Kohlu and
railway track near Sariab were damaged due to blasts. Two BLA men
were sentenced to death in blast case in Karachi.
Four persons were killed and six wounded in a blast in Hub on 8 th
June. Two days later, three suspected militants were arrested near PakIran border.
The endeavours to acquire soft image kept suffering setbacks due to
various kinds on extremism and militancy. Following incidents were
reported during the period:
One person was killed in sectarian violence in D I Khan on 5 th May.
Next day, PPP leader Qamar Abbas was shot dead in Peshawar along

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with one of his relatives. Two clerics were shot dead in Multan. Three
persons were killed in separate incidents in DI Khan.
On 7th May, Sindh High Court acquitted an LJ activist in bombing
case.
Four militants linked to sectarian attacks were arrested in Islamabad
on 15th May. Next day, five LJ men linked to US Consulate bombing
were arrested in Lahore. MQM blamed MMA government in NWFP
for suicide bombing and demanded resignation. Kite flying claimed
yet another life in Lahore on 10th June.
Shaukat Aziz, following the precedent set by a senior banker,
Wolfowitz, had tried to shed some rays of Enlightenment on Condoleezza
Rice but she failed to appreciate this gesture. Prime Minister House decided
to remain silent over Shaukis attempt at charming Condi; the symbol of
the American beauty and power; but obscurantist Opposition in the Senate
filed an adjournment motion on Aziz-Rice story.
During the period Imam-e-Kaaba arrived in Pakistan. The
government and enlightened section of the media tried to extract a
favourable statement from him on Lal Masjid clerics and seminaries. The
imam wisely desisted from saying anything on the basis of one-sided
briefing.
Mulla Ghazi made the counter-move by inviting the Imam to Lal
Masjid. Later on, Maulana Abdul Aziz had telephonic conversation with the
Imam-e-Kaaba. On 7th June, the Imam desired that Ulema body should settle
Lal Masjid issue. Musharraf, meanwhile, reacted by hinting at precise
shock action against Lal Masjid.
Drama Burqavaganza continued to be commented upon. Raziq
Hussain from Wah Cantt wrote: The governments decision to ban
Burqavaganza by Ajoka is highly deplorable. It is not only against
freedom of expression given to the people under the Constitution but
also against enlightened moderation propagated by both the government
and the president.
There may be many who disagree and have different opinions on a
particular subject. They have the right to express their feelings too.
Furthermore, plays are a form of fine arts and represent the crude realities of

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life and problems of society in a delicate manner. We should take clues from
there for making our individual and social lives better and useful. The
government, therefore, must act in a responsible manner in all matters
while taking account of the rights of the people available under the
Constitution and make decisions in the larger interest of the masses, instead
of serving a particular group of people.
Sayed G B Shah Bokhari said, I contest the declaration of the
minister that burqa is part of Pakistans culture. Anything worn or
practiced by the largest majority of the people of a country is known as its
culture. Punjab is the most populous province of Pakistan where 80 percent
people live in villages and no woman there wears the head-to-toe burqa. In
NWFPs rural area only chadar, and not burqa, is worn by adult females. In
urban Islamabad, Lahore and Karachi, burqa is novelty The sparsely
populated FATA, where stepping outside of the four walls of the house is a
taboo for the fair sex, could boast of their women wearing the head-to-toe
burqa. The culture minister who hails from FATA must have had his own
environment in mind when declaring burqa as part of Pakistani culture.
The News commented on the deal struck between two obscurantist
parties. The MMA government of the NWFP has finally struck a deal with
the maulvi who in the past had asked his followers to resist polio
vaccination But the most objectionable element in the agreement is
that it permits the continuation of the FM station that has no licence to
operate. This permission is almost certain to encourage other fanatics to start
FM stations in NWFP.
Surely, the government can see that this is the same kind of illogical
appeasement that has (and is being) made to the Jamia Hafsa and Lal
Masjid fanatics. Why cant the authorities deal firmly with Maulana
Fazlullah, who at this stage is still more than a nuisance? Since the NWFP
government has now proved that it cant or wont do this, the federal
government must step in, nullify the deal and ask him to wind up his illegal
radio station.
In another editorial the newspaper expressed fondness for the social
values of the land of the Reindeers. Take the case of a marriage between
two individuals, one of whom became a man after a sex-change operation
some time back. The two have had to appear in court and justify their union
after a complaint was filed with the police alleging that the marriage should
be declared null and void because both bride and groom were of the same
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gender The courts would send a much-needed strong message if they

dismissed such frivolous petitions and ordered complainants to bear all
administrative and legal costs. The courts are already overburdened with a
backlog of cases that runs into tens of thousands they can do without such
petitions which are nothing but vexatious litigation (the legal term for legal
action brought, without regard to its merit, solely to harass the defendant).
Narjis Zaidi reported that the UN World Tourism Organizations in a
recently concluded conference observed that women have only 2 percent
representation in tourism. The report came little late for Nilofar to make
full use of it. The conference suggested more representation of women. In
fact, enlightened Nilofar could have pushed for reversing the gender
representation because women can perform better as receptionists,
waitresses, shefs, room-setters, room servants, telephone operators, guides,
massagers, entertainers and so on. Alas! For some reason she had decided to
resign.
The rulers failed to exploit Imam-e-Kaaba for reasons too obvious.
One of the reasons was that the visit programme of the Imam was not in line
with governments pursuit of soft image through Enlightenment. The hosts
should have ensured the indoctrination of the guest.
The visit schedule should have run as follows: After the Ishaa prayer
on the day of arrival, he should have been invited to Whadi Mela where a
special dress show should have been arranged for the Imam to watch the catwalks sitting on an inclined sofa in front row. Somebody from ministry of
culture should have been deputed to explain the finer points of the show and
its close relevance to the harvesting of the wheat crop.
Next morning a mixed race should have been arranged and the Imam
should have performed the opening ceremony. The Governor of Punjab
could have briefed the guest about the merits of the race; including that it
would help in solving the problems of the Ummah, which the Imam keeps
mentioning in his sermons.
After Zohar prayer, he should have been taken to old city and watched
the kite flying from a roof top. Pervaiz Elahi could have explained the
historical background and virtues of this cultural event. He should have also
informed the guest that last February we celebrated this event in defiance of
the order of a Hindu extremist, Rana Bhagwandas, who happened to be one
the judges of our Apex Court. In doing so a few dozen of people were
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martyred. The kite flying event should have been repeated after Ishaa
Prayer to explain the techniques of flying kites at night.
At Islamabad, the Imam should have been received by Nilofar
Bakhtiar with a warm Para-hug (not bear-hug although she appears good
enough for that) as soon as he disembarked from his plane. He should have
been driven straight to the house of Aunty Shamim to sympathize with her
about the treatment meted out by Imam Brothers and the guest should have
apologized to the lady on behalf of the his community of Imams.
He should have spent an evening in Lok Versa where the programme
arranged for foreign diplomats could have been repeated. Musharraf should
have explained Islamic nature of Pakistani culture and his strategy to
improve it further.
The visit should have ended with one-to-one meeting in which the
chief host Musharraf would have lectured the guest on merits of
Enlightenment and demerits of obscurantism. Musharraf would have told
him that talking about destruction of Israel is terrorism. Telling the Arab
leaders to withdraw from peace process amounts to inciting them for
militancy. These charges are serious enough for making one missing
person.
Musharraf would have said: I know you keep worrying about the
plight of Ummah. I tell you this is because of Ummahs inability to wargame and re-strategize to keep pace with changes in the world. Ummahs
well-being rests entirely in submission to the Bushs Crusaders. I have done
so and it works so well that with a simple act of submission I have earned
the title of brave leader. I tell you with great conviction because I know the
secrets as I have been inside Kaaba six times. I know you lead the prayers
in the courtyard of Kaaba, but that only qualifies you for the title of an
Imam or a Mulla. I tell you that from your appearance you look like a mulla
of Taliban. Once you are dubbed as mulla, it means that you belong to the
times of primitives and thus be condemned. I advise you that when you visit
Pakistan next time you must get your beard trimmed like the members of
ruling tribes of the Arab World. The key to the well-being is insight; the
Enlightenment.
These are some of the events which can be suggested off-hand; surely
the regime of the enlightened moderates had the ingenuity to add much more

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to these. Somehow, they took it for granted that like the ruling elite of Saudi
Arabia, the Imam would also support them.

CONCLUSION
There has been some respite for Pakistan because the Kabul regime
desisted from hurling cross-border accusations. The Crusaders have also
shown satisfaction over Pakistans role in assisting the war against Taliban.
These changes are attributable to the recent successes of the occupation
forces inside Afghanistan.
The peace process with India continued peacefully; with Pakistan
making moves and India rejecting those promptly and out rightly. India has
succeeded in giving semblance of permanence to the status quo.
On home front, the focus has been shifted to the movement of the
lawyers. After the incidents of March 9 and May 12, the rulers should be
well-advised not to talk any more about enlightened moderation and
acquisition of the soft image.
11th June 2007

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HELMET vs WIG
ROUND IX PART III
During the Round-Nine, the Team-Helmet devoted most its time and
efforts to strangulate electronic media which had provided strength to the
movement of the Team-Wig with wide coverage of the events. Various
stringent measures were taken to force the private broadcasters to accept the
terms dictated by the rulers.
A delegation of the private broadcasters met the captain of the TeamHelmet, who generously agreed to withdraw the enforcement of PEMRA
Amendment Ordinance. This generocity could not come without some kind
of reciprocation from entrepreneurs of media industry. For example, the live
coverage of the events related to the movement was stopped.
A day before the end of this round, the Team-Wig, probably getting a
clue about the decision of the full court, made a threatening move by talking
about another reference against the CJP and by spreading rumour of
references against four senior judges. These moves failed to change the mind
of the court which, on 11th June upheld the plea on maintainability of the
petition of the CJP.

EVENTS
On 4th June, President issued PEMRA Ordinance 2007 to further
tighten the screw on media. Opposition submitted adjournment motion
against imposition of curbs on media. Journalists, lawyers and opposition
political parties protested PEMRA Ordinance. Minister Durrani said media
issues would be resolved through dialogue with owners of channels.
The Governor held meeting with Pakhtoon Action Committee to chalk
out future strategy. The Supreme Court returned the application of

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Ministry of Interior and directed its submission as proper petition by naming

the persons instead of institution.
A rumpus took place during the general house meeting of LHC Bar
Association when supporters of President Ahsen Bhoon and Finance
Secretary Rubi Hayat exchanged harsh words and shouted at each other
when a resolution was tabled to curtail latters powers. Bhoon was accused
of sabotaging lawyers movement by supporters of Rubi.
Next day, Justice Ramday said there is no bar on the apex court for
interpretation of the Constitution. He made these remarks during the course
of the arguments by Advocate Mujeeb Pirzada in defence of the Chief
Justice. SHC issued show-cause notice to Federal Interior Secretary for not
complying with the court orders in the case missing persons.
PEMRA Ordinance was widely condemned. Journalists and
opposition political parties protested; over 200 journalists were booked
under Section 188. Hundreds of political workers of opposition parties in
Punjab were arrested.
The Ordinance was challenged in LHC and SHC. Lawyers showed
solidarity with media and asked PEMRA chief to stay away from politics.
Nouraiz asked media to look positive side of the Ordinance. Experts said the
curbs on media may backfire.
Aitzaz
Forum filed
commanders
activity and
Constitution.

said the people would resist Martial Law. Pakistan Lawyers

a writ petition in Lahore High Court for restraining the
of Pakistan Army for engaging themselves in any political
initiating proceedings against them for subverting the

On 6th June, Justice Khalilur Rehman Ramday asked Sharifuddin

Pirzada when he was arguing in defence of the reference, you are our senior
and asset for the whole system, you must dig out way to come out of this
problem. Pirzada argued that the SJC is a constitutional body, which looks
after the matters of its brother judges.
The journalists boycotted NA session and Press Information
Department brought about 20 fake journalists into the press gallery to show
that there was no boycott. This forgery resulted in historic incident in
which Opposition members and journalists together chanted slogans in the

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assembly in favour of freedom of press. Sindh Bar Council filed a petition

against PEMRA Ordinance.
Prime Minister ordered immediate withdrawal of cases against
journalists registered under Section 144. Pervaiz Elahi intensified crackdown
against the Opposition and hundreds of political activists were arrested
across Punjab. Sindh government withdrew ban on Imran Khan. Arbab said
he has great respect for judiciary.
The Supreme Court was informed that 4 more persons were recovered
and 152 were still missing. The court ordered the government to formulate a
policy to regulate functions of intelligence agencies in accordance with law
and the Constitution. Farhatullah Babar urged the Supreme Court to obtain
affidavits from heads of ISI and MI about missing persons.
Musharraf served displeasure to members of treasury over their
continuous silence over recent crisis. Whether you have any role or not to
reply to the opposition and deal with the issues confronting the government.
All of you should have defended the government position for a collective
survival instead of bringing me under criticism in the private meetings I
have been alone defending most of the issues that emerged from time to
time.
Next day, Justice Ramday said he would have decided the case in a
single day had he been the only judge of the bench. Pirzada argued that the
President could not be made party in any case. Justice Ramday remarked
that if the act of the President is mala fide and exceeding from his
jurisdiction and powers, he can be made party.
The lawyer of the federation Justice Malik Abdul Qayyum
submitted three affidavits of Chief of Staff to the President, DGMI and
DGIB. In their statements they tried to contradict the contents of the
affidavit submitted by the CJP. A startling revelation was that the CJP
wanted fresh polls held under his supervision.
The Chief Justice of LHC, Justice Iftikhar Hussain Chaudhry was
busy in dismissing cases in the absence of lawyers, when Advocate Manj
requested the CJ to cooperate by refraining from dismissing the cases as the
lawyers observe strike every Thursday. The CJ was infuriated and ordered
his security guards to arrest Manj. This resulted in chanting of slogans
against the CJ and LHCBA demanded unconditional apology from the CJ.

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The journalists observed Black Day across the country. Political

parties and civil society organizations joined the protest. Journalists were
barred from NA session. PEMRA Ordinance was challenged in the Supreme
Court. Diplomats of European countries expressed their concern over
imposition of curbs on the media. Prime Minister accused some members
of his party of acting like opposition members.
On 8th June, the counsel of the CJP requested the court to allow him
only two minutes to say something about affidavits filed by Musharrafs
generals. The six government lawyers raised hue and cry forcing Aitzaz to
sit down. Justice Ramday warned counsels of both sides, especially the
government.
Dont make the court a fish market. When you have been told that
you would also be listened to, why are you destroying the decorum (of the
court). If you would try to create such a situation, we will quit this bench
and wont conduct a hearing, Justice Ramday said.
Talking to the media after the adjournment, Aitzaz claimed that
affidavits filed by the COS, DGMI and IB were fabricated. An affidavit
signed/attested on March 8 mentioned events which happened after March
25. He said, there are total lies in the affidavits, this is a criminal act.
Iqbal Haider blamed intelligence chiefs for creating judicial crisis.
Opposition walked out of NA when its adjournment motion on PEMRA
Ordinance was rejected. Sindh High Court issued notices to chairman
PEMRA and others over the Ordinance. The US cautioned Musharraf regime
against imposition of emergency.
Altaf Hussain said May 12 killings were pre-planned to defame
MQM. Iqbal Kazmi who had filed petition against May 12 killings and had
been missing for two days was found unconscious at Cantt Station. He was
severely beaten during his captivity by certain elements that inflicted burn
wounds on his body with cigarettes. He showed the burns to the media-men.
On 9th June, after a meeting with a delegation of Pakistan Broadcasters
Association, Musharraf ordered withdrawal of PEMRA Amendment
Ordinance. Ill contest presidential election in uniform, Musharraf told alArabia TV.

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On 10th June, Wasi Zafar said another reference against the Chief
Justice was ready and it would be filed at an opportune time if so required.
Defence lawyers said that second reference indicated that the government
has lost confidence in its first reference. Opposition asked Musharraf to doff
uniform. A US think tank termed MQM a terrorist outfit.
Next day, the full court of the Supreme Court announced its verdict on
maintainability of the petition of the CJP. The court decided to hear the
petition filed against the presidential reference. Aitzaz started his arguments
on merits of the petition.
Shaukat Aziz, Shujaat and Mushahid Hussain were surprised by Wasi
Zafars talk about second reference against the CJP. Later, Musharraf and
Shaukat discussed new reference. Wasi Zafar announced that the
government has no plan to file any reference against more judges, earlier it
was reported that there were plans to file references against four judges.
Imran Khan met high-ups of Scotland Border Anti-Terrorism Wing
and discussed evidence on Altaf Hussains Terror Group called MQM. Rice
said that US was pressing for democratic change in Pakistan. The
government rejected EU concern over curbs on the media.

VIEWS
People from all walks of life kept expressing the viewpoint on the
events of the ongoing judicial crisis. Sibbtain from Lahore wrote about the
Karachi carnage. I am a student not a politician but the incident of 12 th May
has raised many questions in my mind. I saw in the live telecast Muslims
killing Muslims. Many of the injured and dead were lying on the roads
while the politicians, governor, chief minister, police, Rangers and other
agencies were feigning ignorance.
Malik Asad Awan from Lahore observed: 42 people died, hundreds
injured, in Karachi to show the power of government and its allies. Those in
authority must be feeling satisfied and strong now. In my opinion, Supreme
Court must take suo moto action against those responsible for the
carnage.

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Khurshid Anwer from Lahore opined: The recent suo moto notice by
the Sindh High Court will go down in history as a defiant act in the
defining moment of our history. There is hope yet. On the other hand, the
Sindh Chief Minister has committed a contempt of court by saying that his
governments cooperation with judiciary will depend upon impartiality of
the judges.
The MQM say they did nothing wrong (despite all the evidence to the
contrary) and they were victims of a conspiracy by the opposition parties.
The President, though, has been claiming victory saying, the people of
Karachi have shown their political strength by stopping the Chief Justices
show. Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz also phoned Altaf Hussain to thank him
for great job done. Now that the great job has become egg on the face of
the entire establishment, what should one make of all this?
M Umer Farooq from Saudi Arabia wrote: Before the events of 12th
May, MQM could have hoped to expand its appeal beyond urban Sindh. But
its actions on that day have once again proved that at its core it is still an
ethno-centric, violent organization, symbiotically linked to the army, and led
by people with a narrow vision. The MQM may have achieved its tactical
goal of stopping the Chief Justice from reaching the Sindh High Court, but
it has irretrievably harmed its political strategy of becoming a normal,
national political party.
Prof Dr Ghayur Ayub from London opined: It was heartbreaking to
see Karachi burning with dead bodies scattered all over the streets while
people clad in colourful folk-costumes danced in Islamabad in front of a
triumphant leader punching in the air with joy. This time, it would be
difficult for General Musharraf to pass on his responsibility to others as
he did when he sacked CJP. After all, blood of his countrymen shed so
mercilessly on the street cannot be washed away with words.
Khurshed Anwer from Lahore appreciated the response of Asfandyar
to MQMs phony attempts for reconciliation. Talking to a private TV
channel, Asfandyar Wali Khan expressed the mood of the nation generally
and of the Pashtoons in particular. When the governor Sindh phoned to talk
of a way forward, he was firmly told certain things that first have to be done:
The message I got from you on May 12 was that Karachi belongs to you
and other political parties should stay out. You have to retract this message
before we can move forward, Khan said.

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When Babar Ghouri phoned Asfandyar Wali he was told to go and

talk to the people of Karachi who had lost their near and dear ones. When he
asked for just two minutes, he was told, not even two seconds.
Khurshid Anwer from Lahore Cantt observed: According to a press
report, the deal was almost done. The portfolios at the centre were agreed
upon. The two sides were only arguing on who would be in charge of
Punjab, Pervez Elahi or someone else chosen by Benazir Bhutto. She wanted
Shabaz Sharif but Musharraf wanted to stick with the incumbent. Shabaz
Sharif would certainly not have been so vocal against the Chief Justice.
When the deal was almost done, the Don really delivered the killer
punch to it. Man proposes and God disposes. May 12 has put paid to all this
fiendish scheming. MQM might argue that would we have created
trouble in Karachi if we knew it would hurt Musharraf.
Subsequently, he added: It should be clear by now to even a dumb
person that Benazir Bhutto is not going to miss out on the opportunity to get
into power through Musharraf. This is the bottom line and all else is
hogwash. Never one to take the back seat at a conference (after all, Bhuttos
were born to rule), she will never sit in an APC where Nawaz Sharif calls the
shots. Musharraf asking the allies to be openly supportive of MQM
reminds me of what the English say, love me; love my dog.
Farooq Ali from Islamabad said: Imran Khan will sue Altaf Hussain
in a British court of law. Great work Imran Khan! The whole nation stands
with you on this courageous decision. God bless you and give you long
life.
Tabassum Mairaj from Islamabad wrote: Number-game being
played through rallies and counter rallies reminds me of a joke,
which I wish to share with your readers. Once a thief was caught stealing
something and was brought before a magistrate, who while announcing the
punishment told the thief that there were two persons who had seen you
stealing. The over-clever thief said, so what? I can bring a hundred persons
as my witness who had not seen me stealing.
Shabbir Ahmad from Islamabad reiterated what he had said a few
days earlier about Islamabad rally. Saturday 12 th May was indeed a sad day
in our national history. While Karachi was burning and people were being

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killed and injured, thanks to the goons of the ruling party gone berserk,
our rulers were busy with their obscene show in Islamabad.
Why obscene? Obscene because of the excessive deployment of
lights and waste evident everywhere, obscene because the pompous show
should have been called off in view of the sad loss of precious lives in
Karachi. It was obscene because most of the buses had been commandeered
leaving passengers, including baraats, stranded in the middle of nowhere
and also obscene because the bill of the extravaganza would ultimately be
passed on to the already burdened taxpayer. So what were our rulers
celebrating?
Engr ST Hussein from Lahore commented: The support of corps
commanders for the COAS is due to the Army being a disciplined
institution, which functions on the basis of the unity of command. It is not
known whether the corps commanders asked their chief about the treatment
given to the Chief Justice on 9th March 2007 or Karachi mayhem on 12th
May 2007. The general public, which pays for the Armys salaries, has no
right to know the details of the meeting. Whatever has been stated in the
ISPR press release should suffice.
Pir Shabbir Ahmad from Islamabad opined: The manner in which the
recent PEMRA Ordinance was passed negates all government claims of
there being a democracy in this country. Even the parliament was not
accorded the dignity of the rubber-stamping the new law.
What makes the law totally without lawful authority is that even the
cabinet was not considered worthy of being consulted on it. We have seen
laws being bulldozed by civilian governments through the parliament in 30
minutes flat. However, this too was one of its kind and a new precedent for
ham-handedness has been set in our country.
S Nooruddin observed: Imran Khan and Aitzaz Ahsan, lawyer to
the Chief Justice, in my opinion are our new heroes and the future of
Pakistan. Against all odds, these two have been relentlessly pursuing the
objective of saving the country from the tyranny and dictatorship. Due to the
determination of Imran Khan and Aitzaz Ahsan, we are seeing a brighter
future for our homeland. For this awakening I must give credit to the media
which has given us the chance to see the truth and has brought about such an
awareness that we did not have before.

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Khuram Khan from Lahore opined: The ongoing crisis has some
positives for an ordinary citizen like me. Thanks to our media we are now
able to gauge the quality of our leadership on both sides of the divide. I feel
that some new and competent leaders are emerging who have the
credentials and the ability to lead. The only problem is whether they
themselves realize this.
Imran Khan, Aitzaz Ahsan, Ahsan Iqbal, Khawja Asif, Mushahid
Hussain are some of the names that have emerged. Another personality who
has emerged as a breath of fresh air is Munir A Malik, President Supreme
Court Bar Association, who should contest the next general elections. I am
sure there are more capable people waiting in the wings. Media has to help
these new leaders to emerge and now they will take this nation forward.
Dr Ghayur Ayub from London observed: Sheikh Rasheed is rapidly
becoming another Pir Pagaro. In his latest prediction, Sheikh Sahib
warned the opposition of another martial law if they carried on opposing
General Musharraf on the streets. He should realize that another martial law
at this stage in time will bring a bloody revolution in the country as the
public has enough of the army. Before trying to scare the undeterred, Sheikh
Rasheed should look into his own soul and remember what his mentor
Shorash Malik, had once told him. Does he want me to remind him in
public?
Wasi Zafar earned his share of tributes. Dr A P Sangdil from Lalamusa
wrote: Soon after the CJPs fiasco hit the headlines, Law Minister Wasi
Zafar appeared to plead governments case. Many at the time had thought
that he was just a stopgap arrangement and someone more astute would
replace him soon. It was not to be.
Wasi Zafar was to remain governments ace player and its best bet.
During one such discussion, when Munir A Malik adeptly arguing his point,
Wasi Zafar remained focused on the potato chips placed in front and
continued to crunch freebies. Some viewers dont even want to see him on
TV. Some credit him for advocating government line with gusto whether or
not there is any substance in it. The majority of viewers, though, consider
him to be an amusing character that provides good entertainment
during these dreary days.
Shafiq Khan from Canada sent an advice for TV anchors. I want to
say to Geo, Aaj & ARY channels to kindly exercise caution while asking
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questions to your guests over the phone and in the live studio discussions.
Also be courteous and polite with your guests instead of cutting them off
rudely, ask for an excuse if you have as Kamran Khan did in the interview
with the Sindh Governor.
In your infinite wisdom, you think that you are smart and ask
question which your guest cannot respond to. You seem to be smug in the
knowledge that there are hidden traps in your questions for the guests. But
truth of the matter is that 95% of the people you invite and talk to are
duffers. That makes you look good, nothing else.
Z Israr from Karachi took on the lawyers. It is very disgusting to see
the lawyers behave like politicians on the streets They are actually
supposed to wait till the decision of the full bench and must accept whatever
the decision may be. It appears the lawyers are not prepared to accept the
decision if the apex court decides in favour of the government.
That will be absolutely unlawful and a contempt of court. The
lawyers talk of democracy, but at the same time are physically assaulting
fellow lawyers that have any proclivity towards government. They are also
canceling the bar membership of those who do not agree with their present
stance.
M Sharjeel Ashraf from Abbottabad supported the regime. My heart
bleeds for the people killed in Karachi because of the obstinacy of the Chief
Justice. He was warned by the government of Pakistan to defer his visit
but he thought the people everywhere supported him.
That was not the case as was amply demonstrated by the MQM rally
in Karachi and the government rally in Islamabad. His visit proved to be so
bloody for the city that we have not had such a bloodbath in years The
killing continued till he stayed in Karachi and stopped only when he
went back home.
Media bore the brunt of the wrath of the Team-Helmet during the later
part of this round. In return, the government actions were also severely
criticized. The Nation wrote: Any colour you want as long as its black.
PEMRAs Saturday directive to the nations broadcasters to cease airing
shows on the current judicial crisis reflects the governmentsfree media
policy: you are free to say whatever you want, as long as it is what we want.

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This is a government that claims to have provided unprecedented

freedom to the media. Indeed, this impression is thrown around most
lavishly every time the government chronically counts the feathers in its cap.
The governments track record on the front, however, has been far from
ideal.
The government is given to taking credit for the proliferation of
the electronic media in the country. This is nothing to take credit for; it
would have happened anyway. Even the most authoritarian country in the
world today, North Korea, cannot stop TV signals being beamed into it.
Modern technology prevents the media straitjacketing of yore. It is how
governments regulate TV channels and decide what is and is not kosher for
public consumption that determines how free a countrys media is. The
PEMRA directive renders the channels virtually incapable of covering the
judicial crisis. That means it stops them from covering the news.
In a subsequent editorial, the newspaper added: Transmissions of
three TV channels were blocked on Sunday One TV channel was blocked
in the middle of interviewing a retired COAS, a former Supreme Court judge
and a senior Vice President of the ruling PML. This indicates the
administrations growing impatience with the airing of dissenting views
by anyone including the former or present members of the establishment.
Coming as it does months before the elections, it does not augur well for the
days to come. The move to block the TV channels has been executed with
the assistance of the Cable Operators Association (CBA) which has
assumed, apparently on the instigation of the interested quarters, the
authority to shut down the transmission considered by it to be against the
solidarity of the country. The assumption of the role of the censor by the
CBA is arbitrary and illegal.
Deprived of live coverage of ongoing protests and public gatherings
many more people are now likely to go and watch the proceedings
themselves. This explains why there was a bigger procession in Lahore on
Thursday despite the hot and oppressive weather and many more people
gathered to greet the CJ on his way to Islamabad on Saturday. The illadvised restrictions would turn the private channels into a version of the
uninspiring and dull PTV, forcing viewers to turn to foreign channels for
information. In the absence of reliable reporting, rumours are likely to
gain currency. This is highly detrimental to national integrity.

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On third consecutive day, the paper wrote: The peoples recent

exposure to the implications of the judicial crisis, which they could hear in
TV talk shows sitting right in their drawing rooms, have awakened their
interest in political and constitutional matters to a degree never witnessed
before. In this age and in these circumstances, therefore, putting curbs on
the electronic media is a self-defeating exercise.
The PEMRA (Amendment) Ordinance 2007 following on the heels
of another amendment that prohibited live coverage of events relating to the
judicial crisis further tightens PEMRAs stranglehold over the electronic
media. The authority to confiscate equipment and seal premises without
consulting the council of complaints approved only last February these
two amendments hardly endorse Mr Durranis contention that the
media is free. They only point to a serious malady that has overtaken the
authorities: nervousness over the mounting display of public opposition and
insecurity.
The pity also is that the muzzling of the media is taking place at
the time when the general elections are due to take place within a matter
of months. It is idle to suppose that without a free press able to bring out the
failings of the government as well as opposition, the polls could ever be
regarded as free and fair, irrespective of the reasons put forward for its
gagging.
Imran Husain observed that its very evident some dunderhead in the
operational retinue has the ear more than the rest of the nation does. The
first, amazing faux-pas was the mishandling of the CJs reference. Then, as
if the last ninety days including the atrocious annihilation in Karachi was not
enough, this enlightened government has irrationally decided that the
media too should be elevated to a historic stature by driving it to resist
subjugation.
A great victory? Not in the least. Escapism illegitimately fathered by
those who wish to poison the flow of information to the President himself
and to create a situation where a President can be almost divorced from the
realities in which he is acting Tragic when the only accomplishment of
this government is press freedom. The rest is a fantasy.
Someone who matters suggested that all the opposing players should
be hammered into submission. Cold indifference is invoked towards the
suffering even if the government causes it. The result is lawyers in revolt,
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the press carrying lanterns in protest. A literate and educated revolt, so far.
Government could probably say to hell with the people. But it doesnt stay
that way for too long. Lets forget that the limits of tyranny are prescribed by
the endurance of those whom they oppress. Lets also quickly agree that the
captioned endurance is at an end. And tyranny shall flounder.
When leaders act contrary to conscience it becomes mandatory upon
us to act contrary to leaders. There is this crying need for the soul of our
country to be awakened. Shutting media down or restricting its freedom
will bring more curious people into the streets than right now Highhandedness in this environment is not an option.
Where Pakistan stands today is tragic. Regrettably, we are back to
square one. Those responsible are blind to the damage they have done.
Those equally responsible for destroying the country stand at the brink of
regaining power. The dustbins are flowing over with unfulfilled promises.
The much trumpeted press freedom choked yet again. Now even the country
is at loggerheads. It has been devastating this failed experiment.
Dr Ijaz Ahsan wrote: It is a reflection on the situation that even the
US administration, the patron of the government through thick and thin, has
stated that the Pakistani media should be free to inform the people what their
government is doing. They are such double-talkers; it is entirely possible
they may have said: we have to talk about media freedom. You do, as you
like.
The government is not likely to impose any fresh curbs on
newspapers. The reason is simple: by allowing print media a degree of
freedom, they can pacify their Western masters. Now newspapers are only
read by the haves, because the less affluent simply cannot afford them; and
the haves have many fewer issues to fight for.
The trouble is: for the last many decades, we have been moving two
steps backwards after every step forwards. Let us hope our rulers allow
freedom of expression and learn to cope with the consequences through
improved governance and more liberal and enlightened policies, rather than
through repression.
From across the border, Kuldip Nayar observed: A country like
Pakistan which has been ruled by the military for more than 45 years has
developed a different kind of ethos. It does not mean that people have ceased

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to believe in democracy. It means that they have come to reconcile to a

situation, which they believe they cannot change. It is an act of resignation,
not renunciation. That is the reason you see at times a glimpse of the fire
burning within peoples heart. The lawyers movement over the suspension
of Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry indicates that unquenchable spirit. Man,
however, long he remains shackled, asserts ones self in one way or the
other.
No wonder, President General Pervez Musharraf believes that he is
providing cohesion and order to Pakistan as he goes on justifying the parallel
rally against the lawyers and their supporters in Karachi the other day. This
week TV networks were silenced through an ordinance. The next in the line
of fire is the press. Musharraf should realize that certain things are
simply not defendable.
After the withdrawal of PEMRA Amendment Ordinance, The Nation
wrote: While one would welcome the withdrawal of PEMRA Amendment
Ordinance, one cannot help questioning the rationale for its promulgation in
the first stance Even as it has been withdrawn that spectre remains
looming on the horizon and the governments boast of having made the
media the most free in the countrys history has been badly exposed.
Otherwise, the broadcasters could have been asked to frame a code of ethics
without its imposition.
The delegation of Pakistan Broadcasting Association, which called
on the President at the Camp Officewhen he announced the retraction of
the PEMRA Amendment Ordinance, also discussed with him media related
problems. It is not clear whether the question of the ban of the live coverage
of Chief Justices engagements and talk shows about the vital constitutional
issue of judicial independence came up. After all, live coverage of events of
public interest is an important raison detre of TV channels and is the
norm in democratic societies that have little taste for putting curbs on free
expression. And by any reckoning the CJs case evoked a great deal of
public interest.
The President told the delegation that the code of ethics ought to
preclude criticism of the armed forces and national institutions by TV
channels. But the directive becomes rather incomprehensible when he
decides to seek re-election as President in uniform, the armed forces run the
affairs of the state, corps commanders pronounce on political issues and
serving military officers are assigned civilian duties. Criticism on their
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performance, if found wanting, in political and civilian matters, could

not possibly be construed to mean as reflection on their role in the
defence field. They become legitimate targets of criticism.
The use of army card was another event which drew the attention of
the analysts. S M Hali observed: Right when it was being speculated by his
detractors that President Musharraf has reached the end of his tether, the
President has used the army card as opposed to his other cards: feudal,
bankers, traditional politicians and big businessmen.
BBCs Barbara Plett in her news report had asserted that President
Musharraf has little room for maneuver in the crisis over his suspension of
Pakistans top judge. She outlined that the emerging consensus narrowed
to four options for the President:
To ride out the crisis in the hope that the protests run out of steam.
(The mayhem at Karachi on May 12 ruled this option out.)
He could simply accept the he had been wrongly advised, reinstate the
Chief Justice, and look for scapegoat. (Events have overtaken this
option.)
He could declare a state of emergency and impose martial law. (It
could lead to more violence and condemnation by the West; moreover
this option has been ruled out by the President.)
He could reach out to PPP of Benazir Bhutto, generally seen as the
most popular political force in the country.
The best option for President Musharraf is to hold free and fair
elections, held in a transparent manner so that none can point a finger either
at the military or vested interests. The people of Pakistan are now mature
enough to use the ballot judiciously. President Musharraf has been an
unorthodox military leader and is known to opt for pragmatism in the face of
a difficult situation. Let him show his expediency in adopting the best course
for Pakistan and its people.
From USA Husain Haqqani wrote: Facing massive popular
disapproval at home and abroad, General Pervez Musharrafs military
regime is trying to find comfort in support from the Bush Administration and
Pakistans top military commanders. But Musharrafs current problems do

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not stem from lack of US government support or the absence of backing

from the Pakistani military. They are the result of disenchantment of the
Pakistani people with the authoritarian order.
As several Pakistani commentators have pointed out, it was expected
that military commanders express loyalty to their chief. The military is a
disciplined force and its discipline requires that the brass fall in line when
commanded to do so. If the army chief asks them to tell the press that they
stand for the security of their country under leadership and guidance of the
president and the Chief of Army Staff, they will. How does a statement
showing support for the army chief by officers under his command resolve
the issue of Musharrafs political legitimacy and lack of public support?
The generals statement had one other dimension that is
significant. It took serious note of the malicious campaign against
institutions of the state launched by vested interests this is a clear
reference to the increasing questioning by Pakistani civilians of the
militarys dominance over Pakistani public life and its alleged privileges.
It is wrong, as is common in Pakistan, to think of the armed forces
and the security services as the only institutions worth protecting A
cursory glance at Pakistans history would reveal that Pakistans judicial and
legislative institutions of state have been under relentless attack since 1951.
Much of what General Musharraf has said since assuming power
reads like a rehashed version of statements of Pakistans previous military
rulers. His claims of creating a new political system and establishing a
system of checks and balances seem straight out of Ayub Khans book
Friends, Not Masters.
Military commanders would do Pakistan a major service by
recognizing that some of their institutions former chiefs are the ones who
started undermining Pakistans institutions. They could persuade the current
chief to restore institutional balance and bring the antagonism towards
institutions of state to an end. Self-righteous claims about criticism of one
sub-branch of the state as a malicious campaign against state institutions,
without recognizing the constant battering of other institutions will not
resolve Pakistans crisis.
Stratford, Strategic Forecasting Inc commented on Musharrafs
compulsion to play army card. Thus far all the steps taken by the

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Musharrafs government to fix the growing political instability have

backfired, and even have made matters worse. For the most part, this
outcome is the result of serious miscalculations. This is not altogether
surprising because Musharraf is now relying on a small circle of
bureaucratic advisers, and is no longer listening to his political allies in the
ruling PML.
However, not heeding the PMLs advice might not have major
consequences, since it is the party that is dependent on Musharraf for its
position of power. But Musharraf is critically dependent on the militarys
support to ensure his regimes continuity. This is why Musharraf on June
1 called an emergency meeting of the corps commanders and armys agency
heads, during which the top generals reportedly expressed complete support
for the president.
During this meeting Musharraf made use of the increasingly loud
criticisms of the militarys domination of the state. He was able to convince
the generals that the governments opponents are not just out to force the
countrys military chief from power, but also want the military establishment
to lose control of the political system.
For now, the generals figure the anti-Musharraf movement,
though growing in size, lacks direction, organization and critical mass
because the main opposition parties remain divided. Put differently, they
believe their interests can still be secured through a compromise involving
the reinstatement of the chief justice, and perhaps even with Musharraf
assuming the role of a civilian president. But Musharraf does not believe he
can both compromise and sustain power, which is why he has decided to
tough it out in an effort to get past the re-election in September.
But when the generals know things have reached a point of no
return, they will act; this could happen before the end of summer
depending on how fast events progress. The prevention of new broadcasts
and political talk shows deemed critical of the government on private
television channels could prove to be one key step in that direction. Because
of the immense popularity of these private channels, the anti-Musharraf
movement is likely to gain greater momentum and rapidly.
The growing public unrest will only get worse because the
government is determined to deal with the situation by cracking down.
Unless Musharraf reverses course and opts for the path of accommodation
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with his opponents both among the political parties and with civil society
it is quite feasible that the unrest, which is expected to peak around the time
of the presidential vote in September, could surge earlier. Even his key
civilian partner, the PML, is starting to show signs of hemorrhaging,
indicating that it might not be possible for Musharraf to secure a second
term.
The possible consequences of the game of affidavits were pondered
upon. The Nation opined: The three affidavits by the Chief of Staff to the
President and heads of two security agencies filed before the SC bench
hearing the CJs petition are likely to further complicate the judicial
crisis. Some of the positions taken in the CJs affidavit have been challenged
and serious charges leveled against him. While one of the counsel of Justice
Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry has dismissed them as a pack of lies, the CJ
will have to answer them. For whatever its worth, the government has put
before the court a complete charge-sheet against the CJ. With the attention of
millions of people riveted on the judicial crisis, many would anxiously wait
for a reply from him?
What would baffle many is the role of agencies in the affair.
Interestingly, while the MI and IB have come all out in support of the
presidential reference, the ISI has kept itself out of the dispute. The MI and
IB are prime military and civil security agencies who are supposed to fully
concentrate on countering the conspiracies of the countrys enemies. In view
of the peculiar nature of their work, they are supposed to act from the
shadows rather than function in the limelight. It was therefore surprising to
find their chiefs present in a meeting between the President and the CJ where
the latter was charge sheeted. What is more the chiefs of the two agencies
have agreed to be party against the CJ.
Many had hoped the government would stop the judicial crisis from
becoming more complicated by withdrawing the reference. By deciding to
file the affidavits, it has closed the door on any possible conciliation. A
Pandoras Box has been opened. The COS and chiefs of the two intelligence
agencies are now to be cross-examined by the CJs counsel As new
precedents are being set, it remains to be seen what the apex court decides in
case the CJs counsel argue that President be also called for questioning.
Raoof Hasan commented: Shaukat Aziz has also expressed
displeasure at the lack of support that the government policies have received
from the ruling party legislators. He went to the extent of saying that some
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members of the ruling conglomerate had either lost hearts and joined
the opposition ranks, or they were deliberately keeping quiet over the
ongoing political crisis. He urged them to come forward and help the
government to tide over the situation.
Guess, where does the General run for support? In a meeting held on
June 1, the corps commanders and principal staff officers expressed total
support for their leader. They went step further. They took serious note of
the malicious campaign against institutions of the state launched by
vested interests and opportunists who are acting as obscurantist forces to
serve their personal interests and agenda even at the cost of flouting the rule
of law.
And finally, the bombshell! In counter affidavits submitted before
the Supreme Court (in which they) have leveled serious allegations
against the suspended Chief Justice of Pakistan Iftikhar Mohammad
Chaudhry. Among other charges, the suspended Chief Justice has been
accused of having recommended the dissolution of sitting assemblies as they
had become a nuisance and the holding of fresh elections under him. The
affidavits also allege that the suspended Chief Justice kept tabs on his
fellow judges and wanted to move references against many of them. Names
of specific judges have also been given in the affidavit.
Although branded as absurd, fictitious and a figment of imagination
by the Chief Justices counsel Aitzaz Ahsan, these are serious allegations
indeed that need to be looked into. For that to happen, the moves of
affidavits would need irrevocable proof thereof to help matters proceed
further. A mere reference to a purported telephonic conversation may not be
of much help in matters of law.
The reference made no mention of any of the serious allegations
pertaining to the recommendation regarding the dissolution of assemblies or
the one about keeping tabs by the Chief Justice on his fellow judges. Why is
that so? Why is it that there has been no mention of it till the submission of
the affidavits? Is it dereliction of duty on the part of those who were in the
know of things as they failed to inform their superiors about the Chief
Justices remarks? Does it signify a critical break in the chain of command
of the government machinery that contributed to a failure on the part of the
highest echelons of the establishment in taking cognizance of these matters?
Or, is it a mere after thought in a malicious bid to further malign the name of
the suspended Chief Justice and confuse the adjudicators to the case?
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If neither of these were the case, these allegations should have been
included in the original reference sent to the Supreme Judicial Council.
Whatever the reasons that led to these not being a part of the original
reference, the resultant duplicity is not a matter that can be easily ignored,
even overlooked.
While this is happening in such rapidity, General Pervez Musharraf
is irretrievably consumed by talking about his own indispensability to
the cause of the country. He claims that he is the only one who can arrest
the tide towards Talibanization. Make no mistake as this regime is gradually
unmasking the tools that it is going to use in this effort: vandalizing
whatever remains of the institution of judiciary and denying the rule of law
and gagging the media by bringing in inhuman, outdated and draconian rules
to govern its conduct. Indeed, an incredible recipe for bringing order to the
state of Pakistan!
Dr Farooq Hassan observed: The referring authority filed three
affidavits in the Supreme Court in the ongoing hearings of the cases
involving the Chief Justice of Pakistan It is a dangerous and
unprecedented legal maneouvre as it opens all of them to submit to
cross-examination. After which what will remain of the credibility of the
current juntas control over the countrys administration is anybodys guess.
And if an application is moved to summon the President himself, how will
he avoid it? this legal step has clearly opened a Pandoras box for the
President despite the superficial availability of Article 248 with him.
Why did it become necessary to do so? Without going into the
substantive legal aspects of this matter that may be examined in the court at
the appropriate time, it is vital to know what politically happened in the
capital almost simultaneously prompting the president to file such
documents in court. General Musharraf last Wednesday blamed the ruling
coalitionfor always leaving him in the lurch and said the country would
be in deep trouble if his set-up was changed by the circumstances.
This is the first major public admission by the President himself
that ill advised actions since March 9 have finally brought to bear on his
own future. I bluntly say that you always leave me alone in the time of trial
and tribulation he told his political allies.
Such is the current despondency in government benches that such
people for all seasons now know better and wish to be known to side with
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the Generals stand on the current issues facing the nation. Senator Javed
Shah who questioned the presidents legitimacy, saying that Musharraf
did not come through the power of ballot, also did not go well with the
General.
He, however, did not react to a lawmakers complaint who accused
the CM Punjab of conspiring against the MNAs at the cost of their political
future. Another speaker Mazhar Qureshi said the General should not get
annoyed with them for not defending himthe PML-Q had around 50 vice
presidents and not one of them had spoken in favour of the General.
So it is clear having concluded that the civilian component of this
artificially contrived democratic setup cannot possibly support him, General
Musharraf has now taken the last step involving the senior commanders
in his defence which is apparently a lost matter. Not only in Pakistan but the
world over this judicial crisis, has finally, it appears, caught up with him.
No body in Pakistan maligns the national army. If this tendency at
times is unfortunately visible, it is because of the ill advised and self
serving actions of the present regime. As such it remains to be seen how
this terrible faux pas now unfold itself.
The Team-Helmet strengthened the move of affidavits with talk of
more references against judges. The Nation commented: The announcement
by Mr Wasi Zafar that another reference might be filed against the Chief
Justice indicates the government does not feel confident about the
viability of its earlier reference. The Law Ministers statement that even if
Justice Iftikhar is to be reinstated by the apex court, he should not resume
the office of the CJ indicates the desire to get rid of him at all costs.
An ostensibly sponsored report appearing in a national daily tells
about the authorities collecting material against at least four judges of the
Supreme Court for filing a reference against them. Any move in the
direction at this stage will lack credibility and be interpreted as an act
aimed at pressurizing the judges.
Instead of deepening the judicial crisis further by new references at
the instance of hot-headed advisers the government needs to reconsider its
options coolly. The administration has to understand that whatever the
outcome of the present crisis, it is no more going to deal with docile courts.
The way the legal community has reacted to the action against the CJ

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indicates a deep-set resentment against the administrations reference in the

affairs of the judiciary that has been going on for decades.
Making the removal of the CJ a matter of prestige will not
therefore help. There is a need under the circumstances to find a way out of
the crisis by accepting the reality even if it happens to be bitter. The locking
of horns between the presidency and judiciary has to end.
The President has himself promised that he would accept whatever
verdict is delivered by the apex court. There are many who think that instead
of reacting to the events he should himself initiate a conciliatory move
that leads to the end of the judicial crisis. He should seek the assistance of
people like the ACJ Rana Bhagwandas and Mr Sharifuddin Pirzada to
extricate the presidency from a tricky situation where it has landed itself for
responding to bad advice.
The Nation commented: Addressing the Abbottabad Bar Association
on the subject of preservation of human rights Chief Justice Iftikhar
Mohammad Chaudhry talked of certain truths, which are considered
unquestionable prerequisites to a democratic dispensation in the world
today.
It is extremely unfortunate that the fundamental rights that CJ Iftikhar
Mohammad Chaudhry mentioned in his speech are being eroded, rather than
protected, in this country whose leaders take pride in saying that they have
established genuine democracy. If their brand of democracy cannot face the
peoples challenge to their power, it is time for them to admit there was
something seriously wrong with their understanding of the demands of the
system. There can be absolutely no question in the truth of CJs assertion
that the people of Pakistan were backing the struggle for the
independence of the judiciary.
Keith Jones endeavoured to assess the American viewpoint on the
judicial crisis. The editors of the New York Times, LA Times and Post are
alarmed by what they perceive to be the Bush Administrations myopic
policy of trying the fortunes of US imperialism to Musharraf. The three
editorials merely counsel Washington to broker a deal between the military
and the principal bourgeois opposition parties, warning that otherwise a
regime hostile to the US may ultimately come to power in Pakistan.

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In fact, the Bush Administration has signaled that it would like

Musharraf reach a deal with Benazir Bhutto and her Pakistan Peoples Party.
But such a deal has floundered over the division of the prerogatives and
spoils of office, and the Bush Administration fears that without the iron
fist of the military rule Pakistan could become embroiled in class and
ethnic conflicts menacing to US interests.
There is also, undoubtedly, concern in the Bush Administration that a
change of regime in Islamabad could endanger various sordid, secret
operations that US military and security forces are currently carrying out in
Pakistan, including the ware-housing and torture of alleged terrorists.
Whilst fear that Musharraf is stoking a popular rebellion that could
threaten US interests is the principal reason sections of the press are now
calling for the Bush Administration to distance itself from the general
and begin planning for a post-Musharraf Pakistan, it is not the only
reason.
Put bluntly, many sections of the US establishment dont think they
are getting their moneys worth from Musharraf. All three editorials combine
complaints about Musharrafs authoritarian rule with sniping that the general
has proven a poor bargain for US imperialism.
The venal Pakistani bourgeois has always sought to gain money
and geopolitical influence by serving imperialist interests. Before
Washington, it looked to London. But the oppositions appeals to
Washington are above all grounded in its fears that any popular mobilization
against the Musharraf regime could escape its control. Undermine the
military, and become a threat to the bourgeois order. Second only to
Pakistani military itself do the Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharifs look to the
imperialist powers, and above all the US, as the bulwark of their own
privileges, of a socio-economic order that condemns the vast majority of
Pakistanis to a life of poverty, ignorance and squalor.
The New York Times wrote: If Gen Pervez Musharraf were the
democratic leader he indignantly insists he is, he would not be so busy
threatening independent news outlets, arresting hundreds of opposition
politicians and berating parliamentary leaders and ministers from his own
party for insufficient loyalty to his arbitrary and widely unpopular policies.

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But nobody takes General Musharrafs democratic claims seriously

anymore, except for the Bush Administration, which has put itself in the
embarrassing position of propping up the Muslim Worlds most powerful
strongman as an essential ally in its half-baked campaign to promote
democracy throughout the Muslim World. Washington needs to
disentangle America quickly from the General.
Were Washington now to begin distancing itself from the General, it
would greatly encourage civic-minded Pakistanis to set-up the pressure for
free national elections. Thats a process the chief justice was trying to make
possible when he was fired The United States should be supporting
these efforts, not continuing to make excuses for General Musharraf.
Pakistan has its share of violent Islamic extremists, military and
civilian. But they are clearly in the minority. The best hope for diluting their
political, and geopolitical, influence lies not in heating the pressure cooker
of repression, but in promoting the earliest possible democratic elections.
The Christian Science Monitor observed: Never having so much as
attended a protest before, SM Shah was not keen to be manhandled, pelted
with rocks, and accused of terrorism for leading rallies against President
Pervez Musharraf. But he has been, many times.
For defying Musharraf when political parties and the disgruntled
masses did not dare, Mr Shah and his colleagues have become inadvertent
revolutionary and the great hope of a nation longing for change.
Pakistanis have showered them with flowers, given them gold rings, and
offered them free merchandise in local shops.
The outpouring is a measure of how dissatisfied many Pakistanis
have become with Musharrafs rule as both President and Army Chief.
And it is only appropriate that the challenge should rise from the ranks of
bar associations across Pakistan, experts say, noting that they are one of the
last vestiges of democracy in the country ruled by the military since
Musharraf seized power in 1999.
The protesting attorneys appear to have inspired other dissenters.
On Saturday, Musharraf capitulated to a week of massive protests when he
rescinded to limit coverage of the lawyers. For its part, the Pakistani bar was
first stirred into action with remarkable effect Since March 9, lawyers
have led rallies to coincide with every hearing on the chief justices appeal,

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as well as one nation-wide boycott of the courts each Thursday. Mr Qasi of

Karachi estimates he has held 46 rallies in 90 days, and that nationwide,
lawyers are collectively losing $170,000 in income a day to support the
protests.
Such dedication has won the hearts of many Pakistanis, partly
because the lawyers are not part of any political movement and therefore
their sacrifice is seen to be selfless. Qasi says he recently went into a shop
to buy a car mat, only to find that the owner would not allow him to pay.
Judges, who normally sneer at lawyers, say Shah and others have opened up
their chambers to help lawyers organize their protests.
While viewing the ongoing movement the analysts did not spare the
Opposition for failing in mobilizing itself as a combined force. Nadeem
Syed opined: The fact that the opposition is yet to get its acts together,
relying mostly on rhetoric, is where the supporters of President Musharraf
draw some comfort that sooner than later he would be out of the woods.
They still feel that their best bet is the divide and rule policy. Hence, the talk
that some foreign money is pumped into the country to finance save
judiciary movement in the hope that it will raise eyebrows among the legal
fraternity.
No doubt, the conduct of the opposition during the ongoing judicial
crisis leaves much to be desired. It seems that instead of relying on its guts,
the opposition is again waiting for some great messiah to come and
deliver. The strong message that the opposition parties need to deliver to the
beleaguered government is still missing. One way to give a strong message
to the government was through holding much awaited All Parties
Conference.
With the opposition in complete disarray, it lacked any future vision
or plan. Nor its leadership has any short-term plan in place for coming 20 to
30 days. President Musharraf blames opposition for politicizing the judicial
crisis. But I do not think if the opposition is taking the issue very seriously,
as it relies more on wait and see policy, in the hope that the government
would commit more follies and blunders. As such I do not see any political
mobilization worth noticing in the opposition parties, as such have been
the case given the gravity of the situation.
Team-Helmet, especially its captain, received full attention of the
critics. Amina Jilani wrote: The President General of the Republic has of
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late shifted into serious overkill mode, inspired by heaven knows what
divine advices received from his transient batch of paid and unpaid
sycophants. The overkill has been clearly spelt out, and re-spelt out
abundantly, by both national and international media.
Where, oh where, is our cool commando of 1999 (lasting till 2002)
of cheerful mien and merger cabinet, who ran the country adequately up to
9/11 and in boomtown style thereafter, thanks to his cool commando
decision making skills and the consequent love affair with the sole
superpower and its allies waging war against an intangible enemy? Come
free and fair elections and the closing months of 2002 and he shed his
carefree attitude and, where once hearing him speak publicly was a pleasure
as he did have the gift of the gab, his lengthy tirades become somewhat
tedious.
Musharraf has truly lost it, if it be true as reported that he has
threatened to deal with the judicial crisis as he dealt with Akbar Bugti.
Meanwhile, his oddly elected prime minister, Shaukat Aziz of the snazzy
suits remains unflappable and rather than zooming off on foreign jaunts is
now confining himself to newsworthy surprise visits to utility stores. Poor
chap what a comedown!
The Nation commented on Presidents dissatisfaction members of the
ruling coalition. The President is not too pleased with the members of
the ruling coalition these days Out of what he called 1000s of allies, he
said he could not see even ten coming out in his support. You should hold
rallies, go to TV talk shows, hold press conferences, make hue and cry and
defend the government, he said.
It is natural for the ruling party legislators to be wary of defending
the government at this particular point of time. They are, after all,
politicians. They are trained to have their fingers on the pulse of the people,
the zeitgeist. Even the most novice of parliamentarian among them
would not risk alienating his vote bank by taking such an unpopular
stance The rudimentary bit of defence that treasury members had provided
on TV shows came to a virtual halt after the May 12 bloodshed in Karachi.
The situation is worse after the promulgation of the PEMRA Amendment
Ordinance.
Those at the helm of affairs need to realize that the jagged alliance
that forms the coalition government is gelled together not because of any
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particular ideological affinities but an instinct for political expediency. It is

that very instinct that has enfeebled the most outspoken of treasury
legislators.
Fakir S Ayazuddin opined: It seems that the Presidents stance is
hardening. According to the well orchestrated past plans of the
establishment, we can safely count on the arrests of the lesser lights of the
political parties, followed by the arrests of lawyers, and maybe some
journalists, who will be faced with transportation to some of the more
infamous jails of Pakistan such as Mach and Sibi.
In the four months since the removal of the CJ, so much has been
lost, including 45 precious lives, not to mention the effect on the economic
wellbeing of Karachi The 12th May episode was a carefully laid trap,
which had been set by enemies of the President and of the state.
Not surprisingly, our politicians notably Benazir are calling on the
US to assist in the removal of its support of Musharraf. Why must she turn
to the US always? Or for that matter any foreign power to meddle in what is
a strictly a Pakistani matter? Does she not realize that the United States has
its own agenda, and list of priorities? The support to Musharraf came not for
his asking, but for the events post 9/11 Surely the Americans already
know of the players in the region, and the PPP does not figure in that.
The situation in Karachi is important to both Musharraf and to
the MQM. The two are now inextricably linked, with the events of 12 th May
looming over their combined future. The MQM has had a very comfortable
ride on the coattails of the President, which has been looked at askance of
the Punjabi establishment with most believing that the MQM had indeed put
their misguided past behind them, and were part of a civilized political
setup. This whole framework has been destabilized with the removal of the
CJ, and the 12th May.
The entrance of Imran into the frat to launch a direct challenge to the
leader Altaf is bringing about a new dimension in the politics of Pakistan.
No longer is the UK passport seen as a safety net. The British have kept a
close watch on the activities of the MQM in England. In the past they
ensured that these activities stopped at the Pakistani border, now they will
ensure that no untoward incident occurs in Pakistan that can be seen to
originate from Mill hill.

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He went on to suggest that the President must now play the trump
card, and announce the elections at the earliest, maybe for September. This
would involve all the hopefuls into campaigning for their respective
constituencies, and necessitate the requests for patronage still in the hands of
the president. The isolation the President now feels is because the
incumbents feel their future, looming ahead, elections have not been given
top priority, and the President is devoting his time on a non-issue, the CJP, or
grappling with the media All energies of the politicians could be
channeled into the elections leaving no time for destabilization of the
Republic.
Moazzam Tahir Minhas had suggestion for saving Pakistan from
becoming a banana republic. The removal of Chief Justice Iftikhar
Mohammad Chaudhry in indecent haste was the biggest blunder committed
by those in authority. The battalion of ministers and advisers could not
advise them correctly for fear of losing their jobs. Let it be said that this
judicial resistance had to become a political movement due to the
accumulated economic and political injustices over the years. To say that
politicians are exploiting is not correct. As a matter of fact there are no
politicians.
If General Musharraf accommodates Benazir Bhutto out of domestic
compulsion and US pressure, this will certainly be his second blunder.
The first was embracing the MQM Then our General has the support of
the army.
But if Dr Ayesha Siddiqas disclosures of 200 billions property in
possessions of the generals is to be believed, the generals would have the
multiple interests to support the present government, or for that matter
any government of their choice. It should however be clearly understood that
when a leader, be in uniform or mufti, is rejected by the people at large, none
can save him.
To say that lawyers fatigue will take the movement away would be a
misreading of the whole situation. The movement can slow down but can
never die. Lawyers dont compromise. The politicians do. That is why
they are being kept away.
Even if those in authority succeed in getting rid of the CJ they cannot
have a stable political dispensation. The chief justice will always hang
around his neck like albatross. The traditional three components namely
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the politicians, the bureaucrats and the army stand exposed over the
years.
At long last the President would kindly understand that the Chief
Justice movement is a national movement. The ongoing political strategies
are highly flawed and be discarded. The days of Pakistans exploitation are
over, be it from any corner We have heard of Presidents vision and
statesmanship. The present movement is ripe to show them. Let us save
Pakistan from becoming a banana republic.
Iftikhar Ahmad suggested a way forward. A distinction has to be
made between institutions and personalities. Individuals trying to present
themselves as institutions and above institutions are sure at fault and should
be ready to face the public reaction. Public is not concerned about
politicization of issues either by the government or the opposition. The
people in general are worried about the quality of life, which is
deteriorating fast and there seems to be no light at the end of the tunnel.
Seeking to establish a constitutional order that embodies the will
of the people is a way forward to ensuring legitimacy and efficacy of state
power and common consciousness to build and strengthen institutions for
national integration, stability and integrity of the state. If the writ of the
government fails order cannot be established. An authoritarian government
can fail if it is unable to exercise force effectively.
Whether it is military government or a civilian government the
personality of top bosses and their cabinet members is an important factor in
their acceptability by the people. It is a leadership and statesmanship job
that seeks solution to problems, creates an environment of mutual
understanding and sense of accommodation for arriving at decisions with
consent and respectability.
How many of our top-level politicians (any brand) qualify on these
job descriptions and specifications. Most of our politicians are at a loss
and dont know how to address newly emerging situations. If there are
any constraints the most important step is to ensure removal of constraints to
make effective action possible. Like the army and the civil bureaucracy the
politicians (any brand) need professional skills and knowledge of their
action.

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The questions of legitimacy of government, integrity of the state,

its unity and stability must be answered. Otherwise the state remains
weak in its resolves, determination and independent decisions. The
institutions remain dysfunctional if the state is not strong and its writ is not
accepted.
Wajahat Latif observed: Ms Benazir Bhutto, Mian Nawaz Sharif and
Mian Shahbaz Sharif are all returning to the country soon. In spite of
disinformation about the ongoing negotiations with the PPP, the truth is
that the ARD is intact and Sharif brothers and Ms Bhutto are in
communication with each other.
After the violence in Karachi on the 12 th and 13th May, they are even
more united than before. By contrast, the reputation of the regime is in a
nosedive since 9th March when Musharraf moved an ill-advised reference
against CJ Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry. People are out in the street and
after the rioting in Karachi on the 12th May there is a general impression that
the government connived with one side by acts of omission if not
commission.
Deep in political adversity, here is a chance for Musharraf to
damage control. He should resign from the army and call around-table
conference of all political leaders, including those in exile, to form an
interim government for holding free and fair elections. He must move
toward a national reconciliation.
There are reports of serious disagreements within the party,
resignations and general unpleasantness. That being the case, it is only
natural for General Musharraf to turn to his real constituency: the army. A
Corps Commanders Conference was therefore called to demonstrate
support for him in the army.
No one expected the conference to say that they did not support
their Chief. But we do not know if they discussed battle preparedness,
training exercises, state of the equipment and other aspects of professional
development. The conference ended up praising the economic progress the
country was making. Multitudes of people groaning under the weight of
poverty, inflation and lawlessness will resent such statements coming out of
the GHQ.

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The Corps Commanders conference and gagging the media is not

going to intimidate anybody. If anything, they are nervous signs. Such
tactics are unlikely to subdue the people who have been driven to
desperation by this regime, something General Musharraf should have
anticipated on the 9th March when the CJ refused to resign.
To the people, the reference against the CJ was a godsend
opportunity. They found a symbol they needed to rise against an unjust
system. The common thread in the opposition to General Musharraf
today is frustration and hatred. Karachi showed it on 12th May in a free
for all between the MQM who supported the regime and others who did not.
Inayatullah, however, opined that the battle lines had been drawn.
The veneer moderation, benevolence and liberalism on the part of powerwielders have practically disappeared. The gloves are off and the iron fist is
out. Cracks have appeared in the ramshackle kings party with loud
mouths like Kabir Wasti spilling the beans. The boss is unhappy with the
gutless camp followers The castle built with so much labour is close to
collapsing.
The credit goes less to its forgeries and more to the hapless Pakistanis
and especially the mainstream political parties and the educated civil society.
There of course has been a method in the madness. The none-too
competent politicians have been discredited. Of the co-opted lot, mostly
venal and weak, some coerced, others lured and given loaves and fishes.
Some of them falling for the knight in shinning armour who stands apart
from the generally feeble political leaders.
It would be ungenerous not to recognize the highly skillful way he
was able to evolve a new order: All the trappings of democracy in place;
power to the people in towns and villages; a new police order; the treasury
overflowing with money; media fairly free; the servile assorted crowd of
docile faithful ever willing to worship the master to rule for as long as he
likes and the agencies ensuring that no real opposition could raise its head.
Agitation could be nipped in the bud by unsparing minions and 144 readily
invoked to give a legal cover to the operations.
Something unexpected began happening. The chief judge started
questioning the governments writ. He was asking for trouble. Ferret his
weaknesses and let him be hauled up before a judicial committee. Send him
on forced leave. Humiliate him. Let him stew in his juice. The strategy
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was said to be right but the tactics misfired. The judge refused to be
cowed down. His mistreatment was excessive. The media played it up. The
lawyers rose in support of their chief. Suddenly the scene had changed
It was like a bolt from blue. While the case was with the supreme
judicial council and the Supreme Court, the issue had assumed grave
proportions. The politicians had jumped into the fray. There was a stir in
the dormant civil society.
The peoples movement was described as a malicious campaign
against the state institutions to malign them by vested interests and
opportunists who were acting as obscurantist forces to serve their personal
interests and agenda even at the cost of flouting the rule of law. Quite a
warning from the uniformed men. Mark the words flouting the rule of
law. Who is flouting it?
Desperate as the regime is, a crackdown has begun. Hundreds of
political workers all over the country have been grabbed and detained. The
electronic media law has been amended to tighten the state control on the
TV channels Because of the worldwide protests its enforcement has been
postponed. Cases have been filed against hundreds of journalists. The
citadel has been struck and desperate and irrational steps being taken.
The general feeling is that Musharraf who was looking forward to a
re-election as president (keeping his uniform) later this year will fight all the
way to preserve his hold on the country continuing with the armys
involvement in civil affairs The battle lines are now drawn. This
confrontation as it has erupted and grown is different from the earlier
protest movements. It does not aim merely at regime change. It is a direct
challenge to the system, which has made a mockery of the Constitution and
has turned democracy into a farce. The battle royal is on. The way it is
waged will determine the future of this benighted country. (The question is
no longer confined to the case of the Chief Justice).
General Mirza Aslam Beg was of the view that the statements
made by the Chief of Army Staff, General Pervez Musharraf, in support of
the Presidents reference against the Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad
Chaudhry, deserve to be noted:

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 On 9th March, called Chief Justice to the Army House and asked him
to resign. On refusal, he was detained for five hours, till an acting
Chief Justice was sworn-in.
Reference against the Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry
was made to save Pakistan, from being declared a Failed State.
I have much to reveal about the conduct of the Chief Justice, after the
verdict of the Supreme Court on the reference.
The Chief Justice (Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry) must go.
That will be a day of grief for me if these lies and deception triumph
over truth and reality. That will be a very sad day for Pakistan and the
point where I will cry.
The above statements and acts of the Army Chief, who is also the
President of Pakistan, carry a lot of weight and meaning for the apex
court, sitting on judgment on the presidential reference. It amounts to
interference with the course of justice, by declaring the respondent guilty
before the verdict.
The refusal by the Chief Justice to submit before the military
command, has acted as a catalyst and whipped up a storm, which has created
a great deal of panic in the Presidents camp. The government, therefore
has reacted strongly, because the finely tuned Democracy Plan
approved by Washington, was aimed at propping up a group of political
parties with secular identity, through deals and manipulated elections,
which has now been put into a state of disarray, after the Karachi carnage
of 12 May 2007.
It appears that the government interprets this movement in the same
light as those witnessed in Georgia and Ukraine and is attempting to contain
and curb it by use of force; whereas the current movement is not a
movement to bring regime change through violent means. Nor there is any
serious conflict between the secular and the non-secular elements in the
country. In fact, this movement is demanding an early return to a
democratic order, to rule of law and freedom of the people.
After the recent meeting in the GHQ; the Formation Commanders
declared support and loyalty to the government headed by their Chief,
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General Pervez Musharraf, which indeed was unprecedented. Rather, it was

the civil government of Mr Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, in 1977, which needed the
support of the armed forces, who declared their loyalty to his fledging
government and only a few days later the same hands intervened and toppled
the government. The situation today is different.
The larger bench of the Supreme Court has already intervened in this
matter. The nation holds its breath at this defining moment, expecting a
landmark judgment by the apex court of Pakistan that would lift the fog and
heal the wounded pride of the people. The judgment is expected to restore
the honour and dignity of the Chief Justice in the manner that harmony was
achieved between the functioning of the judiciary and the executive.
The peoples will is now asserting itself to free the Constitution from
the hold of the military and lay the foundation of a democratic order, to
ensure supremacy of the Constitution and the rule of law. The movement
has the moral authority, which cannot be defeated by use of force. It
draws strength from the law of the country, which is supreme, and defines
the parameters of justice.
The Supreme Court judgment may be the catalyst to a new ethos in
the society. It is an opportunity, which will determine the destiny of the
nation. Someone has rightly said: Four things do not come back the
spoken word, the sped arrow, the past life and the neglected opportunity.

REVIEW
Musharrafs move to play the army card has been similar to playing
the MQM card. This move is far more dangerous in its consequences as
compared to the latter. MQM is known for terrorism but this party is
restricted to Karachi and some urban areas of Sindh.
Pitching army against a popular movement supported by the majority
of the people of Pakistan could lead to a far more dangerous confrontation.
The forces working for undoing Pakistan have been waiting for such an
opportunity since long; nobody should know it better than Musharraf. In
spite of that he preferred to do this which meant that true to the traits of a
dictator he has lost sight of his own vision: Pakistan first.

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Three men deputed to defend their boss filed their affidavits in the
Full Court. In doing that they concentrated on producing heap of evidence to
prove that the CJP wrong, but they overlooked the accuracy necessary for
the acceptability of evidence in a court of law.
These inaccurate statements submitted on affidavits in the apex court
of the country would not withstand the scrutiny of the law experts. These
dedicated soldiers of Musharraf could find themselves in trouble at some
stage of the court proceedings. Despite the discrepancies, one must salute
these men for their loyalty to the boss.
The Team-Wig also faltered in throwing another spanner of more
references at an inappropriate time; only a day before the judgment on
maintainability of the CJPs petition. This amounted to pressurizing the court
and Justice Ramday rightly took very serious note of it.
Such a foolish move from Wasi Zafar was not unexpected. But this
move could have been the result of another Wasi Zafar sitting inside the
court room on the panel of the federation; Ahmed Raze Kauri. As long as
two Wasps are working in and out side the court more follies from the TeamWig could be expected.
The Team-Wig, however, secured a significant victory. The
government finally succeeded in strangulating electronic media by initiating
threatening moves. In spite of the fact that PEMRA Ordinance has been
withdrawn, the media owners have been tamed. They could not afford
damage to their commercial interests.
Full court decision on maintainability is a major legal success of
Team-Wig. The lawyers of the CJP would certainly get a boost for battling
the issues raised in the petition of Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry now being
heard by the Full Court.

12th June 2007

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MIDDLE EAST MESS

Having created a perpetual mess, yet Bush warned of heavy
bloodshed in Iraq. It implied that he did not consider the ongoing killings
heavy. To ensure implantation of the planned bloodshed, he was able to
secure funding despite resistance from the US Congress.
On 14th June, the US and Israel finally achieved that for which they
had been striving since election victory of Hamas. Abbas sacked Haniyehled government, declared emergency, and planned to hold fresh elections. He
won international support and appointed new prime minister in place of
Haniyeh. Arab leaders met in Cairo on 15th June to talk about the crisis.
Sinioras army, which was not seen during Israeli aggression against
Lebanon, launched a crackdown against Palestinian militants in a refugee
camp near Tripoli. The US State Department defended the action saying it
was a legitimate action after provocation by violent extremists. Meshaal
asked the Lebanese government to ensure the safety of Palestinian refugees.
On 24th May, ElBaradei said Iran could have nuclear weapons in 3-8
years; Bush threatened to toughen sanctions; and Tehran vowed not to halt
its atomic drive. Ahmadinejad said that Iran would push its nuclear
programme to the limit.

OCCUPATION OF IRAQ
There was no let in the bloodbath. On 17th May, ten people were
killed in violence. Two US officers were relieved from command after
investigation found that three soldiers killed by insurgents last year were left
alone for 36 hours. Next day, 16 Kurdish villagers were killed.
On 19th May, 33 people including 8 US soldiers were killed in
violence. Blairs arrival in Baghdad on farewell visit was greeted with

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mortar fire on Green Zone wounding one person. Search for missing US
soldiers continued.
Seven US soldiers and an interpreter were killed on 20 th May. Six
Iraqis were killed and ten wounded in two incidents of violence. Two days
later, 44 people were killed in a truck bomb and incidents of shootings.
Ten US soldiers were among 85 people killed in various incidents on
23 May. Next day, at least 46 people were killed in car bombings and other
incidents of violence.
rd

On 25th May, at least 87 people were killed in various incidents of

violence across the country; six US soldiers also perished in four separate
attacks. Next day, eight US soldiers were killed in five different attacks; 12
Iraqis were also killed in violence.
Ten US soldiers and 57 Iraqis were killed on 27th May; 70 policemen
resigned due to fear of Sadr. Next day, at least 21 people were killed in
suicide bombing in Baghdad; elsewhere in the country five policemen were
among 17 who perished in incidents of violence.
Ten US soldiers and 79 Iraqis were killed on 29 th May in various
incidents of violence; four British were kidnapped by gunmen. Next day, at
least 19 people including three journalists were killed in violence.
On 31st May, six US soldiers and 25 Iraqis were killed in various
incidents. Next day, three Iraqi children were killed when US tanks opened
fire on suspected insurgent.
Six US and 68 Iraqis were killed in various incidents on 3 rd June. Next
day, nineteen Iraqis were killed in violence. Twenty people, including a US
soldier were killed in various incidents on 5th June.
On 7th June, 30 people were killed across the country. Next day, 19
more Iraqis were killed in violence. On 9 th June, 44 Iraqis were killed in
various incidents of violence.
A truck bomber killed nine policemen and wounded 40 more on 10th
June near Tikrit. Next day, nine people were killed in violence. On 13 th June,
39 people, including three US soldiers, were killed in various incidents of
violence.

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On 14th June, protest rally was held over bombing of Mazar of Imam
Hasan Askari. Three mosques were attacked in retaliation. Fourteen soldiers
and policemen kidnapped earlier were shot dead by the gunmen. Next day,
ten persons, including five US soldiers, were killed in violence. One F-16
crashed.
Out of the other issues related to the occupation of Iraq, the most
important was the one pertaining to the funding of war. On 18 th May, US
Congress and White House opened talks on Iraq funding. A week later, the
US Congress passed Iraq war budget on condition of the setting a timetable
for withdrawal of troops from Iraq.
Al-Qaeda warned US that new funding would do no good to its
occupation of Iraq. Castro called Bush apocalyptic person after US president
signed bill for Iraq funding. Meanwhile, Iran accused the US of trying to
reinstate Baathists.
On 25th May, Moqtada al-Sadr reappeared after seven months. He in
his Friday sermon said: No, no to the unjust! No, no to America! No, no to
colonialism! No, no to Israel! No, no to Satan! He added, I say to our
Sunni brothers in Iraq that we are brothers and the occupier shall not divide
us. They are welcome and we are ready to cooperate with them in all fields.
This is my hand I stretch towards them. The same day, the US urged al-Sadr
to play positive role in Iraq.

COMMENTS
Analysts, experts and the media kept debating various aspects of
illegal occupation of Iraq; but paid hardly any attention to the voice of the
invaded. Dr Muzaffar Iqbal said: The mechanisms of control and coercion
used by Napoleon have entered the secret chambers of those who send out
Marines to Kabul and Baghdad, for they provide practical details for postinvasion strategies. But there is hardly any attention given to the voice of
invaded, neither in the west nor in the east. Those who were invaded, whose
freedom, rights, and honour was spoiled, and whose land and property were
destroyed are almost seen through the eyes of the invaders.
Nazir Latif briefly mentioned the viewpoint of al-Sadr. Moqtada alSadr, the man Washington blames for its failure to gain control in Iraq, has

427

rejected a call to open direct talks with the US military and has accused
the Americans of plotting to assassinate him.
Mr Sadr resurfaced recently after disappearing possibly over the
border of Iran when the US began its security surge in Baghdad early this
year. He ordered his fighters in Sadr City, the Mahdi Army stronghold in the
capital, not to resist the operation. Last week the US military said it wanted
to open direct, peaceful talks with him, but the clericrejected the idea.
There is nothing to talk about, he said angrily. The Americans are
occupiers and thieves, and they must set a timetable to leave this
country. We must know that they are leaving, and we want to know when.
He has reason to be wary of US offers to negotiate.
We are fighting the enemy that is greater in strength, but we are
in the right, he said. Even if that means our deaths, we will not stand idly
by and suffer from this occupation. Islam exhorts us to die with dignity
rather than live in shame.
With US, Britain and Iraqi government forces still conducting
operations against the Sadr movement and its army, the cleric warned he was
prepared to launch another armed uprising. The occupiers have tried to
provoke us, but I ordered unarmed resistance for the sake of the
people, he said. We have been patient, exercising statesmanship, but if the
occupation and oppression continues, we will fight. The Mahdi Army has
been relatively quiet, but it is becoming more active in Baghdad, responding
to a series of devastating suicide bombings by Sunni extremists.
He also spoke about a spate of recent fighting between his followers
and members of the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq, the
other major Shia party which has its own armed Badr faction. The clashes
sparked fears that the power struggle among Shias will explode into full
conflict, What happened with the Badr organization and the Mahdi
Army in many parts of Iraq is the result of a sad misunderstanding, he
said.
Mr Sadr has always been a fervent nationalist He opposed Iranian
influence in Iraqi affairs, referring to tentative talks between the US and
Iran. We reject such interference, he said. Iraq is a matter for the Iraqis.

428

Illegal occupants were continued to be blamed for pitching Sunnis and

Shias against each other. Rashid Malik from Islamabad wrote: After failing
to win the war and subdue the Iraqis the Americans have embarked on a
campaign to pit Sunnis and Shias against each other. They have also
destroyed Iraqs infrastructure and killed over 650,000 civilians. But the
valiant people of Iraq have refused to surrender and are determined to
continue their just struggle till the last occupier is thrown out. I salute The
Iraqi people for their bravery and just struggle against the invaders.
The Crusaders kept striving for enlargement of the scope of ShiaSunni confrontation by seeking Arabs involvement in Iraq on the pretext of
checking Iran, but did it not seem working. Abdul Rahman al-Rashid
observed: There was no choice for the Americans but to negotiate with
Iranians. Regrettably we should admit that the Arabs have played a
negative role towards Iraq since the beginning. Their intentional absence
has made Iran build its presence in an organized and increasing manner until
it became the second actual ruler in the Iraqi arena after the United States.
And due to the absence of a positive Arab participation, the balance was
disturbed.
If the Arab states continue to only just complain, watch, and
leave the central regime in Iraq to its fate, the country will practically
become an Iranian colony for the next twenty years. Here I would like to
highlight two problems: The first is finding enough to blame others, instead
of shouldering the responsibility. It is unreasonable to establish a policy only
on the basis of complaining and blaming the United States for what they
(Arabs) did in the past, because what is more important is to deal with the
situation known to everybody.
The second problem is that of adopting the policy of isolation and not
being involved in the Iraqi situation despite the fact that Iraq is a large
country located at the heart of the regions political equation. The
consequences of (what is happening in) this country cannot be evaded.
Supporting the central regime in Baghdad, irrespective of who is
leading it, by communicating with it and drawing it away from Tehran aims
at ensuring that Iraq will be independent of and influence whatsoever,
be it that of the United States, Iran, or any other regional side. The region
has an interest in having a free Iraq, which serves interests of Arab or other
countries.

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Mazhar Qayyum Khan talked about Americas dilemma of oil and

Iran. Washingtons strategists, known for exhaustively studying every
possible implication of their moves beforehand to frame an effective
response, had slipped up once again, bringing back to mind the memories of
Vietnam. Wrong-footed and unable to figure out how to extricate themselves
from the chaotic scenes of death and destruction their intervention had
created, the invaders decided to stay put, shooting and killing in sheer
desperation whoever looked hostile in their eyes.
The gory drama has gone on since it started well over four years ago
and the entire cast is running helter-shelter on the stage not knowing how to
heal their bleeding wounds. The Americans, relying on their superior fire
power and precision equipment, had not bargained for the loss of thousands
of their soldiers
By any reckoning, Iraq is worse off, presenting a picture of total
desolation, bombed-out towns and villages, empty tumbledown buildings,
broken down infrastructure roads, power supply, water and sewerage
system in shambles. Clinics and hospital are unmanned; schools and
colleges sparsely attended.
But for US strategists, who had not thought out the likelihood of such
a scenario at the time of attack, it is a nightmarish prospect. Not because it
would disintegrate Iraq; rather that, once the foreign troops leave, the oilrich Shia region would almost inevitably align itself with their sworn
enemy, Iran. Hence, the Western propaganda machinery operating in full
swing, raising fears of the spill-over of Shia-Sunni feuding from Iraq to the
rest of the Middle East and creating bad blood between Shias and the Sunni
majority in the region. However, such manoeuvrings would not help the US
get over the dilemma brought forth by the rash and devious aggression.
The Iraqis find themselves in a bind: on one hand, the destructive
infighting while, on the other, the murderous stranglehold of US occupation,
which instead of delivering on the promise of liberty and democracy is
dispensing misery and contriving to keep it in permanent bondage by
trying to appropriate its most valuable asset: Oil. The proposed oil laws,
drafted in Washington and currently before the Iraqi parliament, would
mortgage 70 percent of oil business to three giant companies, the principal
share going to the American one.

430

M B Naqvi opined that it is time for America to retreat. The US is

still refusing to leave Iraq. Apart from prestige, it wants to preserve
some gains from its Iraq venture: at least oil contracts and some tolerance
from Iran for US interests. Will Iran oblige by real politick dtente? It is
scarcely unlikely. And that will not amount to a US exit strategy from the
Iraqi imbroglio, much less from the region where its presence is now
increasingly being endangered from a plethora of new forces, including
Islamic extremism and various nationalisms.
The strategy of keeping all the Arabs down and keeping Israel up
is now failing. The Lebanon war in 2006 showed that Israel has been an
over-rated force; the emergent forces in the field cannot be eliminated by
colonial methods. People can fight back in new ways and with a new spirit.
The Americans cannot now keep all the oil and Israels
permanent occupation of Palestine simultaneously. Something will have
to give way. They will have to bring Israel down several notches in
American priorities. That may provide an opening. Then, they have to talk to
Iran more seriously and find ground rules for a new peaceful co-existence in
a changing Middle East.
Amir Taheri discussed prospects of Americans leaving Iraq. With
Congressional maneouverings over the funding of US troops in Iraq now
over, at least temporarily, it is, perhaps time to discuss ways in which the
American military presence might end The US-led military presence there
is sanctioned by the United Nations, and has been twice endorsed by the
Iraqi people in free elections with massive voter turnouts. Both the UN and
the elected Iraqi government have the right to demand an end to the
US-led coalitions military presence at any time.
The US-led coalition in Iraq has three key functions. The first is to
train, equip and combat test, the new Iraqi army and security forces. This
task is expected to be largely complete by 2009 The US-led coalitions
second task is to fight the various terrorist groups still operating in two or
three provinces plus some neighbourhoods in Baghdad. Fighting terrorism is
a long-term business Thus, the US-led coalitions withdrawal from Iraq
cannot be made conditional to a complete and final defeat of the various
terrorist forces now operating there.
The Islamic Republics ambitions in Iraq are too well known
Tehran thinks the US will leave Iraq once President George W Bush is out of
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the White House, and is determined to take the credit for having driven the
Great Satan out of the region.
But the Islamic Republic is not alone in nurturing dangerous
ambitions in Iraq. Turkey, too, is looking for the first opportunity to
advance its own agenda both directly, through military pressure, and
indirectly through the Turcoman ethnic minority It is obvious that the new
Iraqi democracy cannot allow Turkey, or any other neighbour, such
privileges.
Thus, new Iraq would need an allied military presence to deter
threats from its neighbours and provide its fragile democracy from striking
roots. A similar situation existed in West Germany where NATO presence
protected the new democracy and deterred the Soviet threat, most potently
posed through East Germany. The symbolic US military presence in South
Korea continues to pay a similar function in support of the democratic
government in Seoul and as a deterrent to Pyongyangs ambitions. It is not
unreasonable to think that the bulk of the US-led coalition forces could be
out of Iraq by the spring 2009, leaving behind a token military presence
designed to deter the schemes of Iraqs dangerous neighbours.
Ghulam Asghar Khan commented on the Plan-B and its implications.
Last month, President George W Bush said publicly what his top aides had
been discussing privately for weeks. It was a talk about a transition to a
different configuration after the recent troop-surge in Iraq.
America is a country known for plans A, B, C or 1, 2, 3 and so on
depending upon the strategic failures at the global levels. When pressed if he
was talking about Plan-B of the post-surge strategy, he referred to the BakerHamilton Report (BHR) whose authors were earlier ridiculed by the New
York Post as surrender monkeys.
The BH plan now seems to be official White House policy. The plan
briefly envisaged the training of Iraqi army, US Special Forces missions
against al-Qaeda, and a diplomatic opening to Iran that would ultimately
facilitate the reduction of US forces in Iraq. The big question is whether the
BHR could regain the bipartisan ground on which the Iraq Study Group
framed its recommendations last December.
Iranian Deputy Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi told The Financial
Times that though he favoured a plan for eventual withdrawal of US troops,

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immediate pulling out would lead to chaos and civil war. Syrian foreign
minister Moallem expressed similar views.
The trouble with Bush is that he knows little, but he thinks that
he knows everything, and that has unfortunately been the hallmark of his
political career. Had the HBR been taken seriously when it was submitted,
the Bush Administration would not have faced the dilemma, because now a
vast majority of the Americans is for an immediate withdrawal.
The new conventional wisdom is that Bush, however grudgingly, has
not accepted key recommendations of the bipartisan Iraq Study Group
(ISG); there is growing conviction that continued deployment of US
troops at current levels through 2008 is no longer politically viable.
Perhaps, Washington does not realize that the downfall of civilized states
tends to come not from direct assaults of foes, but from internal decay
combined with the consequences of exhaustion in long drawn wars.
While the escalation in Iraq might have its internal logic, the
external reality is that it is counterproductive. Since the implementation
of the surge plan, the US forces have not been able to quell the attacks on
US as well as the coalition forces, nor has it eliminated the sectarian
divisions.
In fact, the move now threatens the US national security and is a
contributory factor in the US failure in Iraq. The military readiness for US
ground forces is at an all time low; so low that serious questions have been
raised about the US ability to conduct any other ground operations beyond
those to which they now are already committed Despite that, Bush
Administration officials maintained this week that the US presence in Iraq
could last decades, drawing an analogy with South Korea where the US
troops have been stationed for more than half a century.
Never has an administration reached for its dictionaries more
regularly to redefine reality to its own benefit. Speaking at a press
briefing on Wednesday, White House spokesman Tony Snow said that
President Bush believed that the situation in Iraq and the larger war on terror
were going to take a long time and that a long-term US presence in Iraq
would be required, even after the Iraqis took over the major security
functions.

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White House has often denied existence of any Plan-B for Iraq, but it
turned out that Pentagon has thought about what to do if Plan-A, the surge
didnt work. Plan-B would involve retaining a series of military bases
around Iraq with some 30,000 to 40,000 soldiers. It would have them stay
for decades under the excuse that they would train Iraqi troops and deter
neighbouring countries like Iran and Turkey from sending their armies into
the country.
This hardly is a new idea. For the last many years, the neocons have
advocated the establishment of American bases in Iraq to police the region
and make the area safe for Israel. Apparently, the US administration jumped
into the Iraqi quick sand with a dual purpose, securing Israel and controlling
the vast oil wealth in the Middle East
This implies that, if the US maintains a strong military presence in
Muslim countries, it would continue to generate hatred and terrorism that
have already devoured the world peace; permanent or long term bases in
Iraq will only bring fire and the brimstone to the world. The only way to
avert the looming catastrophe is to leave the Middle East to the Middle
Easterns.
James P Rubin suggested that withdrawal should not be taken as
defeat. No responsible opponent of the presidents surge strategy is
proposing immediate and full withdrawal or suggesting that it would be
fine to have Iraqis cling to evacuating American helicopters. Iraq is not
Vietnam.
If there is an appropriate analogy, Baghdad is more like Beirut,
marked as it is by civil war, terrorism, crime, tribal and clan disputes and
more. In the fog of the Iraq war, though, one thing has become clear: The
American people have decided that the cost in lives and treasure of
establishing a stable democratic government there is too high.
Surge supporters need to recognize political reality. The question
is not whether America will begin a withdrawal of its forces from Iraq. The
question is how soon that redeployment will begin and how it is
conducted Yes, a withdrawal will mean that Iraq will not be democratic
magnet for the Middle East that Bush hoped. And the road to peace between
Israelis and Palestinians in Jerusalem will not go through Baghdad as
Condoleezza Rice kept telling back in March 2003.

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Just because an optimistic scenario is no longer possible doesnt

mean defeat is the only alternative. Indeed, war supporters are creating a
self-fulfilling policy. By describing anything less than the surge as losing,
they are painting American policy into a corner.
Instead of urging an unrealistic policy, we should be preparing for a
sustainable and responsible redeployment by American forces to a more
limited role in Iraq and the region. That means a much smaller force
designed to support and train Iraqi forces, to conduct counter-terrorism
missions and to contain a possible wider war.
War supporters say that a withdrawal will strengthen al-Qaeda,
eliminate our leverage against Iran, and weaken America. They have it
backwards. Al-Qaeda gains supporters with our continued presence in
the midst of Iraqs civil war. Withdrawal will eliminate Osama bin Ladens
most effective recruiting tool.
What can be fixed is the damage the Iraq war is doing to the
American military. Repairing that damage through redeployment and
renewal is the best way to create a US military posture able to bolster
diplomacy with Iran. Keeping so much of our force structure bogged down
in the chaos of Iraq is hardly the way to deter Tehran.
Even after withdrawal from Iraq, America will still be the worlds
only superpower, with the most powerful military, the largest and most
vibrant economy, and the most admired political system. And with wise
leadership, it can earn back the respect and support it has lost in recent
years.
Helena Cobban recommended involvement of UN to broker an
orderly withdrawal. The broad distribution of US troops throughout Iraq
and the vulnerability of their supply lines make the task of extracting them
and their equipment safety through the single, close-to-Iran choke point of
Basra/Kuwait unthinkable unless a multilayered agreement on the
modalities of this large-scale troop movement is reached in advance.
Who needs to be involved in negotiating this agreement? Iran,
evidently, along with all of Iraqs other neighbours, beyond that, the relevant
Iraqi parties need to be involved, for it is only the Iraqi political and military
organizations that can assure the US forces safe exit from and transit
through, their own home turfs.

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Can the presently constituted Iraqi government speak for all

Iraqis in this? Given its current low standing with Iraqi citizenry and its
chronic dysfunctionality, I think not. Other Iraqi parties and movements
need also to be involved.
I realize the UN has many organizational flaws. It also suffers from
the deep distrust of many Iraqis. But there is no other organization that has
the global legitimacy, political credibility, and institutional capacity that this
job requires Any orderly US withdrawal requires a leading role from
the United Nations. It also requires a more capable and empowered UN
than the one we see today, and this requires that the whole UN political
system undertake a serious recommitment both to the world body and to the
egalitarian global values it embodies.
The longer the American public and US leaders postpone dealing
with them, the higher will mount the casualty toll in Iraq among both
Iraqis and US troops along with the risks the Iraqi caldron poses to
regional and world stability.

ISRAELI FRONT
Israeli continued perpetrating state terrorism against Palestinians.
Following incidents were reported during the month ending 15th June:
Six Palestinians were killed and more than 50 wounded in Israeli air
strike on 17th May. Next day, two more Palestinians were killed and
five wounded in Israeli air strike on a bus in Gaza.
Three Hamas men were killed in Israeli air strike on 20 th May. Next
day, four more Palestinians were killed in Israeli air attacks and Israel
threatened to hit Hamas leaders including Haniyeh.
One Israeli woman was killed in rocket attack on 22nd May and Israel
retaliated by striking a Palestinian camp from the air; death toll of
Palestinian since intensified Israeli attacks rose to 35.
On 24th May, Israeli troops in West Bank rounded up more than 30
senior Hamas members including a minister, legislatures and mayors.
Next day, three Hamas activists were killed in Israeli air strike.

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 Five Palestinians were killed and eight wounded as Israel kept

pounding Gaza Strip on 26th May. Palestinians toll rose to 45 and one
Israeli was killed and 19 wounded in retaliatory rocket attacks.
Israel and Hamas continued trading rocket fire on 27 th May and hurled
threats of attacking each others leaders; one Israeli was killed in
rocket strike from Gaza.
Israel arrested two Palestinians in West Bank on 28th May. Next day,
Israel killed two militants of Hamas in Gaza.
Israel killed two Hamas men on 30 th May. Next day, Israel and
Palestine leaders agreed to meet in first week of June.
In video released of kidnapped BBC correspondent said he was
treated very well by the abductors.
Factional fighting was the corollary of the Israeli terrorism. Following
incidents were reported:
Four Palestinians were killed in factional fighting on 17 th May. Two
days later, Palestinian factions agreed on ceasefire after the fighting
left 50 dead, meanwhile Israel mulled intensifying air strikes. Tension
between Hamas and Fatah mounted on 26 th May in the wake of Israeli
air raids.
One Palestinian was killed and 40 wounded in factional fighting on
10th June. Two days later, Hamas fighters retaliated to the attack on the
house of Haniyeh and captured headquarters of the Fatah-allied
security forces in Gaza after intense fighting for several hours.
Hamas gunmen attacked Abbas-backed Fattah across Gaza Strip and
took control of the entire region on 14 th June. About one hundred
Palestinian, mostly belonging to Fatah, were killed in the recent
factional fighting. Next day, Hamas released security personnel
belonging to Fatah.
The News felt the need to restrain Israel from perpetration of state
terrorism. Israel uses the firing of rockets from the Gaza Strip as an excuse
for the daily air strikes against Hamas. However, Hamas activists are not the
only militants involved in the rocket firing. In addition, the rockets are at
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most an irritant, whereas the Israeli missiles result in widespread deaths

and destruction in the territory.
Now that the Tel Aviv has brought the Gaza crisis to this level, its
time for the West to make this demand. Israel must be asked not to repeat
acts such as the missile strike near Mr Haniyehs home, and to release
without delay the 33 Hamas officials it has arrested. Otherwise, Israel and
the West should be prepared for a sharpening of the tension, in which a surge
in rocket firing will become just a minor element.
Ramzay Baroud wrote: I believe that by creating a wider, wellcoordinated platform for the struggle against injustice, with Palestine
being one of several central points of focus, civil society can be both
effective and relevant. To achieve this, one must not dwell on specifics but
search for unifying themes, leaving the more divisive issues for Palestinians
to sort out.
The conflict in Palestine is at a very critical juncture. Israel,
brazenly aided by the two remaining imperialist countries, the US and
the UK, is in the final stages of planning its Bantustanization of the
disconnected pockets that remain of historic Palestine.
An Israeli victory against the Palestinian people is indeed a defeat for
every struggle for justice, rights and equality everywhere. It simply must not
be allowed. But how to prevent this is a debate that should immediately
commence without reverting to dogmatic approaches and language political
or religious sensitivities, and most importantly without any sense of
ownership over the discourse, which is sadly creeping up in Palestinian
circles everywhere.
Sholmo Ben-Ami, an Israeli, was of the view that Hamas should be
allowed to govern. It is misleading to attribute the failure of Palestinians to
develop an orderly system of self-government only on the pernicious effects
of Israeli occupation and American policies. The Palestinian crisis is first
and foremost one of leadership.
Because there is no effective Palestinian central authority to inspire
fear or respect and the Palestinian Liberation Organization is devoid of
legitimacy because of its refusal to give Hamas its rightful share in the
organization, a grotesquely ineffective brand of cohabitation between a
Fatah president and a Hamas prime minister has emerged. As a result,

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Palestinian politics has degenerated into a naked struggle for the spoils of
power.
The current flare-up is largely due to the fact that Fatah,
encouraged by the international communitys boycott of Hamas, never
really accepted its electoral defeat and Hamas right to govern. Moreover,
since Hamas rise to power, Fatahs challenge to the new Palestinian rulers
was enhanced by lavish financial support it secured from the United States
and Europe, and by a generous supply of weapons from both the US and
Arab countries.
Thus, the current conflict is essentially a pre-emptive war by Hamas
aggravated by lawlessness and banditry, clashing freelance militias, tribes
and families, and a spiral of senseless massacres to prevent Fatah from
being turned by the international community into a formidable challenge to
Hamas democratic right to govern. For Hamas, this is a life-and-death
struggle. It has not shrunk from bombarding Abbas presidential compound,
attacking Fatahs command centres, and targeting Fatah military leader
Hamas determination to assert its authority can be gauged by the
desecrated corpses of Fatah fighters, many of them with bullets fired at their
heads, a practice dubbed confirmation of death. The rocket attacks against
Israeli territory are a transparent attempt to divert attention and rally the
masses around Hamas as the true champion of the Palestinian cause.
However vibrant Israels democracy is not manageable or
predictable, either. Although Prime Minister Ehud Olmert might seek to
regain his popular credibility by a major new demarche, the two-headed
Palestinian Authority, always a dubious partner in the eyes of Israelis, is now
more suspect than ever.
Israel will avoid at all costs a large ground incursion into the strip.
Yet engaged in a war driven by fury and vengeance, the Israelis are
focused again on a manhunt for gang chieftains, targeted killings of Hamas
squads, and the arrest of its political leaders, not on peace overtures.
Only a dramatic move by external powers can still save from
becoming a second Mogadishu and both Palestinians and Israeli from total
war that would only breed more rage and desperation. For the building
blocks of a renewed peace process to be sustainable, an international force
must be deployed along Gazas border with Egypt to prevent the constant

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smuggling of weapons and isolate the conflict. Simultaneously, the

international community must help make the unity government work by
recognizing Hamas right to govern in exchange for a performance-based
stability plan.
But there is another viewpoint that Fatah must be helped to eliminate
Hamas. Dennis Ross wrote: Not all felt Gaza was lost. Some said Israel
should let weapons and ammunition get to Fatah forces in Gaza to
battle Hamas. I also heard from Palestinians and Israelis alike that Egypt
could do much more to prevent Hamas from receiving smuggled arms and
money through the Senai tunnels running into Gaza.
But for every Palestinian and Israeli who argued for arming Fatah, I
heard a contrary point of view that at this point it might not make any
difference. The consensus was that Hamas had made a deliberate
calculation to attack all key security positions held by Fatah forces now
had few, if any, senior commanders still in that area.
All those I spoke with were worried about the consequences of
Gazas becoming an Islamist enclave. They saw it offering inspiration to
other Islamists throughout the Middle East and providing a new haven for
Islamists of all stripes. They feared it would spell the end of even the
possibility of a two-state solution. Most were convinced Hamas would never
accept peace with Israel.
Interestingly, there was consensus among Israelis and Palestinians
on the dangers of Gazas becoming a failed state. No one thought it would
be easy to isolate and contain or had any clear ideas on how to respond to
such a development. Israelis voiced no desire to go back into a densely
populated place where nearly everyone has weapons and Israel would face,
as one person told me, our own Baghdad. But few Israelis felt they could
tolerate continued rocket fire out of Gaza.
As for Palestinians, the most striking conclusion was that it was
essential that Hamas not succeed in the West Bank the way it is
succeeding in Gaza. Fear is a great motivator, perhaps enough to overcome
the personal rivalries that have hobbled Fatah in its competition with Hamas.
I recently found a new readiness among the young guard of Fatah (and the
activists who represent Fatahs third and fourth generations) to organize
themselves at the grass roots and re-brand Fatah.

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Among some I heard an interesting proposal: Lets make the West

Bank work socially, economically and institutionally then hold up our
model of success in contrast to the failure of Gaza, where functional
unemployment is close to 70 percent. Let Hamas preside over dysfunctional,
lawless state. We will build our own. Lets create understandings with
Jordan and Israel for at least economic confederation and security. And if
Hamas still hangs on in Gaza, perhaps there can be a three-state
solution.
So what is to be done? If a failed state in Gaza is not acceptable,
more has to be done now to prevent it. Egypt, while it has made
commitments to stop the smuggling, does not see the situation as a national
security threat. We will need to put a spotlight on this to change the Egyptian
calculus and, a minimum, to move Egypt to stop Hamas from
accumulating more weaponry and money.
If Fatah does have a plan for bolstering its forces in Gaza, it is
worth supporting it by coordinating with the Israelis and Egyptians not to
produce a bloodbath in Gaza but to deter Hamas from seeking to impose
itself there.
The logic of having donors (public and private) working with
Fatah where it seeks to re-brand itself makes sense for the West Bank and
Gaza. What Hamas has done in Gaza has provided a wake-up call for Fatah
and Palestinian independents. They now know they have to compete
socially, economically and politically.
They need help to do so. It is time we, the other donors and the
Saudis and the Gulf states woke up to the reality that if we dont help
remake Fatah, we may face a future in which Islamists control the
Palestinian issue and neither a two-state nor a three-state solution will be in
the cards.
The Nation saw that happening. Relations between two parties
vying for the control of the Palestinian Authority have been strained
ever since Hamas victory in the last Authority elections. The gruesome
infighting had come to an uneasy peace after the two factions had agreed to
form a coalition government.
The Muslim World is given to blaming Israel and the US for all the
ills that befall the Middle East but there are times when it is not that simple.

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True, the racist, Zionist state that has illegally occupied Arab lands since the
end of Second World War is the root cause of the plight of the Palestinians.
But in times of power greedy infighting like these the blame lies squarely
on the shoulders of the Palestinians. They should stay united and firm in
their resolve for statehood rather than playing to the other sides tune.
After dismissal of Hamas-led government, Martin Indyk wrote: Over
the past year when Hamas would stage attacks in Gaza, Fatah forces would
retaliate in the West Bank, where they were stronger. When fighting began
this time, Fatah did little in the West Bank to counter Hamass onslaught.
Abbass passivity further confirms that the fix was in. Abbas and Fatah
have in effect conceded Gaza to Hamas while they hold on to the West
Bank. Hamastan and Fatastine: a two-state solution just not the one that
George W Bush had in mind.
Of course, all Palestinian leaders will continue to declare the
invisibility of the Palestinian homeland. But in private, Abbas and other
Fatah leaders may take solace from the dilemma Hamas will now have to
confront.
Hosni Mubaraks regime turned a blind eye to the importation of
weapons and money that helped ensure Hamass takeover. But would Egypt
allow on its border a failed terrorist state run by an affiliate of the Muslim
Brotherhood with links to Iran and Hezbollah? Or will it insist on the
maintenance of certain standards of order in return for its cooperation?
Whatever transpires, Gaza has become Hamass problem. Its a safe bet that
the real attitude of Abbas and Fatah is: Let Hamas try to rule Gaza, and good
luck. This turn of events would free Abbas to focus on the much more
manageable West Bank, where he can depend on the Israel Defence Forces
to suppress challenges from Hamas, and on Jordan and the United States to
help rebuild his security forces.
Meanwhile, Palestinians in Gaza could compare their fate under
Hamass rule with the fate of their West Bank cousins under Abbas which
might then force Hamas to come to terms with Israel, making it eventually
possible to reunite Gaza and the West Bank as one political entity living in
peace with the Jewish state. Its hard to believe that such a benign
outcome could emerge from the growing Palestinian civil war. But given
current events, this course is likely to become Abbass best option.

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Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert has an interest in this outcome,

too. Elected on the mandate to leave the West Bank, Olmert was gravely
weakened by the Lebanon war last summer. His best hope for political
salvation lies in the movement on the peace process. With Ehud Baraks
election as Labour Party leader, Olmert now has a partner with security
credentials who can lend him credibility and who may also want to prevent
the West Bank from going Gazas way.
For the Bush Administration, the outcome in Gaza is an
embarrassment. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice has committed her
last 18 months in office to resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. A failed
terrorist state in Gaza is hardly what she had in mind for a legacy. Some will
argue that its time she talked to Hamas. But its thuggish, extraconstitutional behaviour in Gaza and its commitment to the destruction of
Israel make it an unlikely partner, at least until governing Gaza forces it to
act more responsibility. And that leaves a West Bank first policy as Rices
best option, too.
Western analysts blame Hamas for its thuggish behaviour for split
in Gaza and West Bank. In fact, this is what for which the roguish ZionistNecon combine has been working for the last 18 months; they are now close
to create two Palestinian states which would reduce Israels problems
considerably. Abbas and Fatah have facilitated the enemies of Palestinians in
achieving their goal.
In Lebanon, the army launched an offensive against militants in
Palestinian refugee camp of Nahr al-Bared, A minister said the violence was
part of efforts to sabotage UN moves for Hariris trial. It was indirect
reference to a draft UN resolution circulated by the US, France and Britain.
Following were reported during the period:
Lebanese troops attacked refugee camp on 20 th May to kill anti-Israel
militants; 48 people including 23 soldiers and 19 Palestinian refugees
were killed. Lebanese Army used tanks and mortars.
Next day, the death toll rose to 55 as Lebanese troops kept pounding
the Palestinian refugees camp with heavy artillery fire.
On 22nd May, the death toll in Lebanese Armys attack on Palestinian
camp rose to 82. The US mulled provision of military aid to Siniora.

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 Refugees fled Nahr al-Bared camp near Tripoli on 23rd May. Aid
efforts continued to be hampered. A PLO official said it would not
object if the Lebanese Army decided to move into the refugee camp.
Lebanese government issued an ultimatum to militants on 24 th May as
third bomb attack hit in four days.
Sporadic gun battles continued on 27th May as the government
remained very determined to see those who are guilty handed over.
Four women were killed in Beirut on 29 th May when their vehicle
failed to stop at a checkpoint. Fata al-Islam refused to surrender its
militants to Lebanon.
On 1st June, 19 people were killed as Lebanese army stormed
Palestinian refugee camp.
Five people, including two Red Cross workers, were killed in fighting
around the refugee camp on 11th June.
Nine people, including a parliamentarian, were killed in bomb blast on
13th June. Two days later, six Lebanese soldiers were killed in an
attack near refugee camp.
Rice said the Siniora government is fighting against a very tough
extremist foe But Lebanon is doing the right thing to try to protect its
population, to assert its sovereignty and so we are very supportive of the
Siniora government and what it is trying to do.
Andrew England, Roula Khalaf and Ferry Biedermann traced out the
background and possible objectives of Fatah al-Islam. The group planned to
help Palestinian and Iraqi resistance groups fighting to end occupation of
their respective homelands. Their findings also prove as to why Siniora has
been tasked to crush this group.
Fatah al-Islam roots can be traced to its leader Shaker al-Abssi, a
Jordanian of Palestinian origin now in his 50s. He was once a member of
the late Yasser Arafats Fatah movement, which sent him to Libya in 1975 to
train as a pilot.

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He resurfaced in Jordan 20 years later but soon moved to Syria,

where he became part of Fatah al-Intifadah, a Syrian sponsored group
that had turned against Arafat in the 1980s. Jordanian officials believe Mr
Abssi plotted the killing of an American diplomat in Amman in 2002, a
crime for which he was convicted in 2004 in absentia. At the time he was
already in a Syrian jail, locked up at the request of Jordan.
Yet three years later, Mr Abssi was released rather than handed
over to Jordan, and reappeared in Lebanon. According to officials from
various Palestinian political factions in the country, he headed first, in early
2006, to an area of eastern Bekaa Valley where other Palestinian groups had
once set up military training camps.
A Fatah al-Intifada official in Damascus, known as Abu Khaled, is
said to have told his associates in Lebanon not to interfere with new arrivals.
Abu Khaled said he did not want anybody to deal with them, to spoil them.
He wanted to send them to Palestine to be as tough as the Hezbollah
fighters, says the official, in reference to the disciplined Shia militant group
that stood up to Israels military campaign last summer.
The refugee camps in Lebanon have an unusual status, which makes
them sometimes unruly and a haven for shadowy individuals and groups.
Based on an agreement between Lebanon and Palestinians dating back to the
1960s, Lebanese security forces are prohibited from entering the camps,
leaving them to be governed by different Palestinian factions.
At Beddawi, 10 of Mr Abssis men were living in an apartment in
contravention of a camp rule that prohibited single men living together.
When Palestinian security officials approached the apartment to sort out the
matter, clashes with the militants erupted in which one official was killed.
This is when Mr Abssis group fled to Nahrel-Bared, where they
were met by the leader himself and joined by others who had been on the
original training exercises in the Bekaa Valley. The birth of Fatah al-Islam
was then announced by Mr Abssi.
It was only in March that the group became widely known after
the Lebanese government announced the arrest of four men in connection
with the bombing of two buses in a Christian region. Government officials
claim the Syrian suspects were members of Fatah al-Islam and that they

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signed confessions admitting they had been sent from Syria to join the group
in Nahrel Bared. Damascus denies the charges.
Since then, however, Fatah al-Islam appears to have expanded
beyond Nahrel Bared, setting up cells and recruiting in the nearby city of
Tripoli. The raid by international security forces two weeks ago in pursuit of
two suspected bank robbers thought to belong to Fatah al-Islam the event
that sparked the jihadis assault on the army Mr Taha admits Fatah alIslam was planning operations as well as training jihadis to fight in Iraq,
but says the battle with the army became an obstruction.
The radical ideology of puritan Salafi Islam, the rhetoric, the fierce
resolve and the objectives of Fatah al-Islam are all inspired by the
global network of al-Qaeda. Mr Abssi reportedly declared earlier this year
the establishment of the al-Qaeda in the Levant (thought to be the same as
Fatah al-Islam).
But western officials believe no real merger with the central alQaeda organization, whether in Pakistan or Iraq, has yet taken place, and the
senior leadership of the global terrorist network has until now had no
representative in Lebanon, nor has it directly ordered Fatah al-Islam to
mount attacks.
In Beirut, the pro-western Lebanese government plays down Fatah
al-Islams links to al-Qaeda, but for a different reason. It argues the
group is an al-Qaeda look-like, created and manipulated by Syrian
intelligence. It sees it as part of an alleged Syrian strategy to undermine
Lebanon and prevent the pursuit of justice in the case of Rafiq Hariri
The split of Fatah al-Islam from Fatah al-Intifadah, say officials
close to the government, was a stage-managed affair desired to confuse.
The timing of the ambush of the army this month, they add, is related to last
weeks UN resolution creating a tribunal to try the Hariri killers.
The Syrian regime has fought with jihadis before but also flirted
with them: buses filled with Arab fighters were leaving Damascus for Iraq
during the 2003 US invasion. Since then Syria has been accused by the US
and Britain of backing Iraqi insurgent groups, though it denies involvement.
The origins of Fatah al-Islam and Mr Abssis background, moreover, are
linked to a pro-Syrian Palestinian group in Damascus.

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Responding to Lebanese accusations, Walid al-Muallem, the Syrian

foreign minister, says Fatah al-Islam militants are wanted in Damascus,
while Farouq al-Shara, Syrias vice-president, blames the rise of the group
on the absence of a state in Lebanon.
Syrias supporters in Beirut have been promoting the alternative
theory advanced by Seymour Hersh, the US investigative journalist. This
maintains that the Lebanese government, backed by the US and Saudi
Arabia, have funded Fatah al-Islam as a Sunni counterweight to Hezbollah.
They point to efforts by the Sunni party of Mr Hariri to co-opt radical groups
in Tripoli and accuse the Internal Security Force of being a Sunni militia.
Abu Salim Taha, Fatah al-Islams spokesman, insists that while his
group shares al-Qaedas ideology but it has no links to the organization
or anyone else. Syria and other Arab governments, he says, are all enemies.
We consider their leaders traitors, enemies of God, who help the Jews and
Americans.
Robert Fisk opined: We are back at another of those tragic
Lebanese stage shows: the siege of Palestinians. Only this time, of course,
we have Sunni Muslim fighters in the camp, in many cases shooting at Sunni
Muslim soldiers who are standing in Sunni village. It was a Lebanese
colleague who seemed to put his finger on it all. Syria is showing that
Lebanon doesnt have to be Christians versus Muslims or Shia versus
Sunnis, he said. It can be Sunnis versus Sunnis.
It is difficult not to feel Syrias hands these days. Fouad Sinioras
government, surrounded in its little green zone in central Beirut, is being
drained of power. The army is more and more running Lebanon, ever more
tested because it, too, of course, contains Lebanons Sunnis and Shia and
Maronites and Druze.
The Lebanese army is on the streets of Beirut to defend Siniora, on
the streets of Sidon to prevent sectarian disturbances, on the roads of
southern Lebanon watching the Israeli frontier and now, up here in the far
north, besieging the poor and the beaten Palestinians of Nahr el-Bared and
the dangerous little group which may or may not be taking its orders
from Damascus.
Charles Harb wrote: The story of Lebanons US-backed Siniora
government and army battling an isolated al-Qaeda type terrorist group

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allegedly backed by Syria obscures a complex picture that has been years in
the making, and which involves a peculiar social environment, Lebanese
political manoeuvring, and the wider dynamics of an increasingly volatile
region.
North Lebanon, especially Tripoli and Akkar, contains some of the
countrys most deprived areas, neglected by successive governments.
Tripoli, a traditionally conservative Sunni city, and Akkar, a strikingly poor
province, became fertile territory for the proselytizing of Salafist and radical
Sunni groups. But impoverished conditions do not explain the rapid
empowerment of radical Sunni movements in recent years; political
cover was needed and was provided by pro-government forces
Counting radical Sunni sentiment is a dangerous game. This picture
becomes more complicated when the regional dimension is factored in. the
invasion of Iraq has inflamed the Shia-Sunni divide and is changing the
dynamics of the Middle East. Fear of Shia influence in Arab affairs has
prompted many Sunni leaders to warn of a Shia Crescent stretching from
Iran, through Iraq, to south Lebanon.
The Siniora government is enfeebled. Claims that Syria is behind
the current conflict have not so far been endorsed by the White House or
other Arab leaders. The army, which has tried to remain neutral, is now
muddied and its weaknesses made apparent to all.
The plight of thousands of Palestinian refugees trapped in the Nahr
al-Bared camp echoes the Israeli bombing of Palestinian camps in occupied
Palestine. Radical Islamist activists are moved by the atrocities in the north
and attacks on their fellow militants. Palestinian factions are fractious,
weakened, and infiltrated by foreign agents, further destabilizing security
within the refugee camps. Relations between Palestinian groups and
Lebanese authorities are strained, and tensions can easily spill outside the
refugee camps. The dangers of a conflagration that could spread across the
country are serious.
The News commented: Until recently al-Qaeda was in the
neighbourhood of Lebanon and Palestine, as a well-established and active
force in Iraq, but not these countries. Even Hamas, which was founded by
Sheikh Ahmad Yassin, who was brutally assassinated by Israel in 2004, has
no links with the organization led by Osama bin Laden. As for Lebanon, it
had been considered completely out of al-Qaedas reach. Not anymore
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and in the case of the latter country the governments to blame for this
reversal are the United States and Israel. The al-Qaeda threat follows the
battle between the Lebanese army and Palestinian base in the Nahr el-Bared
refugee camp on Sunday near the northern city of Tripoli.
The Palestinians accuse the army of provoking the clash, a charge for
which the armys siege of the camp could arguably be a proof.
Argumentation aside, there is at least one negative result of the
deployment of army units in the north: they have left a vacuum in tense
Beirut with its religious and sectarian disputes simmering just under the
surface, after it was left in turmoil by last summers intense bombing by
Israel.
Lebanon is almost as fertile a ground for al-Qaeda recruitment as
the Israeli-occupied Palestinian territories. More than ten percent of its
population of nearly four million consists of Palestinian refugees displaced
by the creation of Israel in 1948, and they must stay out of the social
mainstream.
Lebanon is finely balanced mosaic of religious, sectarian and
religious groups, and the slightest addition of a new group of people can
destroy this balance and lead to political disaster Prime Minister Fouad
Siniora would do better to find ways to deal with al-Qaeda than to
aggravate the situation by relying on misguided American support.
Bernhard Zand opined: Islamist groups are gaining popularity and
recruiting new members in Lebanese refugee camps. But the radical
Islamist outlook and the goals of todays Palestinian groups are a far cry
from the nationalist and socialist ideals of their predecessors.
When Sheikh Mohammad al-Bakri, who lives just a few streets from
the battleground, assesses the situation, he concludes that things are going
well. People are joining us in droves in the Palestinian camps, says the
preacher from Tripoli in northern Lebanon.
Then he points out that Fatah al-Islam is only one of the
fundamentalist Muslim movements active in Lebanon. We have many
others: Jund al-Sham, Jund al-Islam, Usbat al-Anfar. Some have existed for
decades; others, such as Fatah Islam, have only formed recently.

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Groups like Fatah al-Islam have a following in the Lebanese camps

similar to that of Hamas in the Palestinian territories. But the goals of these
groups are now quite different from those of Hamas, not to speak of the
distance that separates them from Yasser Arafats old Palestinian Liberation
Organization. We are not interested in the artificial borders in the Middle
East, says the fundamentalist Muslim sheikh. What is Lebanon, anyway?
What is Syria? The struggle of these groups is one for the Ummah, the
nation of believers.
The movement has successfully been hijacked by the Salafists, says
Sheikh Mohammed al-Bakri. The same will happen to the other
nationalistic groups. In March, al-Abssi announced his ultimate goal was to
reorganize the Palestinian community in Lebanon in accordance with
Muslim Law. Only then, he added, would that community be prepared for
the second and most important mission the struggle against Israel.
The Daily Star was of the view that for any peace the world has to
wait till 2009. Both Ahmadinejad and Bush like to hold up Lebanon as
an example of the effectiveness of their respective policies. The Iranian
president said Friday that the Lebanese nation destroyed the hollow power
of the Zionist regime during last summers war. His American counterpart
frequently champions democracy in Lebanon, but he has shown no
willingness to accept democratic verdicts that empower parties which resist
US hegemony over the Middle East. For all their boasting, neither president
is of much use to the Lebanese people as they were subjected to last
summers Israeli onslaught. In fact, Bush worked actively to prolong and
intensify the Jewish states rampage, and Ahmadinejads ill-advised
comments served the purpose of those who portrayed Hezbollah as an
extension of Tehran and so to openly belittle the value of Lebanese civilian
lives.
Both Iran and the United States had until recently scaled back the
bellicosity, but both still show a propensity to repeat the same mistakes. In
order for Lebanese, and all the people of this troubled region, to rest easily,
we will most likely have to wait until 2009, when the crazies start
leaving offices.

TENACIOUS TEHRAN

450

The Crusaders maintained pressure on Iran. On 21st May, India voted

against Iran in the governing body of IAEA and Tehran mulled withdrawing
favour extended on Liquid Petroleum Natural Gas issue. The much awaited
US-Iran meeting was held and dispersed after exchanging allegations. Rice
told Iran that it is time to change course. However, EU-Iran talks were held
in Spain.
Iran not only withstood pressure against its nuclear programme, but
also took counter measures against the clandestine offensive launched by the
Crusaders to destabilize Tehran regime. On 28th May, Iran hanged a terrorist
involved in killing policemen in Sistan-Baluchistan. Next day, Iran charged
three US-Iranians with spying.
Atul Aneja commented on Arab-Iran interaction with reference to
Nejads visit. In calling for an American exit, Mr Ahmadinejad entered
into a war of words with US Vice President Dick Cheney, who was
touring the region at the same time. Mr Cheney had issued a strong
statement that Washington would not allow Tehran to dominate the oil-rich
Gulf. He said Iran would not be allowed to block the sea-lanes, through
which the bulk of the global oil supplies pass.
Several factors are driving a closer relationship between Iran and
major Gulf countries, which have begun to drift away from the US. First,
anti-American sentiment in the region is growing exponentially. The spate of
killings in Iraq and the seemingly endless suffering of the Palestinians are
driving anger towards Washington to new heights.
Secondly, the surging rebellion in Iraq, and the inability of the
Americans to stop it have shattered the myth of US military
invincibility. The military debacle of the US in Iraq, and that of Israel in
Lebanon last year, have renewed hope among ordinary Arabs that
meaningful change in the region is still possible. Thirdly, the Arab regimes
have fully recognized the destabilizing impact of the American occupation
of Iraq. The war has raised Sunni-Shia tensions in the region to unacceptable
levels.
Keen on closer bonds, Iran and the UAE have begun to explore joint
projects that would help integrate their two economies Mr Ahmadinejads
visit, which could go a long way in deepening Arab-Iranian ties, has
brought the issue of the presence of foreign troops in the region more
prominently on the agenda. The need for deeper economic ties and closer
451

people to people interaction has also been reinforced. The trip could become
a significant event that could encourage the region to rediscover its intrinsic
strengths, rooted in its unique history and culture.
The News discussed IAEA statement alleging that Iran has accelerated
its nuclear programme. It was without doubt a coincidence, but an
extremely significant one. The International Atomic Energy Agency said in
Vienna on Wednesday that Iran was not only continuing to defy calls by
the United Nations to stop uranium enrichment but was accelerating the
activity. The confidential report of Mohamed ElBaradei, the chief of the
nuclear watchdog, was issued the same day as an American flotilla steamed
through the narrowest point of the worlds most sensitive waterway.
According to the United States the measure had been planned well in
advance, but that is little justification for the fact that it followed US-Iranian
moves, exactly ten days previously, for a dialogue over Iraq. Washington had
emphasized at the time that the dialogue was strictly confined to the
situation in that war-torn country. But with Iraq situated at the head of the
Gulf, the entry of the US warships is certain to have a strong negative
impact on that situation. Since Iran is equally certain of being seen as the
target of the American move, and not only by the government of President
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, it is not impossible for Tehran to have second
thoughts about the usefulness of the dialogue.
Britain reacted to the report by reaffirming its position on the Iranian
nuclear programme. A Foreign Office spokesman said in London that full
suspension of Irans enrichment activities is the only acceptable confidencebuilding measure to allow formal talks to begin. But for the first time since
the assumption of the French presidency by Mr Nicolas Sarcozy this month,
France plainly said it would support Washington on the question. This
abandonment by France of its independent stance on Iran, despite the
opposition to the Iranian nuclear programme, is yet another cause for
regional and global consternation.
Jesse Nunes urged that the situation must be defused. Statements by
US and Israeli officials in recent days on the possibility of attacking Iran
have been met with increased posturing on both sides, warnings of
retaliation from Tehran, and worries by the head of the international
nuclear watchdog of a brewing confrontation.

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The Financial Times notes that Lieberman appears to be the first

high-ranking US politician to openly suggest attacking Iran. A White House
statement addressing Liebermans remarks said that the US Ambassador to
Iraq Ryan Crocker gave Iran a strong message to play a constructive
role in the region during meetings last month in Iraq, and the President
Bush has made it clear we want to do everything to protect our troops,
according to the Financial Times.
A high-ranking American military officer told the Post that senior
officers in the US armed forces had thrown their support behind Bush and
believed that additional steps needed to be taken to stop Iran. Predictions
within the US military are that Bush will do what is needed to stop Tehran
before he leaves office in 2009, including possibly launching a military
strike against its nuclear facilities.
Meanwhile, Iran has not let the increasingly hostile posturing by
Israel and the US go unnoticed. Agence France-Presse reports that Gholam
Ali Hadad Adel, a member of Irans parliament told reporters during a visit
to Kuwait on Saturday that Iran would attack US military bases in the Gulf if
they were used to stage an attack on the country.
Finally, Bloomberg reports that IAEA Director General Mohamed
ElBaradei said on Monday that he is increasingly disturbed by the current
stalemate and the brewing confrontation between Iran and the West over its
nuclear program, adding the situation urgently needs to be broken and
must be diffused.
The News analyzed Iran-US talks in Baghdad. As was only to be
expected of representatives of two countries which have been bitter rivals for
nearly three decades, Mondays talks between the US and Iranian
ambassadors. Nevertheless, the very fact that the four-hour session between
Ryan Crocker and Hassan Kazemi went ahead, despite fears that Iran will
call it off in reaction to the US navys massive show of force off the Iranian
coast is a positive sign.
Mr Crocker doesnt convince when he suggests, as he did after the
talks, that Iran was sabotaging the government of Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri
al-Maliki through its alleged support of armed factions in Iraq, which is
dangerous for Iraq.

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Tom A Peter commented on accusations against of supplying weapons

to Taliban. The discovery of Iranian-made weapons in Afghanistan has
led US and British officials to accuse Iran of arming the Taliban militias now
battling US and coalition forces. The find raises new and troubling
questions about the state of American-Iranian relations.
Iranian officials have denied the allegations, while outside experts
speculate that Iranian splinter groups are more likely candidates than
the Iranian government. Dealing arms to Taliban would be a step outside
the norm for Iran. In 1998, Iran nearly went to war with Afghanistan, then
controlled by the Taliban regime, after it killed eight Iranian diplomats and a
journalist.
Since Americas 2001 invasion of Afghanistan, Iran has played active
role in thwarting the Taliban, reports McClatchy. US officials and
independent experts dont think that Iran wants the Taliban returned to
power. Iran quietly supported the US-led ouster of the Taliban in 2001, has
poured some $200 million into reconstruction projects in Afghanistan and is
profiting from brisk cross-border commerce. It also has been cooperating
closely in other areas, including fighting trafficking in Afghanistans recordhigh opium production.
Still, some experts believe that the Iranian government may be
officially sanctioning the sale of weapons to the Taliban as a means of
indirectly battling the US. Irans apparent shift in Afghanistan is part of a
wider response by hard-liners, led by President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, to
what they consider US efforts to destabilize Islamic Republic, reports
McClatchy.
One high-ranking Afghan government official said: We are absolutely
convinced that the Iranian intelligence service is providing support to the
Taliban The allegations came at a tense time for American-Iranian
relations. Although the US and Iran recently engaged in their first senior
level talks in nearly 30 years, the talks dealt largely with Iran supplying Iraqi
Shiites with munitions.
Despite latent hostility between Iran and the US, neither nation
appears interested in escalating the situation at present. Speaking about
the possibility of Iran running guns to the Taliban, one analyst called it a
game of managed chaos, just enough to bloody Americas nose in
Afghanistan, reported CNN.
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In an interview Samiul Haq said: Iran is giving the United States a

tough time in the region and seems quite determined to acquire nuclear
power status. Muslims all over the world are happy about this move because
there should be someone who has the courage to demonstrate the religious
strength to look into the eyes of the United States.
The Shiite-Sunni issue has been created by the United States just
to hide its failure in Iraq and to achieve its goals in the Middle East.
Besides, the United States is also creating poisonous propaganda against
Iran for intervening in Iraqs affairs just to malign its position in the world
community. It is baseless.

CONCLUSION
Occupation of Iraq has been continuing on various pretexts and there
is no reason to expect that it will end in the foreseeable future. The United
States has no desire and Muslim World has no will to end the sufferings of
the Iraqis. In fact, the US would like to spread the bloodshed to other rouge
states of the region.
The split in Palestinians has been deepened by actively supporting
Fatah by the US, Europe and the Israel through services of Abbas. In the
latest confrontation Israel has been providing intimate air support to Fatah
against Hamas. Palestine has been virtually divided into Hamastan and
Fatahland.
In Lebanon, Siniora, like Abu Mazen, have been coaxed and coerced
to crush Fatah al-Islam which could pose problems for illegal occupants of
Palestine and possibly Iraq. Siniora has obliged the Crusaders. The West
continues to eliminate one by one the Islamic militant groups which could
put up some resistance against the Zionist regime. The friends of the West in
Arab World fully condone Sinioras act.
US-Iran talks in Baghdad began with US hurling of allegations against
Iran for interfering in Iraq. Iran refused to plead guilty which annoyed
Crocker who blamed Tehran for talks failure in making any progress. The
aim of the US to hold bilateral talks became clear: put all the blame on a
neighbouring country as has been done in case of Pakistan.

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16th June 2007

HELMET vs WIG
ROUND X
In this round the full court will decide the fate of CJPs petition. The
decision will come after a lengthy debate on the issues raised by the
petitioner. The counsel of the Chief Justice, Aitzaz Ahsan, started his
arguments to blast the contentions of the referring authority.
The Team-Helmet concentrated its efforts to separate media from the
lawyers. The threatening moves of the government bore the fruit. The media
could not afford compromising its interests for the sake of national interests.
It agreed to abide by rulers dictates out of which one was the surrender of
its right of live coverage of the events related to the CJPs activities.
On 16th June, the CJP made a historic visit to Abbottabad, but the
rulers had saved themselves from embarrassment of seeing the people
thronging to accord warm welcome to the CJP. Meanwhile, Imran-MQM
row kept degenerating into an ugly act.

EVENTS
On 12th June, Justice Ramday remarked: It is not the trial of the Chief
Justice but each one of us is on trial. The full court summoned a senior
journalist, Saleh Zaafir, for publishing a news item on June 11 regarding
filing of reference against four senior judges of the apex court. The served
him stern warning, but accepted his apology.
Aitzaz Ahsan argued that the President has admitted in one of his
interviews that the CJP was in office still studying the documents provided

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to him; whereas in the meanwhile Acting Chief Justice was appointed. He

added that Acting Chief Justice was not authorized to summon SJC.
Nawaz backed Imran Khan against Altaf Hussain. MQM filed a
reference to the Speaker for disqualification of Imran Khan from
membership of National Assembly over his affair with Seta White. Sher
Afgan supported MQM. Iqbal Kazmi who had filed a petition against Altaf
Hussain and others, was arrested by police in a case of cheque bouncing.
The US welcomed the full court decision on the issue of admissibility.
Next day, the full court ordered that the record of the SJC should be
produced before it. Aitzaz continued his arguments; he focused on the
intelligence agencies and the affidavits filed by their heads. During the
proceedings, Raza Kasuri kept interfering and at one point the court had to
tell him to take his words back.
Imran Khan lodged a formal complaint with the Scotland Yard
seeking criminal investigation against Imam Khomeini of MQM. The Imam
was accused of terrorism, inciting for violence, money-laundering and
torture. During meeting with Imran Khan, Nawaz accused MQM of
murdering Hakim Said. Farooq Sattar said the allegation amounted to
contempt of court. Delay in lifting of PEMRA Amendment Ordinance was
challenged in the Supreme Court. Mushahid suggested calling APC.
Boucher met leaders of political parties in Islamabad to explore
possibilities of a deal between Musharraf and liberal political forces. The
US decided to send Negroponte to join Boucher to help Musharraf survive.
Boucher hoped judicial settlement of the CJP case.
Aitzaz continued his arguments on 14th June. During the course of
proceedings, Justice Ramday said, if a common citizen has the basic right to
avail fresh air why then a judge and his designation is not protected against
whatever way he may be treated? S M Zafar asked Musharraf to adopt
constitutional way for his future role. Sher Afgan also moved National
Assembly for disqualification of Imran Khan.
On 15th June, Police rejected lawyers route plan for the CJPs arrival
in Faisalabad and arrests of political activists continued. Justice Bhagwandas
said there is no pressure on judiciary. The US denied brokering powersharing deal, but wanted strong democratic institutions in Pakistan.

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Next day, the caravan of CJP left Islamabad at 09:00 hours for
Faisalabad. By midnight the caravan had reached Chiniot because of the
huge crowds. Enroute, he attended reception at Chakwal and praised lawyers
and journalists for their struggle for the independence of the judiciary.
Aitzaz said that the reinstatement of the chief justice was not far away,
but that was not the only goal of the lawyers struggle. Our struggle is
aimed at restoration of the basic rights of the people, including the provision
of justice, which have been denied to them for the past 60 years because of
interference of military dictators in the affairs of the judiciary, which was
never allowed to be fully independent.
Munir A Malik said that if General Pervez Musharraf was doing
politics in uniform, why others could not do the same. He further said that
the present judicial crisis was a political issue because it was related to the
Constitution. Ali Ahmed Kurd said the military dictators were a real threat to
the Federation of Pakistan.
The US Deputy Secretary of State John D Negroponte, known as an
expert in bringing regime changes, issued a blank cheque to Musharraf on
uniform issue: Uniform decision is up to Musharraf. This has been the
greatest reward for the brave commando for his services to the Crusaders.
He also indulged in lip-service for democracy saying that the US wanted
transparent polls. Any polls would be accepted as transparent which
ensured sidelining of the anti-US political forces.
Thousands of people waited for the CJP in Faisalabad all night
braving rain. The CJP arrived in the bar premises at 07:00 am on 17 th June.
In his speech he stressed upon the need for dispensation of justice on equal
basis. If it happens then no one can suppress the people and dare take law
into his own hands.
Aitzaz thanked political parties leaders and workers for their role in
the struggle for the supremacy of law and judiciary. Ali Ahmed Kurd
reiterated that the war with the Generals had begun. Munir A Malik said, its
our obligation to create awareness among people about justice.
Armed men stormed the home of CJPs nephew in Quetta at night.
The assailants left when Advocate Amer Rana opened fire from the first
floor of his house. Rana said he had been under pressure from an
intelligence agency since March 9. He was told to convey to the CJP that his

458

actions were not in the interest of his family. A senior official who identified
himself as Brig Zulfiqar, warned him that the government had been offended
by the activities of the chief justice. In Lahore, unknown men broke into the
chamber of Imrans lawyer and stole important documents.
Imran Khan said at a press conference that the number of witnesses
coming forward against MQM and Altaf Hussain was increasing and there
would be enough evidence to prove the violent nature of the party. He also
said that in 1999 Musharraf had termed Altaf Hussain the biggest terrorist
in Pakistan.
But now the President is protecting Altaf Hussain for the sake of
power, which clearly indicates that Gen Musharraf holds himself first and
not Pakistan. But I am determined to fight against Altaf till last breath,
Imran vowed. In reply to a question, he said, If I am harmed, both President
Musharraf and MQM chief Altaf Hussain would be responsible for that.
Imran Khan condemned the statement of Negroponte, who had said
that it was for President Musharraf to doff his military uniform. He said:
How can a junior US official intervene in the internal affairs of Pakistan?
He hoped that APC in London would result in a decisive movement against
Gen Musharraf.

VIEWS
People from all walks of life kept expressing their viewpoint on
various events of the ongoing struggle between the executive and judiciary.
Maria Habib from Karachi wrote about the carnage in her city. It is the
governments responsibility to take the right decisions for peace and
freedom in the country but unfortunately we havent seen that happening in
the recent events in the city. Sindh government and the police claims they
had a heavy deployment at hand to maintain law and order on the day CJ
Iftikhar Chaudhry arrived in the city. But people have seen with their own
eyes that police and Rangers disappeared from the troubled spots, giving
a free hand to terrorists to kill the innocents.
If the provincial government had felt its responsibility, postponed its
own rally and had not blocked the roads for lawyers, this critical situation
could not have happened. The city is now scared to death I demand from

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the provincial government to arrest the terrorists who were involved in

wrecking the citys peace.
Rabia Hashim Khaskheli from Karachi wrote: The violence in the
city is now taking another shape. What happened on 12th of May was a
really disturbing but far more disturbing thing is the gang fighting has
started in its wake. Three people were killed yesterday in one such fight.
There are continuous calls of strikes by different political parties. Public
property and lives of the citizens is at risk because of this non-stop anarchy.
People are being forced to stay at home, nobody reports to work
We need to come together as people, not as a party, not as an ethnic group
and definitely not as a political group, to assert our stake in the future of this
city. Lets make our city terror free.
Abdullah Mohammad Ali from Sahiwal expressed his views on
affidavits. The affidavit spree has been unleashed to divert attention
from the real issue, which triggered the judicial activism; the independence
of judiciary. The nation stands behind the judicial community.
Engr T S Hussain from Lahore Cantt commented on army rule. The
Army alone knows what the national interest is and nobody besides.
The supreme national interest is that the army chief should also be the
President so that the fabled unity of command can be established in the
country. It is not at all in the national interest that any rule of law and
constitutional way of governance be established. The rule of one man shall
continue till the 100% of our people are literate or the Kashmir issue is
resolved.
Dr Abdullah Jan Pathan from Islamabad wrote: When the army
rules, it obviously attracts unfavourable comments for which it should be
prepared to stand it Our present rulers can still save some face if he
reverts to the advice given to him sometime back.
Zafar Hussain Luni from Karachi opined: Its very easy to earn
respect but its much difficult to retain that respect. Its not possible to force
anyone to respect you. The army will always retain its respect as long as it
knows that its duty is to serve the country and not rule the country.
Ali Asad from Karachi observed: Pakistan has become an
apartheid society with social and economic dichotomy between haves and

460

have-nots widening all the time and the army is the leading emblem of the
establishment which thrives on the misery of the masses.
A lot of people may disagree with me but unlike the self-righteous
army men, I believe in an open discourse to define the contours of the
armys role in Pakistan. Finally, no one has a monopoly on patriotism and
I am as patriotic as any other army jawan. I would respect men in Khaki
more if they could criticize their general who treats the army as his personal
fiefdom to further his personal agenda.
J M Shaikh from Lahore wrote: In a talk show on a private TV
channel on June 5, Gen Tanvir Naqvi of the National Reconstruction Bureau
fame lamented the text and tenor of speeches made by representative of the
judiciary at the recent seminar. The General went on to state that the
contents of speeches were inappropriate and the language uncivilized.
He also felt that this conduct did not represent a good role model for
common citizens to emulate.
The General did not bother to reflect on why educated, civilized
individuals were compelled to adopt a harsh attitude towards the
establishment. Surely, the General is not unaware of the treatment
civilized generals accorded to the chief judicial officer of the country on
that fateful day of March 9.
It is time generals realized that what was said in the seminar and the
manner in which it was expressed articulates the feelings of civil society.
Yes, we have had enough of the uniformed intrusion in our national affairs.
The night for the generals has begun and we eagerly await the dawn of a
democratic civilian order under which the people would finally be able to
rule their own country.
Khalid from Islamabad condemned US interference in internal affairs
and acceptance of that by Pakistani politicians. The Opposition leaders have
pleaded with him (Boucher) to exert pressure on Gen Musharraf to hold
transparent and fair elections and also conveyed their reservations about
their unlikelihood should the present political dispensation continue to rule
the country etc. With so many Pakistani politicians trying to court Mr
Boucher, he could not be faulted if he felt himself to be the political czar
of Pakistan No wonder, therefore, that he had a meeting with the chief
election commissioner and went to the extent of examining the voters lists.

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He is also reported to have said that the US is pressuring Gen Musharraf to

hold fair polls etc.
It is not all surprising that important politicians of the country
are making a beeline for a meeting with Mr Boucher with the objective
of securing statements from him which favour their viewpoints on the
current domestic political scenario.
Quest for favourable statements from even very low level US
officials has been common practice in our countrys history. However, what
should be a matter of concern for all serious Pakistani citizens is that our
foreign office is behaving as if it did not exist at all. There has not been even
a whimper of protest by its spokesperson that statements made by Mr
Boucher constitute interference in the internal affairs of Pakistan. To
what level of supine-ness can our ministry of foreign affairs descend?
Mohammad Rafi from Karachi wrote: Boucher, while addressing a
meeting of leaders of Pakistan opposition parties besides making other
statements concerning Pakistans internal affairs also stated that he would
examine the voters lists issued by Election Commission. The question
arises why he is examining these lists. Can he, being a foreign national,
order any changes in the lists?
Misbah Azam from USA expressed his views on showing of dead
bodies while comparing Pakistani media with western media. It is quite
interesting to observe that our leaders, especially those belonging to the
government party, time and again lecture the people about how responsible
the western media is and how Pakistani media should be following their
path. Incidents I would like to remind them when the US media was
responsible and at which price, and where they followed the governments
lines.
During Vietnam War, the US media not only showed the battlefield
but also the impact of that unnecessary war on the US soldiers with the
graphic scenes. As a result, public anger increased and anti-war rhetoric
made the government pull the troops back from the war.
During the first Gulf War the media was kept far away from the
reality, but the graphic scenes of the dying and burning Iraqi soldiers due to
the allied bombardment, when they were running from Kuwait, significantly
increased the public opinion against the wars.

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The Los Angeles riots of the early 90s, due to the Los Angeles
Police (LAPD) beating of Mr Rodney King, was another example of the
medias graphic coverage of the incidents where the beatings were all seen
by the people. That also put government in trouble and they had to strictly
scrutinize LAPD and fix lots of problems.
The second Iraq war heavily cheer-led by the US media since it
was the interest of strong corporate lobbies which control the media here.
One example of the media cheer-leading is that during the Iraq War, 67
percent people believed that 9/11 was done by the Iraqi leadership after
every proof and confession of the US president to the contrary.
I can observe a huge difference between the Pakistani and western
media. The way I see, the western media is mostly driven by the corporate
interest, though there are exceptionsI sense that the Pakistani private
media is only driven by Pakistans national interest.
I think it is time for leadership (and the self-imposed leaders)
realized that people of Pakistan are not nave and they understand why
suddenly the government started shedding tears on the bad conduct of the
media and why all the time the government leaders keep on lecturing about
how private channels should behave.
The experts also continued analyzing various events and aspects of the
ongoing crisis/movement. Javed Jabbar commented on rulers attempt at
strangulating private TV channels. Some indicators eloquently reveal how
the present government has treated the PEMRA law like a football: to be
kicked at will, to be held in the hands in a state of de facto suspension
similar to the de jure (?) suspension of a serving Chief Justice. During such
time, and not always due to a trick of the light, the football is seen to be held
motionless, up in the air, to become the sword of Damocles dangling over
the freedom of the electronic media.
Consideration and approval by the cabinet is an inescapable
prerequisite for cabinet-based draft lawmaking in a parliamentary system
of government. So, first, the government itself breaks the law about draft
lawmaking; then, having kicked the new spiked law into the field, the same
government, within three days, decides to suspend the operation of that
very law.

463

If the second action is to be taken as an expression of how sensitive

and respectful the government is to the views of the people and the media as
they were so intensely expressed in four days, it is revealing as to how
much the same government is out of touch with reality because it chooses
to make rash amendments in the first place.
Some credence to this view is added by the outcome of the
meeting held between the office-bearers of the Pakistan Broadcasters
Association and the prime minister on June 6, 2007. The media reported that
this discussion concluded with an agreement to review the amendments
along with the assurance by the PBA that the electronic media fully respects
the integrity of the judiciary and the armed forces.
As if this were not enough, another meeting with the PBA took place:
this was with the President of Pakistan on June 9, 2007, after which it was
reported that the amendments may be withdrawn altogether. So the
football gets kicked right out of the field even before the actual play
begins.
There is also complete disconnect between the proprietors of the
electronic media holding productive talks with the government and in
contrast, the voluble public protests by journalists on the streets and,
breaking all rules and norms of parliament in the press gallery of the
National Assembly.
If the law is being treated like a football, PEMRA is also being
shunted like a powerless empty train bogy instead of being an
autonomous engine of regulation The government seems to be quite
confused not only about how to make laws and what laws to make as well as
about where to place the relevant enforcement body.
Wherever it is placed, PEMRA plays its own legal football. The
approach to law is incoherent and inconsistent. Daily blatant examples of
piracy of Hollywood films and Indian films by PEMRA-licensed cable TV
operators and violations of intellectual property rightsSuch disregard for
the law by PEMRA encourages others to break the law and to treat the law
as a private plaything.
One of the distinct achievements of the dispensation between
October 1999 and June 2007 is the transformation of the electronic
media landscape in Pakistan. Contrary to the claim that such radical change

464

was inevitable due to new technologies and global trends, reference should
be made in countries as varied as Iran, Malaysia and Singapore, amongst
several others.
These three countries have achieved per capita incomes, literacy and
education levels far higher than Pakistan. Yet Pakistan is far ahead of the
three countries in offering optimal choice of electronic media channels.
And the contrast is not due to differences in population size. The critical
difference is due to government policy which is pivotal to facilitate the
peoples access to optimal mass media choices.
To deal with the coverage of the post-March 9 situation starring
Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry in the lead role, and to deal with the
ambivalent nature of live coverage of the seminar in the Supreme Court
auditorium and the May 12 violence in Karachi, the government and
PEMRA could have used dialogue to persuade the media, without
curbing its freedom, to ensure balance and fairness, instead of hype and
hysteria.
Coming as it did less than 90 days after the forced removal of the
Chief justice, the PEMRA episode has grossly damaged the governments
credibility. The misadventure has also demeaned the sanctity of lawmaking
by reducing what should be a solemn, careful process to something like a
weird pantomime enacted with a football.
Anwar Syed wrote: The PEMRA directive to the private television
channels asks them not to telecast the following: (1) any programme that
encourages violence and disruption of law and order, or promotes antinational or anti-state attitudes; (2) amounts to contempt of court; (3) casts
aspersions against the judiciary or the armed forces; (4) slanders any person
or group; (5) undermines the countrys basic cultural values, morality and
good manners.
In ones reckoning a commitment to truth, honesty, justice, and
dedication to duty should be among the constituent elements in a viable
concept of personal honour. In the Pakistani culture, however, honour relates
mainly to the chastity of ones women and, secondly, to issues of status. A
mans honour will be lost only if his sister marries a young man of her own
choosing without involving her family, but also if he does not put up a good
show in performing the various ceremonies connected with his daughters

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wedding. He must keep up with the Joneses even if he has to mortgage his
home or land to do it.
Commitment to truth, justice, honesty and dedication to duty is
weak in our culture. Family, friends, and others will not forsake a man
because he takes bribes. Indeed, I have heard from numerous sources that of
late more and more young men, who have emerged successful in the
competitive examinations for the central superior services, tend to opt for the
departments of police, income tax, and customs, in preference to other
postings, because the possibilities of income from graft are much greater in
the former.
Telling lies is something that a great many of our people do
routinely without giving it a second thought. This inclination is not
limited to conversation in a light vein or trivial situations. Regretfully may
one note the well-documented fact that much of the testimony offered by
both the prosecution and the defence in court cases is fabricated.
It is not clear how PEMRA can safeguard even the desirable
among our basic cultural values. Will it, for instance, forbid media
coverage of the extravaganza accompanying the weddings of the sons and
daughters of ministers, high-ranking politicians and civil servants? I doubt it.
Will it direct the media not to talk of public officials who go to work late,
leave early, entertain friends during office hours, and get away with all of it?
I dont think so, for its own officers may be doing the same.
In sum, it may be said that if restrictions on the citizens rights and
freedoms are to have any jurisdiction at all, if they are to be reasonable and
therefore viable, and if they are not to be open to flagrant abuse, they must
be made specific and their scope strictly defined. This, regretfully, neither
the Constitution nor the PEMRA directive does.
Karamatullah K Ghori discussed the prevalent situation while
focusing on MQM-Imran Khan row. Leadership of every stripe that
dominates the political sky in Pakistan is badly failing the people of
Pakistan. The most regrettable aspect of this unsavoury development is that
the self-styled saviours of Pakistan, i.e. the Bonaparte in uniform, are
failing worse than the men in mufti.
A way out is always possible, too, of any crisis. For one living in a
western democracy, its everyday experience that those engineering a crisis,

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in the first place, are usually the ones digging themselves out of the debris
they have wittingly or unwittingly brought upon themselves.
The principal author of the crisis is General Pervez Musharraf
who, single-handedly or on bad advice from his courtesans, triggered it like
a magician pulling a rabbit out of his hat. He could have defused it with the
simple flourish of his pen the same pen he used to declare Chief Justice
Iftikhar Chaudhry non-functional. But the General, to date, has shown no
inclination of wriggling out from where has stranded himself and the
nation.
That initial mistake of March 9 was compounded manifold in
Karachis context, and the context of the whole of Pakistan, on May 12 by
the MQM leadership when it chose to ignore the edifying legacy of sidingwith-the-underdog that Karachi was so proud of until that fateful morning
when it was seen to be standing with the oppressor, instead.
The MQM is part of the establishment under General Musharraf and
cant have the best of the two worlds, by demanding accolades for
everything good but pretending to be not a party to anything bad done
by the regime. The problem with the MQM leadership is that it has not, to
date grown out of its college days agitation and confrontational politics.
That the leadership is not ready to learn even from its own
mistakes is evident in the reference it has filed with the Speaker of the
National Assembly seeking Imran Khans disqualification from the
Assembly membership. The anchor of this reference is Imrans moral
turpitude, under Articles 62 and 63 of the Constitution. The move comes in
retaliation to Imran Khans determination to get Altaf Hussain stripped of his
British nationality on ground of his involvement in terrorist activities in
Karachi and masterminding May 12 carnage.
The MQM is making a mountain of Seta White and her daughter,
allegedly fathered by Imran, which simply put, is skullduggery. Wouldnt its
leadership be eating a humble pie if Imran werent disqualified on these
allegations? The MQM can ill afford to open too many fronts. But, as on
so many occasions before, its narrow and parochial perspective is making an
odd entity of it in the political culture of the day Imran, a legend of the
cricket world, has made his move against the MQM at a perfect time for
him.

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Besides, he has a definite advantage in the realm of public relations

and popular opinion is in his favour in the UK where he is so well-known
and highly regarded. He has the likes of Lord Nazeer, an icon of Asian
politics in the UK, on his side. To add a sharper bite to his punch, he has also
lined up a man as vocal and politically astute as George Galloway, who
enjoys impeccable credentials among the Asians there, on his side
Cynically, the best bet for the MQM would be Imran taking his case
before a British court and losing it there. That would salvage some lost
ground for the MQM, both in the UK and Pakistan.
Compared to Imrans immaculate timing, the MQM leaders call for
maximum autonomy for the provinces, though a right demand, is an
epitome of bad timing. Even in the best of times such a demand would
invite a furious backlash from the power barons wielding raw power. But at
this particular juncture, it could easily boomerang and explode in the face of
those demanding it.
What the MQM needs is house-cleaning at the top, especially of
the leadership calling the shots in Karachi and in the ministries of
Islamabad. The second requirement is for the MQM to do itself, and its
aslance votaries, a favour by insisting on General Musharraf to hold clean
and transparent elections, under the watchful eyes of international observers
and monitors such as Amnesty International, the Human Rights Watch and
the Carter Foundation in Atlanta.
If the MQM wins an honest and transparent victory at the polls it will
have proven its critics wrong that it has lost its grass-roots support and
following in Karachi. Thats a litmus test it mustnt avoid, if it plans to
stay on in contention as a political force on merit. It may have lost round one
to Imran but the bout isnt lost, yet.
Wajid Shamsul Hasan devoted his energies in praising PPP and
Benazirs role before and during this crisis. Now the situation has
changed. PPPs options have increased manifold while the regimes have
minimized. Two years ago no western country was willing to listen anything
against General Musharraf. Now international media is writing that he will
have to win over Benazir Bhutto for political support since she is the only
federal leader that has the continuing charisma to rally the people around. By
her painstaking struggle for democracy and rule of law she has got herself
accepted as the only viable alternative within and outside.

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PPPs hands are tied by fast changing and newly emerging

ground realities. I think the best proposal has been made by Ms Bhutto. She
wants an interim government of national consensus for holding transparent
elections. She has also suggested to General Musharraf through the national
and international media to convene a roundtable conference of all political
leaders including herself and Mian Nawaz Sharif and seek guidance from
them to wriggle out of the ongoing crisis.
The regime has been attuned to running with the hare and hunting
with the hounds. It thinks it can impose a settlement by suggesting that cases
would be withdrawn. However if this was the sole basis for offers,
settlement would have taken place long ago. We also know that Ms Bhutto
and ex-Senator Asif Ali Zardari suffered long and expensive legal battles.
She deserves to be given credit for her tenacity, perseverance and
dauntless courage.
A number of foreign governments and quite a large number of
gullible people within Pakistan had initially believed in the concocted tales
of corruption spread against PPP government and its functionaries through
concerted disinformation Ten years down the road with none of the
cases against her proven, truth and justice after all are emerging
triumphant.
Time to think and ponder is that only national consensus is the sole
exit route available. Many half cranked intellectuals do not understand
that Pakistani state is far too fragile for more boisterous experiments
and GPM (General Pevez Musharraf) as a fast fading figure head so far is
not yet fully written off by his western supporters; he is seen as the face
continuity and his mentors want to preserve him until such time when a firm
and unshakeable democratic government is well-established in his place.
I have lot of faith in the street power to bring about a change but in a
muddled scenario like Pakistans with too many players playing their games
hiding in the closets, violent jolts are neither needed nor desired It needs
to be understood all power is ephemeral. Those who have exercised it
know it too well. Political power is the most transient of all, indeed.
To us Pakistans survival, its sovereignty and democratic future
are issues that matter more than anything else. Ms Bhutto has time and
again emphasized that she wants peaceful transfer of power through
transparent elections, return to democracy and rule of law. She has not
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compromised on any of these vital issues. It is General Musharrafs problem

whether he comes out of the present crisis or not we are only interested
that Pakistan survives and we have democracy back to slam permanently on
dictatorship and the Talibanization in the country.
The word deal gives the impression that PPP would be supporting
the present military rule but that is neither partys or leaderships agenda nor
their track record. The PPP is only interested in facilitating a transition to
democracy because it genuinely believes that democracy undermines
religious extremism by providing for the social and economic needs of the
people who otherwise are exploited by religious exploiters.
Wajahat Latif viewed the situation while sitting abroad. The fact that
the CJ became a national hero as soon as he defied the General has not
gone unnoticed here. Nor has the fact that the opposition to General
Musharraf has in a matter of a few weeks become a movement in which the
entire legal community, the civil society and the political opposition to
military rule in Pakistan is mobilizing behind the CJ, they acknowledge,
became the watershed for this new movement for democracy in Pakistan.
What is more significant, the wind of change is blowing in the
press. The Wall Street Journal carries an article Max Boot advises
President Bush to deal with Musharraf dilemma the way Regan dealt with
Marcos of the Philippines, Baby Doc of Haiti, Taiwans Chiang Chingkuo,
and Pinochet of Chile twenty odd years ago. When the chips were down they
were all abandoned because Regan had realized that giving a blank check to
dictators was a bad deal.
His recipe for averting the disaster in Pakistan is for Musharraf
to leave one of the two offices he holds followed by free and fair general
elections that could be contested by all legitimate political parties (Boot)
concludes with Regans words from speech given at Moscow State
University in 1988: Democracy is the standard by which governments are
measured. Musharraf, he thinks, does not come up to those standards.
The Nation observed: Since the judicial crisis erupted in the country
on March 9, President Musharrafs style of governance has come under
greater scrutiny of the US and international media and political circles.
The general thrust of comments has been call for the restoration of a fullfledged democratic system and concern at the spiral of civil unrest and
harshly suppressed protest, to quote the words used by members of the
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Republican and Democratic parties in Congress and Senate in a letter

addressed to Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice.
The US legislators who wrote to Ms Rice have traced the
developments since the presidential reference against Chief Justice Iftikhar
Mohammad Chaudhry, pointedly referred to the public discontent and acts of
violence and suppression of the media and expressed reservations about the
governments intention to hold free and fair elections. It would be hard to
disagree with them that the interests of both the US and Pakistan are
best served by a speedy return to democracy in Pakistan; for only in
supporting the peoples will can Washington turn the tide of widespread
opposition of its policies Other sections of the media have been talking in
the same strain.
These are obvious signals that the current judicial crisis has finally
led to a change in the thinking of opinion making circles across the board in
the US, leaving little scope for the administration but to fall in with them.
The best option for the authorities is to have a serious look at the
situation and change course.
The very next day the editor advised Musharraf to avoid foreign
advice. It is more honourable for the government to resolve whatever
differences it has with the opposition before outsiders start advising it to
do so as Mr Sean McCormack did on Tuesday. Answering a question on the
issue of uniform he said General Musharraf has pledged to put aside the
uniform and Washington expects him to follow through on his commitment.
Mr McCormack has also reiterated Washingtons avowed concerns
about the elections. According to him these have to be fair, free and
transparent and meet international standards. While President Musharraf
has at number of times affirmed that the elections would be free, the
government has moved little towards evolving the mechanism to
guarantee that the promise is kept in both letter and spirit Unless the
President himself talks to the opposition on these matters there is little
likelihood of any progress.
In the meanwhile US Assistant Secretary of State Richard Boucher
has arrived in Islamabad. While according to the reports judicial crisis and
the forthcoming elections would be high on the agenda, he is also expected
to hold talks on a subject nearer to President Bushs heart i.e. Pakistans

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performance on war on terror. As before he is likely to put pressure on

Islamabad to do more than it has already done.
This would lead many in Pakistan to suspect that Washingtons real
interest lies in pursuing the strategic aims in the region that include war on
terrorism and a regime change in Iran even if it is to be through military
intervention. The talk about democracy and free elections is meant only
to put pressure on General Musharraf to extract more cooperation from
him. What suits Pakistan is for Gen Musharraf to doff the uniform, reach
understanding with the opposition to hold fair and free elections and get rid
of Washingtons blackmailing. Acting as a cats paw would not be in the
countrys interest.
Rannie Amiri opined: In March of this year, Musharraf suspended the
Chief Justice of the Supreme Court Iftikhar Chaudhry, under the pretext of
misconduct and abuse of office. Not coincidentally, Musharraf wants to
extend his presidential term by another five years. Many see Chaudhrys
dismissal as a way of removing any legal obstacle to this.
The chief justices suspension has triggered mass protests throughout
Pakistan. New media restrictions were put in place to prevent full coverage
of the deteriorating situation and limit criticism of the military. These were
just lifted this past week-end under intense pressure.
Whether Musharraf will ultimately be able to withstand the growing
demand for his resignation is unknown. As has happened so many times in
the past, by bolstering autocrats, the United States again finds itself on the
wrong side of the equation. To put it in the words of another great
American philosopher looks like dj vu all over again.
Hussain Haqqani from the USA wrote: The lack of understanding of
politics leads Pakistans military rulers to believe that they are better suited
to run the country than politicians. In their long career in cantonments, army
officers learn to ensure that the walls of cantonment buildings are
whitewashed, their unit gets its funds, no one steals the rations, exercises are
conducted in an orderly fashion and the goings on in the unit remain
confidential. They extrapolate this experience into running the country.
Technocrats are brought in to ensure that funds are plentiful. Summary
justice is introduced to eliminate corruption. Obedience is sought from
everyone. But nations are not military units. They need someone to
aggregate various interests (i.e. politicians) and the interplay of these
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interests, rather than the good intentions of the commander, are what
determine a nations long-term direction.
Today, as Pakistan reels from the mass movement instigated by
the removal from office of the Chief Justice, those words seem eerily
prescient. Even more prophetic is a paragraph written eighteen months after
the military takeover in 1999, when most Pakistanis were optimistic and
euphoric about impending great changes under Musharraf: The success, or
otherwise, of military intervention depends on the ability of generals to
create viable civilian institutions. History offers numerous examples of
military takeovers in different countries. Few of these military regimes
proved successful in fulfilling their avowed objectives.
General Musharraf continues to think of politics as an unpleasant
intrusion on his otherwise fine management of Pakistan. But nations
must be led, not managed, and leadership of large numbers of people
requires politics. It is a matter of time but one of these days the General will
find out that his time is up and that all his achievements were nothing but a
mirage. The only question now is: Will Musharraf transform into a politician
even at this late stage or go the way of preceding general-presidents while
insisting on soldierly remedies for political problems?
Izzud-Din Pal discussed the causes of continuous decline in public
support for Musharraf and loss of respect for the military. In this critical
hour, we should not lose sight of the cause and effect in the chain of events
which has been a source of anxiety in Pakistan. There is a strong public
opinion in the country that insists that since the military has been in
power for eight years, it should now go back to the barracks and that the
nascent institution of democracy be given a chance to take roots.
However, the General looks adamant to continue as president in
order to complete his mission of achieving a degree of stability in the
country a recipe the opposition is unwilling to buy. And what complicates
the volatile situation is that he wants to continue to wear the uniform his
second skin and would like to make sure that the Constitution does not
come his way.
As General Musharrafs position continues to weaken in the wake
of growing support for the Chief Justice, the upper brass of the army is
also becoming the target of criticism. This is being paraded as disrespect of
the military of the country.
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The fact is that the military has become a political organization in the
country. The involvement of the military at various levels in society and the
economy is quite palpable. That it wishes to control the machinery of the
government and also to keep the status quo is evident from the recent
deliberations of the armys corps commanders, supporting Musharrafs plan
to retain the two offices. This endorsement represents a direct
infringement of the Constitution and of the prerogative of the Supreme
Court.
It would be a great distortion of the facts to suggest that the
public, especially the educated and professional class, is hostile to
military. On the contrary, one does not need to ponder too long to realize
that it is the political activities of the chiefs of the military which is the
source of the problem. It goes without saying that the armys main task is to
serve as the standing fighting force for the country.
The fundamental problem is that under the faade of democracy
the real power is exercised by the president in his capacity as head of the
army which is his main constituency. Then, during the short spells of
civilian governments, the military was able to exert indirect influence
concerning all important matters of the state. The defence budget, for
example, has been kept above public scrutiny, both in civilian and military
regimes. This is not good for the health of the country.
Pakistan is now desperately in need of an effective and a
representative democratic government in order to accelerate its economic
growth and to take meaningful steps to control inflation and eradicate
poverty. What prospects are there for this turning point in its history?
Military regimes as a rule do not have an exit strategy. Same is
true for absolute monarchs. In some cases, a regime collapses under its own
weight, as it happened in Suhartos Indonesia. Then, a formidable opposition
may come from an unexpected source, as Cardinal Jaime Sin became
instrumental in the downfall of President Marcos In almost all cases, these
regimes resorted to a variety of repressive measures which ended up as
having opposite effects.
In regard to Pakistan, the main opposition to Musharraf at present
comes from the bourgeoisie and a section of the upper middle class. The
other opponents may be identified as extremists and advocates of an Islamic
state, and their ranks are growing, thanks to the madressah system. The main
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opposition group may be distinguished, however, by the fact that in

replacing the military regime it would keep its global links.
One does not need to emphasize that the US cannot afford to ignore
what is going on in Pakistan, as it is striving for the stability of the region as
a whole, especially with reference to Afghanistan Whether the US-led
policies will achieve these results is difficult to say.
However, the reaction to the problems facing General Musharraf
coming from Washington DC is of extending support to any ally. It is
understandable, from their point of view. One has no way of knowing about
what is going on in the subterranean world of diplomacy.
Imran Husain discussed the prospects for Musharraf to survive the
crisis. A sound investment is based on secure anticipated returns unless the
investor is a fly-by-night player looking for a make or break situation. The
usual criteria for returns on investment, is either high risk high yield,
medium risk medium yield, low risk steady yield. Its when returns turn
negative that you cut your losses and run.
Obviously the latter does not apply to Musharraf. Although his
portfolio has run into negative he seems to be continuing to play the course.
He certainly isnt following the rule and cutting his losses. The rumblings
come from the custodians of this disastrous course are evidence that he has
chosen to dip his fingers deeper into his pockets.
Talk of the preparation of another reference against the CJ while the
entire country asks him to withdraw it to save it from distress is reminiscent
of decades old politics of vengeance when opposition leaders were
rearrested on other charges at the gates of courts immediately after having
been granted bail in the original case. The intention was to harass and keep
opponents incarcerated. But these deplorable actions evoke a sense of
disgust even years later.
This act of government can only, as then, generate negative
returns. There is not even a remote chance of scaring down the protest in
the country. Dont for a moment forget that that (support) for the CJ grows
only on one count. That he stood firm in the face of a multitude of
uniformed officers of the highest rank, refusing to surrender. Something
never known to have happened before! All petty misdemeanors are
forgiven.

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After reading the sponsored affidavits I can only say that I have
quickly learnt one lesson. That is either not to go, or take at least three
companions, if ever, on the totally remote possibility I am ever invited to
visit the office the CJ did on that fateful day. The dice is too heavily
loaded.
Cutting losses means getting rid of all the liabilities Musharraf has
collected in the last five years. National euphoria has erupted after the Sindh
High Court took suo moto cognizance of the tragedy of May 12 after
Musharraf had summarily dismissed the idea of enquiry. The personal
appearance of the top officials of the administration has strengthened belief
in the rule of law.
The public eagerly await the summoning for contempt of the inept
and unpopular chief minister who had mysteriously vanished for thirty-six
hours during the crisis. Arbabs comments about the judiciary, including an
act owned by him personally, in the media is typical of his contempt for the
law and the after-thought apology upon returning from Umra cannot
condone his actions.
The chief ministers reported statement that Sindh government
officials would not cooperate with the judiciary is liable to be proceeded
against. One must hope that moral courage prevails and people of this
ilk are removed from the Pakistani political scene forever through a legal
process.
After all what net positive returns can Shaukat bring Musharraf?
He isnt a politician, not an economist, not elect-able, just a presentable, well
turned out, intelligent man. But there are thousands of those. Musharraf
would do well to lend an ear to someone like Shaikh Rashid who is a real
politician with his ears planted firmly on terra firma or to the sane,
analytical voices of erstwhile friends.
For too long, the country has waited for the people to throng the
streets in protest and suffer the consequences as lesser mortals. It is time the
sacrifices were made by the main beneficiaries, those enjoying the
comforts of their drawing rooms; us. This is what is so refreshing about the
present movement that the elite are out there paying their debts to the
nation.

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A mans right to alter course can never be taken from him and he can
do it at any time of his choosing. For Musharraf the time is now while
there is still time. Dont ask how much more, let it suffice there is and let us
hope good sense allows him to avail of this opportunity instead of
continuing to put good money after bad.
Irfan Husain opined: An addicted gambler will hate to get up from
the table if he is losing. Indeed, in his desperation to recover his losses, he
will increase the stakes until he is wiped out Im afraid Musharraf now
finds himself in this position.
According to the discreet and loud law minister, the government is
all set for another round, should the Supreme Court throw out the first
reference. What this means is that the government can file one reference
after another, thus effectively sidelining the Chief Justice indefinitely.
Indeed, the law ministers warning was probably intended for the
judges now hearing the reference: if they do not uphold the official case,
they may spend the rest of their tenures examining similar tenures. But
probably, all Musharraf would like is the suspension of the Chief Justice
until he can get re-elected by the present assemblies, without his bid getting
stalled by a judge who may not be entirely sympathetic to his ambitions
This, then, appears to be the logic behind this latest roll of the
dice. Unfortunately, Lady Luck is notoriously fickle. In the current overheated (literally and figuratively) environment in Pakistan, there is little
likelihood that such a crass bid will succeed.
General Musharraf is on record as saying repeatedly that he is more
popular than any politician. If he is convinced of the high regard he feels the
public holds him in, why is he so afraid to test this before the next assembly?
This entire debilitating exercise is being conducted to ensure that an
independent judge is not heading the Supreme Court when Musharraf
runs for another term.
Even if he is somehow elected and manages to block both popular
will and judicial scrutiny, does he think he will be taken seriously
domestically or internationally? After all the controversy he has generated;
after all the deaths in Karachi; and after all the criticism, does he think he
will he will be able to exert any moral authority? After such a tainted
election, he will be reduced to being the president of Islamabad.

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Why does he not announce that the reference against the Chief
Justice was a mistake, and hes withdrawing it? Simultaneously, he can
announce that after supervising the election with a neutral caretaker
government, he will retire from both the offices he currently holds Thus in
one stroke, the present political and judicial crisis will be resolved.
The losers in this scenario would be the PML-Q and the MQM. Alas,
the heart does not bleed for their plight. Political orphans, they would
return to the wilderness as they have discredited themselves thoroughly by
their conduct in power.
Even a hopeless optimist like me does not seriously expect
Musharraf to heed to this advice, and accept that some battles just cannot
be won. After all, he did walk away from the Kargil disaster, even though
hundreds of soldiers were not as fortunate.
Every gambler has a run of bad luck, and experienced ones know
when to fold their cards and wait for Lady Luck to smile again.
Unfortunately, when you are gambling with other peoples future and not
your own money, it is tempting to roll yet another pair of dice in the hope
of recouping your losses.
Mohammad Azhar wrote: A reference to the Supreme Judicial
Council was sent against the Chief Justice of Pakistan which resulted in
boiling-off of the suppressed feelings of the elite and then the public. It
became the central point of expression of resentment against the
prevailing environment. Resultant developments were sought to be curbed
and stopped by certain groups through threats, intimidation and naked show
and use of fatal force. The people being fed up with intimidation,
exploitation and extortion found itself cornered. They retaliated as the matter
had gone beyond limits.
The situation requires deeper thought and better handling. The
cohesion of the nation has suffered. The objectives of the enemy of the
nation to break the country and its population into warring-factions require
that that confidence of the public may be restored and the leaking cauldron
may be repaired and restored.
The responsibility rests upon on the shoulders of the rulers that
the Constitution must be followed in letter and spirit. Autocratic, partisan
and inept-decisions and approach is to be given up. The people have to be

478

made the master of their fate. The nation should not be forced to extend
support to those trying to perpetuate their powers.
The first objective approach is to assess as to why generally
progressive members of the society reacted, and the public followed the suit.
The ruler, who disdain and infringe the law, cannot force the members
of the public to abide by certain legal constraints. A positive change in
attitude and approach by the ruling Junta may result in reducing the public
tension, otherwise, the already existing polarization shall harden resulting in
injury and weakness of nation.
A nation keeps an army, but an army cannot keep a nation. A
nation can organize a legislature but the legislature cannot overstep the
limits of the cauldron. A nation can set up a judiciary but the judiciary
cannot survive unless the executive and legislature willingly subject
themselves to the judicial dictates.
Members of the nation including the public, the judiciary and the
executive have to rise above themselves and think about the existence
and future of the nation of Pakistan. It is said that the greatest leader in
the history is one who knows when to step down.
Aziz-ud-Din Ahmad observed that it is time for the judiciary to
salvage its prestige. Those in power wanted docile courts to be able to give
free play to their authoritarian tendencies. The nexus between the obliging
judges and rulers allowed the latter to violate the constitution and break
laws with impunity. The collusion promoted bad governance, encouraged
mafias and led to the rule of jungle. This provided an opportunity to the high
and mighty to get away with anything. In the meanwhile the common people
suffered due to lawlessness.
The CJ took decisions that provided justice and sense of
empowerment to the marginalized sections of society. In Sindh the relief
provided to Munoo Bheel inspired many downtrodden people and human
rights activists. In Punjab people high up were pulled up and told to pursue
cases of the helpless people who had been running from pillar to post for
years.
The present reference against Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry is seen by
thousands of people as an attack on the independence displayed recently by
the superior courts. With the apex court showing activism, the high

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courts too followed suit. Those who have come out to protest against the
action taken against Justice Iftikhar week after week since March 9 do not
want the clock to be set back.
It is for the judiciary now to seize the hour to regain its turf. It
can no more complain that it is unrealistic to expect a few judges to take on
powerful forces to establish the writ of the law. The judiciary is no more
alone. It enjoys for the first time in the countrys history the unstinted
support to the entire legal community from one end of the country to the
other.
The ruling elite is in disarray. The action against the CJ has created
divisions within the ruling alliance. The off-stage players and the political
supporters of the regime do not see eye to eye with each other on the issue.
The international legal fraternity as well as the media in the democratic
countries supports the CJs cause.
Will the judiciary assert its independence at this historic moment,
break with the past and add a new and glorious chapter in its history? The
other two pillars of the state should have no fear of independent courts. A
judiciary that can act as a bold and powerful guardian on the
constitution is a must for a law-abiding society.

REVIEW
The CJPs visit to Abbottabad was the first event since the start of the
lawyers movement which was not telecast live by any of the private
channels. The clamp imposed on live telecast, however, made no impact on
the response of the people. However, inactive supporters were deprived of
what they wanted to see while sitting in their TV rooms and the rulers were
saved from the agony of seeing what they did not want to see.
With the actions and reactions of the Team-Helmet and Team-Wig, the
supporters of either side have drifted wide apart. Their stances have been so
hardened that the signs of hostility towards each other have become quite
visible. The filing of reference by MQM is the proof.
The signs of positive impact of the ongoing lawyers movement have
stated becoming visible. The courageous act of the CJP and whole-hearted
support of the bar to the cause of the independence of the judiciary have
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encouraged the judges to indulge in judicial activism; there has been marked
increase in suo moto notices.
18th June 2007

HELMET vs WIG
ROUND X PART II
Aitzaz Ahsan completed his arguments on 27 th June. Having
completed the arguments, he announced calling off a planned get-together to
be hosted in honour of the CJP next day to offset a government excuse for
seeking an adjournment due to that.
During the period Aitzaz specially focused on the intruding activities
of the intelligence agencies. He requested the court to rein in intelligence
agencies. He also re-emphasized that the Supreme Judicial Council cannot
hear the reference against the CJP.
On 23rd June, the CJP embarked on his journey from Lahore to
Multan, which ended 36 hours later. Throughout the 350-km journey he
received unprecedented welcome in all urban and rural areas. After entering
Multan city it took four hours to reach the bar premises because of the
presence of huge number of people from all walks of life.

EVENTS
On 18th June, the counsel of the CJP, Aitzaz Ahsan contended that the
contents of the reference and subsequent events were enough to prove
personal malice on the part of the president after he failed to acquire
resignation from the chief justice.
Amir Rana named Brig Zulfiqar in FIR for barging into his house and
harassing his family. The lawyers boycotted courts to protest attack on the
house of Amir Rana. The Supreme Court ordered Sindh police to recover the
family of Munoo Bheel. A meeting of the lawyers in Karachi regretted that
owners of certain electronic channels had compromised press freedom.

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Prime Minister offered talks to the opposition for drafting code of

conduct for forthcoming elections. Rice expressed concern over political
crisis in Pakistan. Benazir said that a deal with Nawaz on prime ministers
post has been struck; PML-N denied.
Next day, Aitzaz requested the court to rein in intelligence agencies.
What is the role of intelligence agencies in the affairs of the judiciary, the
counsel asked and observed: It revolts and jolts my mind that a member of
the judiciary is removed on the information of intelligence agencies who
know nothing about law and the Constitution.
A journalist of a private TV channel asked Chaudhry Shujaat about
millions of voters missing from the voters lists displayed in the country. His
reply was quite interesting; it is the fault of the opposition parties who
preferred to stay in their air-conditioned offices instead of getting the voters
registered. In fact, the lists were prepared under the guidance of nazims who
only concentrated on getting Kings voters. Hence, the rigging has started at
grass-root level.
Qazi condemned target killing and alleged that such witch-hunt was
being planned by the Presidency and the Governors House. He was
referring to Mohsin Khan of JI who was killed in Karachi on 18th June. He
was the third person killed since 15th May, apparently as result of target
killing by terrorists of MQM.
Justice Ramday during the court proceedings on 20 th June observed
that nobody could manipulate the court: If we have faith to decide and do
justice with the president, we also have the faith to do justice with the chief
justice. The observation came in response to remarks of Aitzaz that the CJ
would have never tried to manipulate and forestall justice.
Aitzaz continued his arguments on the point that president has no
power to restrain any judge from discharging his judicial functions. He also
quoted a statement from Musharrafs book in which the General had boasted
that he was not General Jehangir Karamat and went on to justify CJPs
addresses to various bars.
Thee-member Supreme Court bench, headed by Justice Javed Iqbal,
summoned defence and interior secretaries on June 25 to explain noncompliance with a court order regarding legal counsels access to one of the
missing persons. The court also sought complete record of proceedings of

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court martial and a report on health condition of Imran Munir who is in

military custody in Jehlum.
The Speaker NA sent both the references against Imran Khan to the
Election Commission, which would give its decision in ninety days.
Opposition parties boycotted the proceedings of the assembly and threatened
to submit references against members of the ruling coalition, including
Shaukat Aziz. Imran vowed to continue his struggle against terrorists.
On 21st June, Aitzaz Ahsan argued that appointment of the Acting
Chief Justice and convening of the SJC in an unholy haste amounted to a
coup in the Supreme Court and an extension to the executives conspiracy
to topple the CJ. He termed this totally illegal.
MNAs of Opposition parties filed a reference for disqualification of
Shaukat Aziz over Steel Mill sale and stock market crash. A lawyer of
Multan sent a reference to NA for disqualification of Shaukat Aziz and two
ministers; Zahid Hamid and Jahangir Tareen; on the basis of a court
judgment passed last year.
Prince of Pindi said reference-reference game should not be played.
Eighteen lawyers were booked in Sahiwal for breaking into the chamber of
MQM advocate. Thursday protests for the CJP were held across the country.
On 22nd June, Police uprooted welcome camps for the CJP established
in Okara. The CJP was given warm send-off at Islamabad Airport and
accorded warm welcome at Lahore. Kasuri said the government had initiated
moves for dialogue with two ex-prime ministers in exile, but Nawaz Sharif
did not respond.
The CJP was accorded warm welcome on his way from Lahore to
Multan; by midnight he had not reached Sahiwal. Speaking at Okara
reception, Aitzaz Ahsan said reinstatement of the CJP is the top priority. We
will never accept the decision of a supreme court that is B team of army
generals. The Supreme Court took suo moto notice of Kafila-Jamil case.
The journey of the CJP to Multan took 36 hours. After entering
Multan, he took four hours to reach the bar premises because of the presence
of a large number of political workers and people to welcome him. In his
address at the bar he urged the courts to concentrate on public interest
litigation. It would provide great relief to people and it is practiced all over

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the world. This is essential in Pakistan because large number of people

cannot approach the courts either because of ignorance or lack of resources.
On 25th June, Aitzaz refuted that there was an atmosphere of cordiality
during the CJPs meeting with President on March 9. He said, I cannot tell
you the kind of threats given to the CJ, who was in the hands of the
intelligence chiefs, but he stood his ground and that was where the judges
should also stand.
About the affidavits the counsel said, there is so much absurdity in
the affidavit of Chief of Staff to the President, Lt-Gen Hamid Javaid that I
intend to prepare a chart of these. He added that the people who accepted
these at face value must be gullible.
He emphasized that the source of information should be legal, clean,
untainted and lawful. You cannot break into the houses of superior court
judges to snoop. Justice Ramday enquired; is it still going on? Yes, they
are doing it and every conversation made by each one of you is being
recorded, Aitzaz replied. Thank God, I am an old man, Justice Ramday
observed in a lighter vein.
Aitzaz also argued against sending the CJP on forced leave under PO
27. If sending him on forced leave is taken as valid then all the actions,
including oath of the ACJ, become invalid. Aitzaz completed his arguments
on eight legal points out of the list of sixteen.
The Supreme Court directed federal interior secretary and defence
secretary to file written statements explaining why its order calling for
access of a legal counsel to one of the missing persons has been flouted. The
court ordered an independent medical examination of Imran Munir and also
directed to present the record of the case, including court martial
proceedings in the chamber if there was anything sensitive or confidential.
The Supreme Court took suo moto notice of increase in the prices of
daily use items in the twin cities of Rawalpindi-Islamabad. The Sindh Court
suspended an order freezing accounts of Geo TV, which had been frozen
over payment of Sales Tax. PPP filed a petition for redressing the anomalies
in voters lists and earlier Benazir had threatened to boycott elections if the
missing voters were not registered.

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Next day, Justice Ramday deplored that it is judiciary which is blamed

for all the ills. We know that we are not clean, he said. The judiciary from
day one is nagged and taunted for validating martial law, but when the
Supreme Court extended President Pervez Musharrafs three year term, the
nation and the politicians rejected its judgment by giving him five years
through the 17th Constitutional Amendment, he remarked.
Unless we learn to sacrifice our self-interest over public interest, we
would never progress and would continue to destroy institutions, Justice
Ramday observed. Accepting the observation, Aitzaz Ahsan said four
institutions army judiciary, religious parties and political parties were
responsible for the countrys predicament. Meanwhile, MPL-N and PPP
challenged voters lists in the Supreme Court.
Representatives of media organizations, political parties, bar
associations and civil society held a seminar in Hotel Marriot in Islamabad.
Among those who took part in the discussion were Imran Khan, Aitzaz
Ahsan, Farhatullah Babar, Sadia Abbasi, Hafiz Hussain Ahmed, Kabir Ali
Wasti, Akram Zaki, Hamid Khan, Mazhar Abbas of PFUJ and office bearers
of various media organizations.
The speakers criticized recent violence against media outlets and
governments imposition of curbs on media. They stressed upon the need for
freedom of expression and in doing that the work force in the media bitterly
criticized the owners of media industry. Mazhar Abbas stole the show. Some
of the salient points raised by speakers were as under:
PBA was accused of surrendering to the rulers in their meeting with
Prime Minister and President. Media owners were blamed for keeping
their commercial interests at the foremost while journalists were
making sacrifices for freedom of expression.
They strongly opposed surrender in the name of a code of conduct. If
there is need for a code of conduct then it should be for the
government authorities, especially for PEMRA.
Mazhar Abbas said despite that freedom of expression was not a
priority for owners; journalists would continue their struggle for
freedom of expression.

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 Media owners were criticized for continuous neglect of working

journalists well-being. Rules were ignored and even the written
agreements were not implemented. How can the owners talk of rule of
law when they blatantly violate laws within their own setups?
Pointing the cameras and cameramen in the conference room, Mazhar
Abbas said all these cameras are ensured but no cameraman is.
He also mentioned the intrigues within the media industry to
undermine each other. He referred to KTNs role in closing of a rival
TV channel and Jang Groups attitude towards Daily Express.
They stressed upon the owners to learn some lessons from the
ongoing struggle of lawyers. They must not feel intimidated by the
suppressive measures take by the rulers or be tempted to accord
priority to their commercial interests over national interests.
Journalists and media owners were equated with bar and the bench.
The ban on live coverage of events related to lawyers movement was
criticized by most of them, because people have been denied what
they want to see. The media owners, as producers, have failed in
meeting the demand of the consumers.
Participants demanded that the practice of press advice must be
abandoned. Abuse of authority by blocking TV broadcasts must be
completely forbidden.
A joint declaration issued after a consultation on Media Laws and
Media Freedom organized by the Media Commission Pakistan, condemned
attempts to create legal justifications or use of various other leverages for
encroachment on media freedom and interference with lawful functioning of
media units and media persons.
On 27th June, Aitzaz Ahsan completed his arguments. He then called
off a get-together planned to be hosted in honour of the CJP on 28 th June to
offset a government excuse for seeking an adjournment due to a likely
hostile environment because of the programme.
The counsel of the federal government insisted that the proceedings
should be postponed till 2nd July. He said he wanted to get instructions from
his client on the offer made by Aitzaz that let the full court decide the
486

reference against the chief justice, instead of the SJC. The court declined the
request for postponement.
During days proceedings, Aitzaz alleged that affidavits were
fabrications intended to malign and demean the chief justice. He pleaded
that the presidential reference against the CJ was illegal and mala fide
because it was based on inadmissible information provided by intelligence
agencies and, therefore, it should be set aside. The court said that it would
not consider the affidavits by three government officials.
Aitzaz said the court had three options to deal with the instant
reference against the chief justice. It could decide that under Article 209 of
the Constitution no reference against the CJP could be filed, or that reference
should be heard by the SJC presided over by the CJP. The last option was
that the full court of the Supreme Court should hear and decide.

VIEWS
People continued expressing their views. M Ahmed from Karachi
wrote: Imran Khan, a silent majority of Karachites are with you in your
latest fight against a cancer of a different kind.
Waqar Ahmed Raja from Islamabad opined: In the current scenario
one cannot draw a comparison between the legal stance taken by Imran
Khan against the leadership of MQM and the infamous role played by
some politicians in their lust for power in the past.
In other words, Imran Khan has not sought foreign help to discredit
or get rid of his political opponents and eventually get power for himself. In
fact, he has set out to expose the double standards of the Britons who
claim to have waged a war against terrorism but at the same time they are
not only harboring a terrorist but they have offered him their citizenship as
well.
Unlike other politicians, Imran Khan is simply trying to get justice
for the victims of the incident of May 12 and to set people free from the
mortal fear of those who can unleash a reign of terror with impunity He
has made a determined effort to sensitize the world to a political partys
blatant disregard for the law of the land.

487

In short, Imran Khan is moving a British court against a British

citizen who is faced with as many as 234 different criminal cases ranging
from extortion of money to violence and killing. So Imran Khans legal
battle cannot be seen as involving a foreign power in our domestic politics.
Rather it is a sincere effort to bring someone to book in a fair and square
manner and that too in accordance with the law of a country of his own
choice.
Aftab Alam from Swat criticized the US involvement. The whole lot
of Pakistans leadership secular or religious, powerful and powerless
has unanimously bowed before Mr Boucher. This lot appears to be
competing in proving themselves as more docile than the others. They are
inviting, no praying, for US, western and even Indian intervention and that
too simply for their personal blessing.
Yusuf Khan from Karachi wrote: Now all-powerful general is
receiving total support and his men and women are happy. This is a
dangerous sign and a lot should be read into the verbal and written
statements of State Department officials. They never opposed Shah of Iran,
the Marcos of the Philippines or even Saddam on Iraq Washington is
brutal and cruel and one can never bank on its support. It dissolves in
the air. Trust your people and have faith in them.
Fahad Zafar from Yorkshire observed: In her last visit to Washington,
Benazir Bhutto pledged to fully support the US in eradicating the so-called
Islamists from Pakistan and also facilitate US forces in a possible war
against Iran. The Bush Administration wants to bring Ms Bhutto in as
prime minister and keep Gen Musharraf as president without uniform.
The lawyers movement is fully supported and financed by US authorities so
as to make way for a patch-up between Bhutto and Musharraf. On the other
hand, the Bush Administration is also trying to bring Imran Khan into the
limelight to decrease the role of any unified religious parties.
The best option for President Musharraf would be to organize
complete free elections without taking any pressure from the US or
anyone else and let people decide their future. If he organizes elections with
total honesty, a genuine leadership will emerge and probably give him the
chance to show the nation what he is really capable of.
Mohammad Rafi from Karachi commented: Richard Boucher stated
when he was in Pakistan recently that America wanted President Musharraf
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to shed his army uniform before the general elections. It was a statement
concerning a very important issue. Besides constituting interference in
Pakistans internal affairs, it put President Musharraf in a very awkward
position domestically.
Unless the US has a new and entirely different game plan vis- a-vis
Pakistan, this was a blunder, for a day or two later Deputy Secretary of State
John Negroponte along with two other important diplomats dashed to
Pakistan to meet President Musharraf (who met them in uniform) to rectify
this mistake. They stated categorically that it was President Musharraf who
himself would decide whether to shed or wear the uniform.
The episode shows that the president has some very strong and
important cards with him vis--vis the US which he must have shown to the
US through the proper channel. The U-turn by the US was for the worse
for Pakistani politics and democracy. It exposed Americas commitment
to democracy. How can it now ever proclaim that it is against military rule?
K Murad Bey from Karachi opined: The president has faltered.
Acting in haste, he sent, on the advice of his self-serving friends, an
unnecessary reference against the Chief Justice of Pakistan. This proved
disastrous for him and he still has not recovered from the effects of this
mistake.
As if one mistake was not enough, the president committed yet
another by imposing curbs on the media. All such issues could have been
settled amicably. Although he had admitted that a sort of conspiracy was
being hatched against him, he fell to the trap and still remains victim of such
conspiracies.
Now he has the following options before him: (i) Hold a free and
fair election like Gen Yahya did and (ii) hand over power to the political
party which wins. This way he can make his exit graceful and peaceful and
save whatever he has done for this country.
The Dawn commented on the references filed in the National
Assembly. One wonders why our politicians choose to ignore the many
economic and social problems Pakistan faces and instead focus on trivial
issues. The government allys reference against Mr Khan is as much devoid
of political (prudence) as oppositions move against the prime minister.
While the government does not lose if it gives itself the liberty of trapping

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its enemies in non-issues, the opposition must not let itself be confused
and, instead, focus on the one issue foremost in the peoples mind a fair
and free general election as early as possible.
Dr Moonis Ahmar discussed the American factor. Americans vital
stake in seeing Musharraf in power for a longer period as, after all, their
only strategic interest in this country remains closely linked to the successful
handling of the war on terror which, they think, he alone can do well and
not to the return of democracy and withdrawal of the military to the
barracks which, of course, they support verbally.
At a time when the political scenario in Pakistan is highly volatile,
the visits of high ranking American officials and Centcom commander to
Islamabad shall be viewed with suspicion. They may have been interested to
make a first-hand assessment of the prevailing government-opposition
confrontation, judicial crisis, religious militancy in the tribal areas and the
resurgence of Taliban in Afghanistan, following US media reports that Gen
Pervez Musharrafs grip on power has been faltering since the controversial
action he took against the Chief Justice of Pakistan on March 9.
Their simultaneous visits may be a coincidence but the manner in
which the troika held discussions with the political, security and defence
officials of Pakistan cannot be described as a routine affair. It is for the third
time this year that Richard Boucher was in Pakistan and held extensive talks
not only with government leaders but also with those from the opposition.
These visits, it is insisted, were not an act of interference in the
internal affairs of Pakistan. But then it is difficult to understand the need for
Richard Boucher to meet the Chief Election Commissioner of Pakistan and
have a briefing on the poll arrangements. Besides, in his meeting with
opposition leaders he discussed almost every domestic issue.
When Richard Boucher disappointed the opposition parties by delinking the issue of Musharrafs uniform to the holding of free and fair
general elections in PakistanQazi Hussain Ahmed was quick to react. He
argued that one cannot think of free and fair polls in Pakistan in the presence
of President General Pervez Musharraf. Jamiat-i-Ulema-i-Islam leader and
Secretary General of MMA, Maulana Fazlur Rehman also seems to have
realized the significance of US influence in Pakistans power structure when
he recently made it clear that without ensuring American and Western
support, one cannot hope to oust President Musharraf from power.
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There is a strong belief that the road to Islamabad passes through

Washington and without seeking American backing one cannot even think
of gaining power. As a result, the people who should be the real source of
power are ignored by our politicians. Two reasons could be given so as to
argue that more than depending on internal sources of strength, political
parties, military and bureaucratic elites feel comfortable to approach and
influence Washington either to seek power or to oust those who are in
power.
First, to a large extent, Pakistani leaders, regardless of their
backgrounds, have been unable to assert their identity and prove their
political acumen. They, on account of colonial legacy, lack confidence to
rely on their own abilities and political expertise to deal with issues which
are critical to Pakistan.
Second, lack of a democratic political process, feudal culture and
greed for power also led to distortions in Pakistans politics. Richard
Boucher, while giving political statements, was also stressing on the fact that
the people of Pakistan were primarily responsible for carving out their
destiny but the Pakistani leaders apparently compromised on their
countrys self-esteem, pride and integrity by trying to convince him the
need for removal of the Musharraf regime.
Viewed in the context of issues shaping Pakistan-US relations in the
last sixty years, there is little likelihood of Pakistani politicians, military and
bureaucratic elites changing their mindset about the real issue: reclaiming
sovereignty. Should Pakistan continue to play the role of a client state and its
ruling elite seek enormous benefits by subscribing to the American interests?
Or should Pakistan follow an independent foreign policy by removing the
fault lines which are a major impediment as far as reclaiming sovereignty is
concerned? Sovereignty can only be ensured if there is a strong and efficient
state and there are vibrant societal institutions.
Ayaz Amir analyzed the options before Musharraf and the nation.
First Option, the preferred choice of Army House, Gen Musharraf goes
before the present assemblies for a presidential vote and then, his own
position secured, holds general elections.
Possible in good times, it is no longer possible in the present
charged climate. No one will stand for it, not the lawyers community

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spearheading the struggle for democracy, not even perhaps, when it comes to
the crunch, many legislators from within the Q League.
Second option: setting his fears aside, and rising above selfinterest, Musharraf goes for general elections first and then seeks a
presidential term from the new assemblies. Such a step would require
courage and vision, not exactly surplus commodities in Army House or its
environs. But for the sake of argument, if we assume that this step is taken,
what will be the likely outcome?
To begin with, the national scene will stand utterly transformed, the
air clearing and political tensions easing, and the major political parties
turning away their attention from Musharraf and at each others
throats at once. From a partisan figure identified with the Q League
Musharraf would become an umpire above the political fray.
So why isnt this option being considered seriously? The Q League
would be the first casualty of early elections The MQM, which has
benefited hugely under the Musharraf regime, would also feel lost. It cannot
afford to get down from the tigers back it is riding.
The other casualty of early general elections would be
Musharrafs presidential ambitions The only way he can remain
president is through a contrived election from the present assemblies This
precisely is the dilemma he is caught in. What he wants is no longer
possible. What is possible doesnt suit him.
If Pakistan is to move forward and democracy is to triumph, it is
imperative that the lawyers movementshould succeed. What will be the
tangible measure of its success? General elections first, obviously under a
neutral caretaker set-up, and everything else, including who is to be
president, afterwards.
The third option of course is to sweep everything from the table
and impose martial law, a move fraught with so much risk that it is not
even worth mentioning. For one, things will spin out of control and the glue
holding things together will be diluted. For another, someone else will be
doing the imposing, not the incumbent, this being the way with the dynamic
of martial law.

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No, given the nation-threatening dangers involved, this is no

option at all. There are only two options before the country: a presidential
election igniting civil unrest, and therefore amounting to a victory for
shortsightedness, or general elections first which will mean a victory for the
rule of law and the Constitution.
What is it going to be? As already stated, if Musharraf could have
his way, he would choose the first option. Sadly for him his power has
weakened. His government is in disarray. It is no longer up to him to do as
he pleases. The time for that is past. Pakistans lawyers have seen to this, as
has Chief Justice Chaudhry. The writing on the wall is clear: general
elections on our hands.
What will it be? This is a test of the nations collective wisdom.
From this turmoil can something good be fashioned or is orderly,
civilized governance too subtle and complicated an art for us to master? It is
not only the Supreme Court on trial, whose decision in this case will have a
profound bearing on the future direction of national politics. So too is the
army high command. So are the political parties.
The choice before the regime is only one and when the bugle for
general elections is sounded, many things will fall into place. And the Q
League will enter the halls of oblivion, perhaps always meant to be its last
resting place.
Anwer Syed focused on Musharrafs election related options. While a
bargain between the General and the maulana is not beyond the realm of
possibility, a deal between him and Ms Benazir Bhutto has been talk of the
town for quite some time. She has been telling American officials to urge
him to take her in as a partner in ruling Pakistan. He may not be sure
whether her terms are right and the deal would work for him.
In any case her eagerness to be in his camp weakens very
considerably the oppositions drive. It seems to me that she will jump on
to the oppositions bandwagon (or truck) only if and when it becomes clear
for all to see that the Generals campaign for a second term is lost.
But it is to be noted that these rallies have been scheduled in
conjunction with Justice Chaudhrys travel plans. It may then be that the
crowds gathering to greet the Chief Justice and not so much to applaud Qazi
Hussain Ahmad and his associates. They may be shouting anti-Musharraf

493

slogans because they think he has insulted the judiciary. These rallies may
not fare as well if the government is wise enough to withdraw the
presidential reference against the Chief Justice and, as a result, he returns
to his office and functions in the Supreme Court.
The lawyers say they will still carry on the campaign for General
Musharrafs ouster and the restoration of democracy. But it is not unlikely
that in the event of Justice Chaudhrys reinstatement both they and the
opposition parties will lose some of their present momentum.
What happens if the oppositions movement loses steam as the
next election approaches? The present assemblies will be asked to elect a
president. If General Musharraf has made a deal with the PML-Q to the
effect that he will let it rig the election, the party leaders will most probably
get him elected.
What will follow? Some observers, including this writer, have been
off the view that he and the government he puts together after the
election will not be effective. Apathy and disaffection, which have already
produced chaos, will become more widespread and intense.
Let us now consider the possibility that he looks for ways of retaining
his office without having to rely on the MPL-Q and an election rigged to its
advantage. It is in this context that the matter of an understanding or a
deal with the PPP, and possibly with the JUI, becomes relevant.
The far more serious question for the General relates to the
dimensions of the PPPs success in the forthcoming election. No one can
be sure that it will win a majority of seats in the National Assembly so as to
be able to form next government, or even a large enough plurality to form
and lead a coalition government.
The General will have to deal with the political forces that emerge
from the election. If the PPP does well enough to form a cohesive
government or a coalition in which its partners are firmly allied with it, Ms
Bhutto will be in position to ask the president to remain within the
bounds the Constitution has prescribed for him and leave the greater part
of governance to the prime minister and her/his cabinet.
On the other hand, if the PPPs electoral performance has been
modest, the coalition it forms is tenuous and its allies susceptible to

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seduction from outside, Ms Bhutto can hope to do no more than fill

Chaudhry Shujaat Hussains shoes. She will be free of the harassment she
has endured in the past, and she will have an official residence, a fleet of
cars, and other perquisites, but she will not have much of ruling authority.
The Generals supporterscontend that his continuance in office
for a second term is an imperative of the national interest The United
States government supports this line of reasoning, but they cannot endorse it
quite as unabashedly.
They would feel better if he gave up his army post, but they would let
him decide whether and when to do it. They want elections in Pakistan to be
free and fair, and they want the General to be elected by the new assemblies
for a second term, but if the present assemblies do elect him, and if
thereafter the election is rigged to an extent, they will still work with him.
It is also being said that the winners in the next election will be
too fragmented and divided to work together as a team, that we will in
effect have no real government, and that chaos will result. Let there be
chaos, one may say, for out of chaos order will eventually emerge as it has in
other places and times Second, it is quite likely that considerations of selfpreservation will motivate the incoming politicians to join hands to forge a
government that works.
Equally disingenuous is the suggestion that the restoration of
democracy should wait until political institutions in the country have
become mature and competent. This is a counsel of despair, meaning that we
need not ever have democracy.
It cannot be over-emphasized that democracy becomes embedded in
a political culture only if the people concerned have had the opportunity to
practice it for an extended period of time, a period of trial and error, during
which they learn from experienced. The military in this country does not let
the people have this learning experience.
Moreover, every time it seizes the government, it goes out of its way
to debilitate political parties, legislatures, and organs of civil society, if it has
not outlawed politics altogether. A way must be found to send the military
back to the barracks and keep it there if political institutions in Pakistan
are never to gain maturity and develop adequacy.

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A Z K Sherdil pondered to find the right option. Coming to the recent

crisis regarding the reference against Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry, one
can discern the same malaise of undermining the importance of vital
institutions of the state. From one perspective, there was nothing
exceptional in the Chief Justice being asked to resign from office. After all,
members of the superior judiciary have been made to take oath under the
provisional constitutional orders of military governments. Those not
obliging or not considered pliable were sent home unceremoniously.
However, little did General Musharraf expect a defiant No.
More significantly, little did he anticipate the outburst of the instant and
widespread anger, demonstrated initially by the lawyers community, and
then almost simultaneously by the entire civil society, on seeing the Chief
Justice being roughed up and an important institution of the state being
trampled upon.
Now that the country is engulfed in crisis, prudence demands that
General Musharraf takes steps to resolve it on an urgent basis. This he
can do only by putting the institution of the state above his own self; by not
insisting on his election as president by the present assemblies which are the
throes of their own demise; by not insisting on retaining his uniform; by
putting in place an independent and credible election commission; and by
not obstructing the mainstream political leadership to participate in the
political process. But will he?
S Khalid Hussain opined: President Musharraf probably has varied
options power sharing with some others, declaring an emergency, military
intervention to retrieve the situation for himself. Such options, however,
will at best amount to a short-term respite, not a final way out. President
Musharraf must find a way to resolve the problem on a lasting basis and
in a way that, first of all, is good for its people.
The time has come and it is now, for President Musharraf to
deliver on his Pakistan First pledge. He should shed his ego and break
free of those who proffer tailored advice tailored to fit them, reinstate the
CJ, admit he made a mistake, take the blame for it, not pass the buck which
a leader never does, announce he will shed the uniform to contest elections
as a civilian under a caretaker government and an independent election
commissioner and that, subject to no legal hitches which only the courts and
the election commissioner can decide; Benazir and Nawaz Sharif should be
free to contest the elections.
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Additionally, the president should cause bills to be introduced in the

present National Assembly which are designed to reinforce the
constitutional provisions on the independence of the judiciary and the
freedom of media, to make it difficult for successor governments to violate
these.
The bills on judicial and media freedom will be welcomed widely by
all except, perhaps, by most political parties. However, no political party in
effect wishes to see the twin menace of judicial and media freedom to
become a reality to plague them during their time in power. They will all be
in a quandary on how to vote for the bills.
What these actions will minimally result in will be to throw the
present lines drawn up against the president into total disarray. His past
mistakes will be forgotten. The president, and his bold actions, will be on
the centre stage from where he can continue to underscore his decision to
honour his Pakistan First pledge, regardless of the outcome of this for him
personally. He will find the people responsive even if, in the beginning,
hesitant to be so.
Above all, Pakistan First actions by President Musharraf will
mark a new political beginning for the country and, perhaps, for himself. It
will be hard for future rulers, after the example of President Musharraf, to
revert to their old practice. The people and civil society empowered with a
free judiciary, and a free media, will not permit it.
Kunwar Idris viewed the movement pessimistically. The night-long
cavalcades with Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry at their head being cheered by
roadside crowds and lawyers have indeed created a stir. But all this is bound
to end in a whimper unless they storm the Bastille-like symbols of Pakistans
despotic power. But they wont, for neither our politicians nor our lawyers
are revolutionaries.
The Mayfair deals and joyous marches are the stuff of dreamland. It
is time that the politicians and lawyers woke up to the reality of life
which is that hope of democracy and constitutional order rests only in the
courts and at the ballot box.
Though the electoral process has already been set in motion and polls
are less than six months away, the government and the opposition are still

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playing on words trying to outwit each other, or including in banter or

incentive.
No party has announced its manifesto or alignment with another
party. Who will lead the PPP and PML-N if Benazir and Nawaz Sharif are
not permitted to come back to campaign is a question crucial to their poll
prospects but one that remains undecided.
But the prize for a bloomer in these fateful moments must go to
Tariq Azeem, the deputy information minister soon to be a full one, who has
discovered that Musharraf can be elected by the assemblies not just once but
four times that is for life.
Whatever the worth of their statements, assessed against the law or
common sense, they constitute an intolerable insult to public opinion. The
choice is to be made by the people and they can spring surprises. This
time round they surely will.
Politics require commitment to a cause and public service. Benazir
and Nawaz Sharif sacrificed this principle at the altar of personal power by
courting extremists just as Musharraf is now doing. The ideologues of
extremism occupied key positions in public affairs in their times as they do
now. Moderate their parties may have been but not secular, certainly they
were not.
Musharrafs uniform and Justice Iftikhar Chaudhrys disqualification
are passionate but passing issues. After all, Musharraf is not the first General
to rule Pakistan nor is Mr Chaudhry the first judge to face the charge of
conduct unbecoming of a judge. The politicians and lawyers are barking
up the wrong tree. They have to realign their alliances and direct their
effort towards saving Pakistan from becoming a world pariah for its bigotry,
repressive laws and brutal punishments.
Munir A Malik discussed the rationale and the objectives of the
leaders of the movement. Now, as the movement grows from strength to
strength; as hundreds of thousands of people turn up to show their support
from Abbottabad to Lahore, Peshawar to Chakwal; as an increasingly
desperate regime seeks refuge behind the corps commanders, I have still not
been approached by any intermediary seeking to broker a compromise. To
save everybodys time, let me make the bars position absolutely clear. The

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demands of the bar are non-negotiable and brook no compromise. This

is because of the inherent nature of this movement.
To begin with, what are the objectives of our movement? Firstly, it is
about changing the mindsets of our people. Throughout our history the
masses have viewed the bureaucracy, the military and the judiciary as part of
the same ruling elite, cooperating with each other to subjugate the people.
The minds of the masses have been inoculated against the concept of true
justice. We are taught obedience at the cost of our liberty and independence.
This mindset is a hangover from our colonial past. These
institutions were created by the British as a means of controlling the civilian
populace. They were manned by Englishmen from the same background
taught to venerate the same ideal the preservation of the Raj.
Judges and ICS officers were not meant to empower the masses and
improve their lot, they were there to keep the peace so the British could
continue, unhindered, with their commercial exploitation and empire
building. Likewise, the armys primary role was internal not external.
Their job was to quell local rebellions that could threaten British dominance.
Alas! This role remains the same.
Decentralization and separation of powers were never in the
agenda. When a few thousand Englishmen set out to establish total control
over a land of three hundred million people, any localized pockets of power
could have proved fatal. A division of powers between the different
institutions of state would be suicidal. Our fight is for a separation of
powers, for constitutionalism, for the principle that all men are equal before
the law and for the ideal that the pen is mightier than the sword.
Thus the DC ruled his district (with willing cooperation of the local
elite, the feudal lords) with a free hand and without any constraints. His
basic job was to keep the people quiet and subservient to imperial
dictates.
If populist leaders like Muhammad Ali Jinnah, B G Tilak or M K
Gandhi, became too noisy, he knew he could always call upon his willing
brothers in the judiciary to convict them for sedition or brandish them from
the practice of law. If matters went further, the likes of General Dyer would
bail him out of shooting a few hundred natives for the restoration of peace.

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The supposed impartiality and independence of judges in colonial

era is a complete myth. Of course, they were neutral when deciding land
disputes between two natives. But when the interests of the Raj were at
stake, when the interests of the people collided with those of their colonial
masters, they never let their government down.
Unfortunately, our nations independence and the departure of the
British did not bring their system of governance to an end. Rather, a
coloured ruling establishment quietly stepped into the shoes of their
departing masters and adopted their practices and beliefs. After all, it was
more civilized to be an Englishman, notwithstanding that you were not
admitted to their clubs unless you served as a waiter.
As a result, concepts such as the rule of law or the independence of
judiciary never took root in the minds of our people. We were never
convinced that the judiciarys true function was to guard the rights of
the people and to protect the masses from oppression.
The first aim of our struggle is to change those beliefs. We seek to
convince the masses that the courts are not there only to adjudicate property
disputes between rich land-owners or the competing commercial interests of
multinational corporations, but that a truly independent judiciary will allow
the common man to realize his fundamental rights.
We seek to inculcate the belief that laws are not meant to be
jealously preserved in jurisprudential tomes but to be applied, by activist
judges, for the protection of the common man, and that the rule of law is an
idea worth fighting for.
To do so, we have to change the mindset of our judges about their
true duties and functions. This is our second aim. For too long they have
functioned as if they were part of our military bureaucracy, and now the
plundering capitalist (the attempted sale of the Steel Mills being a case in
point), establishment. They need to realize that they are no longer part of a
foreign force seeking to forcibly impose its will upon the people.
It is simply the pernicious elitism that pervades our entire
judiciary that leads them to ally themselves with the ruling classes rather
than with the masses. Our judges can easily identify with the causes of
senior government officials but not those of a kissan. That is exactly why I
call for a Supreme Court of the People of Pakistan.

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Why is it that high court and Supreme Court judges consider it

perfectly acceptable to lunch in elitist clubs and exchange views with
industrialists, government ministers and advisers, bureaucrats et al, but shy
away from sharing a cup of tea with the labourer or political worker at a
trade union function? Does this not distort their perception about the needs
and aspirations of the people of Pakistan?
The visit of the Governor of Sindh fresh from his debriefing in
London to the Sindh High Court is illuminating. Eyebrows were raised
when seven honourable judges examining the May 12 tragedy refused to
meet him and he was told that there could be no discussion on the issue.
Why should there have been an iota of surprise? The government of Sindh,
and the party to which the governor belongs, had been directly
implicated in the tragedy of May 12. I say that at the risk of my life and
that of my children.
Would there have been any astonishment if any judge refused to
entertain a common litigant who wanted to have a cup of tea in the judges
chamber and discuss the facts of his case? The commendable behaviour of
the Sindh High Court judges was newsworthy because too often in the
past our judges have fallen short of this standard of rectitude when it comes
to the power elite.
The idea that the judges interpret the law in splendid isolation strictly
in accordance with recognized and time-tested legal doctrines is entirely
fallacious. Our Supreme Court has repeatedly pointed out that the
Constitution is an organic document and needs continuous re-interpretation
in the light of changing times and needs. So who will inform them about the
changing needs of the hour? Must it be the generals, the industrialists and
the bureaucrats?
Take the example of doctrine of necessity. Blatantly illegal and
unconstitutional acts were repeatedly justified by our Supreme Court on
the basis that they were necessary for survival of the nation. And who was
the spokesman for the nation; the generals?
Why cant the needs of the nation be determined by directly listening
to the voice of the nation? Why must the doctrine of necessity always be
employed in favour of the military-bureaucracy establishment? Can it
never be used in the other direction to force a general (even if he has

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invented a special legal cover for his actions) to respect the legitimate
desires and aspirations of the people?
This movement seeks to reassure our judges that they are not
alone. If they choose to do the right thing, the whole legal community and
the entire nation will turn out in their support. The learned Chief Justice is
no charismatic politician. His speeches, on purely legal issues, do not
enthrall the nation. But when hundreds of thousands of people stand all day
in Lahores scorching heat and brave all night Faisalabads thunderstorms
waiting to catch a glimpse of him, they do so to salute the courage of the
man. They do so to show their support for a judge who dares to say no.
Our aim is to instill that courage in every judge throughout the
land. Our aim is to illuminate a path that leads beyond the Maulvi
Tamizuddin, Dosso, Nusrat Bhutoo and Zafar Ali Shah cases.
Our third objective is to restore civilian supremacy in Pakistan. We
are no longer prepared to live under the barrel of the gun. Those guns and
their wielders must return to their rightful positions; facing outwards at the
frontiers of our land. The people will rule themselves.
Of course, our elected politicians will make mistakes, both honest
and dishonest, and there will be misrule. But the court of accountability
must be 170 million Pakistanis and not nine corps commanders. Elected
governments must complete their tenure and face up to their failures at the
time of polling instead of being handed a convenient excuse by their forced
ouster at the hands of the military.
Fourthly, our aim is to strengthen all the institutions of our state;
the executive, the legislature, the judiciary as well as the media. Only by
strengthening these pillars and strictly enforcing the limits of their separate
powers in accordance with the Constitution can we protect ourselves from
tyranny and secure the rule of law. Only then can we rid ourselves of the
inequities of the past.
To achieve these goals, we welcome the support of every segment
of civil society; the media as well as labour unions, NGOs as well as
political parties. But our demands are non-negotiable. We will not sacrifice
our principles at the altar of expediency. Any dialogue with the
establishment can only begin after they take steps that concretely display
their commitment to these principles.

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Our history is replete with tragic compromises. We dont need to

go too far. The Zafar Ali Shah case was a compromise by the judiciary.
Musharrafs military take over was legitimized in exchange for a promise
that elections would be held and a civilian government installed within three
years.
Five years have passed since those elections, but all power still rests
with Musharraf and his corps commanders rather than with the prime
minister and his cabinet. On March 9, 2007, while cabinet ministers
bunkered under their beds, the ISI, MI and IB chiefs wreaked havoc.
For once in our history, people from every segment of civil society,
judges and politicians alike, need to stand up for ideals and eschew the
culture of deal making. The struggle is not for tawdry offices and superficial
power; it is about principles. If we can maintain our united commitment to
these principles, we shall triumph and overwhelm all opposition. But if we
fail to learn from history, we will be condemned to relive it.
I A Rehman analyzed the expectations of the led. Everybody is
asking everybody else as to how this struggle will end. Quite a few
observers, trying as usual to run ahead of the caravan, cannot hold back their
tidings of a new order. What does it mean for the long-suffering majority of
the people?
The lawyers have jealously protected, and done so brightly, their
struggle against hijacking by outsiders. They have avoided, again rightly,
spelling out the relief they are asking for. Ostensibly they are demanding an
end to the Establishments expedition against the Chief Justice, in particular,
and the institution of the judiciary, in general. The objective is the
establishment of an unexceptionable convention that from now on it would
not be possible to coax or coerce the judiciary into upholding all and any
acts or edicts of holders of power, regardless of the merits of their claim to
legitimacy.
However, many among the black-coats, especially the young ones
who have provided the community with the critically needed spine, have set
their sights much higher: they wish to see justice established not only a
narrow legal sense but also in broader political and social meanings of
the term.

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There is no doubt that the people no longer have faith in piecemeal

justice; they look for deliverance from each and every cause of their
suffering. As happens in struggles for national liberation, everybody, the
bystander as well as the activist in the thick of the battle, defines justice in
terms of his/her own needs and aspirations. A complete presentation of their
wish-list is perhaps impossible but some of the items on the agenda can be
mentioned here.
The change that many have begun to talk about means in the
eyes of the masses: government by freely chosen representatives, rule of
law, freedom from police raj, satisfaction of the tenants hunger for land,
guarantees of gainful employment for everyone and entitlement to decent
wages, equal opportunity to women and the poor, provision of facilities for
quality education for every child and youth, guarantees of basic rights to life,
security and liberty, and the right to provision of water, electricity and gas.
The lawyers agitation has certainly contributed to the
formulation of the peoples agenda, but an equally important factor is the
unusual nature of the coming general election. It is no ordinary election in
which the only issue could be the election of a team, old or new, to manage
the state within an already settled framework. The stakes in the 2007 general
election are much higher. Not only the people of Pakistan but also the entire
body of their well-wishers abroad wish this election to mark the countrys
transition to democratic governance.
What this means is that the issue is not merely one of replacing the
man at the top or revising the terms of his contract, the essential issue is
division of powers among the three organs of the state recognized in the
democratic world and guarding the peoples sovereign rights against
encroachment by any party. And since what has been said above amounts to
a systemic change and a restructuring of the state, the people have every
right to put forward their views on the direction and substance of the states
agenda.
Quite a few people want the lawyers to take up the peoples
agenda and put their political and socio-economic demands up front;
otherwise the public support for them will remain unreciprocated. This
demand appears to be patently unfair. The question of reciprocity does not
arise. The fight for the independence of the judiciary is not a matter of
exclusive concern of lawyers, who may appear to be fighting for their group

504

interest but are in reality fighting for the basic rights of the whole population
of the country.
Besides, the lawyers have already done more than what was
expected of them. They have shown the way to overcoming the fear of a
seemingly immovable and invincible authority. The have demonstrated the
possibilities of mobilizing a sizeable force on the basis of principles of
justice without exploiting any communitys behalf, and they have foiled
attempts to frighten them through police violence and waves of arbitrary
arrest and detention. They can rightly say that they have opened the
floodgates of change but the floodwaters are not subject to their control.
The sort of changes the people have set their hearts on will not come
until the masses in huge numbers, not in thousands but in hundreds of
thousands, resolve to pull down the walls the vested interests have raised
between them and the seat of power. The lawyers cannot mobilize such a
force. That can only be done by political parties.
Unfortunately, the political parties, at least most of them, have
successfully knocked themselves out of reckoning and any reference to
them in a political discussion is sometimes greeted with howls and protest. It
is time such cynical dismissal of political parties was given up. For one
thing, there is no alternative engine of political change.
The factors that prevent political parties from spelling out their
goals and policies are known. Pakistan is now a totally fractured society,
thanks to successive spells of authoritarian rule, and it is not easy to draw up
propositions that are equally acceptable to all parts of the country and to all
communities and groups living in different region. But the task is difficult
today it may be impossible tomorrow.
It may be necessary to point out that the political parties failure to
move forward without an understanding with the masses will cost them
and the country dear. They will lose whatever bargaining powers vis--vis
the Establishment circumstances have thrown their way. Once again they
will be held responsible for missing the moment of change as visualized by
the citizens of Pakistan. All those in a position to help political parties rise to
the occasion must also bear in mind the consequences if the people are again
cheated out of the reward for their sacrifices. They deserve better than what
they have traditionally received at the end of Pakistans periodical
upheavals.
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REVIEW
Quite visibly, the electronic media has been tamed by the regime. The
speeches by men directly linked to media in the conference in Marriot Hotel
confirmed the priorities of the media owners. They always keep their
business interests at the foremost.
Of late, the real culprits of Karachi carnage have not only been
overlooked but also they have been allowed to launch a campaign to falsely
implicate the parties who had been clear victims of the terrorism perpetrated
by the MQM.
In TV talk shows some anchors have started pursuing the
governments line by aggressively questioning the logic of lawyers
movement with emphasis on taking a legal matter to the streets. Coercion
and seduction of the media seemed to be working in putting the lawyers and
their supporters on the defensive.
MQM had started another dirty game. The game of referencereference literally amounted to dhi di bhen di. The prince of Pindi did not
like this. However, this reality dawned upon him only after the filing of a
reference against Prime Minister, not Imran Khan.
The army that rules out any military option to deal with its external
adversaries and at the same time totally relies only on military option to deal
with its own people, should neither demand nor expect any respect from the
people.
The voters lists displayed at various centres have rendered over 20
million voters missing. This could not have gone unnoticed by the Election
Commission when these lists were placed before it prior to their public
display. It must have also been visualized that incomplete lists would invite
strong criticism from political parties.
Despite the glaring inaccuracies, the Election Commission went ahead
to invite the trouble; why? It wasnt an inadvertent act, but a deliberate
move. The parties are now pressing for inclusion of missing voters in the
lists and the procedure for this is quite time consuming. The updating of
voters lists to a degree of satisfaction of all concerned would require

506

months. On this count it would be fair to infer that it is a ploy to delay the
elections to fulfill ambitions of the brave commando.
Since the visit of troika of American diplomats and a US commander,
Musharraf has concentrated on pursuing the US agenda. He held meeting to
defeat terrorists in tribal areas and extremism elsewhere in the country;
sparing very little time for other crises, including the recent storm. Yet in
their heart, Musharraf and his aides must be wishing that the CJP is
reinstated by the court, hoping that such a decision may defuse the crisis,
28th June 2007

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MAJOR VICTORY
The commander of occupation forces said that the US forces could
stay in Iraq for a decade, which meant that spilling of Iraqi blood would
continue for indefinite period. The US again accused Iran of training Iraqi
extremists and Iran rejected the charge.
After dismissal of unity government of Palestine, Israel, the US and
Europe rushed to commend Abbas and reward him and his Fatah party. They
wasted no time in pushing forward the agenda to drive a wedge in
Palestinian divide and took measures to perpetuate the split.
The other two fronts, Lebanon and Iran, remained comparatively
quiet. Nevertheless, hunt for Palestinian militants residing in the refugee
camps by Lebanese Army continued on the behest of the United States.

IRAQ
Bloodshed in Iraq continued unabated. On 16th June, three Iranian
diplomats were briefly detained by US forces in Baghdad. Next day, US
forces killed 24 suspects linked to al-Qaeda and captured 99 more.
Elsewhere, seven Iraqis were killed in various attacks.
On 18th June, at least 30 people were killed in various incidents of
violence. Next day, a truck bomb killed 78 people and wounded 224 others
in Baghdad. Green Zone was also subjected to mortar fire. The US forces
killed 22 suspected militants near Baquba. One US soldier was killed in
Baghdad.
On 20th June, 30 Iraqi were killed in operations carried out by US
troops in Baquba. Toll of bomb blast in Baghdad rose to 87. Troops rescued
24 malnourished and abused boys from a government-run orphanage in
Baghdad. The ministry said the concerned director has been arrested.
A suicide truck bomber killed 18 people and wounded 67 others in
Kirkuk on 21st June. In last two days 14 US soldiers were killed in various
attacks. Next day, US forces killed 17 Iraqi in helicopter attack in the
ongoing operation; 18 suspects were arrested in Baghdad; and one US

508

soldier was killed. Four British soldiers were wounded in an attack on their
convoy near Basra.
On 23rd June, 12 Iraqi people, ten US and one British soldier were
killed in various incidents of violence. Next day, Chemical Ali and two
others were sentenced to death. Two US soldiers were killed in an attack. Six
tribal elders among 55 people killed on 25 th June in violence across the
country. Next day, 13 people, including a US soldier, were killed in violence.
On 27th June, 41 people, including a US soldier, were killed in
violence across the country. Next day, 118 people, including one US and
three UK soldiers, were killed in various incidents.
On 29th June, five US soldiers were killed and seven wounded in a
bombing attack. The US troops killed three Iraqis and arrested 26 suspects
and four Iraqis were killed in another incident. Next day, the US military
claimed killing Abu Abd al-Rahman al-Misri of al-Qaeda near Falluja. At
least 26 Iraqis, mostly civilians, were killed in an operation carried out by
US troops and 17 were arrested. On 1 st July, 26 people, including one US
soldier, were killed in various incidents. Next day, six US soldiers were
killed in different attacks.
Three US soldiers were among 40 killed in violence on 3 rd July. A US
helicopter was shot down injuring two crewmen. Two days later, forty
people, including two US soldiers, were killed in the violence. Zawahiri
urged strikes on Western interests. On 6th July, 40 people including six US
soldiers were killed in various incidents. An al-Qaeda fighter linked to
bombing was executed.
In the context other events relevant to the occupation nothing much
happened during the last three weeks. A development which took place was
related to Iraq oil. On 3rd July, Iraqs cabinet approved an amended draft oil
law a key plank to help unite the countrys warring communities and
forwarded the bill to the parliament.
During the period analysts remained focused on developments in
Palestine. However, Nafia Abdul Jabbar commented on discovery of
deplorably neglected orphanage. The images of the inside of the al-Hanan
orphanage were disquieting even by Iraqi standards: two dozen emaciated
children, some tied to cribs, others writhing in their own waste and some
appearing, at first glance, to be dead. The puppet regime which cannot dare

509

getting out of Green Zone, can never know what is happening even in the
capital, Baghdad.
The grisly episode underscored the breakdown of social services
and family structure in a country gripped by war. Iraq has never been a
more difficult and dangerous place to be a child, according to the UN
childrens agency, whose website gives a litany of problems includingnot
to mention children orphaned by violence almost daily.

PALESTINE
The events since dismissal of Hamas-led unity government unfolded
rapidly. Fatah gunmen retaliated to loss of Gaza and attacked parliament
building and offices linked to Hamas in West Bank on 16 th June. Haniyeh
ruled out declaring Gaza Strip a state. He appointed new security
commander for Gaza Strip. A US diplomat met Abbas in Ramallah.
Next day, Abbas swore in 13-member emergency government and
banned armed institutions of Hamas. Israel suspended fuel supplies to Gaza
Strip. Olmert met Moon in New York and after the meeting announced that
Hamas-Fatah split offered new chance.
AFP reported the unprecedented level of hate between the two
camps, whose gun battles have split the Palestinians into two separate
entities, with Hamas lording over Gaza and Fatah ruling the West Bank. The
animosity doled out to the enemy camp often equals, or even surpasses, the
enmity accorded to Israel, which has occupied Palestinian land for 40 years.
Each side says the other is a foreign agent Hamas accuses Fatah of being
the agents for Israel, while Fatah blasts the Islamists of working for Iran.
On 18th June, Bush assured Abbas full support of US administration
for dismissing Hamas government. Next day, Bush and Olmert discussed
ways and means to strengthen their agent Abbas. EU restored economic aid
for PLO. Israeli tanks entered Gaza Strip to target Hamas. Hamas accused
the West of playing politics with Palestinian aid as the US and Israeli leaders
pledged to support the government in the West Bank.
Israel killed four Palestinians in air strikes in Gaza and West Bank on
20 June and established contacts with Abbas government. Abbas ruled out
th

510

dialogue with murderers. Three days later, Hosni Mubarak termed Gaza
takeover by Hamas as coup.
On 24th Israel decided to release tax funds to new Palestinian
government. Next day, Olmert said Israel would free 250 Palestinian
prisoners belonging to Fatah faction. The collaborators within Arabs started
surfacing. Mubarak of Egypt invited Olmert and Abbas to Sharmel Sheikh
for post-victory dialogue. The Jordanian King was pleased to join in.
On 27th June, Israel launched major offensive in Gaza Strip killing 12
Palestinians and wounding 40 others. Next day, Israel arrested dozens of
Palestinians in a raid; four Israeli soldiers were wounded in exchange of fire.
On 29th June, King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia avoided meeting Abbas; the
observers interpreted it as a diplomatic snub.
On 30th June, seven Palestinians were killed in Israeli air strike. Next
day, Israel lifted economic blockade by releasing 120 million dollars to new
cabinet installed by Abbas. On 2nd July, Iran criticized and Palestinian Prime
Minister hailed the appointment of Blair as Middle East Envoy.
Israel and Palestinians held first security meeting on 3 rd July since
many years. Next day, BBC journalist was freed in Gaza after 16 weeks in
captivity. On 5th July, at least 12 Palestinians were killed in Israeli offensive
in which tanks and fighter aircrafts were used. Next day, Israeli troops pulled
out of Gaza Strip after carrying out deadly raid leaving behind Palestinians
to protest.
Tanvir Ahmad Khan commented: Unless some deft Arab diplomacy
can reverse them, the negative consequences of this mini civil war are much
too obvious to be missed. Gone is the hope of a unified liberation
movement that the Makkah Accord implicitly sought. In fact, the
Palestinian Authority and its subsidiary institutions lie in tatters. The western
media has been quick to describe Gaza, where pro-Hamas gun men have
prevailed, as Hamastan, a 40-km strip packed with 1.4 million people
virtually cut off from rest of the world.
The Arab territories in which 2.4 million Palestinians live in what is
left of the West Bank are Fatahland. Mahmoud Abbas has dismissed Ismail
Haniyeh and appointed the non-partisan finance minister, Salam Fayyad, as
the new prime minister. Hamas has almost unfurled the flag of freedom in
Gaza. But neither entity can make any significant move to reopen a dialogue

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with Israel on substantive issues. Israel will make both of them sweat for
minor municipal concessions to just make life bearable.
These events have more or less coincided with the publication by
UKs daily, the Guardian, of a highly revealing end-of-the-mission report by
the Peruvian diplomat Alvaro de Soto who gave up his job of the UN
coordinator for Middle East in May in utter frustration. The report confirms
what many people had feared all along: Israel has effectively deflected the
international community with help from the United States from its
quest for an equitable solution. He is unambiguous about the devastating
consequences of the international boycott of the freely elected government
led by Hamas. He fears that erroneous treatment of Hamas could have
repercussions far beyond the Palestinian territories because of its links to the
Muslim Brotherhood, whose millions of supporters might include that peace
and democratic means are not the way to go.
The UN diplomat warns that if the Palestinian Authority passes into
irrelevance or collapses, the calls for one-state solution to the conflict will
come out of the shadows and enter the mainstream. This will sharpen the
conflict as it would pose an existential dilemma to Israel which can meet it
only through renewed military conflict.
As Israels new president, Shimon Peres will embark upon an
extended public relations exercise to convince the world that the Palestinians
have no interlocutors that Israel could negotiate with. Behind this
smokescreen, Ehud Barak, first as defence minister and later as a possible
prime minister, would upgrade Israels military capability for bloodier
interventions in Gaza at a future date, for more colonization of the West
Bank and perhaps for a showdown with Syria.
The Arab states have only a limited time to forestall such an
aggravation in Israels policy. It is not at all clear how they can leverage
their interest in reviving the peace process during the remaining 19 months
of the Bush presidency but the will have to make an effort an effort and also
plan for contingencies arising out of a likely failure to do so.
The Dawn termed it as Palestinian trauma. Whatever else Hamas and
Fatah might have achieved or destroyed, between them they have done
incalculable harm to the Palestinian cause. Little do they realize that a
Palestinian fratricide suits Israel because the real issue Israels withdrawal
from the occupied territories is lost in the flow of Palestinian blood.
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Mr Abbas knows that even a non-Hamas government has no

chance of securing freedom for the occupied territories. Traditionally, it
is Fatah that has been the Palestinian peoples representative and was
recognized as such by Israel, the US and the European Union, leading finally
to the signing of the Declaration of Principles (DoP) in Washington in 1993.
Yet Israel with full American backing sabotaged the DoP, and the withdrawal
of Israeli forces from the occupied territories has remained a dream.
Even when Yasser Arafat was alive, the US and Israel came up with
the condition that the peace process could be resumed only if Arafat gave up
some of his powers, had a prime minister and introduced reforms in the
Palestinian Authority. Arafat did all this, but talks never began. In fact,
when Ariel Sharon became prime minister, he reoccupied the vacated areas
and destroyed Arafats headquarters.
When Hamas formed a government, Israel and the Quartet got a
ready-made pretext for refusing to resume peace talks by saying that Hamas
was a terrorist organization and did not recognize Israels existence. Hamas
surprised everybody by accepting the two-state solution, but Israel, the
US and the EU responded by freezing all non-humanitarian assistance,
the ultimate aim being to sabotage the elected government
Abbas named Mr Salam Fayyad, an independent, as prime minister,
and swore in a new cabinet that has no Hamas members in it. Mr Haniyeh
has declared the Fayyad government illegal, because Mr Abbas, knowing
that Hamas has majority in the parliament, issued a decree that does away
with the need for the cabinet to take a vote of confidence from MPs. Mr
Haniyeh may have said the he has no intention of declaring Gaza an
independent state, but for all practical purposes Gaza and the West Bank
have turned into two autonomous and hostile cantons, because it is
highly unlikely that the Ramallah based government will be able to enforce
its writ in the Hamas stronghold.
Mahir Ali observed that Hamas-Fatah split means Gaza-West Bank
split. Hamas and Fatah bear a considerable degree of responsibility for
the latest crisis, and for the damage that the Palestinian cause has incurred
in the process. It wouldnt do, however, to lose sight of the context in which
these developments are taking place: the continued occupation of the West
Bank and the relegation of the Gaza Strip to an indeterminate status
somewhere between occupation and independence, with more than 70
percent unemployment among its beleaguered populace.
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Reports suggest that Hamass military action in Gaza was directed

not so much against Abbas or Fatah as a whole as against the Preventive
Security Force led by Mohammad Dahlan, who is held responsible for a
bloody campaign against Hamas.
Significantly, Dahlan was with Abbas when the latter met senior
US diplomats before swearing in a Hamas-free emergency government,
which is led by Salam Fayyad, a veteran of the World Bank and the
International Monetary Fund who enjoys the approbation of the US and
Israel.
The regime change means that funds have started flowing into
the West Bank: Israel will hand over the half a million dollars in tax and
custom duties that were withheld because of its antipathy towards Hamas,
and the European Union has indicated that it will resume the supply of aid.
In the short-term, this should lead to an improvement in the economic
health of the West Bank and it must be hoped that petty feuds will not get
in the way of supplies trickling through to Gazans, whose need is more
urgent. But what about the longer run? The unconvincing faade of
Palestinian unity sponsored by Saudi Arabia last February has been
shattered.
There is some pressure from Arab states for a compromise and a new
government of national unity, but that doesnt seem particularly likely. It
remains to be seen how long the Gaza Strip and the West Bank can
operate as separate entities, with the former now pejoratively tagged as
Hamastan.
From its fundamentalist origins to its violent proclivities, Hamas
provides plenty of cause for concern. But it did not arise out of thin air, nor
can it simply be wished away. It has been propped up by the absence of
hope.
A realistic prospect of viable independent statehood could serve as an
antidote. But any outcome designed and implemented by the US and Israel,
with input from the World Bank and the IMF, is unlikely to constitute a step
in that direction. Their embrace of the undemocratically de-Hamased
Palestinian Authority deserves to be viewed with a degree of skepticism.

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Arshad Mohammed and Carol Giacomo observed that Hamass

military victory demonstrated the failure of the US efforts to strengthen
Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas of Fatah in his power struggle with
Hamas, which the European Union, the United States and Israel view as a
terrorist group.
It leaves the United States with fewer options to pursue
comprehensive peace between the Israelis and the Palestinians and makes
the idea of a two-state solution even more remote because Palestinians
are now split between a Fatah-led West Bank and Hamas-ruled Gaza Strip.
Analysts said the most appealing option for the United States may
be to concentrate on a West Bank first policy, doing everything it can to
promote Abbas and to nurture Israeli peace talks with him Palestinian
officials said the Bush Administration told them it would lift aid restrictions,
which were imposed when Hamas came to power in 2006, once Abbass
emergency government was in place in the occupied West Bank.
A senior US official acknowledged the danger of cutting off the
roughly 1.5 million Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, saying humanitarian aid
had to get through but suggesting that Hamas had to pay some price for its
refusal to recognize Israel, renounce violence and accept past peace
agreements.
An Arab diplomat had an acid reaction to the idea of cutting off
Gaza, saying this would breed more disaffection. What are we going to do
with Gaza. Light it up on fire? said the diplomat, who spoke on condition he
not be named.
Saree Makdisi opined that the two-state solution is finished. In the
West, theres a huge sense of relief. The Hamas-led government that has
been causing everyone so much of trouble has been isolated in Gaza, and a
new government has been appointed in the West Bank by the moderate,
peace-loving Palestinian Authority president, Mahmoud Abbas.
So why then do Palestinians not share in the relief? Well, for one
thing, the old government had been democratically elected; now it has been
dismissed out of hand by presidential fiat. Theres also the fact that the new
prime minister appointed by Abbas Salam Fayyad has the support
of the West, but his election list won only two percent of the votes in the
same election that swept Hamas to victory. Fayyad and Abbas have the

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support of Israel, but it is no secret that they lack the backing of their own
people.
Palestinians came to realize that the so-called peace process
championed by Abbas (and by Yasser Arafat before him) had led to the
permanent institutionalization rather than the termination of Israels 4decade-old military occupation of their land. Why should they feel
otherwise? There are today twice as many settlers in the occupied territories
as there were when Yitzhak Rabin and Arafat first shook hands in the White
House Rose Garden.
In the US, Hamas is routinely demonized, known primarily for its
attacks on civilians. Depictions of Hamas portray its rejectionism as an end
in itself rather than as a refusal to go along with a political process that has
proved catastrophic for Palestinians on the ground.
Palestinians, frankly, see a lot of hypocrisy in the Wests antiHamas stance. Since last years election, for example, the West has denied
aid to the Hamas government, arguing, among other things, that Hamas
refuses to recognize Israel. But thats absurd; after all, Israel does not
recognize Palestine either.
Hamas did not run into western opposition because of its Islamic
ideology but because of its opposition to (and resistance to) the Israeli
occupation It is Hamas that is taking the stands that would be
prerequisites for a true two-state peace plan: refusing to go along with the
permanent breakup of Palestine and not accepting the sacrifice of control
over borders, air space, water, taxes and even the population registry to
Israel.
Embracing the moderation of Abbas allows to resume servicing the
occupation on Israels behalf, for now. In the long run, though, the two-state
solution is finished because Fatah is either unable or unwilling to stop the
ongoing dismemberment of the territory once indented for a Palestinian
state.
Karma Nablusi viewed it as the outcome of the deliberate policies of
Israel backed by the US. There is nothing uglier and more brutal to the
human spirit, nothing more lethal to the universal hope of freedom, than to
see a people struggling for liberty for such a long time begin to kill each
other.

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It is essential to understand just we are witnessing. This is not at its

heart a civil war, nor is it an example of the upsurge of regional Islamism. It
is not reducible to an activist clan or fratricidal blood-letting, nor to power
struggle between warring factions.
This violence cannot be characterized as a battle between secular
moderates who seek a negotiated settlement and religious terrorist groups.
And this is not, above all, a miserable situation that has simply slipped
unnoticed into disaster. The many complex steps that led us here today
were largely the outcome of the deliberate policies of a belligerent
occupying power backed by the US.
As the UN envoy for the Middle East peace process, Alvaro de Soto,
remarked: The US clearly pushed for a confrontation between Fatah and
Hamas, so much so that, a week before Makkah, the US envoy declared
twice in an envoys meeting in Washington how much I like this
violence, referring to the near-civil war that was erupting in Gaza in which
civilians were being regularly killed and injured.
How did we get here? The institutions created in occupied
Palestine in the 1990s were shaped to bring us to this very point of
collapse. The Palestinian Authority, created through negotiations between
Israel and the Palestinian Liberation Organization in 1993, was not meant to
last more than five years just until the institutions of an independent state
were built.
Instead, its capacities were frozen and it was co-opted into
performing the role of security agency for the Israelis, who were still
occupying Palestine by military force, and serving as disbursement agency
for the US and EUs funding of that occupation.
Once exact nature of its purpose emerged, the Palestinians began
to resist this form of external control. Israel then invaded the West Bank
cities again and put President Yasser Arafats compound under two-year
siege, which ended with his death. Under those conditions of siege the
international reform process created a new institution of a prime ministers
office and attempted to unify the security apparatus under it, rather than that
of the president, whom they could no longer control. Mahmoud Abbas was
the first prime minister, and the Israelis and US-backed Fatah strongman
Mohammed Dahlan, was appointed head of security.

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Arafat had followed the strategy of all successful liberation

movements: a combination of resistance and negotiation until the conclusion
of a comprehensive peace treaty. Abbass strategy was of an entirely
different order: no resistance in any form and a complete reliance on
the good faith of the Israelis. After a year of achieving nothing indeed
Ariel Sharon refused to negotiate with him and Israeli colonization was
intensified the Palestinian peoples support for this humiliating policy of
submission wore thin.
Popular reaction was a response to the failure of Abbass strategy
as much as the failure of Fatah to present any plausible national programme,
whatsoever. The Palestinians thus sought representation that would at least
reflect their condition of occupation and dispossession.
The US administration continued to treat Fatah as if it had won
the election rather than lost it funding, arming and directly encouraging
agents within it to reverse the outcome of that democratic election by force.
The Palestinian president brought pressure to bear on Hamas to change its
position on recognition of Israel.
Both the prisoners document and the Makkah agreement signed in
Saudi Arabia creating a national unity government took place because
Palestinian society insisted on a national framework. Yet a small group
has brought us to this point.
The outcome is what we have before us today, similar to what the
Americans were seeking to create in Iraq: the total exclusion of
democratic practices and principles, the attempt to impose an oligarchy on a
fragmented political society, a weakened and terrorized people, a foreign
rule through warlords and strongmen.
How do we get out of here? For the West, the path is both obvious
and simple. It needs to allow Palestinians their own representation. It can
look to the terms of the Makkah agreement to see the shape that would take,
and to the 2006 prisoners document for the political platform the
Palestinians hold. It needs to urgently convene a real international peace
conference, which no one has attempted since 1991
For the Palestinians, the path is also clear: we have come to the
end of the challenging experiment of self-rule under military occupation. We
now need to dissolve the PA, mobilize to convene direct elections to our

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only national parliament, the Palestinian National Council, in order to

enfranchise the entire political spectrum of Palestinians, and thereby
recapture the PLO, transforming it into the popular and democratic
institution it once had a chance of becoming The Palestinians have a long
history of struggle in which each generation has had to break out of the
coercive prison imposed by British colonial, Arab, Israeli, and now
American rule, and we will do it again.
Tariq Fatemi opined that the situation has been created deliberately
and now US-Israel were planning to divide Palestinians permanently. To the
Palestinians, who are living in the midst of violence, poverty and squalor,
the horrendous sufferings of the Jews for centuries at the hands of the
Europeans is a matter of academic interest only. They do not understand
why they should be made to pay for the crimes of the Europeans whose
hatred for the Jews culminated in the Holocaust.
Nor are they impressed by Israels claim of wishing to live in
peace with its Arab neighbours. Israels track record in this regards lends
little credence to its assertion. In fact, the Palestinians have been losing more
and more of their territory and increasing numbers are becoming refugees in
their own land.
To make matters worse, they are now engaged in a fratricidal
struggle. To understand the genesis of the current crisis, one must recall that
during an election recognized as free and fair, the Palestinians voted for
Hamas and not Fatah, the party of discredited Mahmoud Abbas.
Not surprisingly, the current struggle between Fatah and Hamas has
been welcomed by Israels Prime Minister Ehud Olmert. While traveling to
the United States, Olmert told the media that the fighting was a reality
created in recent days which we have not had in long time. We need to
work with all our strength to realize this opportunity as much as we can.
Notwithstanding our reservations about Israeli leader, his frankness and
candor must be admired.
Olmert also held out the hope of normalizing ties with the new
Palestinian government, provided Hamas was not included in it. In the
meanwhile, the US announced that it was welcoming the dissolution of
the unity government and the appointment of a new cabinet under Salam
Fayyad, while giving the assurance that it would renew financial aid to the
Palestinian Authority.
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More revealing was the enthusiasm with which both Olmert and
George Bush confirmed that their first priority would be to strengthen
President Abbass control over the West Bank where Fatah militants were
permitted to unleash their guns on Hamas supporters.
The combined efforts of Israel and the US will certainly strengthen
the hands of the Palestinian president, but to what end? What the Bush
Administration fails to appreciate is that by trying to ostracize Hamas and
isolate Gaza, the US will neither enhance Fatahs credibility nor reduce
that of Hamas. The game is too obvious to fool any one.
Middle East expert Jon Alterman confirmed this view when he
expressed the fear that after the dust settles I think the US policy would be
to hold up the West Bank as an example of what happens to people who
cooperate, and to hold up Gaza as an example of what happens to those who
do not cooperate. But this is a risk-fraught policy because Fatah, given its
reputation for corruption and inefficiency, is not likely to take
advantage of US assistance to provide economic benefits in the West
Bank.
Regrettably, the Bush Administration is not registering these
apprehensions. It believes that even if the current policy is wrong, it is
important to demonstrate to Hamas that it has to pay a price of its refusal to
recognize Israel. In the process, the US is ignoring, at its own peril, the fact
that most people in the occupied territories are not wedded to the ideology of
either of the two factions. Their primary interest lies in an end to violence
and in the restoration of peace.
Suffice to state that the situation in Gaza has been so abysmal for so
long, that even Jewish scholars have acknowledged that it is a time bomb,
ready to explode. It is simply not possible to lock in one and a half
million people in a 40km strip, with all schools, hospitals and
administrative centers in ruins.
The US, at the behest of Israel and with the support of the Europeans,
has given the assurance that it will now extend its full support and assistance
to Mahmoud Abbas to strengthen his effectiveness. But US support is not
likely to enhance his credibility and will erode his legitimacy.
Nor can newly-appointed Prime Minister Salam Fayyad be expected
to establish a credible government. As a former long-time employee of the

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World Bank and the IMF, he has been a favourite of the Americans. The
Americans will be expecting further concessions from Fayyad. But the
more he gives in, the more he will be viewed as a quisling.
The dispatch of arms to President Abbass faction is even more
dangerous. Who exactly he is preparing to fight? Certainly not Israel, for he
has been signaling for years his willingness to give in to Israeli demands.
The bloodshed between Fatah and Hamas has only promoted the interests of
the occupation forces and the US, and, as in Iraq, created civil war
conditions that are likely to result in a split of the occupied territories.
Even at this late stage, one hopes that the Bush Administration will
recognize the dangers inherent in its current policy. The division of West
Bank and Gaza into separate political entities is a major calamity, but
Israel should refrain from gloating over it. It should, instead, recognize that
its policies have created on both its northern and southern borders, two
militant Arab movements, Hezbollah and Hamas.
It is, therefore, incumbent on Washington to use its influence with Tel
Aviv to restrain it from launching a military strike in Gaza as hinted by the
Israeli defence minister. At the same time, efforts need to be made to
resurrect the Makkah agreement and to bring the Palestinian parties onto
a common platform.
Washington should also work to convene a genuine international
peace conference, a recommendation contained in Baker-Hamilton report.
There is little time to waste. What is at stake is not only the lives of the
Palestinians, but prospects of peace and security in the region for decades,
and this includes those in Israel.
Robert Malley and Aaron David Miller wrote: Having embraced one
illusion that it could help isolate and defeat Hamas the Bush
Administration is dangerously close to embracing another: Gaza is dead,
long live the West Bank. This approach appears compelling. Flood the West
Bank with money, boost Fatah security forces and create meaningful
negotiating process. The Palestinian people, drawn to a recovering West
Bank and repelled by the nightmare of an impoverished Gaza, will rally
around the more pragmatic of the Palestinians.
The theory is a few years late and several steps removed from
reality. If the United States wanted to help President Mahmoud Abbas, the

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time to do so was in 2005, when he won office in a landslide, emerged as the

Palestinians uncontested leader and was in a position to sell different
compromises to his people. Today, Abbas is challenged by far more
Palestinians and is far less capable of securing a consensus on any important
decision.
The theory assumes that Hamas has little influence in the West Bank.
Fatah may have more guns, but Hamas retains considerable political
support. More important, it takes only a few militants to conduct attacks
against Israel and few such attacks to provoke an Israeli military reaction. If
Hamas is convinced that there is an effort to strangle its rule, it is likely to
resume violence against Israel either directly or through one of many
militant groups, Fatah off-shoots included. There will be no shortage of
militants angry at Fatah leaders dealings with Israel or hungry for cash.
The United States and others should support Abbas and
encourage progress in the West Bank, but smartly. Sticks for Gaza
coupled with carrots for the West Bank will divide Palestinians, radicalize
Gazans, provoke violence by those who are left out and discredit, those the
United States embraces We should not be fooled by Abbass rhetoric.
Sooner or later he will be forced to pursue new power-sharing arrangements
between Hamas and Fatah and restore unity among Palestinians.
As the United States and others seek to empower him, they should
push a comprehensive Israeli-Palestinian ceasefire in Gaza and the West
Bank, which will require dealing indirectly at least with elements of
Hamas. They should resist the temptation to isolate Gaza and should
tend to its populations needs. And should a national unity government be
established, this time they should welcome the outcome and take steps to
shore it up. Only then will efforts to broker credible political negotiations
between Abbas and his Israeli counterpart on a two-state solution have a
chance to succeed.
Jonathan Freedland opined that whole idea rests on a series of faulty
assumptions. The United States, Europe and Israel think theyve worked out
a response. Not only that, they reckon they have seen a flicker of light in the
gloom. Part of the perversity of their trade is to see opportunity where
lesser mortals might see only crisis, and so it is now.
The western strategy, endorsed not only in Jerusalem and Washington
but by European foreign ministers at their meeting in Luxembourg on
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Monday, is to set up an elaborate demonstration exercise for the Palestinians.

They will be offered two alternative Palestines and asked to choose
which one best represents their future.
On the West Bank shall arise Fatahland, soon to be showered
with cash from the very western tap that stayed shut as long as Hamas
were in the picture. President Mahmoud Abbas will not only receive money
but multiple goodwill gestures from Israel: an easing of roadblocks,
cooperation on security, a glimpse of the political horizon, meaning the
prospects of negotiations aimed at an eventual Palestinian state. If things go
well, a high-ranking Israeli government official toldIsrael could once
again return chunks of West Bank territory to Palestinian control, as it did
during the Oslo process.
In Gaza, meanwhile, would fester the new land of Hamastan, an
Islamist-ruled hellhole shunned by the rest of the world, starved of all but
the most emergency humanitarian aid. Whereas Fatahland would feel the
warmth of the Wests open arms and deep pockets, Hamastan would know
only its cold shoulder. Petty soon the Palestinians would draw the
obvious conclusion. As that Israeli government insider puts it, theyll
understand that moderate policies bring home the bacon, while the other
road brings only pain.
If all went to plan, either Gazans would eventually rise up and
reject Hamas from power, or Hamas itself would realize it has to change
course. After all, if the Palestinians of the West Bank were marching
towards prosperity and statehood, Gazans would not want to be left behind.
For years Israel and the US have urged the Palestinian Authority to
uproot the infrastructure of terror and crack down on Hamas without
much success. Now though, runs the thinking, Fatah are amply motivated to
do the job Fatah are only too eager to flush out Hamas from the West
Bank.
The whole idea rests on a series of faulty assumptions. First, it
assumes that Israel will indeed come through with goodies it promise. On
this, the record is not encouraging. Ehud Olmert has repeatedly met Abbas
and promised the release of tax funds or greater freedom of movement, only
to do nothing.

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Second, even if Israel does hand over the cash, there is no guarantee
that Abbass Fatah-dominated administration could translate that into
improvements on the ground. Again, past experience is not encouraging. Put
crudely, Fatah has shown itself to be either corrupt or incompetent or both
But lets be optimistic and imagine the new approach did indeed bear fruit
on the West Bank. Do we imagine that Hamas would calmly sit by, watching
itself being pushed out of the Palestinian future?
Charles Krauthammer rejected the idea altogether and recommended
adoption of tougher measures. Hamas is a client of Iran. Gaza now
constitutes the farthest reach of the archipelago of Iranian proxies: Hamas in
Palestine, Hezbollah in Lebanon, the Mahdi Army (among others) in Iraq
and the Alawite regime of Syria.
This Islamist mini-replica of the Com-intern is at war not just with
Israel but with the moderate Arab states, who finally woke up to this threat
last summer when they denounced Hezbollah for provoking the Lebanon
war with Israel. The fall of Gaza is particularly terrifying to Egypt
because Hamas is so closely affiliated with the Muslim Brotherhood; the
chief Islamist threat to the secular-nationalist regime that has ruled Egypt
since the revolution of 1956.
The splitting of Palestine into two entities is nonetheless clarifying.
Since Hamas won the parliamentary elections of January 2006, weve had to
deal with the fiction of a supposedly unified Palestine ruled by an avowedly
unity government of Fatah and Hamas. Now the muddle has undergone
political hydrolysis, separating out the relatively pure elements: a
Hamas-ruled Gaza and Fatah-ruled (for now) West Bank.
The policy implications are obvious. There is nothing to do with
the self-proclaimed radical Islamic entity that is Gaza but to isolate it.
No recognition, no aid (except humanitarian necessities through the United
Nations), no diplomatic commerce. Israel now has the opportunity to
establish deterrence against unremitting rocket attacks from Gaza into Israel
villages.
With Hamas now clearly in charge, Israel should declare that it will
tolerate no more rocket fire that the next Qassam will be answered with a
cut off of gasoline shipments. This should bring road traffic to Gaza to a halt
within days and make it increasingly difficult to ferry around missiles and
launchers.
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If that fails to concentrate the mind, the next step should be to cut
off electricity. When the world wails, Israel should ask, what other country
on earth is expected to supply the very means for a declared enemy to attack
it?
Regarding the West Bank, policy should be equally clear. Palestinian
Authority President Mahmoud Abbas represents moderation and should
be helped as he tries to demonstrate both authority and success in running
his part of Palestine.
But lets remember who Abbas is. He appears well intentioned, but
he is afflicted with near-disastrous weaknesses. He controls little. His troops
in Gaza simply collapsed against the greatly out-numbered forces of Hamas.
His authority in the West Bank is far from universal. He does not even
control the various factions within Hamas. But the greater liability is his
character. He is weak and indecisive.
The West is rushing to bolster Abbas. Israel will release hundreds of
millions in tax revenue. The United States and the European Union will be
pouring in aid. All praise Abbas as a cross between Anwar Sadat and Simon
Bolivar. Fine. We have no choice but to support him. But before we give
him the moon, we should insist upon reasonable benchmarks of both
moderation and good governance exactly what we failed to do during the
Oslo process.
Abbas is not Hamas. But despite the geographical advantages, he
does not represent the second coming, either. We can prop him up only so
much. In the end, the only one who can make a success of the West Bank is
himself. This is his chance; his last chance.
Shireen M Mazari expressed her views on Blairs appointment as
Middle East Envoy. If there was any doubt at all about the revival of a most
threatening form of neo-imperialism emanating from the direction of the US
and Europe, the appointment of Tony Blair as a Middle East peace
envoy should put such doubts to rest. Who can forget the earlier British
meddling in West Asia which led to underhand deal cutting and eternal
misery for the Arab people especially the Palestinians. In present times we
have the murderous invasion of Iraq by the Bush-Blair combine and the
strangulation of the Palestinian people for their audacious expression of their
democratic rights, by this same combine in cahoots with Israel and other
European states Here, of course, one should not forget the timing of the
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British knighthood for Salman Rushdie for there are always patterns that
reveal a certain agenda and we need to be aware of them.
In any event, a crucial factor that was always present and has now
been highlighted in the sordid episode of Blairs appointment as the
Quartets Middle East envoy in the US-loyal mindset of the new UN
Secretary General. This is unfortunate and will certainly push the UN
further into becoming a legitimiser for US global policy further than an
instrument for international peace and security. As for Blair, it is already
evident what his new mandate will be since the US (lobbying supported by
Britain) and the EU (with Israeli approval) have already shown which
direction they intend to move in on Palestine. This direction is basically to
resolve the issue primarily in terms of a two-state solution but involving a
truncated and deferential to the US-Israel-EU combine Palestinian state.
In the Arab World, beyond officialdom, there are few takers for
Blair. He lacks credibility amongst the Arab people in fact amongst
Muslim people as a whole, since his anti-Muslim record is reflected in his
Iraq adventure and hostile approach to the Palestinian cause, as opposed to
the Zionist cause. Even in Britain, the Blair government has managed to
increase the polarization between its Muslim citizens and rest of the civil
society.
Meanwhile, since the Arab World has been presented with a fait
accompli in this neo imperialist appointment of Blair as the Quartets Middle
East envoy, let us at least be clear as to whose interests and whose
agenda he intends to fulfill through this appointment and let us not
accept his benefactors efforts to couch their designs in high-sounding but
meaningless moral terms. Even the term peace has now been given a highly
tainted meaning in the wake of the killings of the innocent in Iraq, Gaza and
Afghanistan.
The Dawn urged Palestinians to unite. The Saudi monarch is
obviously angry with the Fatah leader over the dismissal of a unity
government that had come into being as a result of the peace brokered by
the king himself. President Hosni Mubarak, a key American ally in the
region, also made it clear to President Abbas during their Sharm el-Sheikh
meeting last week that he expected him to mend fences with Hamas.
Unfortunately, the break with Mr Ismail Haniyeh is so total that it appears
highly unlikely that President Abbas will be in a position to make fresh
overtures to the Hamas leader.
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President Abbas might have acted in good faith, but regrettably

his actions have gladdened Israel and its patrons. Ever since Hamas came
to power last year through an election, one of the major aims of Israeli,
American and European policy was to wreck the government, which had an
absolute majority in the Pale4stinian Legislative Council.
There are now two Palestinian cantons a situation that cannot be
allowed to continue. To say that the moment Gaza and the West Bank unite
under one administration Israel will begin peace talks is to be nave. Israel
has no interest in a peace process, because it knows that the success of talks
will mean a two-state solution a precondition for which is an Israeli
withdrawal from Palestinian territories. Israel has no intention of doing this,
because of full American and European support. But the point to note is that
regardless of what Israel does or does not do, Palestinians must unite.
Karamatullah K Ghori observed: Bush seems to have scored a
victory of sorts in Palestine. Its a different matter, though, that even this
victory might, ultimately, prove to be pyrrhic, but for the moment the
strategy to divide the Palestinians is working successfully.
Stalking the Palestinian landscape is the macabre spectacle of
virtually two Palestinian states fighting for crumbs left over by Israel:
one led by Hamas in the dirt-poor Gaza Strip, and the other by Fatah, in the
relatively better-off West Bank. Looming over both is the domineering
shadow of Israel, the regions largest military power, which also happens to
be the occupying power over these enclaves.
According to the American sources, the Bush Administration is
spending $80 million to train the presidential guards of Abbas. According to
the intelligence archives captured by Hamas in Gaza after the rout of Fatah
in that enclave, there was close, three-way, active cooperation between
CIA, the Israeli Mossad and the Fatah intelligence network run by
Mohammad Dahlan, the notorious head of the Palestinian Authoritys
intelligence arm It was Dahlans apparatus that became the ramming rod
of the Americans and the Israelis to target Hamas and its leaders, the most
notable among them being the paraplegic spiritual mentor of Hamas, Sheikh
Ahmed Yasin.
It is obvious that the neocons started investing in Abbas years ago
in order to have a sure bet to bank on in their campaign to weaken the
Palestinian struggle for emancipation, now 40 years-old. Abbas was
527

cultivated as a possible partner for peace with Israel even during the
lifetime of Arafat, who was shunned by Bush and his neocons as a pariah,
and subsequently incarcerated within his compound in Ramallah at their
behest by Ariel Sharon.
Abbass value as a pro-American moderate increased manifold
in Washington as Hamas stunned the world with its clean and transparent
victory at the polls in January 2006. but instead of being applauded for their
coming to power through the ballot box, Hamas was declared a leper by
Washington and its allies.
That Abbas was provided the means, and used as decoy, to make
sure that the Hamas government would have no moment of peace has
been doubly corroborated by the huge cache of American supplied arms
captured at the Gazan headquarters of Dahlans storm troopers. Abbas
single-handedly wrecked all prospects of unity between Hamas and Fatah.
That was the game plan devised jointly in Tel Aviv and Washington within
hours of the Hamas electoral victory last year.
Now that their protg has pulled the rug from under their quarry,
Hamas, the Americans and the Israelis are falling over each other in their
obscene haste to prop up the illegal government in the West Bank, headed by
a kosher, ex-World Bank technocrat. Instant recognition from Tel Aviv and
Washington came in the blink of an eye. Economic and military assistance
has been promised in spades. The idea is to ensure that while Hamas and its
1.5 million faithful followers in Gaza starve in a virtual chicken coop, the
Quislings in the West Bank well-fed and beefed up.
Never missing a beat to furnish proof of their unstinted loyalty to
their American patrons, the moderate Arab states Egypt and Jordan up
front, and Saudi Arabia behind the scene hastily arranged a conclave in the
Sharm el-Sheikh with Abbas and Olmert to lend semblance of Arab
recognition of the American-engineered coup in Palestine.
There is, on top of this Orwellian end-game, every possibility that
Hamass tormentors may not be content to let it stew in its own juice in
Gaza. According to leading Israeli newspaper, Haaretz of June 17, a big
military invasion, led by as many as 20,000 Israeli troops, armour, artillery
and air support, is being planned against Hamas in Gaza. Ehud Barak,
recently repackaged as the new leader of the Labour Party and installed as

528

defence minister, is being touted as the brain behind this blitz aimed at
regime change in Gaza.
Regime change is George W Bushs favourite support he did it in
Iraq, might be close to doing it in Gaza, and how would he love to repeat
the act in Damascus and Tehran. Bush is also keen to appoint his buddy
Blair, who has just vacated 10 Downing Street, as the new special envoy of
the Quartet for Israeli-Palestinian peace prospects.

LEBANON AND IRAN

Lebanon also kept feeling the impact of Bush Administrations
sinister plan for the Middle East. Katyusha rockets fired from Lebanon hit
Israeli town on 17th June. Two days later an unspecified number of soldiers
were killed near Palestinian refugee camp.
Lebanese Army achieved control of the Palestinian refugee camp on
21 June. Next day, four Lebanese soldiers were killed in refugee camp. Five
UN peacekeepers were killed on 24th June in roadside bombing in southern
Lebanon. One Lebanese soldier and 11 people were killed in an encounter.
Two Lebanese soldiers were killed in attack on 25 th June. Three days later, a
Lebanese soldier and four militants were killed. On 29 th June, Two protesters
were shot dead by Lebanese army near refugee camp.
st

The row with Iran over nuclear issue was kept alive. On 17th June,
Saudi King said Irans nuclear programme issue should be resolved through
talks. A week late, Iran planned to de-link dollar-dealing completely. Tehran
invited IAEA team on 25th June to help ease worries about its nuclear
programme. During first week of July, Hugo Chavez visiting Iran signed
anti-US alliance with Ahmadinejad.

CONCLUSION
The problem with Muslim leaders and intellectuals is that they still
believe that the Jews supported by the Crusaders want peace in Middle East.
They do not want peace but complete dominance in which the Muslims,
Arabs in particular, submit to their will. The excerpts from a speech of

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American President Benjamin Franklin, 155 years ago, are reproduced to

prove the threats posed by the Jews.
There is great danger for the United States of America. This great
danger is the Jew. Gentlemen, in wherever the Jews have settled, they have
repressed the moral level and lowered the degree of commercial honesty.
Theyattempt to strangle the nation financially, as in the case of Portugal
and Spain.
For more than seventeen hundred years they have lamented their
sorrow fate; namely, that they have been driven out of their Motherland. But,
Gentlemen, if the civilized world of today should give them back Palestine
and their property, they would immediately find pressing reasons for not
returning there; why? Because they are vampires, and vampires cannot live
among themselves. They must live among Christians and others, who do not
belong to their race.
If they are not excluded from the United States by the Constitution
within less than one hundred years, they will stream into this country in such
numbers that they will rule and destroy us If the Jews are not excluded
within two hundred years, our children will be working in the fields to feed
the Jews I warn you Gentlemen: If you do not exclude the Jews forever,
your children and your childrens children will curse you in your grave.
Their ideas are not of those of Americans even when they have lived among
us for ten generations. The leopard cannot change his spot.
The Americans failed in excluding the Jews by the Constitution and
today the United States finds itself suffering at the hands of the Jews. The
advice of Benjamin Franklin was partly implemented after Second World
War and a Jewish state was established by grabbing Palestinians land, but
only Europeans benefited.
7th July 2007

FORGOTTEN FRONTS
Musharraf regime and the people of Pakistan remained preoccupied
with lawyers movement since suspension of the Chief Justice on March 9.

530

On 3rd July, the row between the regime and the clerics of Lal Masjid flared
up which made the nation to forget all other issues, at least temporarily.
The rulers, however, remained committed to the war on terror. The Lal
Masjid standoff is proof of Musharraf regimes resolve to defeat Islamic
fascism. Musharraf warned NSC of security imperils posed by
Talibanization and urged immediate action.
The rulers pursuing the soft image ran in reverse gear and ran fast.
The reference against the Chief Justice and Lal Masjid standoff battered
their faces. There were also other instances which added to the ugliness of
the regime.

SERVING CRUSADERS
The bloodletting for Afghan peace continued. A militant was
injured when a bomb exploded prematurely in Mardan on 16 th June. Next
day, two persons were injured in landmine blast near Miranshah. Two days
later, three government employees were injured in a blast near Khaar.
On 19th June, another mystery blast killed 22 people and wounded
ten others in Datakhel area of North Waziristan; local officials and tribesmen
said the death toll might be 32. Reportedly, most of the killed were Uzbeks.
Tribesmen claimed that three missiles fired from air had struck, But DG
ISPR denied reports that Pakistan or coalition forces had carried out the
attack. According to him it was an accidental blast which occurred due to
mishandling of explosives during terror training. In Bajaur, new posts were
set up; ban on display of weapons was imposed and 39 people were arrested.
By next day the death toll in missile strike in North Waziristan
reached 34. Local tribesmen denied existence of a seminary or a training
camp in any of the compounds attacked by missiles. Anwar Iqbal reported
that Waziristan blast was caused by the new weapon system identified as
High Mobility Artillery Rockets or Himars, a complement to Predator
drones. In Bajaur Agency, rockets hit girls school in Khaar.
A man lobbed a grenade at Tablighi congregation in Bannu on 21 st
June; one person was killed and 23 wounded. Next day, a US spy was
beheaded in Bajaur Agency.

531

Artillery and missiles fired from Afghanistan struck Manrotai area of

North Waziristan on 23rd June killing 12 people including a woman and two
children. ISPR first denied and then reluctantly accepted the killings. Four
FC men were killed in roadside bombing near Mirali.
Pikhawar Khan, who lost nine members of his family in NATO
bombing, committed suicide on 24th June. Three army personnel were
kidnapped during when they visited a shrine near Kohat. Five Tajiks were
arrested while entering Baluchistan from Iran.
To the relief of Pakistan Army, NATO admitted killing Pakis in
Waziristan. ISPR termed the admission a victory of Pakistan which would be
good for future. Suicide of Pikhawar Khan could be termed another victory
because the deceased did not resort to suicide bombing. On 28th June, three
militants were killed while trying to plant a bomb near Miranshah. Ten oil
tankers waiting for crossing into Afghanistan were set on fire. Three CD
shops were blown up in Peshawar.
Two persons were injured in an explosion in a bus in Peshawar on 30 th
June. Next day, two alleged terrorists were killed when time bomb exploded
in Peshawar. A soldier on leave in Mirali was shot dead by gunmen on 2 nd
July. Next day, Britain declared TNSM a terrorist organization.
Six soldiers were among 11 killed in a suicide attack near Bannu on
4 July. Dozens of Afghans were arrested in Peshawar for not having proof
of registration cards. Next day, four policemen were killed and two FC
personnel wounded in an ambush near Peshawar. Four missiles hit army
officers mess in Landi Kotal.
th

Three Pakistani doctors were released from Afghan jail on 6 th July.

Two days later, four security personnel were kidnapped in Bajaur and in
another incident one Levies man was killed and 8 wounded. Four Taliban
Commanders were captured in Quetta. Three Chinese were shot dead near
Peshawar.
Pressure on Pakistan was maintained so that its security forces kept
fighting as mercenaries in Americas war on terror. German ambassador met
the Governor NWFP on 13th June and discussed matters of mutual interest.
Next day, Boucher visited Quetta and Chaman and agreed with Pakistan that
Mulla Omar was not in Quetta region. Pak-US ties are vital for world peace,
said the Prime Minister on 4th July.

532

A high-level meeting in Presidents House approved the plan to

eradicate terrorism from FATA and its adjoining settled areas. Meanwhile the
Crusaders kept causing embarrassment to the regime by resorting to direct
action. On 25th June, Foreign Office requested NATO to exercise restraint.
Next day, addressing the tribal elders of FATA in the Governor House,
Musharraf said pullout of NATO forces from Afghanistan is essential to
peace in tribal areas. He urged the elders to clear their respective areas of
foreigners and warned against the violation of the peace deals struck with
the government.
Legislators from FATA boycotted the jiga. We boycotted the function
because of indifferent attitude of the Governor, federal government and
establishment towards FATA parliamentarians said MNA from Khyber
Agency. They criticized US bombings which have created complications and
placed the MNAs from FATA in awkward position.
Meanwhile, the jirgas of different kinds failed to make any impact. On
17 June, Maulana Fazlur Rahman wanted Taliban participation in PakAfghan Jirga to make it more productive. A week later, Jirga of Utmanzai
tribe and government officials failed to reach an agreement to tackle the
prevalent situation in the area. On 25 th June, elders of the Marwat Qaumi
Jirga requested the local Taliban to help curb crimes in the district.
th

Cross-border strikes by in North Waziristan by US-led forces were

criticized, despite the regimes effort to downplay the recent attacks. For
example, DG ISPR had identified the cause of the blast which occurred at
night in a remote area within an hour. According to him the terrorists were
carrying out explosives training at night. This time, unlike Bajaur strike,
Pakistan Army decided not to own the US strike and instead put the blame
on tribesmen.
The strike has to be seen in the context of recent visits of Boucher,
Negroponte and Commander CENTCOM, who had dashed to Islamabad one
after the other. As outcome of the visit, Musharraf was allowed to retain
uniform as long as he wanted and that could not have been granted without
securing fresh commitment to the war on terror.
`The Dawn wrote on Waziristan strike. There are at least three
versions of what actually caused it. According to the residents, missiles from
across the border had hit a madressah in the area that led to the death of a

533

number of people. The Pakistan Army spokesman insists that the blast was
accidental and occurred when some militants were making explosives. The
US-led coalition forces in Afghanistan have categorically denied that they
had fired any missile In order to pre-empt any misunderstanding the
authorities should allow media representatives and human rights
activists to visit North Waziristan.
This would have many advantages. If the governments claim is
correct and is confirmed by independent sources, it would save the army the
odium that is hiding the truth. It would also help establish its credibility
which has gone to shreds since General Musharraf joined hands with the
Americans to wage a war against the al-Qaeda.
If, contrary to what the army claims, the cause of the blast was a
missile and innocent people were targeted along with the militants by our
armed forces and their American allies, then it is time for the government
to review its policy in the tribal areas, especially in respect of its strategy
vis--vis terrorism. If the claim of the residents is found to be true, it means
that the war on terror being waged mainly in the tribal areas along the PakAfghan border is proving to be counter-productive.
There is also the long-term policy that the government is expected to
address, though understandably it would like to focus at present on its
immediate goal of controlling terrorism. It should concurrently work to
bring the tribal areas into the economic, political and national stream
In the present day scenario a majority of them have fallen victims to some
militant groups and the foreigners in their midst. If the government shows an
understanding of these factors, it may succeed in rooting out terrorism from
the frontier region.
In another editorial The Dawn added: As on many other occasions in
the past, the ISAF crossed over into Pakistani side mistakenly and fired on
some militants who were preparing to attack. In the resultant exchange of
fire, 18 artillery shells and six missiles hit a hotel and seven houses The
spokesman claimed that the attack had been carried out in coordination
with Pakistani authorities but that it was not always possible to determine
that border had been crossed because there is no line drawn on the sand.
The Crusaders consider Pak-Afghan border drawn on (shifting) sand.
Whether it is Fridays tragedy on the Pakistani side or the death of 25
Afghan civilians, including nine women and three children in an ISAF attack
534

in the Helmand area on June 22, civilians have been the main victims of
the war whose end does not seem in sight.
The current situation is full of anomalies. While the ISAF
commanders and their governments speak of a Taliban summer offensive,
President Hamid Karzai said the other day that the Taliban posed no longterm threat to Afghanistan The question is: what steps has Mr Karzai
himself taken to end the misery of his people?
He has left the fighting mostly to the coalition forces, and this has
aroused his peoples traditional hostility to foreign troops on Afghan soil.
The administration he heads is thoroughly corrupt, the warlords have turned
the provinces into their fiefs, and Afghanistan has once again become the
worlds biggest poppy producer. More regrettably, besides expressing the
need for ending the war, he has done nothing concrete to try to find a
peaceful end to the insurgency.
Instead of improving the economic conditions so as to encourage the
return of his people to their country, the only mantra dear to Mr Karzai is
to blame Pakistan for covering his incompetence. Unless there is a
negotiated solution to the insurgency, incidents like the one on Friday will
continue.
Anti-Madrassa campaign of Crusaders and Musharraf continued
unabated, which was criticized by the clerics. Sami-ul-Haq in an interview
by Imtiaz Ali said: That ban (on foreign students) is a total violation of our
fundamental rights. People from here go to the United States and the United
Kingdom for studies. Similarly, students from other countries come to
Pakistan for education. That was a kind of service we were providing to
Muslim students from other countries. But this ban is an unconstitutional,
inhumane, and unlawful act. The government has taken this step only to
appease the United States and its other Western masters.
In reply to the allegation that these madrassas are used for training
terrorists, he said, this is nothing more than an example of the perpetual
propaganda against the madrassa system. This is what we have been hearing,
but so far no one has produced any solid evidence The majority of the
funding comes from the poorer classes of society. They know that
madrassas are the real guardians of Islam. Gods religion is flourishing in
these madrassas.

535

He said Musharrafs popularity has absolutely decreased. Look at

the declining popularity of President Bush in his own country. So how can
Musharraf be popular for his role in the so-called war on terror? The
reports about his increasing popularity are just rubbish People are not
happy with what he is doing in Pakistan. The overwhelming majority of the
masses are opposing his policies, particularly the much talked about
enlightened moderation.
Anything is possible. But the most important thing to keep in mind is
that the motive behind the creation of Pakistan was establishment of an
Islamic state for the Muslims of India. Establishment of Sharia is the
logical conclusion of Pakistans creation.
The Dawn commented on Musharrafs plans for fast-track focused
operations. That a new plan should be prepared for combating militancy in
FATA and the NWFPs settled districts means that the strategy so far
followed has failed to work The idea is to make focused operations
against militant commanders on a fast-track basis. If this is the aim of the
new fast-track strategy, what has then been the aim of the policy
followed all these years?
The tactics so far have been a mix of force and deals. While relying
entirely on force is not going to help in an area which has traditionally
resisted authority, the deals are not without an inherent contradiction.
Basically, it is a sound policy to strike an understanding with tribal elders
and militant commanders to secure peace in a given area.
The flipside is that deals do not always work, or work
unsatisfactorily. What is worse, the militants get time to reorganize and
regroup, and thus the deals often prove counter-productive. Yet, there is no
alternative for the government.
The people of the NWFP, like those in the rest of Pakistan, have been
practicing Islam in a way that has never been a threat to anyone. However,
religion as defined and preached by the Taliban and al-Qaeda is in
danger of turning into a fitna a Quranic term for mischief that could
grow and turn into anarchy.
A related question is the devolution plan of this government At
present, the FATA Secretariat looks after the tribal area, while the provincial
Home Department is responsible for law and order in the rest of the NWFP.

536

The abolition of the traditional district management system inherited from

the colonial era has led to the exclusion of proper coordination needed
between these two administrative units at a time when the entire
administrative machinery needs to be battle-fit for the task ahead.
Prejudices of the Crusaders remained in place despite Musharrafs
services. On 27th June, the US lawmakers once again sought access to Dr
Khan but the very next day the US State Department said Khan Network is
out of business.
On 1st July, white British in Glasgow wall-chalked Kill all the Pakis
after two Asian looking men rammed their jeep into airport building. The
city has 50,000 Muslims including 35,000 Pakistanis. Police continued
searching houses, mostly of Pakistanis. Mushahid Hussain said the West is
more extremist than Muslims.
Abu Iqbal from Karachi expressed his views on the issue of Dr Khan.
According to a report, some US lawmakers have demanded access to Dr
AQ Khan on the pretext that his answers are required to unearth the western
entities involved in his network, many of whom are still to be arrested.
One legislator even sought international inspection of Pakistans
nuclear installations while another said US law prevented assistance to any
country that proliferated and made nuclear weapons outside international
control.
First, why dont they seek inspections of Israeli and Indian
facilities using technology stolen from the West to make weapons, yet
economic and military assistance continues? Second, Dr Khan has not
caused the death of a single person, American or otherwise, whereas
President Bush has taken a million.
Third, why cant the CIA trace the western sources who sold
banned stuff to Israel, India and Pakistan, just as it had exposed Dr Khan
and the Libyan atomic programme? May God give Pakistans great hero a
long life, but it appears that even after he dies, the Americans, especially the
two Jewish lawmakers, Gary Ackerman and Sherman, who seem overly
concerned, would want his bones disentombed for questioning.
Najmuddin A Shaikh expressed his views on an earlier report. A
recent article in Foreign Policy gives a detailed analysis of the countries that

537

can be regarded as failing states. This places Pakistan at 12 th position while

Afghanistan ranks eighth with Sudan and Iraq topping the list. Even
Bangladesh is at 16th position. We can dismiss this as anti-Pakistan
propaganda, but even if we do, we should see what we can do to address
the kernel of truth on which this assessment is based.
The most stinking act of prejudices, not against Pakistan but entire
Muslim Ummah, was conferring of knighthood upon Rushdie on 16th June
for his anti Islam services. Rushdies knighthood was slammed by National
Assembly and Britain promptly ruled out an apology over knighthood to
Rushdie. On 19th June, British High Commissioner was summoned to
Foreign Office to chat about Rushdies knighthood over a cup of tea.
On 20th June, British media reacted angrily to Ijazs remarks, who had
said that knighthood would prompt suicide attacks. Benazir demanded
removal of Ijaz over his remarks on suicide bombings. Next day, Ijazul Haq
hit back at Benazir. Arbab Rahim renounced his elders British titles.
Punjab Assembly deplored award of Knighthood; the Speaker vowed
to kill Rushdie if he comes across him. Islamabad Traders Association
offered Rs 10 million for killing Rushdie. Why Rushdie; why not those who
awarded him the knighthood? Pakistan Ulema Council awarded its highest
honour to Osama bin Laden.
On 22nd June, Qazi asked the government to pull out of the western
nations war on terror as protest against British governments decision of
conferring knighthood on Rushdie. Second resolution of National Assembly
assailed the decision of the Brits. Protest rallies were held across the country
after juma prayer. Protesters in England urged award of death sentence to
Rushdie through an Islamic court. On 2nd July, the UK wanted closer defence
ties with Pakistan.
The Dawn wrote: It is astonishing that nearly two decades after the
publication of The Satanic Verses, the British government should have
chosen to re-kindle a forgotten controversy by knighthooding its author.
Salman Rushdie may be a great fiction writer, but he has used his pen to
create hatred rather than enlightenment among nations.
Common sense requires that both sides do nothing that could
aggravate the sense of mutual alienation. Like the Danish cartoons,
Rushdies knighthood will widen the chasm. Equally deplorable is Mr Ejazul

538

Haqs talk of suicide bombing. Muslims have, no doubt, been hurt by Mr

Rushdies ennoblement, but that a religious affairs minister should have
talked in these terms in parliament is indeed deplorable. In fact, instead
of articulating the Pakistani peoples sentiments in the spirit demanded by
the occasion, Mr Haq has provided the western media with ample material to
discover a Pakistani hand behind every act of terrorism. Equating an
enraging act with a statement of the enraged is unfair by measure of any
logic.
Mahir Ali opined: The British honours system is an undemocratic
anachronism that ought to have been abolished decades ago, yet it seems
many people in Britain and across the lands once colonized in the name of
the crown still covet silly titles and the right they thereby gain to embellish
their names with initials that invoke a non-existent entity: the British
Empire.
Lord Anybody and Sir Anybody cannot expect to be taken too
seriously in the 21st century, any more than those whose lopsided lexicon is
heavily laden with terms such as apostasy and blasphemy. And after the
cash-for-honours scandal that has rocked the Blair Administration in recent
years, it is surprising that anyone with an ounce of self-respect would
wish to supplement their surname with a KBE, MBE, CBE or OBE.
However, it seems relatively few recipients are able to resist the
temptation. Fewer still are able to imbue their rejection of a title with the
sort of outrage that the poet Benjamin Zephaniah expressed a few years ago:
OBE me? I get angry when I hear that word empire; reminds me of
thousands of years of brutalityMr Blair and Mrs Queen, stop going on
about empire.
Notwithstanding ones reservations about the effete British honour
system, Rushdie is no less worthy a knight than any of his co-recipients.
It is not so much the knighthood that has once again focused sustained
attention on Rushdie and Satanic Verses as the injuries of the would-be
avengers.
If there is a silver lining in this sordid affair, it lies in the evidence
that most Muslims have thus for sensibly chosen to ignore it. Despite
concerted efforts to whip up frenzy, demonstrations in Pakistan and Britain
have attracted dozens rather than thousands of protesters. Parliamentary
resolutions in Tehran and Islamabad havent been echoed by mass action.
539

Enterprising fundamentalists have put a price on Rushdies head.

Above all, it must be hoped that common sense will prevail at the popular
level, and the puniness of the protests will continue to bear out their
irrelevance. In the final analysis, the British government owes no
explanations to anyone in honouring whomever it deems worthy.
By the same token, everyone else has the right to disagree with him,
vociferously or otherwise. But no one least of all those who are
convinced that he will anyhow be punished in the hereafter has the
right to cause any harm to his person.
At any rate, Tony Blair, whose prime minister-ship is history as of
today, must have been relieved to bequeath the problem to Gordan Brown.
Blair, after all, has had fundamentalist issues of a more personal nature to
worry about. His final official engagement abroad was an audience with the
Pope, at which he sought benediction for a formal conversion to
Catholicism. It has been surmised in the British press that Benedict was
scathing in his critique of Blairs role in the Iraqi cataclysm. There has been
no word on whether Blair was suitably contrite.
Anwar Syed criticized the manner in which Pakistanis reacted. The
protesters feelings are said to have been hurt because someone had belittled
the Prophet (PBUH), whom they claim to love intensely. Theirs is indeed
an unusual way of loving. Normally when you love a person you do what
he or she asks you to do. The protesters are ready to die in defending the
Prophets (PBUH) good name but they will not heed his counsel in the
conduct of their day-to-day living. They will kill anyone who detracts from
his exalted status but, other than praying and fasting (if that); they will not
do what he had asked them to do.
He asked them to speak the truth, be honest in their transactions, keep
their word and fulfill their covenants, work hard and do their duty diligently,
be punctual, avoid speculative buying and selling and all unearned income,
refrain from accumulation of wealth and from conspicuous consumption, be
solicitous of their neighbours well-being, to mention but a few. The vast
majority of Muslims in Pakistan and many other places do not do any of
these things. In their actual practice they disregard most of the Prophets
(PBUH) injunctions, his lifestyle and personal conduct. And yet they
claim to love him.

540

The award is part of a continuous campaign which included incidents

like cartoons, Popes remarks, veil, etc. Keeping the record in view, the
conferring of knighthood on Rushdie should not have surprised anyone in
Muslim World. The Crusaders have been deliberately committing acts to
hurt feelings of the Muslims. These are shocks administered to enable them
in assessing the remaining life in Muslim World in general and Muslims in
Europe in particular.
Conferring of knighthood is not done randomly. Each case goes
through a lengthy scrutiny. The emphasis during the process is on the
services rendered to imperial interests of the Brits are always kept in mind,
even if the award is conferred in the field of literature, as it is in this case.
The protest in Pakistan had nothing new. British High Commissioner,
who was summoned to Foreign Office to chat about Rushdies knighthood,
must have been informed that he would be nominated for Hilal-e-Imtiaz on
completion of his tenure.
The demand of taking back the knighthood is meaningless because it
is wrongly directed against Rushdie. The real culprit in this case is the
British government and the Queen; therefore the wrath should be directed
against them. By the way, it could be retaliation to a Muslims flirtation with
a British Princess.
Protests by the ministers and ruling elite are not justified for the
simple reason that the partners are supposed to support each others actions.
Musharraf regime is partner of the Britain and the US in the ongoing clash
of civilizations and what Britain did is part of the war against Islamic
fascism in which Musharraf regime has repeatedly boasted of being in the
front-line. In view of this relationship, one would have expected that
Musharraf regime should have appreciated Rushdies knighthood. Brits were
justified in feeling angry about the statements coming from Pakistan.
The protest by leaders of all shades, particularly by those in power, is
nothing but blatant hypocrisy. If they really respect the Holy Prophet
(PBUH) as much as they claim, then there are better ways to react. These
actions should be such that they hurt those who encourage and reward acts
of blasphemy.
Announcements of prize money prove the acceptance of the fact that
someone can only be motivated through monetary temptations to perform

541

this noble duty. This by itself indicates the apathy of the Ummah and the
dearth of their love for the Holy Prophet (PBUH).
Instead of protesting, something concrete should be done to hurt their
interests. They should cut all economic and military relations with the Brits
and their likes. The daily Telegraph rightly advised Pakis to decline
acceptance of British aid if they were really angry over Rushdies award.
Those who live on bread and bone should not bark on their providers.
If Pakistan really resent the incident, it should withdraw from the war
on terror. Obviously, they would rattle out numerous justifications for not
doing so. After every blasphemous act the masses in Islamic World hoped
that their rulers would at least distance themselves from the war on terror,
but they were disappointed. It is high time that they do it now because the
Crusaders most cunningly first hurt feelings of the Muslims through
provocative acts and then accuse them of extremism, militancy and
terrorism. It is high time that the rulers in Muslim World stop being party to
this dirty game.

PEACE PROCESS
The process failed to move beyond the status quo. Even the much
hyped optimism about solution of Siachen dispute vanished due to
steadfastness of India. On 18th June, Indian Defence Minister said Pakistan
would have to accept Indian terms on Siachen before any move forward.
Pakistan cautioned India against rigidity.
The process of confidence building also started limping. However,
Pakistan and India swapped draft proposals for promotion of friendly
exchanges when culture secretaries met in Islamabad on 28th June. Two days
later, India freed 43 Pakistani prisoners out of which four were rendered
mentally deranged. Pakistan handed over 51 prisoners to India on 2nd July.
Pakistan and India agreed to fight drugs and cross-border crime in a
meeting held in New Delhi on 3rd July. Next day, both countries agreed that
terrorists and criminals in either country need to be given swift and effective
punishment.

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Acts and statements negative to confidence building went along side

by side. On 11th June, Foreign Office spokesperson said Pakistan wont
withdraw troops from LoC unilaterally. A week later, she said the tragedy of
Samjhota Express hasnt been forgotten.
On 19th June, Presidential candidate, Pratibha Patil told women to stop
wearing veil. India planned to acquire 6 submarines and 33 ships. On 30 th
June, Shaikh Rashid said Samjhota Express incident remained a black spot
on the face of India which needed to be washed.
Perpetration of state terrorism and retaliatory actions from freedom
fighters continued. Following incidents were reported during the period:
Six people were killed in incidents of violence in IHK on 11 th June.
Curfew was imposed along LoC.
A civilian Kashmiri was killed in custody on 13 th June. Two days later,
five persons, including an Indian soldier, were killed.
Eight suspected militants were killed in two encounters in Uri and
Kupwara areas on 24th June; one Indian soldier was also killed.
Two persons were killed in grenade attack on 25 th June. People
demonstrated to protest killing of three Kashmiri youths.
On 26th June, one Kashmiri was killed by security forces. The strike
over killing of three youths continued in Bandipura. Next day, Indian
soldiers were paraded naked after they tried to rape a Kashmiri girl.
Protesters clashed with police in Putoshahi village on 30th June; three
policemen were injured. Two days later, 35 people were hurt in clash
with police in Kupwara.
One person was killed on 3rd July as protests continued on sixth
consecutive day.
On 5th July, a soldier opened fire on protesters killing one and then
committed suicide. The people had protested when the soldier brought
a woman to a guest-house in the town of Kangan. Ten people were
killed on 6th July.

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Mirwaiz Umar Farooq expressed APHCs thinking on solution of

Kashmir issue. We depreciate the raising of quasar pseudo-questions
during the preparatory phase about the final settlement. It only serves to
befog the issue and to convey wrong impression that the dispute is too
complex to be resolved and that India, Pakistan and the people of Kashmir
hold equally flexible positions. Such an impression does great injury to the
cause.
The whole idea behind it is not to impose or recommend any
particular solution but to get the representatives of the different regions of
Kashmir themselves to decide a settlement without pressure from India or
Pakistan.
Hurriyat has repeatedly acknowledged and advocated the
representation of diversities within the state and has mooted a United
States of Kashmir. This may or may not be acceptable to the states
diverse population. But to verify that, we need an atmosphere in which the
diverse people of the state can meet freely, talk amongst themselves and
determine what is practicable.
Hurriyat favours a mechanism often described as triangular
dialogue according to which the leadership from across the cease fire line
of the state should be allowed to talk to the Indian and Pakistani leadership
separately and alternatively and to return to its populaces with its views.
Musharraf said some time ago that it was time for Kashmir to be
demilitarized This would pave the way for further dialogue between both
sides of Kashmir to become closer to one another. Therefore, the urgent
necessities are:
To demilitarize the state of Jammu and Kashmir through a phased
withdrawal of troops of both India and Pakistan from the areas under
their respective control.
To take sting out of the dispute by detaching moves towards
demilitarization of the state from the rights, claims or recognized
positions of the three parties involved It is after the peace is afoot
that the rights and claims of the parties can be considered in a nonatmosphere.

544

 If a response to the gravity of the situation is intended, we firmly

believe that the following measures are essential:
o The immediate and complete cessation of military, paramilitary
and militant actions.
o Withdrawal of the military from towns and villages.
o Dismantling of bunkers, watch towers and barricades.
o Release of political prisoners.
o Human rights violations especially custodial killings must
cease.
o Annulling various special repressive laws.
o Restoring the rights of peaceful association, assembly and
demonstrations.
o Permitting travel abroad, without hindrance, for Kashmiri
leadership that favours a negotiated resolution.
o Issuing visas to the Diaspora Kashmiri leadership to visit
Jammu and Kashmir to help sustain the peace process.
o Creating the necessary conditions and providing facilities for an
intra Kashmiri dialogue embracing both sides of the ceasefire
line.
o Allowing a transitional phase, a phase of detoxification, before
its decisive elements are put into effect.

HOME FRONT
Insurgency in Baluchistan kept simmering. Following incidents
were reported since 12th June:
Railway track was blown up near Mach on 12 th June. Two days later,
eight soldiers and a civilian were killed when gunmen fired at a pickup carrying them from Quetta railway station to cantonment. One
more person was killed in a separate incident.
545

 Next day, Jam Yousuf warned of crackdown as death toll rose to ten in
Quetta firing case. BLA owned the attack and security forces arrested
28 people. An explosion occurred near BHC building in Sibi.
Two blasts rocked Turbat on 17th June. Three militants were held in
Dera Bugti. IG Police linked the killing of army men to arrest of two
important members of BLA.
Ten militants were arrested in Sibi and Dalbandin areas on 19 th June.
Six days later, interior minister of Baluchistan asked Afghan
authorities not to provide shelter and support to Baluch terrorists.
Two power pylons were blown up near Machh on 25th June. Pakistan
approached EU for declaring BLA a terrorist group.
A soldier was killed and seven other hurt on 28th June when their
vehicle hit a landmine near Dera Bugti.
On 30th June, two explosions took place in Khuzdar and one in Kalat.
Next day, Lahore police arrested 8 suspected militants linked to
banned al-Furqan group. Police alleged that the militants were
planning attack in Quetta.
A policeman was killed and four people including a policeman were
wounded in bomb blast in Dera Allah Yar on 5th July. One civilian was
killed in landmine blast near Kohlu on 8th July.
28th June, the Cyclone Yemyin which had lashed the coastal areas of
Baluchistan paralyzed major part of the province. All rivers and nullahs were
in high flood threatening to wash away small and big dams. Dozens of
people were killed or missing and hundreds of thousands were marooned.
The road communication network was completely disrupted due to the
damage to bridges and culverts. The persistent rains hindered the start of
repair work and hampered the relief work. Meanwhile, the rains and flash
floods wreaked havoc in Khyber Agency and Peshawar Valley leaving at
least 56 people dead.
Next day, the situation in flood affected areas of Baluchistan worsened
as 60 more people were reported dead. About a million people were affected

546

out of which one hundred thousand were displaced. Several areas remained
without aid.
On 1st July Prime Minister had a view of the affected areas and
boasted of having established an air-bridge for transportation of relief
goods for the marooned people. He strongly rejected the reports of any bar
on providing relief to the affectees by any government or NGO.
On 2nd July, Musharraf directed the National Disaster Management
Authority to constitute teams comprising foreign and local experts to assess
the damage in rain-affected areas. Media contact with affected people
revealed widespread resentment over inadequate relief arrangements. The
United Nations offered aid and helicopters for relief works. Afgan and Ghori
said elections could be postponed due to the situation resulting from rains
and floods.
Next day, the government had not yet approached the donors for
rehabilitation in Baluchistan. On 5th July, gas supply to Quetta and other
towns was restored after repairing the pipeline damaged by the floods.
Musharraf vowed all-out help and the UN stepped up aid for flood victims.
The governments delayed and inadequate help to the flood victims
was widely criticized. Kamila Hyat said: The immediate need perhaps is
to realize and accept that errors were made in tackling the latest
disaster. An inquiry into the performance of the high-profile NDMA, and
the reasons why it failed to deal with the cyclone and its impact is also
necessary, particularly as, rather ominously, the meteorological office has
forecast exceptionally heavy monsoon rains across the country.
At the same time, especially in Baluchistan where passions have run
deep for years and there is a strong sense of unfair play, the political impact
of natural crises too need to be addressed. For all the development
schemes undertaken in the province, for all the promises of more, a calamity
such as that witnessed over the last week inevitably wipes out whatever
good has been achieved.
The need then is to build stronger structures, lay firmer foundations,
which can better withstand storms. This can happen only by constructing
trust even though the process is necessarily a long drawn out and rather
tedious one. And in turn, this is possible only if the tendency to treat
people as subjects is abandoned in favour of entering with them into the

547

kind of meaningful partnership that allows them a degree of autonomy,

and crucially, a say in decisions that have an impact on their future and their
prospects as citizens of Pakistan.
Pir Shabbir Ahmad from Islamabad said: Every time a catastrophe
strikes the country; the principal complaint is that the response of the
government is slow. This happened when the earthquake struck us and this
has happened again when Cyclone Yemyin passed close to our coast.
Why has the government refused UNs offer for assistance is
incomprehensible. Is it because the government is afraid that skeletons
hidden in Baluchistans cupboard will be prematurely exposed? The
government apathy will not only further alienate the people of Baluchistan,
but will also deny them a chance of obtaining genuine relief from an agency
which excels in providing relief. The president and prime minister must
immediately cancel all their scheduled activities and go to the flood
affected areas to not only assess the extent of damage themselves but to
show the marooned people that they are aware of their plight.
The News wrote: The fact is that the attention of the media seems to
have been diverted away from the devastation caused in Sindh and
Baluchistan to mainly the Lal Masjid siege, and to some extent this is not
good thing because media pressure can often help expedite delivery of aid in
such situations.
It is high time thatthe federal agencies charged with disaster relief,
should go into these areas and help those in need. As a first step, an idea of
what the requirements of these people are should be made on a priority
basis. Then, the relief effort should target those items that are in need It is
time for the government to act quickly.
The News on Sunday observed: The thrust of the government in this
disaster and all other disasters remains on relief and not on risk prevention.
Obviously there is the political mileage argument where the postdisaster relief is said to bring huge political dividends. But sad as it may
seem, it remained unrealized in our case where Baluchistan, Sindh and
NWFP, the three provinces directly hit in the recent floods and rains were
without any semblance of relief days after the disaster. The district
governments were conspicuous by their absence and so were legislators.

548

The mistrust of mega-projects initiated without taking people into

confidence was immensely fiat. Thus Merani Dam was thought to be the
main culprit for what the people in Baluchistan had to undergo As people
in flood-hit areas remain without drinking water and fall prey to various
diseases, unfortunately it is Lal Masjid that is the focus of government
and hence the media attention. It will be some time before the real disaster
is paid heed to. One only hopes that it is; sooner rather than later.
Amjad Bhatti was of the view that the delay in relief provision
caused distrust among surviving communities. In Turbat for instance,
people took out processions to protest against the negligence and
unresponsiveness of authorities to provide immediate relief in terms of
rescue, shelter and food.
District governments, which are supposed to respond first to such
calamities, were found complaining that they were not provided with relief
goods and resources to meet the needs of starving populations in their
constituencies. A district nazim of affected area in Baluchistan resigned in
protest and this was criticized by Razik Bugti, the spokesman of the
Baluchistan government. Its not the time for resignations, rather to work
together against the odds, Bugti said.
There is a need to move from the traditional method of disaster
response which is largely confined to relief and emergency management.
Though NDMA has recognized, at least at the level of rhetoric, that there is
need of paradigm shift a shift from emergency management to risk
management; yet it needs to understand that early warning does not
bring fruits unless a befitting response regime is in place. Therefore, the
principles of policy and practice need to be changed by integrating disaster
risk reduction into mainstream development plan.
Nadeem Iqbal observed that this is a case of complete ignorance about
ground realities. For all practical purposes, the response of the
government remains the same as it was before the October 8 earthquake
when the stress was on relief and recovery rather than on disaster
preparedness and risk reduction.
The priorities set out in the National Disaster Risk Management
Framework are for the next five years period. In the first year it envisages
the completion of the formation of provincial, and district disaster
management authorities and commissions, the implementation of
549

strengthened building codes, preparing vulnerability atlas of Pakistan and

digitizing it for selected areas National Emergency Response Plan, flood
warning system in NWFP, developing common assessment methodology for
damage, loss and needs assessment for the use of all stake holders, etc. How
will this high-sounding goals can be achieved at grass-root level through
the present lot of nazims and naib nazims?
However, given the speed with which the disasters are hitting the
country one after another, it seems that NDMA is going slow on all these
areas. The main reason being a lack of political will still hooked to the old
paradim of scoring political mileage out of disaster itself.
The rulers pursuing the soft image were working in reverse gear.
The reference against the Chief Justice and now the flaring up of Lal Masjid
standoff has battered the faces which sought the soft image. There have been
other instances which added to the ugliness of the rulers; two of those were
Kafilas murder and echoes of Nishtar Park massacre.
On 12th June, Prime Minister summoned Minister of State; Engr
Shahid Jamil Qureshi over his involvement in murder of Canadian Pakistani,
Kafila. The minister resigned. Next day he got bail before arrest in murder
case. Nine days later, ex-minister was taken into police custody.
On 15th June, the MQM-dominated provincial government made a
move to cover up Nishtar Park massacre as it has done in many murders of
prominent people. The police identified Mohammad Siddique as the bomber
who had links with LJ. MQM demanded an apology from all those who
suspected involvement of a peace-loving party in the killings.
Two days later, family of the alleged bomber denied the police
allegations. The photograph of Siddique released by the Sindh government
was taken from his identity card which was snatched from his brother, who
had gone to Karachi to search for his missing brother.
The family alleged that the authorities hatched a conspiracy when they
saw his brother Rafique searching for him with identity card of the missing
brother. His links with Lashkar-e-Jhangvi were also denied. Parents and a
brother of Siddique were still in custody of intelligence agencies.
On 18th June, two suspects in Nishtar Park bombing were remanded to
police custody. Both of them were arrested by police on 15th June with an

550

unlicensed pistol, which was taken as evidence sufficient to implicate them

in the bombing. Police claimed that both have confessed providing
assistance to the alleged suicide bomber. Sunni Tehrik insisted that Nishtar
Park bombing was an incident of remote-controlled bombing, not a suicide
bombing. On 23rd June, the suspects were remanded for till 30th June.
The Nation wrote: Minister of Statehas added to the furor around
the government and given the ruling party an unwanted headache when it is
preoccupied with the present turmoil. If the despicable account of the story
given by the deceased Kafila Siddiquis brother, Mustafa Siddiqui, is true,
the Ministers actions are nothing less than deplorable.
An Interior Ministry spokesman in the meanwhile told a press
conference in Islamabad that the police has recorded the statement of the
minister and also detained 10 other people for investigation. Mr Qureshi
however insisted that only time will tell that I have been falsely implicated
in this case. But now that he has resigned and is in the police custody, it is
hoped that the case would be properly investigated rather than being
hushed up.
Lt Col S Ahmed from Canada observed: During a weekly briefing
on law and order, interior ministry spokesman Brig Javed Iqbal Cheema is
said to have started that the police had taken 10 people into custody. Those
include Mr Qureshis servants and official staff. He said: We cannot arrest
the minister till it is proved that it was not a natural death and the woman
had been killed. Is that the law? It then should be applied without
discrimination. Islamabad police should not have taken common people
into custody.
Ayesha Saleem from Karachi expressed her views on arrest of men
accused of Nishtar Park bombing. While it is difficult to ascertain the truth
behind this news, I am certain it was painful for the relatives of those
Shuhda-i-Karaam who were killed in the distressing event of Nishtar Park.
Their families must be wondering why and how the legislators got
success in finding the criminals and their networks after such a long
time.

CONCLUSION

551

Pakistan, coerced to serve as mercenary for the Crusaders, has not

been rewarded adequately; instead it continues to be under pressure to do
more. If there is a beneficiary of spilling blood of own people in someone
elses war, that happens to be Musharraf and he would be tempted do more
for prolonging his illegal rule.
India had deliberately dragged its feet in composite dialogue process.
The process has been further slowed down to allow the brave commando to
grapple with the crises he was confronting internally.
After implicating a victim of Nishtar Park massacre as suicide
bomber, MQM boasted that its innocence has been proved. A leader of the
party demanded an apology from all those who accused MQM and also
vowed to reveal the facts of May 12 to prove MQMs innocence. The last
statement amply highlights the veracity of breakthrough in Nishtar Park
bombing.
9th July 2007

CLASH WITHIN IV
The events related to Lal Masjid since Part III of Clash Within up to
18 July were covered in the article pertaining to Pakistan. During that
period the most important event was the visit of Imam-e-Kaaba. The
th

552

government tried to extract a clear decree from him against Lal Masjid but
failed.
After failing in demonizing the Lal Masjid clerics despite the
assistance of Saudi King and Imam-e-Kaaba, the enlightened moderates
ruling Pakistan decided to provoke the obscurantist mullas so that the rulers
could launch the crackdown to establish the writ of the state. The Rangers
and Police were told to besiege the Lal Mosque and Jamia Hafsa by
establishing the posts as far forward as possible. The plan worked.
On 3rd July, some men of the Lal Masjid and its seminaries
approached a newly established post too close to the Jamia Hafsa and asked
the security personnel to pull back. The security men refused which led to a
scuffle and men of the Lal Masjid snatched four rifles and a radio set. It was
followed by an exchange of fire in which one Ranger was killed. That
marked the beginning of the Operation Silence.

EVENTS
On 19th June, Ijazul Haq showed the notification for reconstruction of
seven demolished mosques and demanded from administration of Lal
Masjid to vacate childrens library. Next day, Nilofar served a legal notice to
Mufti Mohammad Yunus of Lal Masjid through an advocate seeking an
apology from him for damaging her reputation.
Another mosque was razed in G-8 on 21 st June despite the ban on
demolition of mosques. Next day, Nilofar said three countries had offered
her asylum. Hafsa men kidnapped nine workers, including women, from a
Chinese massage center in Islamabad. The action was taken after the
students of Beacon House had confirmed that the massage parlour was used
for immoral activities. These students had gone inside as customers/clients.
On 23rd June, there were contradictory statements by government
officials about the reason of kidnapping. Islamabad administration said that
in future Lal Masjid will inform administration about socially undesirable
activities and then joint action will be taken. Minister Ijaz denied the
existence of any massage center in Islamabad. He said it was a health
centre which Ch Shujaat had also been visiting for treatment. The minister
also blamed Mulla brothers for diverting attention from Rushdies case. The

553

minister tried to create an impression that had it not happened, the Musharraf
regime would have dethroned the Queen by invading her kingdom.
Lal Masjid administration released nine abductees including six
Chinese women after hectic efforts for their release involving Chinese
Ambassador. Next day, Police booked Mulla brothers of Lal Masjid and
around 70 students of its seminaries on charges of terrorism, kidnapping and
illegal confinement.
On 26th June, Brig Cheema announced that suicide bombers have
entered Islamabad. His announcement indicated the possibility of
governments action against clerics of Lal Masjid in near future. Reportedly,
China had demanded action against the criminals involved in kidnapping of
massagers. Heavy contingents were deployed around Lal Masjid. Clerics
demanded withdrawal of police and Rangers; government officials said it
was a routine deployment.
Musharraf alleged on 29th June that suicide bombers were holed up in
Lal Masjid and its seminaries. He also asserted that the government can
carry out operation any time if the media refrains from showing the dead
bodies.
On 2nd July, Musharraf held a special meeting to review strategy to
curb Talibanization. Prime Minister vowed projecting countrys soft image.
More Rangers were called in aid of Islamabad Police. The office building of
Ministry of Environment located in close vicinity of Lal Masjid was got
vacated; operation seemed imminent.
On 3rd July, the inevitable happened. The fighting erupted after a
scuffle between law-enforcers and militants of Lal Masjid. At least 11
people, including a journalist, were killed and scores injured in day-long
fighting. The office building of Ministry of Environment and thirteen
vehicles were set ablaze. Fire brigade was stopped from reaching the site.
When the casualties arrived at hospital, the people present there
chanted anti government slogans. Parents of the students pleaded for the
safety of their children. Political parties condemned the fighting. People in
cities of NWFP held rallies to protest the fighting.
Musharraf chaired a meeting and decided to launch the operation,
much longed for by the enlightened moderate forces. Curfew was imposed

554

in G-6 late at night. Security across the country was tightened with focus on
possible reaction from religious seminaries. It meant the regime w3as ready
to challenge the entire lot of obscurantist institutions of Mosque and
Madrassa.
Three attempts were made for reconciliation which failed because the
law-enforcers refused to accept the law-breakers demand that the former
should pull its forces away from the Lal Masjid. The government insisted on
handing over of persons involved in the brawl with law-enforcers and
subsequent rioting.
By next day the death toll reached 24 and about one hundred were
wounded. The News wrote that governments strategy has paid off.
Musharraf expressed satisfaction over the progress of the operation. Brig
Cheema said surrender is the only option for Maulana Ghazi. Maulana
Abdul Rasheed expressed willingness to conditional surrender before
Ulema but administration rejected third part intervention.
Throughout the day security forces preferred making intimidating
moves, including fly-over of gunship helicopters, instead of resorting to
physical assault. The plan worked in psychological wearing out of the
peopled holed up in the target area.
Six persons including two policemen were killed in three separate
attacks by religious activists in Swat. The militant cleric of Swat had urged
his followers to wage Jihad against the federal government. Protesters across
NWFP flayed Lal Masjid operation. Seminary students blocked roads in
Mardan, Nowshera, Mansehra and Murree Road in Rawalpindi. PPP urged
government to clarify policy on Lal Masjid.
Maulana Aziz was arrested while trying to escape in the guise of a
woman. Over one thousand men and women of Lal Masjid seminaries gave
up their struggle and left the premises voluntarily. The News, which had
been campaigning for action against the Mosque, rejoiced over it by
publishing a full-page caption: Lal Masjid clerics bite the dust.
Chief Minister NWFP and some other leaders of MMA made hectic
efforts to help avoid the bloodshed. Imam of the MQM kept urging the
government for action and his followers blamed Qazi Hussain Ahmad for the
bloodshed in Islamabad and asked the government for his accountability
over Karachi killings as well.

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Ansar Abbasi observed that the media was praised by the government
after months of bashing. Rauf Klasra reported that Lal Masjid events have
eclipsed the APC conference scheduled to be held in London. AFP reported:
The radical Lal Masjid in the capital was described by security officials as a
hub of militancy, with its clerics having covert links to al-Qaeda and the
Taliban. But the two brothers who run the mosque also known to have
intelligence ties spawning conspiracy theories that President Pervez
Musharraf encouraged them to play up tensions and make himself look
indispensable to his US allies.
Sporadic exchange of fire continued on third day. Shelling at the
mosque and seminary caused fire and 50 people were reported killed. An
APC was hit by a rocket fired by men besieged in the Lal Masjid. Mining of
Lal Masjid premises was also reported.
Maulana Ghazi consented to hand over Lal Masjid to Aukaf and
seminaries to Wafaqul Madaris in exchange of safe passage for him and all
those inside. He quoted the example of Hazratbal incident where Indian
forces had allowed safe passage to Kashmiri freedom fighters. The
government rejected the demand of safe passage and insisted on
unconditional surrender.
The strength of the men and women in the mosque and its seminary
remained undetermined; Ghazi claimed that there were still about 2,000
people inside. He also said that there were no men linked to banned groups
hiding in the mosque, but he accepted that some Baluchs of his ancestral
area of Dera Ghazi Khan were with him.
PTV aired a long interview (more of an interrogation) of Maulana
Aziz wearing burqa. This act of humiliation was widely criticized. Having
provided the footage to the western media and having pleased his western
masters, Musharraf was clever in resenting the shameful show and ordered
PTV authorities not to re-telecast the interview. The clever commando and
his team now tried to please the Pakistanis.
More than one thousand students of Jamia Faridia had fled away. The
lady arrested a day earlier and reported to be the wife of Maulana Aziz was
identified as his daughter. She was sent to Adiala Jail. ATC granted 7-day
physical remand of Maulana Aziz. Security alert at Khairabad Bridge
continued on second consecutive day.

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ANP accused the government of exploiting Lal Masjid issue to

continue its rule. Maulana Dr Attaur Rahman, MNA, alleged that the
drama staged in Islamabad by the rulers was aimed at destroying the image
of religious seminaries, mosques and religious scholars and block the way of
MMA in the next general elections. Ulema of various schools unanimously
decided not to protest against the Lal Masjid issue. Jaish leaders distanced
themselves from Ghazi brothers.
Sherpao accused Ghazi using children as human shield. Khalid
Khwaja was arrested by police. He was earlier allowed by Shujaat and
Mushahid Hussain to establish contact with Ghazi for convincing him to
surrender. ARY team of reporters was beaten by police.
The United States hailed the restraint action against Lal Masjid. New
Prime Minister of the UK rang up Musharraf and hailed Pakistans role in
war on terror. Rauf Klasra reported from London that Lal Masjid operation
would earn goodwill for Musharraf in the West.
Till 6th July the government seemed in no hurry to settle the issue
through dialogue, mediation or decisive assault. However, police took
control of Jamia Faridia in Sector-7. Ghazi said that about 70 men and
women were killed in the premises of the mosque due to firing and shelling
by the security forces.
According to the official sources 1,221 men and women had
voluntarily come out of Lal Masjid and Jamia Hafsa. The residents of the
curfew-affected area started condemning the prolonged operation as they
faced numerous hardships.
Rigidity of the government in demanding unconditional surrender
and refusal to have direct contact or talks with administration of the Lal
Mosque resulted in hardening the stance of Maulana Ghazi. He insisted on
safe-passage and refused to surrender. The government officials refused
direct contact and dialogue with Lal Masjid administration, but requested
NGOs and leaders of other parties for mediation to help save the lives.
MMA leaders and Balqis Edhi responded and got clearance from the
government after hectic efforts to proceed towards the mosque. As the night
had set in, Maulana Ghazi regretted to allow them enter the Lal Masjid,
because of the security hazards. He requested them to postpone the meeting
till next morning.

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Shots were fired from roof-top of a house in Asghar Mall area as the
plane carrying Musharraf took off from Chaklala Airport. Police found two
anti-aircraft guns from the roof-top, but denied that firing was linked to
Musharrafs plane. Sherpaos driver is believed to be the brother-in-law of
Lal Masjid clerics. Officials denied that the driver was under influence of the
clerics.
Ten persons including four security personnel were killed and seven
others wounded when law-enforcers came under attack in separate incidents
in Miranshah, Swat and Chakdara. Sirajul Haq accused the government of
linking religion with terrorism.
The government and media hype to demonize Lal Masjid
administration over suicide bombers, landmines and human shield
continued. The US said Lal Masjid is an internal issue for Pakistan but it
supports Musharraf because such operations are part of the war on terror.
On 7th July, Musharraf, while visiting the flood-affected areas, issued
an ultimatum to Maulana Rashid and his men; surrender or get killed. The
government has enough power and no one can stand before its might they
have defamed Islam, they have defamed Pakistan, they have embarrassed
Pakistan internationally. In Islamabad, his prime minister said the
government has always wanted peaceful solution of Jamia Hafsa.
A few hours later, a Lt Col was killed and a Major and two soldiers
wounded during an operation aimed at breaching the walls of Jamia Hafsa.
Reportedly they fell victim to crossfire. Almost all the boundary walls had
been breached as a result of operations carried out on successive nights.
The night long fighting resulted in killing of nearly 300 inmates,
mostly women, according to Maulana Ghazi. A patrol party of security
personnel was fired at on a road away from Lal Masjid, one soldier was
killed. Four militants reportedly escaped during the rainstorm.
The ambiguity prevailed because high-level government officials
changed statements on daily basis. At times, it was stated that Pakistan Army
was operating, on other occasions they refuted the existence of army saying
Rangers were operating. According to a Rangers officer they were directed
to prolong the operation.

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Musharraf asked Shujaat to help free inmates of Lal Masjid on

reasonable terms for surrender. Shujaat was reportedly discussing with his
close associates some fresh options to allure the unyielding Ghazi to
surrender.
Wife of Khalid Khawaja alleged that forces punished my husband,
who was making efforts for an amicable solution of the problem. She added
that false case was instituted against her husband in which he was alleged
that he was present in Lal Masjid when the students shot dead a Ranger
official. She alleged that some invisible hands did not want peaceful solution
of Hafsa issue.
Maulana Ghazi said he was ready for open trial by an independent
bench of the Supreme Court. He regretted that one-sided picture was being
portrayed by the government and that was the reason that media men were
not being allowed entry in Lal Masjid.
MMA delegation was finally stopped from entering Lal Masjid and
three members of the delegation were arrested after they had resented the
decision. The government justified its decision by saying that MMA
delegation wanted to convey secret message to Maulana Ghazi.
Army was called after repeated attacks in Swat district. Maulana
Fazlullah issued a decree against supporters of Lal Masjid operation. He
warned it would have serious repercussions as they were all prepared to
retaliate strongly.
Next day, DG ISPR denied Maulana Rashids claim that more than
300 inmates were killed when rooms of Jamia Hafsa collapsed during last
nights breaching operation. At the same time, being mindful of the
possibility of the casualties, he blatantly and illogically blamed Ghazi for
using explosives to demolish the rooms.
The government stuck to its line of surrender by the inmates while
blaming Ghazi for using innocent people as human shield and presence of
hardened terrorists inside the mosque. It was claimed that 12 Talibat were on
hunger strike in Jamia Hafsa.
The reports that Musharraf gave a go-ahead to wrap up the operation
and the increased activities of troops led to speculations that final assault

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was imminent. An FIR against Maulana Ghazi was registered for murder of
the Lt Col.
Ghazi called a press conference inside the mosque but the government
did not allow the media men to go inside. The press club of Islamabad was
closed by security men and media teams covering the events were pushed
away from Red Zone.
Maulana Aziz told the interrogators that Senator Talha Mehmood and
his brother, Pir Qaiser of Shaheen Chemists of Rawalpindi and traders
community used to provide funds in millions on regular basis. Jannat Gul of
Abbottabad had provided 15 KK rifles and large quantity of ammunition.
Throughout the day Ulema and religious leaders kept stressing that the
government should show flexibility to save innocent lives. They argued that
if a man involved in heinous crimes could be made governor then Maulana
Rashid can also be granted safe-passage.
The events on 9th July were dominated by the efforts for peaceful
solution of the standoff. Major effort was launched by Ulema of Wafaqul
Madaris. They met Prime Minister, Shujaat and other ministers and had
telephonic contacts with Maulana Ghazi.
After getting approval from Musharraf, a delegation of seven Ulema
and three ministers led by Shujaat was allowed to go to the mosque to have
dialogue with Maulana Ghazi. They contacted Ghazi through megaphones.
Ghazi invited them to come inside the mosque and the ministers asked Ghazi
to come to a nearby office building. No party accepted others invitation.
Each suspected the other of mischief. Some Ulema, however, were willing to
go inside the mosque but the government did not allow saying that they
would be made hostage.
Meanwhile, MQM delegation surprised the media and others by
turning up at surrender point. Soon after that the government delegation
came back on instructions of the President. At about midnight Maulana
Hanif Jullandari and Maulana Rafi Usmani told the media that they were
hopeful about giving good news to the nation.
The News, as mouthpiece of the enlightened forces, viewed the
dialogue negatively and its headline read that the clerics had turned the

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tables. This was with reference to another development in which Maulana

Fazlur Rehman Khalil was allowed to negotiate with Ghazi Rashid.
The News also published the profile of Maulana Fazalur Rehman
Khalil portraying him as hardened terrorist. His efforts to wage jihad against
occupation forces in Afghanistan and Occupied Kashmir were specially
mentioned as acts of terrorism.
The Supreme Court took suo moto notice and directed the government
to devise a safe plan for the release of innocent women and children detained
in Lal Masjid. Justice Rana Bhagwandas, while taking the suo moto notice,
acted intelligently. He composed two-member court of judges known for
having pro-regime inclinations.
ISPR said that al-Qaeda and Taliban were not present in Lal Masjid.
Foreign Office spokesperson said it was too premature to link the killing of
three Chinese near Peshawar with Lal Masjid. To date at least 60 persons
were arrested for trying to establish contact with Lal Masjid. Musharraf
wanted safety of hostages. Amir Muqam lauded government for tactful
operation.
Tribesmen in Bajaur agency held a rally and vowed to avenge the
blood of students killed in Lal Masjid. They demanded immediate end of
operation. Troops moved to Dir and Swat and troops deployment was
ordered in North Waziristan. The government had identified 12 madrassas
where militants training. The United States desired that the inmates of Lal
Masjid should not be allowed safe-passage.
Ansar Abbasi reported: The most circulated conspiracy theory on the
Lal Masjid crisis is that this is all stage-managed. It is said that all has been
done to secure the rule of President Musharraf both internally and
internationally. Imran and Hamid Gul agreed with the conspiracy theory.

VIEWS
People wriggling in pain and grief expressed their feelings and views
on Lal Masjid standoff. The opinion was divided. Sarah Khan from

561

Islamabad condemned Mulla Brothers. The Lal Masjid situation has

spiraled out of control and has now reached a point from where it will be
difficult to return. As of now, it is irrelevant to say who started the firing but
the fact of the matter is that so many unfortunate people have either been
killed or injured. Where are the Ghazi brothers now? Or was their job
mainly to brainwash young boys and girls into believing that this violent,
gruesome and horrible image of Islam is the right Islam so that they could sit
back, relax and watch the show?
We are very quick to blame outside forces like America and India for
all our domestic problems but the truth is that we do not need external
enemies. We have enough of our own people who are out to malign the
name of this country and Islam. At the risk of sounding cynical and
pessimistic, I am forced to think that our forefathers and all the noble people
who fought for the creation of this country must be turning in their graves
right now. I am ashamed, to admit that after all that has happened, these
Islamic militants have compelled me to look at anyone who sports a beard or
wears a burqa as having ulterior motives.
Hafiz Aziz-ur-Rehman from Australia wrote: While watching the
tragic incidents of the Lal Masjid unfold on television sitting thousands of
miles away from Pakistan, my heart was full of grief and sorrow. What have
the brothers of Lal Masjid and Jamia Hafsa done?
Where are those muftis who were delicately raising the issue of
hijab? Havent they seen the pictures of our sisters from Jamia Hafsa out on
the roads facing tear gas shelling, bullets and on the top of everything
several thousands of camera. I cannot stop dwelling on the verses of the
Quraan about Masjid-i-Zarrar.
F Z Khan from Islamabad opined: Former khateed-e-azam Islamabad
Maulana Abdullah was a revered religious scholar widely respected and
greatly honoured. The government had bestowed on him the highest civil
award in recognition of meritorious services for creating religious harmony
and tranquility. His murder by unknown assailants was part of religious
extremism, which has so far claimed hundreds of Ulema belonging to
various schools of thought.
After the assassination of Maulana Abdullah, the government should
have appointed some other scholar of the equal stature. But the government
honoured his two sons, Maulana Abdul Aziz Ghazi and Maulana Abdur
562

Rashid Ghazi, by appointing them as khateeb and naib khateeb respectively.

The younger son had already been serving in a government ministry as a
Grade-17 officer, thanks to his fathers respectful stature. Unfortunately
both the sons proved they were the wrong choice for the prestigious
positions.
The Ghazi brothers cashed in on their fathers repute and used his
followers for their vested interests. Their greed reached an extent that they
resorted to illegally occupy government land around Lal Masjid and started
using the mosques vicinity as a sanctuary for those extremists who were
involved in acts of terror, arson, kidnapping and murder. In return the
received heavy funding from unknown quarters and enjoyed the
unimaginable perks of life like powerful double cabin vehicles, along with
Kalashnikov-carrying bodyguards, heavy bank accounts etc The Red
Mosque became a symbol of terror and the people of the twin cities who
used to offer Friday prayers and listen to the sermon of the father of the
Ghazi brothers, now avoid going there.
Prof Wasi M Khan from Lahore wrote: After skirting with
catastrophe, much of it self-created, the government deserves some praise
for handling the Lal Masjid situation adroitly. As the dust settles over this
typically shameful chapter in our history, there is serious need to address
the increasingly growing iceberg of fanatical obscurantism and violence
that many clerics have made their trademark.
Worse than these visible symbols of destruction is the larger
compulsive disposition of error that lies beneath the surface. Unlike the
strategy that worked at Lal Masjid, this insidious disease requires
concerted efforts of society at large and needs basic human needs and
desires to be addressed fairly to save our children from such cruel
exploitation by soulless clerics.
Maulana Abdul Aziz became the target after his failed attempt to
escape. Imaan Hazir from Islamabad wrote. Im also shocked at the
mullahs for giving up their jihad, surrendering and getting on the busses
for safety. Yet the most hilarious part was when one of Ghazi brothers,
leaders of the Lal Masjid, was caught running away in a burqa. Now, that is
what I call comedy.
Shumalla Zeveqar from Rawalpindi commented that the khateeb of
Lal Masjid, Maulana Abdul Aziz, was caught fleeing clad in a black burqa,
563

has exposed the veracity of a movement and a slogan for Islamic revolution.
The Maulana, who did not want to show his face on TV, a plea misquoted
from Hadith, now stands exposed before the media, again wrongfully
justifying his tricks added with confusion and contradictions. He was not
even a true custodian of the mosque. His fleeing in female guise has
rendered shame to all of us.
Maryum Sheikh from Islamabad said: Maulana Abdul Aziz was
presumably supposed to appear on a TV chat show to reveal that he had
more than 300 dreams in which the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) and other
luminaries of Islam who had urged him to raise his sword (or rifle in this
case) against the government in jihad. I dont know him, but had I, being a
sinful moderate, been subject to a similar sighting I would have slain
myself for the cause rather than escape cowardly clad in a burqa as
disguise. Ironically being a woman I would have even escaped.
There were others who criticized Musharraf regime. B A Malik from
Islamabad observed: The timing of the present operation is significant. It
has happened only three days before the London APC called by the ARD
and hosted by the PML-N. What makes the operation paradoxical is the
abrogation of the Constitution by Gen Musharraf himself 8 years ago and his
succeeding acts in violation of the basic law of the land. If the top man can
act like that, why cant Lal Masjid mullahs take law into their own
hands?
Seema Qazi from Peshawar wrote: The Lal Masjid episode is a
game designed and implemented jointly by America and our honourable
president. With reference to Pakistani government and America actions
towards madrassahs in Waziristan, the situation in Parachinar and what
happened in Bajaur Agency, we can have no doubt of their intentions.
Religious institutions are labeled as training centres for terrorism and
attacked.
Alvina Majaz from London criticized indirectly for delayed action.
Everybody in the government, from the opposition and more importantly
the general public, urged the president to storm the mosque and finish the
matter. But the president proved that he is not a cruel man and he allowed
the inmates of the Lal Masjid time to reconsider.
The public may not have reacted even if the security men had
stormed the mosque but President Musharraf made clear in an interview that:
564

We dont want to desecrate the mosque, we dont want to take lives of

hundreds of innocent girls and boys. So rounds of negotiations held, which
the Ghazi brothers rejected. The government showed extreme patience,
prudence and endurance. Bravo.
Abdullah Malik from Islamabad condemned Media-Musharraf nexus.
For months the media has been advocating, even calling for an
operation against the Lal Masjid administration and I am sure they
would not be proud of the outcome after the incidents of 3 and 4 of July.
While the method of the Lal Masjid clerics to achieve their objectives was
objectionable, it did not give the government the licence to kill and the
responsibility of the loss of innocent lives rests with the government alone.
It is still not clear what the repercussions of the operation against the Lal
Masjid would be but I think it is high time we analyzed the reasons behind
the events, which led to the tragic death of so many people. The masses are
fed up with the rhetorical reasons of increasing Talibanization and the failure
of the government to curtail extremism.
The fact remains that while many would disagree with the
methodology adopted by the administrators of the Lal Masjid, the masses
cannot help but agree with their opinion regarding the spread of vulgar and
obscene practices under the context of personal freedom and demonizing of
political Islam by the current regime by equating it to Talibanization or
terrorism. If implementing a radical version of Islam is wrong,
implementing western ideas of life on a society that rejects them, is also
not correct.
Nasir Hussain from Islamabad focused on intelligence agencies. I
consider the Lal Masjid crisis as another shortfall of this puppet government
after its massive blunder on judicial matters, the privatization process, tribal
areas operation and inflation in the country. The question that arises here is
what are the intelligence agencies doing except torturing the civilians,
bugging and preparing the scandalous and vexatious materials against
the chief justice, politicians and other judges?
The history of these two mullah brothers shows that their unlawful
acts and demands have been appreciated by the agencies in one form or the
other because they have been involved in terrorist activities as per
information in newspapers but the government is still non-functional which
has been noted against these mullahs six months ago.

565

Now the common man is confused that is it possible for any civilian
to challenge the writ of the government (if it is any more) unless the
agencies and higher authorities in the country support him? We know it very
well that the government is making mistakes again and again as this
issue should have been dealt earlier. But it seems like government is
intentionally promoting fascism and radicalism, as the General wants to
increase his governments value in front of Washington.
Ahmed Zafar praised the Musharraf regime. I want to appreciate the
governments strategy and action on Lal Masjid issue. I feel it will help in
rebuilding the governments image among the public and abroad and
also will have far reaching affects on clerics not to indulge in such acts in the
future.
Mohammad Ali from Sahiwal felt the need to know the truth. The
nation deserves to know the truth about the Lal Masjid issue. Though
the media has covered the governments, oppositions and intelligentsias
points of view almost half a year, yet a high level judicial inquiry of senior
judges of SCP seems imperative. Why was the standoff allowed to persist for
so long?
One opinion goes that the government used this issue to dilute the
impact of the popular tours of the CJP to various parts of country. And if not
then the government should have taken action earlier so that this matter
could be resolved. A high level judicial enquiry should be held so that the
truth comes out. However, I end my submission on the note that the
education of thousands of students should not be disrupted, who were
befitting from these madrassahs.
It is a clash within Pakistani society, M Shaikh from Islamabad
observed. From serene 1999 we have reached the stage where helicopter
gun ships fly overhead in Islamabad, while a curfew is imposed.
Intelligence officials are killed in Quetta, army soldiers in Waziristan and
Bannu. Yes, maybe the mullahs lost the battle again, but gathering from the
number of persons involved, it seems the clergy have numerous volunteers
for the pro-western governments in Pakistan.
Politically speaking the Lal Mosque mullahs chose the wrong soil
for their operations, i.e. they chose the city of civil servants where their
growth could not go unnoticed or unchallenged. Moreover these two mullahs
overestimated the sincerity of the MMA towards any Islamic politics that
566

involved any real sacrifice. For the scale of struggle that these mullahs
wished to launch, they were under armed, with an under trained force.
The Lal Masjid issue maybe construed as a victory for liberalism
over obscurantism but it also shows that Islamic struggle in Pakistan can
now only be stopped by the army and its tanks and not political parties
who feel it is their turn to rule.
Asim Naseer Manj from Lahore opined: We have been divided into
liberals and conservatives, seculars and fundamentalists. It has been
widely believed that Islam is a conservative religion and thanks to our
mullahs who have done their job very well to affirm the aforesaid belief in
this perspective. Especially the services of the administration of Lal Masjid
can never be tolerated.
At the same time westernized liberals are harming the basic fabric
of Islam. It will not be unjust to proclaim that Islam is conservative because
it provides two primary sources of law to be followed by every Muslim,
which are obviously the Holy Quraan and Sunnah. It is liberal because it
provides secondary sources through ijtihad, ijma, qiyas and istihsan. Lines
of default where we stick to one point and are not ready to altar our minds.
Our scholars are unable to meet the needs of time and they possess no
Promethean fire by which they can shake our conscience.
The analysts, who can speak and write in English generally, belong to
Cult of the Enlightened; they kept urging the regime to act forcefully and
urgently for a crackdown against the Lal Masjid. The brave commando was
incited by cutting remarks like knee-jerk, appeasement and so on.
Only two days before the crackdown, The News reminded: I am not a
coward, the president insisted. True, but he and his administration
certainly seem to be hesitant. After all, its nearly six months since the
crisis began in earnest with the occupation of the childrens library by the
maulanas stave-wielding female goons.
And all the government appears to have done during this time is let
the Jaish terrorists steal into the mosque and madressah, and all we have
today is his promise that action is ready. Why wouldnt he just take that
action? Because if he did, he told the reporters, tomorrow you will say,
what have you done? There are women and children inside.

567

But action is the only way to save them: the maulana is unlikely to
dispense with his human shield. The situation is inexplicable, and
frustratingly so. Is it the result of pure inefficiency on the part of the
administration? Or is it because of pressure on the president from the
powerful conservative faction of the armed forces? A third possibility is that
in some mystifying way the government is playing for political advantage
through the continuation of the confrontation.
Earlier Tasneem Noorani had written: The fear created by the implicit
threat of suicide bombing is a factor which apparently weighs with the
government. Unfortunately, this new weapon, though in a few cases real, is
mostly being used as a threat.
In the case of governments confrontational stance against al-Qaeda
and the Taliban, the danger of suicide bombings is enhanced. The president
and prime minister have faced such attacks in the past for following tough
policies. But that has not deterred the government in continuing with its hard
stance against al-Qaeda and the Taliban. Why then is it being deterred in
this case?
Let us assume a scenario in which the government continues to
follow a policy of knee-touching. We should not be surprised to see raids
on more un-Islamic establishments and, in due course, when a certain
momentum has been gained, raids on ordinary residences on the suspicion of
un-Islamic activities being carried out there.
Can the government afford to allow such arbitrary
implementation of values held by such groups? Tomorrow another group
of people, from a different school of thought or religious sect, will take their
cue from the current situation, threaten suicide bombing, and start enforcing
its own point of view by raiding homes and kidnapping people.
The governments perplexing inaction has given rise to many
theories. One is that it is behind the whole affair to distract the public from
the general political crisis in the country. Another is that it does not want to
open another front by annoying the maulvis, although in this case, the
actions of the Lal Masjid have not received the support of mainstream
religious parties.
Whatever the reason, the continuing saga, apart from encouraging
other groups, is nerve wrecking for the representatives of foreign

568

countries based in Islamabad. This is all the more significant as these

diplomats reports to their capitals and foreign journalists reports to their
papers are the ones which develop international perceptions about Pakistan.
Unless we sort out this crisis sooner than later, we should not be
surprised to see Pakistan slipping a few notches from its already rockbottom position in independent international surveys under the category of
the most dangerous country or states on the threshold of failing.
A day after 3rd May, Burhanuddin Hasan reminded that the crackdown
has already been delayed. The question is who is protecting these clerics
and why the government is not taking any strong action against the
criminals who are openly violating the laws of the land with impunity? This
is automatically giving rise to rumours, though unfounded, that some
government agencies may be involved in this racket to divert peoples
attention from the present judicial crisis being faced by the president. If this
is the case, it is highly regrettable. Apart from promoting religious
radicalism, it will weaken President Musharrafs efforts to put Pakistan on
the path of moderation and enlightenment and put up a fight against
terrorism and radicalism.
Lal Masjid fiasco which is being publicized by the western media
worldwide, is giving the impression that a Pakistani president who is unable
to tackle a small bunch of clerics in his own backyard, how can he fight
terrorism on Pakistans borders with Afghanistan? After more than six
months of standoff and a great deal of damage to Pakistans image in the
world, the government finally decided to crackdown on Lal Masjid clerics.
This hopefully will culminate in the surrender of the top clerics and
end the Lal Masjid fiasco. There is a Persian saying that aptly applies to the
situation. Translated: Whatever a wise man does; a fool also does the same
but after a lot of damage has been done.
The News wrote: It is a sign that the government of President Pervez
Musharraf has at last decided to grasp the nettle and started a process it
was needlessly putting off. One can only hope that the matter is now
resolved without any further loss of life or injury.
Despite the wide welcome the governments reaction has received
among ordinary Pakistanis, questions are being raised as to why the basic
measures that are being adopted at this late stage were not taken before.

569

If it had been imposed before, the curfew would have prevented the entry of
terrorists and their supporters into the complex, with their gadgets and
fearsome weaponry whose very procurement by civilians is a mystery
The government has moved only now to disconnect water and
electricity to the mosque and seminary. An earlier discontinuation of these
would have forced most of those inside to leave sooner or later. Its
surprising that the government did not know that, as is apparent now
from the interviews of the bewildered pupils leaving Lal Masjid, a large
number of occupants were virtual prisoners, or at least didnt know exactly
why they were there or were being held, more or less, against their will.
Among the critics, there are those who see the delay as part of a
government plan to use the operation as a kind of diversionary tactic
away from other pressing problems, some of which had been hogging the
media spotlight of late. Their argument is that it is not exactly a coincidence
that the operation came a day after the government took a severe battering
before the Supreme Court However, there is no proof really to lend any
validity to their standpoint.
The editor went on to mention a brief history of Lal Masjid to prove
its link to terrorism, but its history also proves as to why the Crusaders and
their allies were after the Mulla brothers. As for Lal Masjid itself, a little bit
of history lesson would help contextualize what has happened.
The father of the two brothers who run Lal Masjid, Maulana
Abdullah, was close to Gen Zia and many a senior politician and military
men. During the time of the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan, Lal Masjid
became a favoured conduit for sending mujahideen to Afghanistan,
and also Kashmir. It is also widely believed that he was patron to several
sectarian groups such as the banned Sipah-e-Sahaba, Lashkar-e-Jhangvi and
Harkatul Mujahideen.
Even now, and as publicly stated by President Musharraf, several
members of the banned Jaish-e-Mohammad, for whose leaders freedom
Maulana Abdullah had publicly spoken many a time, were said to be hiding
in the compound and helping the two brothers. The question that should be
foremost on everyones minds and which governments of past and present
need to answer is why the situation was allowed to come to this point. Why
wasnt the jihadi manufacturing machine fuelled by extremist seminaries and
mosques such as Lal Masjid not reined in and kept on a tight leash on?
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In a subsequent editorial the newspaper added: This is only the

beginning because it would be fair to assume that the kind of brainwashed
students seen at Jamia Hafsa and Lal Masjid may well be found at many
other seminaries in the country. Despite many claims and pronouncements,
often at the highest level, the fact is that the system is as unregulated as
before and the government seems to have little or no say in what is taught at
most madressahs.
There are many, including senior government functionaries, who are
of the view that madressahs provide a much-needed service in society like
Pakistanis. Since most seminaries provide board and lodging as well, to
many families from impoverished backgrounds, they are an affordable
option of educating their children. Besides, given that religious education is
much in demand in the country, such an opportunity becomes all the more
attractive. Unfortunately, though, many madressahs do not teach the kind
of religious education to their students that would make them better
citizens who contribute to the society around them.
The students are taught that it is okay, in fact their duty, to impose
their view of religion on the rest of society by force if need be and that in
doing so they will be fulfilling their duty as a good Muslim. No wonder then
that most of the banned extremist/jihadi groups have been staffed by
men who studied in madrassahs and were often patronized by various
seminaries and with links to mosques. Some argue that not all madrassahs
have ties to extremist or jihadi outfits, but they all by and large promote an
ideology that justifies the actions of such groups.
Calls for imposing Shariah have been made many times before and
the Lal Masjid and Jamia Hafsa brigade isnt the only extremist group of its
kind to have gone about imposing its version of religion on others. One will
have to wait and see what movement takes place now on this very pressing
matter because the government is in a position to use the Lal Masjid
affair to proceed with the reforming of the whole system of madressah
education. As it does this, it will have to keep in mind that a meaningful
reform will not be possible unless the mainstream system of education is
overhauled.
In yet another editorial the newspaper coaxed: The NWFP is no
stranger to incidents like Fridays attacks there, which killed ten people, but
there occurrence in three places on the same day, and in particular since four
of the fatalities were soldiers, is an indication that religious extremists are
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displaying their strength to offset their embarrassing setback in the Lal

Masjid affair.
The terrorism in three towns situated in both the settled and tribal
areas of the province is proof that the incidents were coordinated. It is not
known what organization or organizations were behind them. It is an equally
alarming development whether it was a single outfit or was the work of
terrorist groups working in concert. While virtually certain that these attacks
were intended to coincide with the Lal Masjid crisis, they were a pointer to
something else: that the terrorism situation in NWFP needs greater
attention from the federal government.
As has often happened in the past, both the federal as well as the
provincial government did nothing to rein in the unruly and wholly illegal
actions of such terrorists. The role of the provincial government is
particularly suspect in this regard and needs to be closely scrutinized,
because there are growing allegations against it that since it is led by the
MMA, it either ignores the actions of such extremists or it deliberately
allows them because ideologically they share the same views.
The violence in NWFP as well as the abortive attempt on the
presidents plane also serve to remind of the delicate situation at Lal Masjid.
While the government must try and save the lives of the students and
children inside the compound many of them reportedly being literally held
hostage and not allowed to leave but at the same time bear in mind that the
longer the crisis drags on, the more fodder the obscurantist and
extremists will get for attacks in trouble regions like FATA and NWFP.
The editor has urged the regime to hurry as he has been doing since months.
Noreen Haider observed: The biggest shock was the news of the
capture of Maulana Abdul Aziz in an embarrassing guise. Particularly for
someone who had been preaching the virtues of martyrdom to thousands of
young men, women and children, to leave the madrassa with thousands of
people including small children still inside the compound was shameful
according to IG Islamabad.
The real question is how the government used this issue and the
seemingly ludicrous antics of the brothers to the very best of its advantage.
The government seemed to have nothing to lose and everything to gain in
this game of hide and seek.

572

The political fallout of this operation is that everybody seems to

have completely forgotten about the All Parties Conference in London.
And for once the CJP case too has been sidelined in terms of media
attention. The memory of the unfortunate incident of presentation of
scandalous material about the Chief Justice of Pakistan by the government
has become a bit blurred if not completely forgotten; all because of the live
coverage from the capitals grand Lal Masjid affair.
The government may have achieved a success for now but the
drama unfolding at Lal Masjid would leave haunting questions in its
wake. What would be the fate of students who have left the Jamia Faridia
and Lal Masjid? Where would they end up? Would they try to regroup
somewhere else in another Masjid? Most important of all, would the
government take a policy decision now for the madrassas and the hostels
attached with them for prevention of similar incidents in the future?
Shakir Hussain wrote: For six months the Lal Masjid issue was
allowed to brew and simmer in the heart of Islamabad while the two
Aziz Brothers (no relation to Prime Minister Aziz were told) thundered and
were allowed to gain momentum. The government sent in the worst
negotiator in their quiver in the form of Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain, who
nobody can seem to understand because he refuses to do anything but utter
guttural sounds.
For six months while this drama unfolded in the heart of Islamabad,
we would see spikes in Lal Masjid activity every time the government
faced its various crises. As the Chief Justice crisis would take a turn for the
worse for the government, wed see a parallel crisis at the Lal Masjid with
statements coming from the two brothers becoming more and more bizarre.
For months the citizens of Islamabad had been pressing the
government to do something yet nothing was done until the Chinese
government put its foot down. Where did the militants who we all saw on
television get their weaponry because ranging from gas masks to the
authentic weapons it was not the stuff you get off the street? Why was the
cordon around the masjid not put in place earlier and why were they
allowed to reinforce themselves over a period of six months? Would it not
have made sense to cut off power, gas, and water four months ago?
Adil Najam joined the chorus and advised forceful negotiation
before the military action. The fact remains that till now the government
573

has shown remarkable restraint and good sense in how this operation has
been carried out. They have very deliberately avoided large-scale bloodshed.
The urge to bring a quick and violent end to the standoff has remained.
The tendency to cave in to the militants demands has been curbed. I hope
that I will not live to regret these lines because of whatever might happen
next.
But time is beginning to take a toll. Maybe less on those inside the
Lal Masjid than outside Stress and impatience is also becoming evident in
the attitudes of the electronic media. They have been reporting, quite
literally, from the war front for nearly a week. They have lost at least one
colleague, others have been wounded, and many have been targeted. Both
the Lal Masjid leadership and the government have incessantly tried to
spin them. Neither has shown great respect for them or for what they are
doing.
The government finds itself in the bind. On the one hand it has
gained useful and needed goodwill because of restraint that it has shown till
now. On the other hand, the very same restraint has dragged the crisis so
long that people are becoming uncomfortable and impatient. This
predicament is not unusual for such situations.
But the challenges are even more grave than they might otherwise
have been because: (a) the locus of the operation is in the very heart of the
federal capital; (b) the issue is shrouded in religiosity and therefore incites
grave sensibilities in our deeply divided society; (c) everything is happening
in the spotlight of 24-hour media coverage; and (d) the governments track
record is so shaky that most people are naturally skeptical about the
governments motivations as well as its abilities. The goal, of course, is to
bring early and full closure to the crisis by capturing those holding out at Lal
Masjid, by securing the release of those who might be held hostage or
captive their, and doing all of this with the minimum, ideally no, bloodshed.
A bloody end to the standoff will spell disaster.
The government needs to apply negotiation as a tool much more
intelligently and deliberately. For example, the managers of this operation
seem not have been in direct negotiation with those inside the Lal Masjid
compound. Negotiation is happening, but it is happening through the
issuance of ultimatums and deadlines that keep slipping and are no longer
believable.

574

By this time the government should have been in a position of

strength in this negotiation. It is those in the Lal Masjid who are tired, who
are cornered, who are without basic amenities, who have limited resources,
who should be under psychological, physical and public pressure. Instead, it
is the government that finds itself tied down. The government has only itself
to blame for this predicament, but it does have the ability to pull itself out of
this corner. One important step in doing so should be direct, forceful and
proactive negotiation with the Lal Masjid leadership. The type of
negotiation you would expect in any major hostage situation. This is not
about searching for compromises. This is negotiation that seeks to
convince those inside the Lal Masjid that surrender without bloodshed is
now the best the only way out for them.
Kamal Siddiqi urged the government to address fears of the West by
going beyond Lal Masjid and reform madrassas. This madressah confirms
the worst fears of the West. It fits the image that the West has of these
schools. At the same time, due to government inaction, it also takes away the
focus from any meaningful madressah reform.
One needs to ask where have all the gas masks, guns and rocket
launchers seen in the hands and on the heads of the Lal Masjid brigade come
from. If a final analysis has to be done, it should ask questions like why no
such arms and ammunition were discovered when the police raided the
seminary two years back and gave it an all-clean chit. The reason is too
obvious; the Ghazi brothers started bringing weapons inside the
premises once they had clear clues that the regime has planned a
military action a few months ago Jamia Hafsa and the Lal Masjid saw its
enrolment doubled in the past year alone. Why did so many students
suddenly decide to come to this centre of learning? Did it have to do with
the quality of education imparted here?
Our attempts at reform have been limited to knee-jerk reactions
that are in response to events in the West. This month marks two years since
police arrested over 100 clerics and students of seminaries during a countrywide crackdown launched for confiscating hate material and detaining
elements sheltering militants. It may be recalled that in January 2002,
President Musharraf announced a ban on five extremist groups and put
another one on the watch list with a view to cleansing the society of
terrorism, sectarian violence and intolerance.

575

In the same breath, the president declared, all religious schools would
have to be registered and they would not function without obtaining a noobjection certificate. This never happened. The government caved in to the
demands of the religious group and backed off when it came to changing
what is taught.
The bottom line is what is taught at the madressahs today may not
make the person terrorist as the West would have one believe but it does not
make him into a productive member of society either. When this realization
sets in, there is frustration and anger for the student. Others in turn use this
for their gains. Such angry and frustrated young men and women become
foot soldiers in a war they know little of.
In all this there are many who want the status quo to remain, the
government seems unsure on how to change this. In his speech in 2002,
General Musharraf said that announcing decisions was an easy task but to
implement them was a real issue. These were prophetic words. They echo
even louder today.
Shafqat Mahmood was of the view that the Lal Masjid episode is a
fiasco on the part of the government. There is no greater manifestation of
poor management than allowing adversarial centres of power to emerge
within a state. This is what the Musharraf government did mollycoddling
the mullahs of Lal Masjid in Islamabad.
A stitch in time saving nine is a useful proverb in every aspect of life
but never more so than in law enforcement. For years, the brothers Rashid
and Aziz had been illegally expanding the area of Lal Masjid but no one in
the government took notice. This emboldened them and others like them to
spread their wings.
Their constant provocations without a response from the government
also led to the speculation that Musharraf had engineered the entire Lal
Masjid problem. The purpose: to draw attention away from the judicial
crisis.
Those who understand the inner workings of the state know that this
was never true. Musharraf was on the proverbial horns of a dilemma. He
couldnt decide whether to take action or appease the militants and ended
up giving the impression of complete paralysis. This pushed the Lal Masjid
crowd to go too far. They decided to kidnap Chinese physical therapists

576

that not only put the government to shame but also impacted our
international relations.
It is sad, that a matter that could have been handled relatively
easily six months ago became a huge national embarrassment. It was at
this stage that the government finally decided to closely monitor the Lal
Masjid by deploying Rangers nearer the site.
It is an indication of how dysfunctional this government is that it did
not calculate how the Lal Masjid students would react to close deployment
of the Rangers. I say this because if the purpose was to finally take decisive
action, it should have been at a time of the governments choosing. Instead,
the Lal Masjid brothers forced the issue by attacking the Rangers.
The law enforcement agencies were not quite prepared for this
and responded in a haphazard manner. There was a free for all, in which
sadly over 20 people were killed including a Ranger, some innocent
bystanders and Lal Masjid students. The heart of the capital was also
effectively paralyzed.
It was only at this stage that the government finally decided that it
had no option but to mask a real show of force. Things had reached such a
pass that the problem could no longer be ignored. It was then that the
army began to move in with armoured personnel carriers and tanks. This
immediately changed the dynamics of the conflict.
For the first time, since the crisis began the Lal Masjid brothers and
their poor misguided students finally understood that the government meant
business. As I write this on Wednesday evening, they have started to wilt.
One of the brothers has disappeared and the other was arrested trying to
escape wearing a burqa. What a fall from heights of arrogance!
There is nothing like a loaded gun to concentrate the mind.
Unfortunately, this gun had been hidden for too long. Had it been unholstered in January, this loss of life and property could have been avoided
or at least minimized. Now if it comes to full-scale assault, hundreds more
are likely to die. These are the wages of inaction. There is a concept of law
enforcement called zero tolerance. It means not ignoring even the most
minor of legal infringements. The theory is that if you effectively counter
minor crime, major crime will be thwarted

577

The reverse of this concept is that you keep ignoring infringements

of the law till it becomes unbearable. This not only does not stop crime, it
encourages people to take the law into their own hands. This is precisely
what has happened in the Lal Masjid case. The government chose to
ignore illegal activities until hideous proportions were reached. There is a
lesson in this for all of us. A state must never be seen as weak or ineffectual.
It will only invite trouble.
Ghazi Salahuddin criticized the regime for its acts, neglect and
possible connivance. Something happened on Tuesday and it camouflaged
the entire scene. Because of certain moves made by the law enforcing
agencies around Lal Masjid, the militants who have defied the writ of
the state for at least six months, were prompted to resort to violence. A
downtown locality in the capital became a war zone and late at night, a
curfew was imposed in the area and an operation was launched.
Suddenly, every other issue was pushed aside and the nation was put
on edge, watching a great encounter on television screens. I have already
indicated that this operation may have been intended as a clever stratagem to
divert peoples attention from some other issues. But it is in itself an
overwhelming event with enormous potential to bring about unforeseen
consequences.
We are witnessing, through the coverage of this operation by our
television channels, the raw footage of history with its moments of farce
as well as heart-rending tragedy. On Wednesday, the head cleric of Lal
Masjid, Maulana Abdul Aziz was captured while trying to escape in a burqa.
This theatrical interlude conveyed a message that was not certified by later
developments. Lal Masjids defiance did not weaken in its immediate
aftermath.
Incidentally, the manner in which the state television dealt with
Abdul Aziz and his burqa immediately transformed the farce into a tragedy.
An interview was telecast of the captive in which he was made to appear in
his burqa, lifting the veil to show his face. This was the cleric who would
never come before the camera because of his religious beliefs. It showed
how the media wizards of this government, who sit in judgment on the
role of the independent channels, are themselves total nincompoops when
it comes to observing ethical standards of broadcasting.

578

The Musharraf regime has been there for almost eight years and here
is evidence about what it has done during this time. Consider also the
incongruity of all this happening in Islamabad It was in Islamabad that a
religious complex was able to emerge as a state within a state.
Initially, the operation won great praise for Musharraf in the western
media. But a post-mortem of this episode, after it is over, may substantiate
the view that this government has played both sides in its war against
religious militancy. Nobody can believe that Lal Masjid could have
survived so far and done what it was doing without some support from
some elements in the establishment.
Omar R Quraishi also suspected a possible cleric-regime nexus. In an
interview to an Arabic newspaper some time back, when asked with regard
to influence or connections with the government, the current khateeb,
Maulana Abdul Aziz said that many students had relatives who were in
important government posts and that these relatives, via the students, had
told the Lal Masjid administrators that what they were doing was right. The
latter was once quoted in an online newspaper as having said in an interview
when asked about charges of terrorism against him and his brother that
he had told Ejazul Haq then that he had indeed met Osama bin Laden, Mulla
Omar and Dr Ayman al-Zawahiri but only because they had come to Lal
Masjid and that since it was a mosque anybody could visit it. He further
explained that the fact that he met these fugitives should not be used a proof
against him being a terrorist.
It was probably not until 2005 that the governments link with Lal
Masjid came under strain. This happened when Maulana Abdul Aziz
issued a fatwa which said that soldiers of the Pakistan Army who died in
clashes with militants in FATA were not eligible for a Muslim burial.
Hundreds of clerics eventually supported this fatwa and according to the
press reports of that time, this was a contributing factor to the withdrawal of
the army from the tribal areas. After this fatwa, the khateeb was officially
dismissed from his government-appointed post but kept occupying it
nonetheless as well as the mosque complex.
Of course, the government would have the ready excuse that had it
tried to evict him the consequences would have been most unpleasant. But
then the counter-question to that is wouldnt it have been better then, rather
than calling in the army now, where around a dozen people, including some
completely innocent passerby, lost their lives? Moreover, why did the
579

government not act the moment it knew that several members of the
banned extremist outfit Jaish-e-Mohammad were hiding inside the
compound?
No wonder the cynics and there are many out there believe that
their view depicts the real turn of events. It is quite possible and perhaps
even likely that they (cynics) are dead wrong but the fact that so many
people have questions regarding the timing of the operation is an indication
of the severely reduced credibility of the present government.
Dr Masooda Bano expressed similar suspicions by pointing out
contradictions in words and actions of parties in the conflict. The Jamia
Hafsa and state confrontation has been a puzzle from the beginning and
even now when apparently the show is heading towards the end, it is raising
so many contradictions on part of all the actors involved that it is difficult
to be even sure today why the whole phenomenon started at first place.
To begin with, the actions of the leaders of the Lal Masjid
themselves have been very contradictory. All along this period, they have
been taking actions, which clearly amounted to provoking the government. It
was one thing for the students to take over the public library to resist the
demolition of the mosque-madrassah complex. However, to kidnap Ms
Shameem, declaration of Shariat Court, and most recently the kidnapping of
Chinese workers from a massage parlour were actions, which had moved
from defence to active action towards implementation of their vision of
society. People taking such action also know that they wont be tolerated for
too long. Sooner or later there will be action from the state. So, the relatively
easy surrender by the students and the escape attempt by Maulana Abdul
Aziz do not match their prior stance. Going by the prior actions, they should
have been much more prepared to resist the military operation. People have
been raising questions about how the madrassah acquired the weaponry used
in the conflict in the first place. But, actually, the interesting thing is that
clearly they do not seem to have the weaponry to really match their
zealousness because otherwise the retaliation should have been much
stiffer.
On the government side, the contradictions have been equally
stark. If the whole phenomenon was actually a genuine religious sentiment
on the part of the Ulema and the students and was not engineered by the
agencies (as suspected by many) then why did it take the government so
long to deal with the issue decisively? Even more, if it really wanted to
580

resolve the issue, why werent soft means of power used to make the
madrassa cave in than to cause the bloodbath that has resulted due to the
military operation. Cutting off the supplies of electricity and water, actions
that have been taken much earlier and the matter settled a long time ago.
Similarly, while we talk of actions from the Ulema of Lal Masjid
being provocative, equally important is to ask was the government also not
being provocateur and deliberately playing with the religious sentiments of
the people when it started demolishing the mosques in Islamabad. When you
know your population has a strong religious orientation, and due to the
nature of the world politics today, is it wise public policy to initiate action
that makes people reactionary. Are we better off today when right in the
heart of the countrys capital we have had a bloody clash between the state
and its own people or were we better off before the government launched its
demolition drive. The governments actions all along have had contradictory
impacts on militancy to what they were meant to do.
Now to come to the secular circles in the country, they pose an
equally difficult contradiction. Liberal circles, and even political
leaderships of the PPP and MQM, had been asking the government to crack
down on the madressah from the very beginning. Central to the idea of
political liberalism is the respect for individual freedom and life. Cheering
the governments military action against religious institution does not in
itself result in liberating the society; it marginalizes the very cause of
liberalism. You cannot say that it is fair to use force in dealing with the
religious groups and not so when dealing with secular political groups. By
choosing to apply the human rights principles selectively and approving of
military action in one context, the liberals marginalize their ability to check
the general state aggression against the society.
With all actors involved in the conflict facing such contradictions it is
no wonder that the whole issue remains a puzzle till the end. It is clear that
many of the conclusions are a bit hasty. For instance, to say that the students
were confined within the madrassah by force does not make sense to anyone
who has engaged with them and the madrassah leadership over the last six
months. Some parents did take their children away at the very beginning of
the confrontation so it is difficult to see why others could not if they wanted
to unless of course their child refused to come by their own choice.
Secondly, having had many interactions with the students, parents, and
supporters of Jamia Hafsa, one also knows that some of the supporters of the

581

masjid and the Jamia Hafsa come from Islamabads elite. It is thus going to
be interesting to see how the whole issue eventually settles. But, one thing is
for sure use of military force to curb individual pockets of religious
resistance will not rid Pakistan of militancy. We have enough evidence of
this in Pakistan by now but clearly the lessons are not being learnt.
Tariq Butt conveyed the same by discussing the timing of the
operation. Questions would continue to be raised in the days to come as to
why the powers that be permitted the highly embarrassing irritant to stay in
place in the heart of the federal capital. The never-ending threats of the
militant duowere never given a matching response The irony was
that every time they found the government incapacitated to do something to
check them.
The most embarrassing development total rejection of the
official material by the 13-judge full court on the basis of which the
president formed his opinion to file the reference against Chief Justice
Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry which almost nullified the charge-sheet,
took place a day before the bloodletting at the Lal Masjid.
The government was in no position to come out of the awkward
situation, as its very case against the top judge seemed to be collapsing.
While everybody is attentive to the going-on at the Lal Masjid, the court
ruling on the reference is expected at any time.
The second development that is to take place is the two-day All
Parties Conference (APC), being hosted by exiled Prime Minister Nawaz
Sharif in London three days later. Not only Musharraf but every top
government leader is very interested in knowing about the APCs
forthcoming decisions and who would attend it and who wouldnt.
For quite some time, senior ruling coalition stalwarts have repeatedly
stated that APC decisions would have a huge bearing on the
governments likely moves to deal with mounting political crises. The
government has been worried, and rightly so, that the crisis would intensify
if the parliamentary parties participating in the APC decided to quit the
Parliament with the objective of aggravating the situation for Musharraf and
subsequently blocking his bid for re-election.
Another imminent development was Musharrafs decision that he
expected to finally make public shortly whether to hold snap separate or

582

simultaneous elections for the National Assembly and the provincial

assemblies to get legitimacy of his re-election as president, or stick to their
schedule on completion of the terms of the legislatures.
Absence of timely and swift official assistance to people of
Baluchistan and Sindh, devastated by Cyclone Yemyin, heavy rains and
floods was also earning flak for the government. Hundreds of thousands of
marooned people were constantly complaining about official sluggishness
and lack of adequate help in cash and kind.
Lubna Jarar Naqvi was of the view that the Lal Masjid served the
regime right. If Lal Masjid has become a medusa for the authority, it
serves them right. It was this government that magnanimously allowed so
much freedom to the madressah, in an attempt as Minister Ejazul Haq puts it
to improve image of madressahs to the outside world.
By continuingly suffering from an ostrich syndrome the president
and his prime minister are determined to checkmate themselves in the
election year. They have shown total empathy with the brothers orchestrating
the masjid-authority duel and apathy to the much-trumpeted national
interest by putting national security at stake. Learning from May 12, this
issue could have been settled amicably, but it is hard to reach an old new
tricks. Those killed on July 3 and May 12 are victims of a faulty system and
everyone is to be blamed for each life lost. No one can say May 12 and July
3 crept up on them. The signs were evident in both cases and it was apparent
since February that something was brewing on the capitals horizon. So
please all the political factions, especially the opposition who go ballistic on
everything except what matters, shouldnt feign surprise post-July 3. It wont
work anymore.
Like May 12, July 3 and the Lal Masjid spar could have been preempted, but nothing was done about it. Everyone watched as Lal Masjid was
encroached, fortified and students in voluntary confinement on religious
pretexts for months. The khateeb duo acquired a large chunk of prime state
land in the federal capital without confrontation.
The residents of Lal Masjid will eventually yield to the forces of the
state authority, and there will be endless praise from the supporters of the
president, and criticism for his detractors. And maybe another book from
the presidency titled Ghazi ban gaya gentlewoman, with Abdul Aziz in a

583

burqa on the title. But the problem of extremism ensconced within the roots
of the country will continue to flourish.
Sectarian suicide attacks on military personnel will continue; internal
conflicts will continue; the rosy picture put on by optimists in power will
eventually wane but life will go on as it has for the last 60 years. As usual
our leaders will quibble over the hot seat in Islamabad, come and go in
between self exiles and deals will be struck, the military-civilian love-hate
relationship will continue. Pakistans history that seems to be caught in a
time vortex will be the same even 60 years from today. What writers wrote
four or five decades ago of the situation in Pakistan, still applies today.
The Dawn opined that the cleric brothers were wrong in assuming that
the government wont launch an operation but the government was in a bind
to do so. The Chinese government called upon Mr Aftab Sherpao to take
steps to ensure the safety of Chinese nationals in his country. The visiting
interior minister said in reply that his government would take more
rigorous actions for the safety of Chinese nationals and institutions in
Pakistan. Beijings justifiable concern followed the kidnapping last week of
a number of Chinese, including women, at an acupuncture clinic wrongly
referred to as a massage parlour.
They (clerics of Lal Masjid) also know that a government crackdown
is unlikely because no government would want to open fire on a mosque,
even if those who have barricaded themselves inside it are using the
sacred precincts of the mosque for criminal activity, self-glorification and
flaunting their non-existent piety.
The government is in bind. If it orders a crackdown, there will be
very heavy casualties on both sides, and the authorities will be accused of
human rights violations and excessive force to solve a problem that could
have been tackled by negotiations. If it does not take action, it will continue
to be accused of inaction and of failing to enforce its writ even in the federal
capital. That leaves negotiations as the only way out of the crisis.
However, despite prolonged negotiations in which the authorities
often seemed to have surrendered to the Lal Masjid clerics, the stand off
continues. What is plain is that neither the liberal opinion nor the religious
lobby is prepared to play a mediatory role because both are enjoying the
governments predicament on this score. The authorities have to be

584

cautious if they decide to use force, since an unthinking crackdown will

play into the hands of the extremist lobby and prove counter-productive.
The News termed Maulana Abdul Azizs escape attempt as shameful
act. This was in sharp contrast to what one would have thought about
Maulana Aziz given that in the past he and his brother had boasted that their
students and followers would fight to death against government forces for
what they said was a holy struggle to enforce Gods law in the country.
Besides, the khateeb of Lal Masjid was known for making fiery speeches in
the past, which centered mostly on the theme of jihad against infidels and
was said to have often played host to many a militant/jihadi outfit leader.
Maulana Aziz simply tried to get out of the mosque complex the only
way he thought he could, because the heat laid on by the governments siege
was getting too much to bear. In doing so, however, he may have caused a
great disservice to those of his ilk, because public discourse is already now
and justifiably now awash with jokes of clerics trying to escape under
cover of a burqa.
In all seriousness, Maulana Aziz obviously set a bad example as a
leader of his students and followers by going about trying to leave the
mosque disguised as a woman wearing a burqa. Keeping in view the fact
that the Lal Masjid brigade claimed to fight against all forms of immorality,
the Maulanas attempt to escape is very hypocritical in itself because he
clearly failed to practice what he loved to preach, and enforce through his
students.
One will hope that the Maulana and his brother if and when he is
captured will not be allowed to go scot-free this time. One also hopes that
this time no ministers or ruling party chiefs will intervene on their behalf or
offer them deals that can only be described as appeasement. As for those
who are surrendering, it needs to be ensured that they abide by their
understanding given to the government. Apparently, this requires a
commitment from them to never visit or enroll at the madressah again but
this should be made more encompassing by having some kind of monitoring
system to ensure that they do not make a nuisance of themselves elsewhere.
Those who had been pleading with the government to take decisive
and strong action against such elements for a long time seem, till now,
proven correct. This strategy should now be put to effective use in other
trouble spots in the country, where extremists and obscurantist have tried to
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enforce their own twisted version of faith on ordinary Pakistanis, in the

process making the lives of the latter a living hell.
The newspapers senior correspondent, Ansar Abbasi disagreed with
his papers editor. Maulana Abdul Aziz is undoubtedly the villain of the
day but he does not deserve the kind of humiliation the state-run
television has shown being meted out to him.
It was evidently the work of some intelligence sleuth, who while
using his typical spy-minded novelty set a stage where the Maulana, who
had never faced the television camera, was made to attire Burqa (the woman
veil) while giving interview to Pakistan television.
The interview started with the television camera showing the
beleaguered khateeb of Lal Masjid removing upper part of the veil,
covering his face. He was made to wear the lower part of the veil during the
remaining part of the interview. One does not comprehend as to why the
Maulana agreed to appear before the television camera while being clad in
woman veil no matter even if he was made to do so at gunpoint.
It appeared like just a stage-drama instead of real interview.
Many might have found these artistically produced scenes soothing for their
eyes but for a large number of viewers this was simply humiliating. Even a
hardened criminal does not deserve such disgrace. It was yet another show
of extremism thought many here say that the Maulana deserves such
treatment.
Throughout both the Maulana and the interviewer, who was handed
over a written questionnaire to confront his strange guest, remained
standing. This highly unintelligent intelligence show was in pretty bad
taste. One can enjoy a parody of the Maulana, who made an unsuccessful
attempt on Wednesday night to escape the siege around Lal Masjid but
making the religious scholar to act the way someone wants to see him is
simply obnoxious. This is perhaps only possible in a state-run television. An
independent media could never think of any such acting because it is
biased and contrary to the principles of journalism.
These television scenes refreshed our memories of how the Iraqis
were mistreated in Abu Gharaib jail in Iraq; the human rights violations of
Guantanamo Bay; and the shameful treatment meted out to former

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President of Iraq Saddam Hussein when he was arrested by the American

troops a few years back.
Maulana Aziz for sure deserves severe condemnation for all that he
has done. It was his rigidity that led to present saga and has already resulted
into the killing of more than 22 innocents including personnel of law
enforcing agencies, journalists, students of the Lal Masjid, passerby and
others.
The Maulana has also badly smeared the name of Islam and dented
the impression of religious schools and the womans veil throughout the
world. Regardless his offences, he must be treated like a human being.
He should be tried under the law of the land for what he had done for being
the head of the Lal Masjid and be given severe punishment but making fun
of him in this fashion is too cheap an act for a government to indulge in.
Mir Jamilur Rahman cursed Ghazi brothers and praised the regime.
These two brothers, Maulanas Aziz and Rashid, were suffering from maniac
depression, a mental condition that is marked by periods of great excitement
and violence. They ordered their students to kidnap the sinners and bring
them to Lal Masjid for justice. They got pleasurable thrill watching the
hapless abductees dreading their end. it was a bizarre situation
embarrassing the administration to no end.
The government acted with exemplary patience. It avoided a
comprehensive action that would have resulted in the death of innocent
people. President Musharraf came under severe criticism for delaying the
action against the two Maulanas. The commentators gibed at him that with
such a fearful force at his command he could not apprehend the two
Maulanas. President Musharraf knew what he was doing; he wanted to avoid
unnecessary bloodshed.
Twice the military operation was ready to be launched. Both
times it was called off at the last moment in the expectation of some
conciliatory move from the Maulanas. But that did not come. Instead the two
Maulanas ordered the kidnapping of nine Chinese men and women from a
massage parlour that was the day when bells started tolling for the two
Maulanas.
It would have been a matter of few hours for the army to occupy to
seminaries. But the death toll would have been enormous. The army is not

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fighting an enemy. It is merely helping the civil the civil authorities in

establishing the writ of law. It may take time, but eventually the law would
prevail. The delay to wrap up this affair is meant to keep the damage in
life and property to the minimum. The misguided people who are
confronting the law are not from some other country. They are Pakistanis
who have been missed by two maniac-depressive Maulanas.
Aasim Sajjad Akhtar opined that religious forces were wrong and so
were the secular forces. It would be facile to suggest that the whole Lal
Masjid episode has been staged by the state The point is not to either
dismiss the whole episode as a conspiracy or consider it a truly epic battle
between the forces of good and evil. It is in fact the need of the hour to put
into perspective what is happening in the middle of the federal capital, and
to recognize that the stand-off serves not only to at least temporarily divert
attention from the multiple crises that the government faces but also allows
for a total shift in the mood and tenor of public debate.
This is most evident in the response of the upper-middle class to the
stand-off. A large number of well-educated and well-to-do urbanites
particularly in Islamabad have openly welcomed the government action
against Lal Masjid. Many of these people have also been vocal supporters of
the lawyer-led movement and have otherwise been scathing in their
denunciation of the fact that the military regime has been desperate to cling
onto power through any means possible. Yet they have quite willingly
disassociated the fact of unchecked militancy in the middle of Islamabad
with the functional logic of military dictatorship. And lo and behold,
Musharraf is once again the hero of the liberal elite.
It is amazing although perhaps not surprising that the analyses and
sensibilities of our intelligentsia are as short-sighted as they are. The fact
that forces of the religious right have proliferated in Pakistan over the
past three decades is at least partially explained by the hypocrisy of the
elite. It was the same elite that supported the Zia regime in spite of itself,
simply because it was terrorized by the populist political idiom that was
commonplace during the Bhutto period. Now things have changed, and
religious forces have become public enemy number one.
Let us not forget that the Musharraf regime has ruled for almost eight
years in large part because his government has projected itself as committed
to enlightened moderation and has reinforced the binary of secular
modernism. This discourse satisfied both the regimes imperial patrons and
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the tiny but powerful domestic constituency that is the urbanized elite. In
recent times it appeared as if the latter was acknowledging its mistake in
accepting the highly superficial nature of this binary by joining in the antidictatorship chorus. And there can be no doubt that the disaffection of the
upper middle-class was a major worry of the government. It only took a
military operation against Lal Masjid to right the ship.
Pakistan remains at a crossroads. The almighty battle between
opposing social forces that has been apparent over the past four months has
far from abated. But unfortunately, some amongst us believe the battle is
between the state and the religious right whereas actually it is between those
committed to change and those committed to status quo. The people who
have lost their lives in the Lal Masjid stand-off are the innocent victims
of a deep and insidious political game, which must be understood in all its
core if we are to emerge from this conjuncture in our history a little further
along than where we were. There is no other option.
M Ismail Khan advised the media on conflict reporting. The
complexity of conflicts such as the Lal Masjid crises or similar militancy
demands that journalist have basic knowledge about sniper firing, mines,
booby traps and improvise explosives. More importantly, journalists need
orientation in operating in a rapidly changing nasty civil disorder and riots.
After the May 12 episode in Karachi, the ongoing conflict around Lal
Masjid is the second major internal crisis which has received such in-depth
media coverage. While the Karachi mayhem evoked spontaneous public
outrage against the government for its inaction, public reaction to the event
in Islamabad has been quite the opposite.
One would insist that public approval of the government is a direct
outcome of what the media has managed to project during the initial phase
of the conflict. But it is now up to the government to remain accessible to
the media in reporting what actually transpires on the ground. A certain level
of control and restriction is understandable in such sensitive conflict, but
now that the media does not have full access to the actual scene of conflict,
journalists flocking the government press conferences for official
information should be provided with credible and full information.

REVIEW
589

The Lal Masjid episode is not an isolated incident; it is part of a much

wider conflict going on in the Pakistani society. This conflict is between
religious and secular forces. A lot has been said on the subject in previous
articles; some of which has to be recalled even at the risk of repetition.
The secular forces prefer to call themselves by many impressively
noble-sounding names like enlightened, moderate, tolerant, liberal, realistic,
modern, and futuristic and so on. At the same time, the religious forces are
dubbed obscurantist, extremist, intolerant, narrow-minded, unrealistic,
primitive, and backward-looking.
The secular forces happen to be in power and thus the custodians of
law of the land and writ of the state. They have all the power and state
resources at their disposal for implementation of their agenda. The religious
forces utterly lack worldly means of strength. They draw strength and
solitude from the righteousness of their cause.
The secular forces claim, rightly too, that they enjoy the support of
civil society. The silent majority of the conservative Muslim population
is with religious forces. The so-called civil society is active on all fronts to
promote their cause. The support of the silent majority for religious forces
is rendered useless due to its inertia or inactivity.
Due to the above facts, and more, the ongoing clash is between two
grossly unequal forces; the weak religious forces and the strong secular
forces. The weak has tendency to resort means which can be dubbed as
unlawful. The strong can justify all his immoral and illegal acts as correct.
This preamble can be of help in analyzing the acts and neglects of all
the players in the ongoing standoff. Herein, the review is restricted to three
players i.e. the clerics of Lal Masjid, Musharraf regime and the media; first,
the Ghazi brothers.
Leaving aside the allegations leveled against the Ghazi brothers for a
while, it can be said that cleric brothers were not wrong in interpreting the
Islamic teachings about curbing the social evils. Their demand for
enforcement of Sharia was theoretically correct but their method was faulty.
The teaching goes that there are three degrees of Eiman in the context
of curbing the evil; by hand, by tongue and in heart. They believed in (and
practiced in some instances) the most praiseworthy degree of faith. In doing

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that they took law of the land in their hands and thus challenged the writ of
the rulers.
Ghazi brothers failed in appreciating the rationale behind spelling out
three degrees of the Eiman. While vouching for the most desirable degree of
the Eiman, one must possess a hand stronger than the hand of evil-doers so
that the task is accomplished successfully without causing much harm.
They did not realize the dire consequences of laying their hands on
aunties. Their hand was too weak as compared to the hands of the
nephews of the aunties. They missed the obvious that they were no match
to the elite of massagers and the massaged, who enjoyed the protection of
state machinery.
They ignored the ground reality that hands of their opponents are
much stronger than theirs. They could not stop them, who possess capability
and intent to bomb mosques and madrassas; hunt mullas; and dictate terms
like excluding the verses relating to jihad from the syllabi. They had seen
manifestation of their opponents intent many times in the recent past.
It should have dawned upon Ghazi brothers that the prevalent
conditions are not favourable to opt for the highest degree of Eiman. There
are two other options allowed for such situations. They went for the first
option which was practiced during the zenith of Islamic civilization. This
approach does not suit in situations evil is rampant.
They overlooked that the Holy Prophet (PBUH) said his prayers in
secret under adverse situations. The entire Muslim population of Central
Asia, which had been the seat of Islamic civilization, did the same under
Soviet rule.
The prevalent ground realities, in which evil forces are much
stronger, demand that they should have satisfied with third degree of Eiman,
or at best with the second degree i.e. stopping the evil-doers by the words
on mouth; they didnt.
The vast majority of Mullas in Mosques and Madrassas across the
country are cognizant the above mentioned ground reality. In these times the
emphasis has to be on survival by being satisfied with lowest degree of
Eiman. The Ulema has been telling this to the Ghazi brothers, but they paid
no heed to the advice and were rendered isolated.

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Ghazi brothers proved to be far more obstinate and rebellious than

their capabilities. Their exuberance was cleverly exploited by the regime and
possibly by their adversaries outside Pakistan as well. Who used students of
Beacon House School to feed the information about Chinese massage
parlour to students of Ghazi brothers and why do they remain unaccounted
for?
The consequences were predictable. Ghazi brothers have caused
embarrassment to Ulema and great setback to the institution of Mosque and
Madrassa. This has been a long outstanding desire of the Christian West and
their secular allies in Muslim countries.
The approach of the Ulema of Wafaqul Madaris and leaders of
political parties with religious agendas, though appearing too timid, is
correct under the circumstances. The wisdom lies in avoiding the
confrontation with the Crusaders and their allies who happened to the rulers
of their Motherland. The religious forces must join political process to attain
political power for implanting their agenda democratically.
Maulana Abdul Azizs failed attempt to escape has caused great
embarrassment to the fraternity of mullas and their sympathizers. The
secular forces have ridiculed them for this shameful act on the part of a man
who has been talking about jihad and martyrdom in his sermons.
One must see the incident without being passionate or prejudiced.
Maulana Aziz was not the first to use burqa for escape, even the chief lawenforcer, the Interior Minister Aftab Sherpao had used it to cross Torkham
border. Had the Mulla succeeded in escaping, the views of critics would
have quite different.
In any case, his act is not more shameful than the surrender of 1971
and numerous U-turns taken by the brave commando since 9/11, justified in
the name of restrategizing the option and thereby the de facto acceptance of
status quo on the core issue of Kashmir.
The act of Maulana Aziz was tactically correct, provided has had not
been lured into a trap. The two brothers are the kingpins of the struggle
initiated by them. In was tactically incorrect that both should stay in one
post. They should have placed themselves in a manner that one could
continue the fight if one falls.

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The decision to leave behind the younger brother was also correct as
is proved by his steadfastness so far. However, timing of the decision was
incorrect. They should have stayed in separate places the moment the secular
forces seemed intent for a crackdown. Making an attempt to escape at a
belated stage when the battle had been joined left remote chance of success
and the act could also be interpreted as cowardly act of abandoning the post;
both of these happened.
The condemnation of the act of Maulana Aziz by the seculars, who
despise gender discrimination, makes an interesting revelation.
Paradoxically, the enlightened moderates condemn him for using burqa, but
they appreciate their girls wearing jeans and boys wearing ear-rings and so
on. In all fairness they should have ignored Azizs act provided they had
cleansed their minds of gender discrimination.
Elder mulla has been condemned by all and sundry for his cowardly
attempt to escape, but the critics have been grossly unfair by not praising the
younger mulla. They must utter few words of praise for Maulana Ghazi for
his steadfastness shown so far in the face of ten thousand security personnel
equipped with latest weaponry.
Musharraf regime has been accused of using Lal Masjid for political
gains by diverting attention away from the critical issues and also for
preserving the Crusaders support for continuation of his illegitimate
dictatorial rule.
Musharraf was fully aware of this criticism. He decided to make final
use of this trump card for two reasons; one, the right moment for its use has
come; two, he could not retain this card for too long as the intent of the
government remained no more a secret. Therefore; to say that the standoff
flared up accidentally is not correct.
What happened on 3rd July was a carefully planned provocation. After
failing in securing a clear decree from Imam-e-Kaaba, the Musharraf regime
decided to manufacture a justification for the crackdown. The regime had
identified the weakness of mulla brothers i.e. their tendency to react
impulsively and that had been further strengthened by overlooking their
unlawful activities.
The regime planned to exploit this weakness to provoke them through
deployment of security forces in close proximity of the Lal Masjid. The

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Rangers and Police kept creeping towards Lal Masjid by establishing posts.
Musharraf with decades of military experience and still counting knew
fully well that an eyeball-to-eyeball contact was bound to result in a
skirmish.
The sinister aim of cordoning by deploying the Rangers too close the
Lal Masjid and its seminary finally materialized. The students of the
seminary objected to a newly established post and asked the security
personnel to pull it back; security men refused. This resulted in scuffle in
which the weapons and radio-set were snatched by the students.
The regime has rejected this argument that the fighting was started by
it by intent. Its officials said that how could the government ignite the
situation at time when Interior Minister and other senior officials concerned
with internal security were out of Islamabad. The events leading to the
incident negate regimes argument. However, it could have come earlier than
visualized as Ghazi brothers proved to be too impulsive than the
expectations of the regime.
So what happened on 3rd July marked the beginning of what
Musharraf had been talking about quite frequently in recent days. This was a
skirmish of a battle keenly sought after by the regime. At last the APC-borne
secular forces found a pretext to launch a crackdown against danda-wielding
burqa-clad extremist forces of Lal Masjid.
The timing of the crackdown suited Musharraf regime quite well. It
happened just a day after the Musharraf regime was rebuked by the Supreme
Court over submission of fake and forged documents which amounted to
perjury. The humiliated regime must have welcomed the killing of a Ranger
by Lal Masjid inmates. The beginning of the crackdown soon after the
governments crash down in the Supreme Court helped diverting the media
attention.
The APC at London was scheduled only three days latter and little
dragging of the feet in launching the final assault could cause complete
media blackout on activities of opposition parties. The crackdown against a
mosque could also cause rift between secular and religious parties attending
the APC.
The crackdown also kept the media away from the rain and floodaffected areas of Baluchistan and Sindh were people were crying for help

594

from the government. The operation carried out earlier could not have
accrued so many advantages.
Above all, an operation against Islamic fascists a day before the
Americas Independence Day would be a gift for his master; George Bush.
The operation would convince the West about Musharrafs resolve to fight
against Islamic extremists. By virtue of that he could also be eligible for the
award of the knighthood.
Musharraf regime has been rightly criticized for delaying the action
for months. The regime took calculated risk in deferring the action. The
crisis has been helping the regime all along and at the same time to pile up
incriminating evidence against Ghazi brothers to punish them severely.
The government allowed, if not encouraged, them to indulge in
activities which could attract attention of people in and outside Pakistan and
start demanding action against the Lal Masjid. The fate of the agreement
reached between Shujaat and Ghazi brothers corroborates this argument.
A workable plan to solve the row was worked but it was not
implemented. It was said that CDA had refused to implement the accord.
CDA is too small a set-up to betray the words of the head of the ruling party.
The agreement was sabotaged by a party which ought to be stronger which
used Shujaat for gaining time for its sinister game-plan.
The plan worked. When mullas men laid their hands on Chinese
massage girls, the bag was full of incriminating evidence and after the
incident of 3rd July even the neutrals supported the government action. Even
the incident of firing at Musharrafs plane could be an act to further
incriminate the clerics. Two anti-aircraft guns were found at the roof top of a
house were not even used.
Musharraf regime also used the Ghazi brothers to ridicule the entire
lot of religious forces. The escape attempt by Maulana Aziz was fully
exploited for this purpose. Interviewing him in burqa was manifestation of
falling lowest of the low (asfa-las-safilfeen). How unfortunate these very
people endeavour framing and enforcing a code of media ethics.
Those who arranged his extended display on PTV knew it well this
wont be liked the vast majority of Pakistanis; yet they went ahead, because
they were sure that their act would immensely please their Western masters.

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Their aim was to strengthen the regimes alliance with the Crusaders.
Ministry of Information certainly played condemnable role.
Throughout the extended period of about six months, the regime used
all the phrases which Crusaders have been using to demonize the Islamic
extremists. It was repeatedly said there are hardened terrorist of banned
outfits inside the premises of Lal Masjid. They had all types of arms and
ammunition. Dozens of bombers were ready to carryout suicide missions.
Female students were being used as human shields and so on.
On the basis of all these allegations, despite remaining to be proved
with authentic evidence, the regime refused to show any flexibility. The
regime demanded unconditional surrender. Brig Cheema during a press
briefing frequently used the word surrender even for female students who
came out of the seminary.
This brings us to the all important question: who has been more
extremist in this standoff? As the events unfolded the land grabber Mullas
showed flexibility and agreed to give up everything except surrender. This
was not reciprocated by those who have grabbed thousands of acres of land
across the country and one of the mafias has even claimed the biggest city as
our city.
The rigidity of the enlightened moderates surpassed the rigidity shown
by any of the extremist outfits in the world. This justified in the name of
establishing the writ of the state. The argument that the government showed
extraordinary patience to save innocent lives is not convincing. This patience
is not for the inmate girls and children; but also to save lives of security
personnel and to secure political aims mentioned above. The girls inside in
any case suffered a lot.
The regime used the dialogue as ploy to drag on the standoff. The
seemingly concerted effort to negotiate a peaceful solution was made on 9 th
July. The very composition of the government team which accompanied the
seven-member Ulema delegation betrayed the evil intentions of the
Musharraf regime. Shujaat and Ijaz had negotiated many deals in the past
but had very poor record of getting those implemented. The deals were
always struck to gain time for the regime. Worth of Minister of Information
is evident from the name given to him by Aitzaz: Durrani Ghalatbiani. The
lady minister was included to give enlightened touch to an otherwise dulllooking delegation.
596

The party of Urdu-speaking middle class played the most cunning role
during the standoff. Altaf Hussain and other MQM leaders kept urging the
regime to crush Islamic extremists of Lal Masjid due to their enmity with
Jamaat-e-Islami.
And on 9th July, when the a negotiated solution seemed possible due to
the involvement of respected Ulema, a four-member gang of MQM appeared
at the surrender point. What was their mission remains unknown, but the
intent was clear; that they too participated in negotiated solution.
The media has been in the forefront in campaign demanding a
crackdown against Lal Masjid and its administration. The reasons for
medias hostility towards Ghazi brothers and all others like them have been
discussed in previous articles i.e. any campaign against fahashi and uriani
threatens medias commercial interests.
Once the standoff turned into armed conflict, the media availed the
opportunity to mend its relations with the executive which were restrained
due to live coverage of CJPs tours. The Musharraf regime officials praised
the positive role of the media men.
The media joined hands with the regime in demonizing Ghazi
brothers. The official themes that hardened terrorist with large caches of all
kinds of weapons were in inside; the bombers were ready to carry out
suicide attacks; female students and children were being used as human
shields; they are kept as hostages was hyped day in and day out. All the
phrases used by the West in war on terror were borrowed to demonize Lal
Mosque.
The media obsession for propaganda against Ghazi brothers and their
companions could be observed from the reports by its teams at the scene.
Whenever there was a blast resulting from attempts at breaching the walls of
Jamia Hafsa, the reporters invariably started with speculating a suicide
attack. They stopped after couple of days when their assumptions proved
incorrect.
On one occasion Talat Hussain accused Maulana Ghazi of lying more
than once in a single report. He never used these words for any of the MQM
leaders on and after 12th May when most of them blatantly lied and they are
still doing it even to the extent that blame the victims for the bloodshed.

597

The assessments carried out during the operation said that there could
be a dozen or more automatic rifles of various kinds inside the mosque. It
can be safely said that each sector commander of MQM possesses far more
weapons than that. The reports about suicide bombers, human shields and
hostages were refuted by those who left the premises voluntarily.
The worst came from PTV as could be expected. The capture of
Maulana Aziz granted brought this official to the limelight. The captive
was interviewed in burqa in condemnable manner as reported by Ansar
Abbasi. The sole aim of interview was to ridicule the cleric.
The interviewer performed his duty to the satisfaction of the producer.
The idea behind interviewing him in burqa was aimed at killing two birds
with one stone; Mulla and Burqa. But, that all those involved in producing
this masterpiece missed the point that they were ridiculing the entire lot of
Muslims who still have lot of respect for the mullas.
Some private channels played double on this immoral act on the part
of PTV. While saying that the interview was in bad taste, these channels kept
showing the footage despite the restrictions on repeat-telecast of the
interview. They played a dirty role.
It has been strange coincidence that the two most damaging blunders
committed by the either side detrimental to their cause related to the person
of Maulana Aziz. His attempt to escape wearing burqa Ghazi brothers lost
the sympathies of the people and the same thing happened to the cause of the
government when Maulana was humiliated and ridiculed.
The treatment meted out to Maulana Aziz, resulted in hardening the
stance of his younger brother who held on in Lal Masjid. He was prepared to
give up everything but did not agree to surrender and instead wanted a safe
passage to avoid humiliation.
Had the government not ridiculed Maulana Aziz and instead treated
him humanely, the events would have unfolded differently. The message
conveyed to his companions inside the mosque would have softened them.
Unfortunately, the media preferred aping the West by showing footage
similar to that of Saddam.
The decisive phase of the operation has been delayed considerably
mainly because of political reasons. Even the brave commando wearing two

598

hats had to pay more attention to his political objectives and thus
undermining the advantages of a quick and precision military operation.
This operation is part of Musharrafs agenda to spread Enlightenment
by defeating obscurantism. He, however, does not realize that majority of the
conservative people of Pakistan do not approve of his religion-related
agenda. Even those who strongly disagree with mullas do not like that he
should impose enlightened moderation through use of arms and bloodshed;
the means the obscurantist are accused of using.
The resentment of the people over acts of Ghazi brothers must not be
misread as rejection of their mission. The people strongly oppose the
prevalent social evils. They may condemn the militancy shown by some
mullas but they are not prepared to tolerate the spread of influence of Aunty
Shamim, Nilofar and Chinese massagers.
They are not prepared to accept even the concept of the writ of the
state which a corollary of Nation State Theory, an invention of the West.
Islamic concept of nationhood is quite different and so is the writ of the
state. This concept rejects the state authority which promotes values contrary
to the Islamic teachings.
A caller in a TV programme said that the rule that writ of the
government is unchallengeable, cannot be strictly practiced in an Islamic
state. He argued, we commemorate Karbala every year despite the fact that
Imam Hussain, too, had challenged the writ of the government of the only
Islamic state of that time. He added that the writ of the government that
indulges in un-Islamic activities must be challenged.
The operation against Lal Masjid has already spilled lot of blood and
more will be spilled in days to come. The list of people who have and would
have the blood on their hands is and will be very long. Those who have
abetted in commission of the heinous crime, by act or neglect, need to be
identified, exposed and severely punished. Some of the criminal acts or
neglects which must be accounted for immediately are:
Most of the weapons reached the premises of Lal Masjid during the
period of last five months of the confrontation. This is a clear
negligence on the part of agencies, which know every activity of the
CJP, but were unaware of what was happening right under their nose;
that nose must bleed.

599

 The real motive of those who embarked upon eradication of the

menace of land encroachment starting with demolition of mosques
and that too without following the due course of law must be made
public.
Similarly, the nation must be informed about all those, along with
their motive, who undermined the implementation of the agreement
reached earlier between Chaudhry Shujaat and Lal Masjid
administration.
Once the operation commenced the government came out with long
list of FIRs of criminal acts committed by Ghazi Brothers. All those
who failed in pursuing these FIRs, registered months ago, have to be
accounted for.
And once the standoff ends, the reason demands that these very
security forces should besiege Beacon House School and ransack it as
punishment for abetting in abduction of Chinese. In fact, they deserve
far severe punishment because they connived with obscurantist,
despite belonging to the fraternity of enlightened.
In any case, Lal Masjid operation has set a precedent worth following.
Crackdown against mosque has been justified on various pretexts like land
encroachment, establishment of a state within the State and committing acts
of terrorism. These pretexts dictate that the scope of the crackdown must be
enlarged. If one cannot be allowed to grab the state land for mosques, a
crackdown against all land mafias which grab lands for personal gains must
be launched across the country with the same resolve and determination.
Similarly, the state established in Karachi by the criminal gang of MQM
must be dismantled. The heads of Urdu-speaking terrorists must also roll.
This operation has caused colossal damage to the image of Islam and
Pakistan but it would be wrong to place entire blame on Ghazi brothers;
Musharraf regime is equally guilty, if not more. This episode has caused
strong polarization in the people of Pakistan.
During Geo TV programme mery mutabiq on 9th July seven calls were
received. The views of the callers reflected an alarming polarization. Out of
the two ladies (certainly Urdu-speaking) from Karachi, one condemned the
mullas and the other praised Musharraf Bhai. Three callers from Lahore,

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including a lady, and two ladies from Islamabad criticized Musharraf

regime. This should be a matter of concern for the well-wishers of Pakistan.
10th July 2007

CLASH WITHIN V
The dialogue continued well beyond the midnight. A deal was
finalized in writing and reportedly sweets were distributed. This written
agreement was sent to the real power and was returned after alterations.
According to Maulana Usmani the spirit of the consensus agreement was
completely compromised. Ulema were told by a General to say yes or no
in half an hour or buzz off; Ulema left.

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As MOAZINS called for the morning payers, the soldiers of Islamic

Republic of Pakistan launched attack on Lal Masjid. The commanders in
their pep-talks must have tried hard in convincing the troops that they were
going to perform a noble task like the demolition of Masjid-e-Zarrar. They
could not have dared telling them the truth that this too was part of another
holy war, the Crusades, in which Axis of Mulla, Mosque and Madrassa has
been a priority target.
The launching of the attack within minutes after the failure of
dialogue meant that preparations for the assault and the ritual of talks went
along simultaneously. No army, even those bearing the names like rapid
force, has the ability to react within minutes. Therefore, it was evident that
the procedure had started much earlier than Ulema were sent to Lal Masjid
for the so-called dialogue.

EVENTS
Addressing a press conference Chaudhry Shujaat declared that talks
with Maulana Ghazi could not succeed. He said it was a great
disappointment for him. The press conference was terminated abruptly on
receipt of a telephone call minutes short of the assault on Lal Masjid.
Fighting started with commando raid at 0400 hours, 10 th July and
continued till midnight. Maulana Ghazi went down after fighting for 15
hours. He refused to surrender before army which had surrendered before
the Indians and its incumbent chief had surrendered to the Crusaders on a
single telephone call.
Fifty-five inmates of Lal Masjid and eleven soldiers were killed.
Death toll was expected to rise. Ghazis mother was also slain. No woman
was killed in the operation, according to DG ISPR. Edhi said the authorities
have demanded 800 shrouds. Umme Hassaan was arrested. Reportedly vital
information was extracted from Maulana Abdul Aziz.
Media was pushed away from the vicinity of the Red Zone. Orders
were issued to throw media men out of all hospitals or resort to shoot to kill.
Imposition of emergency in hospitals caused inconvenience to patients. The
Supreme Court expressed its inability to stop the operation under the

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prevalent laws. Life in twin cities came to standstill. People preferred to stay
at home. Thin attendance was witnessed in offices.
At about 0930 hours, five and a half hours after the start of Operation
Silence, Maulana Abdul Rasheed Ghazi spoke to Geo TV to convey his last
message to the people of Pakistan. His message in brief was that the
government was never sincere in solving the issue peacefully. All the hype
by the government about solving the issue through talks was mere
propaganda to put blame on him and his companions. He also blamed the
Ulema, who had gone to the mosque for talks, for cowardice as they did not
show courage to enter the mosque for face-to-face dialogue.
He said that the only way to free Pakistan from the agents of America
is Jihad and he urged all the groups in Pakistan to wage the armed struggle.
He added that he and his men have fought against these khabees with only
14 KK rifles. He condemned Ulema who preferred to stay away.
The News reported the excerpts of his message next day. Maulana
Abdul Rashid Ghazi said that prevalent system is creating problems, where
some families are in possession of power and afflicting everybody with
misery. These problems will stay unresolved until the Islamic system is
established, he observed.
He said the current rulers are US agents and this whole operation is
being done on the say of the United States and the nation and the
Mujahideen should rise to get rid of the dictatorial rulers who are agents of
the US. This is my last chance to say anything, and would like to say that
we fought with courage. We were asked to bow before the power, but we
refused to do so. We will fight till martyrdom, but the people will take
revenge from the rulers.
He added: I offered surrender in the presence of media so that the
entire world could see what sort of weapons we had and that was my last
words with them. He said Ijazul Haq tried to make him bow down by
threatening to conduct the operation against him.
Commenting on Ulemas participation in the process, Ghazi said:
Ulema expressed fear and they did not want to take any stand; they should
have sided with the truth. We did not commit any crime, for which we are
being punished so tremendously; the government is using naked aggression
with reckless blind force against us There were only 14 Kalashnikovs with

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us; with these weapons, we resisted for eight days. My 30 associates held
back the security forces and gave them tough time If some stand is taken,
then you can fight for it.
Certain people are putting our army to wrong usage; I ask them not to
defame this army, as this is the army of Mujahideen. Commenting on
operation he said: This is gross injustice; the people conducting the
operation are American agents and carrying out this operation on USA
bidding. Now I am sure to be martyred soon.
Soon after Ghazis message one of the inmates, Abdur Rahman,
conveyed similar message. He said that government was bent upon
resolving the issue through bloodshed. He added that we have been
criticized for adopting wrong method in implementing Islamic teachings on
fahashi and uriyani; they critics should now do it the right way. He had no
regrets about his acts.
DG ISPR along with Brig Cheema held second press briefing at
1300 hours with smiling face typical of a victor. Media men were told that
Lal Masjid inmates had all kinds of weapons including rocket launchers.
When asked as to how many rockets had been fired so far, the General said
that he had not counted.
The DG claimed that the inmates were trained terrorists. He accused
them of violating sanctity of the mosque. The troops were using their
weapons only in retaliation. He denied the use of nerve gas during the
operation. Till then, 8 troops including a captain were killed and 29
wounded. Fifty inmates were killed and 51 had surrendered. When asked
about the number of weapons captured the General replied that the counting
had not yet started. He gave similar reply when he was asked about the
number of foreigners killed or captured.
The question regarding the failure of dialogue in striking a deal was
answered by Brig Cheema. He refused to go into the details of the events.
However, he put all the blame on Maulana Ghazi saying that Ghazi has the
habit of going back on his words.
Another press briefing was held by DG ISPR at 2130 hours. In reply
to an inquiry about the number of hardened terrorists killed or captured he
said counting has not yet started as the fighting is still going on. He,
however, added that there is no difference in hard and soft terrorist.

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His attention was drawn to the discrepancy in number of inmates at

the start of operation and the number counted so far dead, wounded or
captured. This discrepancy indicated that number of the inmates should be in
hundreds. He had no answer. The basements in Jamia Hafsa were quoted as
network of underground bunkers and tunnels.
Retaliatory attacks were reported at several places in NWFP; a soldier
and a policeman were killed. Rangers were deployed at nine major
madrassas in Karachi. MMA announced three days mourning. Maulana
Ghazi had said that I would ask these religious leaders who preferred to stay
away when the evil secular forces were bent upon spilling the blood of a
madrassa.
China and UK were the first to commend Musharrafs bold act.
Australia praised Musharraf for the crackdown against the Islamic
extremists. The US Department said Pakistan took a responsible step in
storming a pro-Taliban mosque to flush out militants holding women and
children as human shield.
Wafaqul Madaris blamed the government for sabotaging the dialogue
process and the resultant massacre at Lal Masjid. Tariq Azim accused Ulema
of telling lies. Shaukat said Ghazis inflexibility hampered talks. Prime
Minister warned that Madaris violating law would face action.
Imran condemned the attack and resultant killings. Altaf welcomed
the success of Operation Silence. Benazir termed operation as right
decision. Fazlur Rahman condemned the attack on Lal Masjid. He also
deplored Benazirs statement in which she had commended the operation.
He announced boycott of next days APC meeting in the presence of PPP.
Next day, DG ISPR said first phase of the operation was over. Till late
at night, no wounded inmate was evacuated to any hospital; more than 40
hours had passed since the start of the operation. Parents of inmates
searching for their children received no help from the government and were
left crying in complete dark.
Sisters of Maulana Ghazi approached Acting CJP for handing over of
the dead bodies of their mother, brother and nephew for burial of their
brother as per his last wish. The Supreme Court ordered Ghazis burial as
Amanat and helped the sisters in paying last respects to their brother.

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Seven-day remand of Umme Hassaan and her daughters in police

custody was granted. Maulana Rashids wife had managed to escape on 3rd
July along with her son and two daughters. Reportedly, a decision to
demolish Jamia Hafsa building and extend the site of Itwar Bazar to the
space so created had been taken.
Ansar Abbasi reported that the government claims about landmines,
women and children kept as hostages, use of human shield, suicide bombing,
foreigners, etc proved wrong. Yet Altaf Hussain commended the act of
Musharraf, Aziz, Army, Rangers and Police on second consecutive day.
At midnight, the Aaj TV reported that some sources put the death toll
at 285. It showed the footage of a cold-storage where dead bodies were kept
and also the graveyard of H-11 where graves were being dug for mass burial.
The UN chief showed concern over deaths of civilians.
Death toll in attacks on law enforcers rose to ten in NWFP. People of
quake-hit areas reacted violently attacking foreign NGOs. MMA rallies
condemned the attack and demanded probe into failure of talks. ANP voiced
concern over Islamabad killings. Siraj said the operation was conducted to
please the US. Sami-ul-Haq demanded probe into Lal Masjid incident by a
judge. The assault would have worst consequences, said Imran.
Hunt, a US diplomat in Pakistan, while visiting Lahore Fort said the
US appreciates the government action against the mosque and expects that
Musharraf would continue doing the good job. In Washington, it was said
Pakistan was not matching its expectations. Its actions against al-Qaeda and
Taliban fell short of the dollars given to it. Akhwanul Muslimoon
condemned the attack on the mosque and opined it was carried out to please
the US. Zwahiri called for jihad against Musharraf regime.
Ansar Abbasi reported that the elected government was completely
sidelined in decision-making, particularly about timing of the Operation
Silence. President General Pervez Musharraf stuck to his supreme status of
being the sole authority, with even the top decision making body federal
cabinet being kept out of the loop, as is evident from the storming of the
Lal Masjid and Jamia Hafsa.
According to an official source although the president sounded out to
the prime minister this extreme action, the brigade of the federal ministers
and ministers of state generally remained clueless and this left the whole

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nation wondering after the hope for a negotiated settlement fizzled out. The
elected representatives of the people were as ignorant as the public was.
Under the law of the land this is the exclusive domain of the chief
executive of the country and his cabinet to take decisions on such
administrative matters. However, even in the late midnight Chaudhry
Shujaat Hussain visited the president to get the latters view on the draft
agreement. After the failure of the talks it was the president who gave the
go-ahead signal for the final showdown.
The prime minister, however, appeared in the picture when he
convened the meeting of the cabinet Tuesday, after the military operation
was almost over, to review the situation, and endorsed what has already been
doneWhile the fact remains that the president was the linchpin in deciding
the fate of the Lal-Masjid crisis, the prime minister told the cabinet meeting
that the ongoing operation was necessitated following the snatching of
weapons by the students of the Masjid from the law-enforcement personnel
posted at government offices around the Jamia Hafsa.
The current operation is being carried out by the Islamabad
administration and the police with the assistance of the Rangers and the
Army who had been called in aid of the civil administration for this
purpose, the prime minister added. However, it was the Corps Commander
Rawalpindi who commanded the operation on Tuesday.
The regime organized two major events on 12 th to cover up what it did
at Lal Masjid. The first event was the visit of media men to Jamia Hafsa and
Lal Masjid and display of arms and ammunition captured by the moderate
secular forces from the Islamic terrorists. The show was arranged after
hectic efforts to clean the area of signs of intensity of the battle and the
casualties inflicting during the operation. Media men were taken to the site
in batches and surprisingly, CNN team was not allowed for airing a
documentary The Threat Within on July 7.
About hundred rifles and guns of all types, four rocket launchers, six
light machine guns, two anti-tank mines, hand grenades and explosives were
laid out in fairly good condition. The weapons displayed were more than the
fighters reported killed.
Only pre-selected areas were shown. The basements which were
claimed as extensive network of underground bunkers and tunnels were not

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show. The extent of destruction caused negated the claim that precautions
were taken to avoid collateral damage.
DG ISPR informed the media that death toll of inmates had risen to
75; more than half of them were under 18. He added that some dead bodies
were charred beyond recognition. For the first time in three days while
standing in the premises of the mosque, for the first time he talked about one
suicide attack. He told that apart from small arms only stun grenades were
used. Later in the day, he disclosed the change the name of Operation
Silence to Operation Sunrise.
The second event was Musharrafs address to the nation. What he said
was far from the truth. He said that in future no mosque would be allowed to
become Lal Masjid and no madrassa to become Jamia Hafsa. It meant that
these had been allowed to become what they became.
He said that Chinese government had asked him to provide security to
Chinese living in Pakistan. This is the only way that came to his mind; but
within 24 hours three Chinese were killed near Peshawar. He said that he
was resolved to uproot militancy and terrorism from every nook and corner
of the country. Again within 48 hours after the operation an upsurge of
retaliatory attacks was seen in areas from Waziristan to Kohistan.
He claimed that operation was not launched to kill the people but to
protect and save innocent people and claimed saving 3,300 inmates. The fact
is that the innocent people were saved by Maulana Ghazi who voluntarily
decided to forego such a large human shield. During actual assault the
number of innocents killed was many times more than those saved.
He said those killed in the operation had links with people in NWFP
and FATA and the security forces would be beefed up to deal with the
situation. In fact, those killed did not have links, but were sons and
daughters of the people of these areas. Only an arrogant man like Musharraf
could term the blood relationship as suspicious links. Instead of regretting
the loss he preferred to talk of beefing up security forces for further
perpetration of state terrorism.
He blamed Maulana Ghazi for failure of dialogue, despite all the
accounts telling to the contrary. The final blow to the dialogue was delivered
by him personally. He did not miss the opportunity to continue with his

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campaign of demonizing the religious forces and at the same time boasting
about the righteousness of the secular forces led by him.
Other than the above eyewash and ear-wash the Lal Masjid massacre
kept echoing across the country. Maulana Ghazi was buried at Basti
Abdullah Shaheed after the funeral prayer led by his elder brother. Maulana
Aziz vowed to continue the struggle. Funeral prayers for Ghazi and others
were offered in NWFP.
`People refused to buy official version of 75 killed, reported Tariq
Butt. A TV man at the burial site reported that in some cases there two
bodies in one coffin. Maulana Aziz of JI claimed that between 800 to 1000
students were butchered during the operation. MMA also claimed that at
least one thousand people were killed; held Musharraf responsible for the
massacre and decided to move the Supreme Court.
Militarys claim about recovery of weapons from militants was
doubted by General Moeen-ud-Din Haider. The lawyers in Faisalabad
held a strike against Lal Masjid killings and suspension of the CJP. Lawyers
also offered funeral prayers for Lal Masjid inmates.
Nine persons were killed in four attacks in Swat and Miranshah. A
Nigerian diplomatic was kidnapped near Taxila. The kidnappers left the
wounded diplomat after encounter with police. Interior ministry issued Red
Alert against possible attacks on military installations and military
personnel. Hekmatyar urged revolt in Pakistan.
Tariq Butt reported: Those who have been urging the government to
rush and launch of the operation without loss of even a moment to end the
drama are now satisfied and pleased that the complex has been struck. But
those who have been calling for exercise of patience and restraint in a bid to
find out a peaceful solution are certainly dismayed and appalled.
On 13th July, three pro-regime tribal chiefs were shot dead in
Waziristan. Special prayers and Quraan Khawani were offered during Friday
prayers in various mosques for those who died in the Lal Masjid massacre.
The Khateeb of a mosque in Rawalpindi City, a political strong-hold of
Sheikh Rashid was beaten by Namazis when he tried to approve of
Musharraf regimes action in his Juma sermon.

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Qazi condemned army commandos for making victory signs and

claimed thousands of victims were buried in mass graves. Rallies across the
country assailed raid on Lal Masjid. The regime was happy over thin turnouts. Troops rushed to Swat after Mulla Fazlullah had declared jihad against
the regime. Deployment of troops was carried out without request from
NWFP government.
Musharraf ordered the government to give details of the operation to
the media. Sherpao raised the deaths level to 102. Shujaat said the regime
and Lal Masjid were responsible for killings. The Congress grilled Bush for
backing Musharraf and urged re-evaluation of policy towards Pakistan; for
reasons other than the Lal Masjid.
Jamia Hafsa students negated casualty figures given by the regime.
Shakeel Anjum reported only ten dead bodies have been identified. Scores of
inmates were still missing. Justice Muhammad Nawaz Abbasi remarked,
you must be joking, when the Attorney General provided to the Supreme
Court a list of six persons killed in Lal Masjid operation. The court ordered
the regime to lift the curfew and release 188 detainees.
Ansar Abbasi reported that the official death toll announced by the
military spokesman does not click to those who were witness to the gory
event. The reports and estimates suggest that there were about 1000 inmates
before the start of the assault.
The source said that during the commando action the equipment that
senses through concrete roof or wall the presence of any human being was
used and where the result was positive some roofs were even exploded
causing heavy casualties. DG ISPR denied saying the he had never heard of
any such gadgetry. The journalists who had visited the premises did not see
any collapsed roof, but they were shown only 20 percent of the Jamia.
Umar Cheemas report gave one of the reasons as to why Ghazi
brothers landed in trouble. Minister of Health, Shehnaz Shaikh opened a
dance club in Sector F-10/3 during Lal Masjid saga. The club is not too far
from the liquor house owned by the Australia-returned son of a female state
minister and was inaugurated a few months ago. The dance club also offers
facilities of massage therapy, mini cinema hall, luxury rooms and
stimulating environments to the best satisfaction of the elite of the city. This
is a glimpse of the so-called civil society that has been urging a crackdown
against Lal Masjid.
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VIEWS
People condemned the Lal Masjid operation blaming both the
religious and secular forces for bloodshed which could have been avoided.
Akbar Saduzai from Islamabad opined: With the Lal Masjid conflict the
government is trying to divert the masses attention from the issue of the
presidents uniform, the chief justice, economic crises and operation in our
tribal areas. It seems that the government is trying to crush these elements in
order to keep its masters happy on the one hand and portraying a
negative impression of Islam on the other.
Rabia Sikandar from Rawalpindi wrote: Upon a closer look at the
picture, it shows that the students were in much agony and pain. They were
being subjected to humiliating treatment because they were walking without
a shirt and blind-folded. The security agencies should have made sure that
regardless of their crime they should have been treated with the dignity
and respect that is every human beings right.
Mohammad Arslan from Lahore said: As the saga surrounding Jamia
Hafsa is coming to an end, several things come to ones mind. To begin with
there was a total failure of the intelligence agencies as witnessed in this
incident. The intelligence agencies whose sole point of existence is to gather
information about the dangers to the state from within and outsidethese
intelligence agencies were instead busy conducting surveillance of
judges and opposition leaders and disappearing civilians.
The most horrifying situation seen is the unprecedented show and use
of weapons both on May 12 and now on July 3 in Islamabad. These huge
quantities of weapons and ammunitions were not being used in some
tribal areas but in the two biggest and most important cities of Pakistan
right under the noses of law enforcers: the police, rangers, army jawans and
others.
Jawaid Hussain from Multan criticized the regime. No religion in the
world sanctions use of violence as a tool to spread its ideology. It is the self
assumed custodians of a faith, which with the help of controversial and
unconstitutional government in power has managed to do harm to Islam.
Where was the state machinery when weapons were piled, and construction
allowed to continue on land that did not belong to the madressah associated

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with Lal Masjid. When government lacks legitimacy, it relies on illegal

resources to achieve its short term agenda and in the process creates a
Frankenstein, which it cannot control.
The state cannot justify its policies and abuse of power to fulfill the
insatiable desire of this junta to misrule endlessly without any accountability.
The numerous financial scams involving billions of rupees, the total
breakdown of law and order, state terrorism as witnessed on May 12 in
Karachi, and the exclusive abuse of the superior judiciary have all harmed
the image of this country as a sovereign independent nation.
H Hayat from Rawalpindi was of the view that there was relief in the
international community at the decision finally made by Musharraf to
confront the clerics of Lal Masjid and hold them accountable under the law
for their crimes against the innocent citizens of the capital Often described
as one of the most embattled rulers in the countrys history, he was clearly
desperate for a success that would work for him both at home and
abroad.
Moona Khan from Islamabad criticized the regime and media. Being
Muslim nation, we should be more concerned about what how we are
tarnishing our religion before God. All the attention by the government and
the media was paid to the approach adopted by the Lal Masjid and Jamia
Hafsa administration to eradicate the menace of obscenity from our society
but absolutely no steps were taken by the government to curb the people
spreading it. Even if we consider it right that the Maulana brothers had
no right to take the law in their hands; we should also realize that they
were doing it for a noble cause. The government should have taken them
into confidence that instead of kidnapping people involved in immoral
activities they should report them to the government and they will
themselves apply the law.
Maria Khalid Bhatti from Islamabad wrote: I am a moderate
Pakistani and condemned what the Ghazi brothers of Lal Masjid have done
in the name of holy war. I have no sympathies for on-the-run burqa clad
cleric. At the same time, however, it was wrong for the government to
telecast Maulana Abdul Azizs interview and that too wearing black burqa.
As the interview started, Maulana Abdul Aziz dramatically lifted his veil and
then what followed was a long sermon from the PTVs anchor who in his
zest to get a scoop seemed to forget the basic ethics of journalism.

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Werent the brief shots of the Maulana being arrested in a burqa and
carried to the police car enough for our already ruined international image,
which mind you were repeated ad nauseum; why did the authorities feel the
need of directing a more shocking 15-minute maulana in burqa episode?
Even the most heinous criminals have a constitutional right to express
and defend themselves.
Seema Qazi from Peshawar condemned agenda of the regime and the
US. We come across a lot of things in our daily life which are very different
from what they seem to be. Lal Masjid is also won such thing. In my
opinion, its a game designed and implemented jointly by America and our
government This was because they all considered these religious
institutions as training centers for terrorism, which was clearly not the case,
and if anything it besmirches the teachings of Islam.
One cant help but ask how a group of people in the centre of the
capital, gathered such sophisticated weapons and ammunition? Where did
they get it from, how did they transport it to the madressah. The fact that this
occurred a few kilometers from the parliament and in the heart of a country
which has got the certificate of being one of the leading countries fighting
against terrorism, to the point of being Americas biggest ally in the war
against terror, is a paradox to say the least. Whatever the actual story and
the long term planning behind the scenes may be we are grieved by the
deaths and upset for those injured in the incident.
Diehard enlightened praised the regime and condemned mullas.
Shahid Saeed from Rawalpindi wrote: This is just, very briefly, to wish our
worthy president well in finally taking the decision to launch an operation
against Lal Masjid. It is very bold and admirable decision but regrettably,
has come much later than most sane and civilized members of our society
expected it to.
I see no worse crime for a Muslim than to deliberately bring a
bad name to Islam and to the teachings of our Prophet (PBUH) and to
tarnish, perhaps beyond repair, the image of ones nation. Yet, unfortunately,
this is exactly what the Lal Masjid clerics and their misguided followers
have managed to achieve. They have gained nothing else from their totally
unreasonable, inflexible and intransigent strategy of violence and criminal
behaviour.

613

Pir Shabbir Ahmad from Islamabad praised the regime-media

combine. The government showed tremendous restraint in the Lal
Masjid case; much more than what could have been reasonably expected
from a president-general. It is this restraint which helped mobilize public
opinion against the agitating maulanas of Lal Masjid. It also helped the
government immensely when it became known that the government this
time was acting humanely and seemed truly interested in minimizing
casualties
What came out beautifully from this crisis was that an independent
media is an important pillar of the state which has a crucial role in moulding
public opinion I hope that the government will now understand that the
free media merely presents the facts as they occur and that the public forms
its own independent opinion. A free media is an immensely powerful tool
and can be used to the governments immense advantage as was done in
Lal Masjid case.
The enlightened condemned the Mullas. Ischmall Sardar from
Peshawar wrote: He is a law-breaker who has kept the government and its
officials hostage. Journalists and media persons are unknowingly projecting
his point of view. His acts are being glorified unintentionally and without
realizing the outcome. So far public opinion has again gone in favour of
President Musharraf for his restraint and high grade of patience. There must
be no second opinion. The Ghazi brothers act is unpardonable. They
must be eliminated so that this does not set a precedent for others. This
speaks of moderation of the enlightened.
Saeed Iqbal from Peshawar opined: The clerics of Lal Masjid have
proved themselves to be most dreadful enemies of Islam, given all the
antagonists around with all their animosity against the sacred religion.
Islamic values have never been implemented by force.
None can falsify the general consensus that if there is a solitary
reason behind the failure of Pakistan as a state over the years, it is the
negligence of Islam at large. The rejuvenation of the religious parties as a
major political power clearly indicated this in previous election The fact
of the matter is that this can only be realized by some revolutionary step.
And revolution is not about imposing your ideas on others but making
respect them.

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Maliha Sameen Rao from Islamabad targeted Maulana Abdul Aziz.

The defamation of Islam is being carried out by the manipulative
authorities of such institutions as Lal Masjid which play with the minds
of nave and poverty stricken adolescents who choose this path of violence
in their state of confusion and helplessness only to end up sabotaging their
lives for what they are wrongly told is the right path.
The arrest of the fleeing burqa adorned Khateeb of Lal Masjid, who
swore to sacrifice his life for Islam, yet chose to escape the scene surrounded
by women only adds to the absurdity of the situation. Is this the right path
the khateeb instructed his students to follow?
In any case, Islam is a peace loving religion and slandering Islamic
teachings by these hypocritical characters is depressing. The government is
requested to counter all institutions that propagate Islam in a negative
light.
Dr Zafar Elahi from Islamabad wrote: The so-called humiliation of
Maulana Abdul Aziz on national television was in actuality, something
that was well deserved. Nobody has the right to challenge the law and form
a state within a state. An example has been made for all those who plan to go
down the same road in the future.
Malik Eidazar Bangash from Orakzai Agency preferred the middle
course. The Government of Pakistan as a whole and President General
Pervez Musharraf in particular deserve praise for finally taking stern
action against Lal Masjid and Jamia Hafsa in Islamabad.
I must say that, the two brothers who were making tall claims of
accepting martyrdom if they are attacked, used innocent female students as
human shield for their self-protection so much for their spirit of martyrdom,
which is highly shameful on their part, and while concluding, I feel it is
pertinent to say that, these brothers caused great damage to the image of
Islam and Pakistan all over the world and therefore do not deserve any
kind of sympathy and mercy; and further to say that the vast majority of the
masses support and endorse the governments measures and therefore urge
President General Pervez Musharraf to keep it up and continue his noble
mission of fighting the scourge of terrorism, wherever it exists in the
country.

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Shams Zaheer Abbas from Lahore did not spare the Opposition.
What was sad was to hear some of the politicians, still trying to derive
political mileage, through habitual criticism. They do not bother to
change the language of the rhetoric forgetting that the viewers and readers
are now far more aware and educated due to the opening up of the media,
enabling the people to think independently. Maybe our leaders need to
realize that our people are evaluating issues on the basis of facts and are now
in no mood to be emotionally swayed by catchy slogans, character
assassinations and falsehoods.
Farhad Khan from Karachi observed that it has hurt all Pakistanis.
The bloody end has saddened everyone and has cast a shadow on the
future law and order situation which is getting worsened everyday. As
election time in the country is also getting closer there is a greater chance of
the politicians exploiting the situation for their own political games I hope
that our so-called leaders in the government also realize the severity of the
situation, be a little more sensitive to the feelings of the masses and not keep
on committing blunders upon blunders in everyday decision making.
Agha Murtaza Ali Khan from Lahore opined: Whether the Musharraf
regime deliberately chose to extend this crisis for its own political mileage
or not, whether the sentiments of both, the Minister of Interior and Secretary
Interior, by virtue of being Pathans, bore a soft corner towards radical Islam
NWFP style or not, whether the Minister for Religious Affairs was duty
bound, by past legacies to facilitate the cause of these crazy mullah brothers
or not, the fact of the matter is that the Lal Masjid episode has actually
benefited no one. So much so that the one entity that suffered the most out
of this event has been the image of Pakistan, within and outside its
boundaries.
Majority of the English-speaking so-called civil society supports
enlightened secularism in Pakistan and opposes the agenda of religious
forces. This is evident from the comments which are selected from English
newspapers. The enlightened Imtiaz Alam was the first to condone every act
of the regime and condemn Ghazi brothers when the Operation Silence had
still not concluded.
The state finally rose to the occasion and struck in self-defence.
it waited for too long while expeditiously using it to its tactical advantages
and was forced to go on defensive on the dictates of the terrorists who had
no qualms in taking fellow students, women and children hostage to take
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refuge behind the mutually and coercively arranged human shield. It must
now fight it to the bitter end wherever such terrorist fiefdoms are
challenging the writ of the state since its a choice between the survival of
Pakistan and its liquidation being sought by the anarchist-terrorist outfits.
The issue was not of life or death or securing the release of
innocent in exchange for safe passage to the terrorists, nor was it of finding a
middle course between upholding the writ of the state and allowing
state-within-state, as apologist of the extremists pretended and pro-terrorist
clerics professed. It was an unambiguous choice between the state of
Pakistan and those undermining its writ in the self-delusion of jihadi
syndrome.
Never has in history the terrorists had ever taken their own
younger mates as hostage or used them as human shield. And never has
in Muslim history, the so-called Islamists had ever fallen so low in not even
sparing their own dedicated pupils. As they dug deep into the fortress built
for such a well-entrenched battle, they meticulously used the human shield
to win public sympathy for the innocent hostages and paralyze the states
will to promptly act.
As it turned out, Lal Masjid and Hafsa madrassa was not an
ordinary place of religious teachings. They had built a fortress for the
terrorists and a nursery for the young recruits. In fact they brought the model
of creating a state within state from North Waziristan to the capital of a still
undefined republic. The word undefined indicates the secular forces do not
accept Pakistan as an Islamic Republic.
No section of society or any religious party sided with the Lal Masjid
leaving it in total isolation. The alternative ideological platform, the
religious extremists tried to raise has now thoroughly been exposed at a
time when the people at large have overwhelmingly been attracted to the
side of the legal fraternity fighting for the constitution and rule of law.
Those who are trying to play a Karbala out of the Hafsa affair
are in fact playing into the hands of extremists not realizing that this
scourge not only potentially poses the greatest danger to the existence of
Pakistan, but also all semblance of a civilized society, are at great risk.
Indeed, the religious extremists will quite opportunistically try to use the
death of Abdul Rashid Ghazi and his bunch of terrorists as a plank to
promote their medieval agenda.
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The difficulties the government faced should be an eye opener for

General Musharraf. The legitimacy of his government is so low that many
people doubted governments intentions and suspected it to be a stagemanaged drama to derive various political mileages out of it.
If a military-led government is so much constrained to act in time,
what will a civilian government be capable to do? This is just not Hafsa
and Fareedia alone; there are hundreds of such nurseries where future
terrorists are being breaded. It has to be an all-sided national exercise to
get over this worst patch in our history. Let there be no politics in this issue,
but a national consensus on holistically eradicating religious extremism and
terrorism from our soil.
The News wrote: By his actions, Maulana Abdul Rashid Ghazi
proved to be a very difficult customer. He kept changing his demands and
conditions and used the media to further what now seem to be very selfish
end. the Lal Masjid brothers had been in large part responsible for
what has happened to the federal capital in recent months.
Had the maulana and his family been allowed to shift to their native
village, the government would have been accused of caving in and
appeasing the extremists and public opinion would have sharply disapproved
of any such agreement. Hence, the decision to launch the final assault was
not an easy one but given the circumstances there was nothing else that the
government could really do.
Once Operation Silence is over, the firing stops, the dust settles down
and the bodies are counted, there are bound to be many questions raised.
Why didnt the government take action earlier against the clerics because
had that been the case so many lives would not have been lost? Why were
the Lal Masjid elements allowed so much leeway that the complex became
almost like a state within a state, complete with a moral policing force which
acted with impunity enforcing a rigid interpretation of Islam on the citys
residents? How did so many hardened militants, reportedly some foreigners
among them, make their way inside the compound situated in the heart of
Islamabad?
Incidentally, one well known television journalist has recently written
in a newspaper column that he was told by a senior government official that
Lal Masjids arms suppliers had been arrested by the police some time back

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but they were released after intervention from higher authorities. If this
claim is true, answers need to be given as to why this was done.
Whatever has happened at Lal Masjid should also give some muchneeded warning to the state to permanently disentangle and disengage itself
from some of its affiliations and relationships of the past. It offers many
lessons to the government and it would be good if some of these were learnt
foremost among them is that militancy and extremism is best nipped in the
bud allowing it to fester actually ends up damaging the national interest.
Next day, the editor supported Musharraf for preferring crackdown
over dialogue. There seems an element of controversy over what happened
in the final hours of negotiations right before the assault began. According to
what was being broadcast on the electronic media and has been made a big
issue by those who wanted the government to give safe passage to Maulana
Abdul Rashid Ghazi This all, one has to say, was most vexing because (a)
under what logic was the maulana going to be allowed safe passage to
his village and (b) what was Maulana Khalil of all people doing in the
negotiations?
As has now come to light through various reports, the draft was
changed by the presidency and this was not to the maulanas liking. And it is
this issue which is now being exploited one should not have to be
apologetic over using this word by the religious parties. They say that the
agreement was altered because some forces did not want it to go through
now this could mean either the president himself or his allies overseas,
presumably America. However, one would like to ask the religious parties
and the clerics what else the government was to do in such a situation.
What the religious parties are doing is nothing but politicizing
the issue which is fair enough but they cannot claim the moral high
ground. As for the madressah associations being sharply critical of the
breakdown in the agreement, the suspicion that they are acting more out of
an interest in the prized land on which the mosque and madressah are built
may have some justification mainly because Ghazi wanted to hand over
the complex to the Wafaqul Madaris
This all doesnt mean that the government gets away with flying
colours. There is a massive loss of life and whenever a government refuses
to give in to terrorists there will be some people unhappy. But more
importantly, will it now hold the heads of the intelligence services
619

accountable Or will it wait for another Lal Masjid and Operation Silence
before it does that?
Ikram Sehgal praised the secular regime all the way. Unchecked by
the law-enforcement agencies the seminary students eventually had to go
berserk. This was evidenced not only by high-handedness with their
neighbours but in expanding the sphere of Jamia Hafsa-style vigilante-type
justice, enforced mainly through squads of burqa-clad women
The blood of our soldiers sent a strong message to the world as to
our commitment in the war on terrorism. In very bloody and graphic detail
the media exposure opened the eyes of the people of Pakistan to the sort of
militant activity that goes on under the guise of education in some of the
madressahs.
There is no concept of militancy in Islam. The teaching of these
seminaries is only self-fulfilling in preaching hatred and violence. Some
of them are actually preaching class warfare based on economic inequality
under the guise of religion, an attempt to ignite the social fabric in Pakistan
and create bloody social upheaval in the streets. The tragedy is that this
tragedy has evoked some reaction.
The militants inside the compound were well armed and well
trained. More importantly they were led by experienced and battle-hardened
militants with good knowledge of the tactics of fighting in built-up areas. As
any combat soldier will tell you, the most difficult operation is fighting in
built-up areas close-quarter battle or CQB in army parlance.
The analyst being a faithful of the regime has blown up the
justification of official line out of all proportions. He, being an ex-soldier,
has rightly said that fighting in built-up area is the most difficult operation,
but he has been dishonest in saying the half truth; no doubt it is difficult
operation, but for the attackers because the defender enjoys multiple
advantages.
He summed up: It is abundantly clear the foreign militants
present prevented Abdul Rashid Ghazi from surrendering. As quiet
descended on the shattered buildings, smouldering fires still burned, the
effect of battle leaving virtual devastation in an enclave where Gods name
was invoked for confrontation rather than for peace What about criminal

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neglect that led to this bloody trauma that the people of Pakistan,
particularly those of Islamabad, had to go through?
Shireen M Mazari urged the regime to do more in the context of
madressahs while setting its own house right. That the Lal Masjid incident
was going to have countrywide repercussions was also clear early on in the
week when security forces were attacked and once again innocent Chinese
lost their lives this time in Peshawar. Clearly, the terrorist networks
linked to Lal Masjid sought to undermine the Pakistan-China
relationship in an effort to weaken the Pakistan state. With the actual
commencement of the military aspects of the operation, one has already
heard reports of protests in NWFP and efforts to block the KKH again
revealing an indirect attack on the Pakistan-China relationship. Is it a mere
coincidence that the militants and the US have a similar anti-China design?
What the final toll of this operation will be in terms of innocent lives
lost remains to be seen but even one innocent Pakistani life lost is one too
many. But sometimes the state has little choice and in this case any more
leeway given to the terrorists would have emboldened them into further
acts of terror. After all, this is what had happened so far with the kidnappings
and blackmail in order to get their militant agenda furthered.
Why was the standoff allowed to fester for months with not even a
cordoning-off of the area so that movement of personnel and material could
at least be monitored if not stopped? Equally important, once the
wherewithal for the operation was being put in place, some media-access
restrictions on the Lal Masjid leadership should have been enforced.
As time lapsed, while efforts to remove the hostages failed, the
terrorists got sufficient time to lay their traps and plan their operations.
Perhaps formal negotiations, which had begun a day before the
operations commenced could have been put in place earlier. Perhaps the
most important aspect was the need to have absolutely correct intelligence of
the actual lay of the land inside.
Finally, despite the skeptics who felt, and may still do, that this whole
incident was timed for political exploitation, there was a need to deal firmly
with this challenge to the writ of the state. Whatever the political divides
within the sate, extremism and such violent challenges to the writ of the
state cannot be tolerated. Equally, as has become evident, a state that
accommodates criminals and lawbreakers within the official structures will
621

find the nation unconvinced when it deals with large scale challenges to its
writ.
Another lady, Kamila Hyat urged the regime to go all out against
religious forces across the country while criticizing it for some of the
failings in this case. There is a need to look beyond the immediate and
turn the gaze to both the past, and the future, which is intrinsically
linked to it. In the first place, the government must explain to the people of
Pakistan why any outfit was able to amass so large and dangerous an arsenal
of arms within a building located in the heart of Islamabad. This could
obviously not have happened without official connivance and support over
many years and most probably decades.
It also seems too much to believe that the failures of the vast
intelligence apparatus that Pakistan maintains and which tax-payers
support was so humungous that they were unaware several wanted militants,
accused of involvement in various terrorist acts, were based within the
mosque until the very last hours of the conflict. Surely the presence of these
persons must have been known in advance. The fact that they were able to
reside in the federal capital, the most securely guarded city in the country,
can once again suggest only that they have dangerous links in key centers of
power or else the intelligence services are even more incompetent than is
generally suspected.
The fact that, in media interviews so many clerics, citizens and at
least some members of the government backed the Lal Masjid drive against
immorality, but opposed the methods used, is educative. It shows the
direction in which opinion is drifting, and the essential hypocrisy of a
society that refuses acknowledge the immorality of a society within
which exploitation of the most vulnerable, the abuse of children and women
and large scale corruption are all apparently acceptable.
She urged the secular forces to enlarge the scope of their crackdown.
The fact though remains that even if the Lal Masjid-run seminaries are
currently empty; if the compounds where rows of bamboo sticks once stood
and the cupboards filled with Kalashnikovs have been seized, other
institutions that are perhaps no less dangerous carry on.
The analyst suggested that the Raiwindis should also be targeted.
Whereas the vast Tableeghi Jamaat and its Raiwind-based network, which
has been able to convert many members of Pakistan cricket team to its
622

cause, has always stated it focuses only on preaching, there have been
accusations that it acts as a stepping stone from which people enter the more
shadowy world of militant outfits. Certainly, the group has played a
powerful role in perpetuating greater orthodoxy in society, and propounding
rigid views regarding music, art or other aspects of culture. So, in one way
it is culture vs religion.
In other parts of the country, militants have in fact taken over
life, through the use of firearms and force. In vast tracts of Malakand,
shops selling CDs have been destroyed, girls schools bombed, men made to
grow beards and voluminous burqas draped even over small girls. Similar
trends have been reported in Bannu, Tank, Darra Adam Khel and other areas
that lie within a stones throw from Peshawar.
For years, these realities were ignored, and the rule of ignorance
and fanaticism allowed to creep across the country. The suffering of
ordinary people, who were the victims of militants, was turned a blind eye
to. But now, its effects have been seen in Islamabad itself.
These events appear, at least for the moment, to have brought the
reality of extremism home to decision-makers. What action they will take
to avert more Lal Masjid-style crises is still to be seen, with predictions
already being made of further turmoil in the months ahead.
In these four days, The News discussed the subject on daily basis. On
13 July, it wrote: After the belated action is over, there is a great deal of
disquiet over the authorities unwillingness to give the exact casualty figures.
Why these secret burials? And why, if the government really has nothing
to hide, was the media kept away from the scene for so long after the end
of operation ended? On Thursday, the media was allowed into the complex
but only on a supervised tour and reportedly not to all sections of the
complex.
th

The editor has all along rejected dialogue with Ghazi brothers dubbing
it as an act of appeasement. He has been one of the staunchest advocates of
solving the issue through use of force. After it has happened the way he
wanted, he now enquires about the number of people killed. His enquiry
should not be misinterpreted as a show of concern; he could be seeking the
pleasure; the greater the number the greater the ecstasy.

623

He added: A foreign correspondent who saw the area spoke of a burnt

down room and quoted army officials as saying that several charred bodies,
burnt beyond recognition, were found inside. This, they said, could not have
been the work of a suicide bomber
That brings one of the thorny and still unresolved issues of the
hundreds of women and children whom the authorities were saying were
still inside the mosque complex and were being held hostage against their
will. In fact, all along the military had insisted that no women or children
had died in the final assault a near impossibility given the ferocity and the
length of the final phase of Operation Silence.
Furthermore, what happened to the foreigners and hardened
Jaish-e-Mohammad militants who were supposed to have been holed up
inside the mosque complex? Was their presence merely figments of overcreative imagination of some intelligence officers to give the impression to
the outside world that the threat from the complex was grave or were these
elements indeed inside Lal Masjid?
These are only some of the innumerable questions raised in peoples
minds since the end of the main operation on Tuesday. It is the governments
inability or refusal to answer them which is causing even those who
supported the government to doubt the advisability, or even validity, of that
action The most advisable and best option for the government in the
days ahead is to hide nothing and let the truth speak for itself.
But, on the very next day, while commenting on Musharrafs address
the editor demanded more of the kind. President Musharraf has admitted the
obvious, that militancy and terrorism did not come to an end with the
completion of Operation Silence on Tuesday. He also assured Pakistanis in
his address to the nation on Thursday that mosques and seminaries would
no longer be permitted to be used as centers of militancy and terrorism.
The presidents renewed expression of resolve is to be welcomed,
with a prayer under breath that there will be a follow through. But why
not? Why after so many people have been killed in the Lal Masjid complex
whose exact casualty figure remains a mystery four days after the end of the
main operation?
The president gave little clue as to how the government would
engage in the planned countrywide campaign against religious militancy.

624

The Wafaqul Madaris, which he advised to work out a detailed strategy on

how to deal with problems of this kind, isnt the perfect option here
particularly not in the effort to remove religious and sectarian hatred from
the minds of seminary pupils. Despite its reluctance and failings in the past,
however, its good the president has renewed his pledges to combat religious
militancy at this stage.
By and large, madressahs, regardless of whether they have actual
militants within their ranks, teach a militant ideology where students are
encouraged to take up arms to further and implement a very rigid version of
their religion. Intolerance not only of other faiths but even other sects is
instilled in them, virtually as a virtue and little or no semblance of worthy
education is imparted to them Any reform of madressah education will not
be meaningful unless it is accompanied by a significant improvement of the
mainstream system of education and by a strict monitoring of the sermons
given by prayer leaders at mosques in the country.
Beena Sarwar was of the view that Lal Masjid battle could mark the
beginning of a long confrontation. The Lal Masjid story has been
consistently in the forefront in Pakistan (and on the inside pages of
newspapers in America) for the past week, but it actually began in 1979
when America enlisted Pakistan, led by the all-too willing Gen Ziaul Haq,
as a frontline state against the Communists who had invaded Afghanistan
Afghanistans fight for national independence was transformed into a jihad
or holy war.
It is ironic that Gen Zias son, Ijazul Haq who is currently Minister
for Religious Affairs, among the negotiators trying to work out a solution
with Ghazi until talks failed in the early hours of Tuesday. The failure of the
talks, according to one web-based news site was due to pressure from
Washington. The report quoted anonymous sources as saying that
Musharraf had told his aides that he was heavily under duress from his
allies.
Though radical Islamist forces constitute a minority, they constitute a
significant one. And while the vast majority of Pakistanis do not support
jihadists, they do not necessarily support Musharrafs agenda either.
Over-all, Pakistan lacks a national consensus regarding Islams role in public
affairs, something extremist and radical forces are exploiting, note the USbased think-tank, Stratfor.

625

The Stratfor report predicts that the Red Mosque operation is likely
the beginning of a long confrontation between the state and radical/Islamist
forces. Such a clash will involve military operations in areas such as the
North-West Frontier Province and Federally Administered Tribal Areas, as
well as nationwide social unrest. The Crusaders earnestly want all these to
happen, therefore, they were deeply interested in launching of the Operation
Silence.
Huma Yusuf opined that it is the time to think about our failure to
coexist peacefully. Throughout the Lal Masjid showdown, the local
media has been quick to make quips about the situation. Jabs at Aunty
Aziz gave way to ironic comments about how Operation Silence was being
drowned out by the noise of sporadic gunfire and punctuated explosions.
There is no doubt that in addition to precious lives, much has been
lost during the past week, including the integrity of our capital city, any
lingering ability to trust in an authority figure, and the delusion that any safe
havens remain in Pakistan. Now that the Lal Masjid tragedy has run its
course, its time to question whether anything could have been gained.
Before Operation Silence was launched, the Pakistani public was
confronted with face-off between army jawans and a mosque full of
believers with varying convictions and different interpretations of their
mission. This juxtaposition provided a rare opportunity to engage in a
productive and nuanced debate on the different forces that are shaping our
society, the intersection between religion and politics, and the complex
incarnation of Islam in contemporary Pakistan.
Unfortunately, discourse remained thwarted as usual. Despite the
lively involvement of the local media in events as they unfolded, the
situation has boiled down to a schism. Depending on which side of the
fence one was positioned, the Lal Masjid saga was configured as a
showdown between the military and mullahs, American puppets and the
defenders of Islam, the authorities and fringe extremists. The thousands
inside the mosque were either described as militants or martyrs while army
personnel were perceived variously as the forces of oppression or the forces
of moderation.
Blogger Mark Alexander who believes that the West is in danger of
being taken back to a less enlightened era owing to the rapid spread of
Islam has been carefully following the Lal Masjid showdown on his blog
626

titled A New Dark Age Is Dawning. Like others who share his anti-Islam
agenda, Alexander is using recent events in Islamabad to highlight the threat
posed by religious extremism. Those who belong to the cult of the
Enlightened draw inspiration from Mark Alexandrian school of thought.
Local blogs such as Metroblogging: Islamabad were not much
better. While the website itself provided ongoing, reliable updates on each
new twist in the tale and its impact on the residents of surrounding areas,
commentary on the origins and implications of the standoff were limited to
the comments section. There, readers and bloggers trying to make sense of
the situation also gravitated towards opposing ends of the spectrum. Some
decried army action as state terrorism while others argued against terrorist
mullas and called for the assassination of the mosques clerics.
This, however, is the worst time to put an end to the conversation and
let binaries be. We should be questioning Above all, we should prevent the
Lal Masjid fiasco from being politicized through and through. No doubt,
questions about the timing, nature and outcome of Operation Silence be
raised. But we should also use the tragedy as an opportunity to discuss
the crisis that inheres when diverse interpretations of the same religion
fail to coexist within an Islamic Republic.
Fasi Zaka, despite being an enlightened, took on the regime. The
whole standoff at Lal Masjid is incredibly tragic, and not just because of the
loss of innocent life. How come no one is questioning the role of Ejazul
Haque in being squarely responsible for the crisis because he allegedly used
his good offices to get the Lal Masjid brothers off the hook in a terrorism
case some years ago? Had the law taken its course then there would not
have been the spectre of the brothers Abdul taking the law off course so
dramatically.
Again looking at politicians in the context of Lal Masjid, it is
interesting to see that Chaudhry Shujaats raison detre has been reduced
to two simple functions, the first giving regular statements that anyone who
criticizes the army should be shot, and second making sure he negotiates
with the chief critics of the Pakistan Army and Musharraf who are Lal
Masjid brigade so that they wont be shot.
Durrani may have kept his job as information minister, but its
time he capitalizes on it with a stellar job. The images of Maulana Aziz in
a burqa are a Godsend. They are the striking evidence of the cowardice of
627

the Ghazis and Osamas of the world happy to use the poorest of the poor as
cannon fodder for their ideological purposes. The shootout taking place can
either be romanticized as a holdout of the believer against the stooges of the
West, or a cornered coward hiding behind women and children. If the fallout
is to be minimized then it is imperative the latter narrative wins in the battle
of spin.
Frankly, the whole Lal Masjid operation now has helped save
Musharrafs beleaguered presidency. Attention has been diverted from
other crises, the militants are demonized rather than sympathized with, and
finally Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry has been knocked off the front pages
of newspapers.
Shafqat Mahmood criticized Ghazi brothers and accused Musharraf of
dividing the nation. Was there a better way of going about it? Yes, there was
if the Musharraf regime had not allowed this issue to linger on for so long.
What some officials are touting as restraint was seen as weakness and
made the brothers bold. They continued to up the ante with their
provocative actions and never really thought they would be held to account.
It also allowed hardened fighters to filter into the Lal Masjid and
there is some evidence that these people had taken over making in the final
days. In their hands, Abdul Rashid Ghazi became a tragic figure who was
forced into an untenable situation and paid with his life. Had the state acted
when the childrens library was taken over, it may have cost some lives,
but it would not have been the bloodbath it became in the end.
It is our tragedy that number of fault lines have emerged and
hardened during the eight years of Musharrafs rule. Baluchistan is an
open wound, rural Sindh is smouldering, and the tribal areas are on fire.
Karachi saw a bloodbath on May 12, and it was only the sagacious
leadership of Asfandyar Wali, of the ANP, that averted an ethnic backlash
and further tragedy.
More than ever the cultural fault line between the westernized elite
and the conservative largely religious segment of our society has hardened
during the last eight years. It has also spawned a radical fringe, which is not
just blow back of the Afghan and Kashmir Jihads. Yes, state patronage of
Jihadi elements during the eighties and nineties created a large and trained
force of fighters. And, it is true that the rollback of the Kashmir jihad has

628

created a terrible bitterness, but this is confined to the Lashkar-e-Tayyaba

and Jaish-e-Mohammad.
What are we seeing in settled areas of the frontier or saw in
Islamabad and some other cities of the Punjab is of a different ilk. These are
cultural vigilantes who have taken umbrage to signs of westernization
Instead of understanding the nature of this fault line and seeking to
bridge it, the Musharraf regime has sent a mixed almost confusing
message. Its rhetoric against the so-called extremism has been fierce and yet
its actions have been tame if not cowardly. Instead of educating the people
and moving purposely forward, it has backed down whenever confronted.
The Lal Masjid action will not only harden the fault line further
but also lead without a doubt to forms of terrorism. The seminaries
which are spread throughout the country are likely to become, even more
than before, hotbeds of radicalism. The immediate reaction to the Lal Masjid
events will be contained but it is the long term consequences that are
worrying. There is a deep gash in the body politic of the nation. Who will
heal this wound?
It is obvious that Musharraf is hardly the person to do it. He is a
divider not a reconciliator. During his rule, the fault lines, not just cultural
but ethnic, regional, political and social have become sharper. Since March
9, we also see the civil society led by the lawyers community up in arms
and not ready to put up with dictatorial actions. There is hardly a social
group other than perhaps the supporters of the MQM ready to put up with
Musharraf.
Benazir Bhutto and her party the PPP were once considered the
thread that would bind this nation together. But by trying to cut some sort of
a deal with the General and dividing the movement for the restoration of
democracy, as she has done by opting out of the All Parties Democratic
Movement, APDM she has lost legitimacy and credibility with the prodemocracy forces.
If there is one political leader today who has the capacity to transcend
the fault lines that divide us today, it is Nawaz Sharif. This has been a long
political journey for him with its various ups and downs. He has been hated
and loved, applauded and reviled, considered a product of dictatorship or a
stout proponent of civilian supremacy and yet in this defining moment for

629

the nation, there is no one else who gives hope. He now has the potential to
begin a new journey of healing the wounds of this nation.
Dr Masooda Bano had a realistic view which wont be liked by the
enlightened. Cheers! The so-called liberals have won. Lal Masjid and Jamia
Hafsa were ruthlessly attacked and Ghazi, his mother, and hundreds of his
students killed. The state has had the bloodiest bloodbath right in the heart of
the capital and the irony is that the very same liberals who talk of peace and
protest against invasion of Iraq and war in general have supported it and are
even now congratulating the government. But, at least people who write
about these things should refrain from making absolute claims of the
majority being happy with it (a claim that one newspaper has made). I for
one as a researcher who had come to know Ghazi and the people inside the
madressah during this period and as an individual who believes in tolerance
and respect for human life want to make a statement that I view the whole
military action as a crime and I know so many others who do too. So lets
us not speak on each others behalf, clearly, Pakistan is a divided house right
now.
Who gives the state the right to massacre its own people just for
crimes like kidnapping or challenging the state authority? They had not
killed or physically harmed anyone so how can their punishment be so
severe. It is clear that the whole bloodshed could have been easily avoided
only if General Musharraf did not have a vested interest in proving his
loyalties to the West at a time when he is at his weakest and is in desperate
need of Western backing. For otherwise there are so many things that could
have been done to resolve the problem without bloodshed. Cutting off
electricity, water and gas would have forced at least the girls to come out
sooner or later. Similarly, giving a couple of days more for negotiations
could not have risked Pakistans existence.
It is at the same time interesting to see the parallels between the
vocabulary and the logic used by those who defend this operation and that of
Bush Administration. The first step to the battle is that suddenly the other
side becomes militants and terrorists. Any resistance met by US soldiers
within Iraq and Afghanistan is quickly labeled as militancy and the attackers
are labeled as militants and terrorists. What is completely forgotten in this
equation is that it is actually the Americans who are invading and the locals
are simply resisting an aggression imposed on them. Secondly, Bush
Administration has from the beginning used force as a means to crush local

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resistance. The results are hardly impressive to win critics over. Iraq today is
an irresolvable mess and the so-called writ of the US supported Karzai state
in Afghanistan does not extend much beyond the presidential palace.
Interestingly, exactly the same logic and method has been used in
case of Lal Masjid and Jamia Hafsa. They were labeled militants quickly
and force has been thought apt to settle the issue. However, just like the US
use of force in Iraq and Afghanistan has increased rather than decreased
militancy in these countries, the impact of this operation is going to be no
different. We already have the gift of suicide bombing as a result to military
operations in the tribal areas. To think that Lal Masjid massacre wont lead
to long term repercussions is nave. Pakistan is heading major civil unrest.
These military operations are fuelling jihadi sentiment; not lowering them.
And before closing off the chapter of Lal Masjid let us not forget
what motivated Ghazi, a masters degree holder, and his students (many
of whom were from the middle classes who had come after doing matric or
FA) to take up this resistance. The discussion around them in the media
remained focused on their public morality drive. But, the fact is that they
were mobilized into action on basis of very basic human rights demands.
They argued for an end to military operations in the tribal areas which were
killing civilians, they argued for end to handing over people to US without
trial in country, and those of us who bothered to go inside the madressah and
talked to him and his students, know that he argued for rule of law. The route
he chose to score his points was clearly not the right one. But, it is important
to remember what mobilized him and his followers because it is eventually
the moral convincing power of these ideas that mobilizes people to give up
their life. No one, not even the absolute poor, want to die just for the heck of
it.

REVIEW
On second thought the name of Operation Silence was changed to
Operation Sunrise. The new name must have been inspired by the formation
sign of 10 Corps. The formation sign was itself derived from the name of its
first commander. That is how things are done in Pakistan Army.
In any case the new name cannot change what has been written in
blood of innocents. This name cannot even provide clues for differentiating

631

between sunrise and the sunset in foggy or smoky days like these. The
operation will remain shrouded in ambiguities because lies were hyped and
truth was suppressed vehemently before, during and afterwards.
The operation was launched after abrupt cessation of dialogue for
which each player blames the other. The fact remains that the secular regime
did not want to miss the opportunity for delivering a telling blow on
obscurantist religious forces.
The talks ended when the regime got the clues that the inmates were
so worn out due to relentless pounding and running out of food supplies that
they could give up unconditionally. Ghazis request for food on 9th July
indicated that the stage of near starvation had set-in and they could surrender
any time. This could have denied a golden opportunity to deliver battering
blow; therefore negotiations had to end abruptly.
The decision to launch an operation was not difficult, because it has
been more or less prompted or dictated by forces from within and without. It
was also not difficult for a far superior force to make up its mind to do what
it did with much weaker adversary. The only difficulty which must have
been encountered related to motivating Muslim soldiers to attack a mosque.
As already said the commanders in their pep-talks must have tried
hard in convincing the troops that they were going to perform a noble task
like the demolition of Masjid-e-Zarrar. Ironically, the commando company
that led the charge on the mosque itself bore the name of Zarrar.
Operation Silence was not the first assault on a mosque or a madrassa
in the ongoing war, but it certainly was the first pitched battle between the
secular forces and religious fighters in which the former enjoyed
overwhelming superiority. The manner in which this superiority was applied
fostered bitter feelings and invited widespread criticism.
The casualties inflicted during the operation were the most significant
factor which has hurt every Pakistani. The evidence that has come forth so
far tells that the attackers took no steps to avoid collateral damage. They
only step that can be quoted for minimizing the collateral damage was that
the regime preferred commando raid instead of using predatory aircraft.
The regime persistently lied about number of casualties. After the
completion of operation official figures were 75 killed and 85 five captured.

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The official number of dead rose to 102 by 14th July. The reports about the
number of inmates at the time of final assault varied from 500 to 1800. Even
if the lowest figure of 500 is taken as correct, more than 300 inmates
remained unaccounted for.
It also sounds quite illogical that one of the largest cold-storage
facility in twin-cities was got vacated for only 75 dead bodies. The store was
so large that quantity taken out of it when brought to the market resulted in
bearish trend in prices of some perishable items of fruit and vegetables.
Musharraf regime decided to bury the dead inmates of Lal Masjid and
its seminaries in a mass grave instead of handing them over to their kiths.
This amounted to following the footsteps of Serbs of Bosnia which further
negates the contention of the regime in Islamic Republic of Pakistan.
The attackers showed complete disregard towards human
considerations. Very few injured inmates were evacuated even after the 40
hours of the start of the operation. This meant that the wounded were left
unattended to bleed to death. This speaks of the governments much hyped
concern for saving human lives.
It was primarily for this reason that the media was kept at arms length
for seven days before the Operation Silence. During this week Media men
served the cause of Musharraf regime, mostly inadvertently, because they
were kept at a distance from where they could only report flashes and sounds
of the battlefield with assumed description of the situation in and around the
Lal Masjid. The pleased the regime and media as well because it was misled
to believe that it has won favours of the executive.
For seven days the media men stood in sun, storm and rain round the
clock reporting the incomplete picture. When the crucial moment came and
final assault was launched the door was slammed shut in the face of the
media. The blackout was aimed at hiding bitter facts and to conceal lies that
had been told during last six months about Lal Masjid and Jamia Hafsa.
Media must have understood the meanings of Operation Silence. Once
kicked at the (bottoms), as an American would like to say it in slang, the
media realized that it has been fooled and was reminded of its basic function
of telling the truth to its audience. In complete blackout, it started running
from pillar to post to find reasonable news.

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The dead bodies of inmates were handled with clever expertise. The
media was completely deceived by imposing emergency in all major
hospitals and by banning the entry of media men therein. The media men
kept hovering around these hospitals to sniff some information. The
distraction worked and the dead bodies were secretly transported to a coldstorage and elsewhere for secret mass burial.
Secret disposal of dead was done to conceal the number of dead and
their condition. The dead bodies were certainly in very bad condition and
even the DG ISPR had acknowledged that 19 of them were charred beyond
recognition; handing over of the dead in these conditions could have resulted
in violent resentment.
The suppression of truth leads to assumptions, or rumours as the
regime would like call them. These rumours in the absence of the facts,
however, cannot be brushed aside. For example, in H-11 the graves in one
row are much smaller in size as compared to the graves in other two rows. It
is fair to assume that these are the graves of children.
It is also said that some dead bodies have been dumped in nearby
nullah and covered using mechanical means. Another rumour goes that the
charred dead bodies were transported to unknown places within 24 hours of
the start of assault on Lal Masjid. A convoy of half a dozen trucks lead by a
garbage truck of CDA was seen near Rawat returning to Islamabad.
During Aaj TVs programme Bolta Pakistan, Sherpao flared up when
Mushtaq challenged the official figures of the dead. The latter had said that
there are reports that dead bodies have been buried secretly at other places,
including Police training facility at Sehala.
If private TV channels really want to find the truth about the number
of inmates killed in this bloody battle, they have to search for it beyond
graveyard of H-11 and Sehala, starting from the nullahs in close proximity
of the graveyard to area up to Chakwal.
Musharraf regime says it has saved more than 1300 because of
strategy. The people say that hundreds of innocent people were killed by
the regime. The credit of saving lives of 1350 inmates must go Maulana
Ghazi who not only allowed them but also encouraged them to leave. Once
the operation was launched, only 85 inmates survived.

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Coming to the issue of weapons used by attackers during the

operation, it can be said that they indiscriminately used all the means and
weaponry placed at their disposal. It was because of the ruthless use of force
that most of the dead bodies were rendered beyond recognition. The body of
Maulana Ghazi received so many bullets that one of his legs was detached
from his body.
The bodies were not only charred beyond recognition but also beyond
counting. The students huddled in rooms melted into inseparable mass. The
reports that some coffins contained more than one dead body prove this
point. The fact that entire complex was stinking with mixed smell of blood
and explosives even after two days of the operation further corroborates this
assumption.
The charring of the bodies could have happened only due to
indiscriminate use of weapons which cause instant burns at massive scale.
The weapons used for this purpose could include the flame-throwers. The
dark smoke marks over arches of the entrance to the courtyard, doors of the
main prayer hall of the mosque and many rooms of Jamia Hafsa clearly
indicated the use of such weapons.
The visit to the target area and display of arms and ammunition
captured from the inmates was arranged to prove that all that was hyped
during propaganda campaign to demonize the Lal Masjid inmates was
correct. But despite the hectic efforts of day and a half, some parts of
premises were kept out-of-bound for media men.
In areas shown to media all the evidence of weapons used were
removed. Yet, walls and the floor had enough signs of intense fighting and
resultant bloodshed. The walls were densely pock-marked by the bullet-hits
of various calibers. Many rooms had smoke/burn marks caused by the use of
incendiary weapons; not by the stun-grenades as told by DG ISPR.
At least at one place the cameras showed the pillars made of steel rods
and concrete which had been bent by the blast. No know grenade could
cause this kind of damage what to talk of stun-grenades. This was the result
of use of high intensity explosives. The bangs heard during the operation
were similar to the bangs heard during earlier nights which were carried out
for breaching the boundary walls.

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Official version that there was an accidental detonation of explosives

at one place is not convincing. The charring of 19 dead bodies in a single
incident does not appeal to reason. There were certainly more than one
explosion that caused such damage. Incendiary weapons were not only used
but in doing so the spirit of liberalism was upheld.
The display of captured arms and ammunition was arranged to
highlight the preparedness on inmates. However, none of the weapons
displayed appeared to have been used extensively in an intense battle only a
couple of days ago. Plenty of rocket launchers and rockets were displayed
but during the operation not a single rocket was fired.
The bodies of many fighters were charred beyond recognition, but
none of the weapons captured from them had burn-marks on their nonmetallic parts. Some of the parts made of plastic material should have
melted or at least lost their shape. This was certainly a miracle and the man
who had been inside the Kaaba is quite capable of performing such a
miracle.
No media man was allowed to touch any weapon to determine that
how many of those had been used in the battle less than two days ago.
Perhaps, even if they were allowed, they did not have the know-how to
determine that.
Keeping the above in view, one tends to agree with the version of
Maulana Ghazi. He had only 14 automatic rifles, some shotguns, pistols and
hand grenades. This display of weapons reminds the writer of a conspiracy
against Zia regime by some officers in 1984.
The intelligence agencies which captured two officers from Lahore
alleged that a large cache of weapons was recovered from the boot of the car
of the suspects. During the recording of the summary of evidence the officer
concerned noted that quantity and bulk of the weapons were more that the
space of the boot of the captured car. When he tried to clear his
apprehension, about half of the weapons could be placed in the boot
whichever way he tried. That is how the incriminating evidence is
compiled by the agencies.
One can ask as to how commando raiders suffered so many
casualties? This was no big deal; if the raiders could kill hundreds of
heavily-armed and well-entrenched defenders, the defenders fighting from a

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position with which they were well-acquainted could also inflict some
casualties.
Only ten fatal casualties were suffered by the attackers, out of which
half were killed by one inmate when they tried to move from one floor to the
other. The remaining five were killed by the remaining 13 fighters in a day
long fighting. If the inmates really had as many weapons as displayed before
the media (incidentally, the number of weapons was twice the number of
fighters killed) the casualties suffered by the raiding party would have been
far more even if the weapons were used by ordinary students.
There is another point concerning the weapons of Ghazi brothers.
They were able to procure, or were supplied, some weapons which they
often displayed on different occasions hoping that they could pre-empt an
assault by the regime. They never realized that by doing that they were
providing a solid justification to the regime to do what they wanted to avert.
The facts that have come to the fore so far prove that the
demonizing propaganda against Lal Masjid was absolutely unfounded.
All the hyped themes i.e., presence foreigners, hardened terrorists or high
value targets; suicide bombers; children and female students kept as
hostages or used as human shields; and development of a network of
underground bunkers and tunnels have not been substantiated.
Maulana Ghazi had repeatedly asserted that there were no foreigners
in Lal Masjid premises, which were rejected by saying the Maulana had the
habit of telling lies. Before the start of operation Maulana Aziz of MMA and
the students of that came out on 10th July also denied presence of foreigners.
During the operation no foreigner or hardened terrorist has been found
dead or alive. The regime has so far found only shwahid (leads) about their
presence in Lal Masjid premises. The regime continues harping about this
despite having no answer to the question as to why did they risk coming to
Islamabad when they could have performed their task better while staying in
mountains? Only brave commandos could indulge in such bold acts; not the
ever-elusive guerrilla fighters.
Even if there was any such target in Lal Masjid premises, the regime
lost that due to use of weapons which burnt the dead beyond recognition.
The could not arrange the display of dead bodies of foreigners, because
people like Shah Abdul Aziz had apprehended that agencies would now

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place the some dead bodies of hardened terrorists and foreigners held in
their custody after shooting them dead.
For first two days of Operation Silence DG ISPR admitted more than
once in press briefings that there had been no suicide bombing during the
operation. It was only on third day when the media men escorted to Jamia
Hafsa and Lal Masjid that he mentioned the sole incident of such bombing.
The regime continues harping about this solitary attack not realizing
that it could not fool all the people all the time. In a pitched battle, in a
restricted space, like the one fought in Lal Masjid, the suicide bombing
could not achieve the objectives normally expected from such a desperate
actions.
Therefore, even if there has been an incident of self-blowing, it cannot
be of suicide bombing. It could be a case of suicide to escape arrest, as none
of the fighters have been arrested alive during the entire operation. On the
contrary, if one has to believe the enlightened reporters of electronic media,
dozens of suicide bombings had taken place well before the launching of the
final assault on Lal Masjid.
No inmate who came out of the premises alive including those who
were captured on 10th July said that any of them was used as human shield
or kept as hostage. Such phrases were borrowed from the Western masters
with the hope of demonizing the Mullas.
Any besieged commander of a group would not like to keep large
number of non-essential persons with him when he has very limited logistics
and the lines of supplies were cut off. Therefore, it is fair to infer that all
those who came out were told to do so. Only those stayed back who had
arms to fights or those who did not want to leave under any circumstance.
This is a point which cannot be understood by lotas ruling the
unfortunate Islamic Republic of Pakistan. Even here they would blame
Ghazi brothers for brainwashing the innocent youth. They will never
understand their commitment to the cause and attachment with the
institution they belonged to. One can only wish that alas! The politicians of
Pakistan were also brainwashed.
The story of network of bunkers and tunnels was no different from
other lies. The media men who visited the site were not shown any

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underground bunkers or maze of the tunnels which were mentioned by the

regime quite frequently.
It is impossible to construct such things manually under a building
that has been built decades ago. Jamia Hafsa, like most multi-storey
buildings, had a basement. Some parts of this basement, located close to
entry/exit points, were crudely altered by creating lope holes which could be
used as firing bays. This was the network of bunkers and tunnels of Ghazis.
While concluding the comments on the operation one would like say
few words about some aspects cannot be ignored by any discerning mind.
The death toll, not the official but speculated, it wasnt not a precision
operation which was executed carefully with a view to saving innocent
lives.
It was a well-planned and meticulously organized massacre
comparable the massacres in Bosnia. Most of the killed were unarmed young
female and male students who had committed the crime of acquiring
religious education. A reporter of the Dawn News TV channel had rightly
said that the Operation Silence has silenced the minarets of Lal Mosque.
The operation was dragged by design justified on the basis of noblesounding intentions. Prolonging of the operation was necessary for
exaggerating the gravity of the standoff as well as for achieving the political
objectives. It also created an impression that the regime was showing
exceptional restraint and tolerance.
The display of restraint and tolerance cannot be gauged by the
duration of its display. It has to be judged from the point it leads to and with
what effects. Seen in this perspective the regimes claim that it showed lot of
patience and tolerance can be condoned.
In a single battle the regime has beaten the records of atrocities set by
the Crusaders in Iraq and Afghanistan. The operation has exposed the real
face of the enlightened forces; they are secular fascists in the garb of
enlightened moderation.
Some analysts criticize General Zia for causing bloodshed in Pakistan
by joining Americas war against the Soviets. Musharraf has caused far more
bloodshed by allying with the US in its war on terror, but the same analysts
belonging to Enlightened Cult have not said much about it.

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One of the reasons behind the regimes reported plan for demolition
of Jamia Hafsa is to destroy the evidence. This building has too much
written all over it. One day someone is going to read the writings on the
wall(s) and he could have the courage to read it loudly. If these writings
cannot be obliterated the demolition of the building is on cards.
Throughout the operation DG ISPR had been denying information
rather than dispensing some. His expertise at media handling speaks of his
talent. He is a Durrani in the making. After retirement he can replace the
present minister of information whom Aitzaz affectionately calls Durrani
Ghalatbiani.
What about the students of Beacon House students? What action has
been taken against them for abetting in the crime? They had gone inside the
Chinese massage parlour in the guise of customers and confirmed that
immoral activities were going on under the cover of therapy. Have they been
exonerated being children of the enlightened? Isnt it height of
discrimination?
The battle of Lal Masjid will have telling impact in terms
immediate and lasting consequences for the regime, the religious forces and
also for Pakistan. It will be too early for regime to rejoice over a victory in
one an unequal encounter. It may prove the first battle of a long-drawn war.
The regime is the only party which can feel that it has achieved some
of its objectives. To understand core objective of the regime the battle of
Lal Masjid has to be seen as part of the overall clash within Pakistani society
which in itself has to be viewed in the context of the ongoing Crusades.
As already mentioned this clash between secular and religious forces
bears many names; just as the Crusades have been given many names to
cover up the real agenda of the wagers of the war. Musharraf prefers to call
it enlightenment vs obscurantism. The word obscurantist is used as an
equivalent of Bushs favourite phrase; the Islamic fascism.
The other names used by the regime are liberalism vs extremism,
moderation vs intolerance, modernization vs backwardness, and so on.
These names serve dual purpose; they aggrandize secularism and
demonizing religious forces.

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The regime feels no threat to his rule from the US or other outsiders.
The threat from India has been neutralized, for the time being, by taking Uturn on the core issue and by initiating a never-ending peace process aimed
at perpetuation of status quo.
Musharraf with secular agenda sees the only one threat to his rule
which is posed by the religious forces in Pakistan; political or the clergy. He
has repeatedly mentioned that the biggest threat is from within. But, shrewd
as he is, he refers to it to as a threat to Pakistan.
The religion, despite the fault-lines of sectarian division is not a threat
to the integrity of Pakistan. In fact, the religion strengthens Pakistan with its
unifying quality. This had united the Muslims of the Subcontinent and
enabled them to create a homeland for them. It enabled the people not think
as Punjabis, Pathans, Sindhis and Bengalis. Once they forgot about this
important factor, Pakistan was divided.
Even today the religion is the mortar which holds the citadel of Islam
together. The atom bomb, more than half a million men in arms and
Musharrafs secular agenda cannot save the fort from collapsing which is
being corroded by racial, linguistic and provincial prejudices.
Bush the Crusader and Musharraf the enlightened are in complete
agreement that Islamists are their number-one enemy. The former prefers to
call the enemy Islamic fascists and the latter calls them obscurantist. Both
are at war against them and both have identified that the strength of their
enemy rests in Islamic concept of jihad; interpreted and practiced by them
rightly or wrongly.
De Jure jihad can only be waged after a decree is issued by the rulers
of the time. That is non-existent; because the contemporary rulers have ruled
out military option despite the fact that Muslim blood is being spilled by
the Crusaders round the globe and round the clock.
The de facto jihad is being waged by some groups despite confronted
with great odds. These jihadis can be defeated if the source of their
inspiration and motivation is demonized. The phrases like hate material
have been concocted for this purpose and even the Pope has been
incorporated in the campaign who sometime ago had said that Islam incites
for violence.

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Musharraf regimes basic objective in the ongoing clash is to

demonize the concept of jihad. But unlike the Crusaders, the regime does not
condemn the concept of jihad directly and instead tackles it indirectly by
demonizing the acts of jihadis. The acts of Ghazi brothers were fully
exploited to achieve this aim and unfortunately, the exuberance of Ghazis
facilitated the regimes task.
The victory in the battle of Lal Masjid will embolden the secular
forces or the so-called enlightened moderates. This will add to their
arrogance and will be more aggressive against religious forces or the
obscurantist. They will pursue their agenda of cleansing Pakistan polluted by
Islamic symbols; Mulla, Mosque and Madrassa.
Soon after the victory at Lal Masjid, Musharraf vowed to continue his
offensive against the obscurantist. The same day, 10th of July, a news report
said 12 madrassas have been identified where militants are being trained.
His prime minister also vowed to press on with crackdown against mulla and
madrassa.
The battle of Lal Masjid also helped the regime in achieving political
goals. The very timing of the Operation Silence was helped in achieving a
goal while the operation was still in fully completed. The fragile APC
crumbled due to the differences between MMA and PPP, the two major
parties, a day after the Lal Masjid massacre.
The battle enabled Musharraf to strengthen his ties with the US.
Benazir too, did not miss the opportunity to win over the US support by
identifying herself as a strong ally of the Crusaders and enemy of the
religious forces in Pakistan. Thus a strong anti-Islamists nexus of Bush,
Brown, Altaf, Benazir and Musharraf has emerged.
Despite the above successes, it would be nave on the part of the
regime to think it can implement its secular agenda without any resistance.
Their unfounded optimism can have very dangerous consequences. Their
agenda has been resisted and in times to come it will be resisted more
stubbornly.
The Lal Masjid episode has certainly pushed the fundamental
religious forces on to the back foot. But this is not the end of the clash
within, though it has caused lot of embarrassment to the religious forces
mainly due to demonizing campaign by the government and the media.

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Ulema of Wafaqul Madaris and of political parties acted passively by

abandoning Ghazi brothers on the pretext of latters wrong modus operandi.
In fact, it wasnt wrong but undesirable under prevalent environments in
which secular forces have all the power at their disposal to defend and
promote their agenda.
Without debating the point of wrong and undesirable one should
proceed ahead agreeing with the contention of Ulema. Maulana Ghazi in his
last message had urged these Ulema to carry forward the mission, which
they have acknowledged as correct, in a way they think is correct. If they
dont, he would certainly hold them by their collars or robes on the Day of
Judgment.
The approach adopted by the Ulema has not worked in the past and it
wont work in future, because it endeavours accomplishing the mission in
piecemeal. Selective pursuit of the mission, issue by issue or item by item,
as Ghazi brothers did by focusing on fahashi and uriyani, is also not correct.
One cannot be selective in enforcing the Islamic Sharia; one has to d it in
totality (poorey ka poora dakhal hona zaroori hai).
Their effort is disjointed because of their division into sects and
masliks. The haphazard effort is rendered ineffective and inconsequential.
They must formulate a workable plan in which the priorities should be
carefully selected and logically arranged.
Their first goal should be to get out from under the arch of the mosque
and embark upon a journey towards corridors of power in peaceful and
lawful manner, in other words, they must actively join the political process.
They have the means and manpower to perform reasonably well.
They must contest the forthcoming general elections, independently or
by allying with like-minded political parties. They and their students should
spread out through length and breadth of the country to mobilize the public
opinion in favour of their mission for which they must seek votes for their
candidates. By sticking to the status quo they have not and can never
accomplish their mission.
The Ulema have links of one kind or the other with the largest
religious movement called Tableeghi Jamaat. This Jamaat has failed in
bringing any positive change because the Tableeghis suffer from
disorientation and because of that they lay emphasis on the life hereafter.

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Those who ignore the need to live with honour, dignity, respect and authority
on Earth, should not hope to have these in the life hereafter.
While participating in the political process, the Ulema must resist the
regimes agenda in which it wants religious seminaries to stop teaching or
even mentioning jihad in mosques and madrassas. They should not allow the
regime to reject any part of the Islamic teachings by dubbing that as hate
material which incites for militancy.
If they cannot do this much then Ulema of Wafaqul Madaris should
get together and issue a decree declaring jihad haram in modern era as
Ghulam Ahmed had done on the behest of British. They would live in peace
for ever thereafter; those desirous would even get citizenship of countries
which at present are not willing to give them visas.
Pakistan is the biggest loser in this bloody battle whichever way one
may look at it. Battle of Lal Masjid has alienated army from the people. This
is the worst thing that can happen to a nation; soldiers killing the people of
own country, whatever the reason. And this is what the enemy has been
working on for the last four decades.
Moreover, this battle is not likely to be the last between secular and
religious forces. The people of Pakistan are prepared to accept an Ataturk
amongst them. They are not prepared to embrace westernized version of
Islam, barring a thin minority of the Cult of the Enlightened.
And if it happens not be the last battle of the clash within, no one
should feel safe by avoiding taking sides or staying aloof. Every Pakistani
has to take the side with which he or she would like to stand; this is the
situation in which you are either with us or against us.
Opposition political parties which gathered in London to end the
Musharraf rule have been fully exposed by Lal Masjid episode. Opposition
leaders are no more than a bunch of eunuchs begging for alms by beating
drums and performing skits around the processions resulting from the Cups
tours, mistaking them as marriage parties and the CJP as a groom.
Benazir has praised the desecration of Lal Mosque by Musharraf. It
had to happen one day; sooner the better. Her act to please the US should not
surprise anyone. The left-over opposition leaders must not be discouraged by

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the departure of the PPP from the APC; they must renew their resolve if they
are really mean what they say.
From the reaction seen so far it seems that Pakistanis as a nation are
dead. They have got used to tolerating injustice and zulm. Pakistan as citadel
of Islam appears to have crumbled from within. The reaction so far also
speaks very low of religious forces. Only the people of NWFP have shown
some spine, but that too can be attributed to reasons other than desecration
of Lal Mosque. The implications of a violent reaction in one province could
be dangerous for the unity of the federation.
It would be wrong to draw above inferences from the thin turn out in
protest rallies. This is not the true reflection of the public sentiment. This has
to be judged from other indicators like the calls received by private TV
channels and incidents like beating of a khateeb in Rawalpindi, the political
stronghold of Shaikh Rashid. The khateeb was beaten by namazis when in
his sermon he tried to justify the act of the government.
The rush at the graveyard of H-11 to offer fateh for the inmates of Lal
Masjid is another indicator the public feelings. The only thing that holds the
people back is the absence of leadership. They are impatiently looking for a
leader capable of bringing their protest to the logical end.
The only positive impact is the bullish trend seen in KSE on 12 th May.
The reasons quoted were the successful end of Operation Silence and the
failure of London APC. This is an indirect tribute paid to Musharraf and
Benazir for spilling Muslim blood in a mosque and a madrassa. How long
this positive impact would last?
While concluding the discussion one must recall the much
condemned modus operandi of the Ghazi brothers. The critics say that
mission of Ghazi brothers was correct but their methodology for
accomplishing their mission was wrong. If approach of clerics was
condemnable then the one adopted the regime is deplorable.
For six months it avoided even routine legal actions against the clerics
and their men and then resorted to indiscriminate use of excessive force. In
fact, regimes intent as well as the act was incorrect. The noble-sounding
objectives like establishment of writ were only used as pretexts to pursue
secular agenda.

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Furthermore, if the militancy on the part of religious extremists is

bad; the indiscriminate use of excessive force by moderate secular forces is
far more condemnable. If there were a genuine democratic government, it
would not have abandoned the dialogue and start boasting of its power; only
a dictator could do that.
The aim of the secular regime is far more sinister than that of the
clerics. It is reported that the regime has plans to demolish Jamia Hafsa
building and allot the site for extension of Itwar Bazaar. This regime could
even decide to use the site for establishing an academy of performing arts or
allot Jamia Hafsa complex to aunties and their concubines and the Lal
Mosque to Chinese massagers for the convenience of the ruling elite as both
are located in the close vicinity of parliament lodges.
Media has to learn from Lal Masjid episode. The media men have to
learn a lot about reporting from battle zones. They must understand that
every bang cannot be taken as suicide bombing and every incident of firing
cannot be an exchange of fire. The residents of the area in close proximity
have told that for seven days it has been one-sided affair.
Analysts appearing on TV programmes have often condemned
General Zia for fostering militancy. Musharraf regime has left Zia far behind
in bleeding Pakistan. They must speak now and not wait until the departure
of the dictator. Media anchors should also learn to correctly interpret the
tears of rulers like Ijazul Haq: the wrongs done prick the conscience.
14th July 2007

TALIBAN OR PASHTUNS

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It was Pashtun community on either side of the Durand Line which

gave birth to Taliban who restored peace in war-torn Afghanistan. But
Taliban were not liked by the so-called civil world, because they hosted alQaeda and refused to distance themselves from their guests in true spirit of
Pashtun tradition.
Talibans resolute adherence to Pashtun tradition resulted in ousting of
their regime and occupation of Afghanistan by the Crusaders. Nearly, six
years have passed but the occupation forces have still not stabilized the
occupied land to their liking.
Indiscriminate use of brute force by the Crusaders continued fueling
the resistance, which has now transformed into a wider Pashtun movement.
Pashtuns are spread on either side of the Durand Line so is their movement.
This has caused serious problems for Pakistan.
Musharraf in complete obedience to the commands of Bush continues
to crush the Pashtuns dubbed as Taliban on his side of the Durand Line.
However, despite the combined might of the US, European Crusaders and
the Musharrafs mercenaries, the Pashtuns have refused to give up the armed
struggle.

OCCUPATION
Resistance against occupation continued. On 16th April, ten policemen
were killed and several others wounded when a suicide bomber attacked a
police training area in Kunduz. NATO forces claimed killing several Taliban
commanders in air strikes in Helmand province.
US-led forces killed 27 militants in Helmand province on 19th April.
One girl was shot dead by NATO forces. Three days later, 11 people were
killed in suicide bombing in Khost and ten more people were killed in two
other attacks. Mulla Omar urged stepping up suicide bombings.
On 24th April, US-led forces laid an ambush in Zabul and killed 11
fighters; five fighters were killed in Kunar province and two Taliban were
killed in Farah. Ten policemen were killed in an attack by Taliban on 26 th
April.

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On 27th April, truck drivers in Afghanistan stopped transporting

supplies to NATO forces in Afghanistan after the expiry of the deadline for
acceptance of their demands. They had demanded that warlords and Afghan
authorities should be prevented from fleecing transporters.
On 30th April, coalition forces claimed killing 136 suspected Taliban
in air strikes during last four days in Herat province; locals said many
women and children were among the dead.
At least 75 suspected Taliban were killed in an offensive launched by
occupation forces in Sangin Valley of Helmand province. Four militants
were killed in Khost. Taliban executed an Afghan soldier in Panjwai district.
Students held anti Bush protest in Jalalabad on third consecutive day.
On 2nd May, former Prime Minister Abdul Saboor was shot dead in
Kabul by unknown gunmen, according to government announcement; the
media reported that he was killed in firing by occupation forces. Ten people
were killed as result of an ambush. The protesters demanded removal of
Karzai. The US refused to probe the reported killings of civilians.
On 3rd May, a bus was hit by roadside bombing in Kabul, one soldier
was killed and 22 wounded. Danish soldier died after receiving injures in
Helmand. Truckers vowed to continue strike. Next day, two Taliban were
killed and a NATO soldier was wounded in a clash in Khost province. A
NATO soldier and 23 Afghans were killed in floods in Badakhshan province.
The US said a Libyan al-Qaeda man was behind attack on Cheney.
Two US soldiers and 15 policemen were killed in various attacks by
Taliban on 6th May. Hekmatyar said insurgency in Afghanistan would
continue. Next day, rocket was fired into Kabul city killing one and
wounding five people. It was reported that Afghan soldier who had shot dead
two US soldiers near Kabul was mentally deranged; implying that it was not
an incident of hate-crime.
On 8th May, NATO forces claimed killing 64 militants in the last nine
days in Helmand province. Next day, 30 Afghan villagers, including women
and children, were killed in air strike in the same province.
On 10th May, a Taliban commander claimed kidnapping Governor of
Uruzgan. Next day, 16 people were killed in various incidents of violence

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out of which ten were killed in an air strike. Taliban released French hostage
and ex-spokesman for a governor.
Eight policemen were killed in roadside bombing near Kandahar on
12 May. About 77 suspected Taliban were killed during last week in NATO
attacks in southern Afghanistan. Next day, Talibans most prominent
commander, Mulla Dadullah was captured and killed by the US-led forces in
an operation in Helmand province. Nine policemen and 55 Taliban fighters
were also killed.
th

On 14th May, Taliban confirmed death of Dadullah and demanded his

dead body. Mulla Bakht Mohammad, the younger brother of Mulla Dadullah
was appointed as new commander by Mulla Omar. Seven Afghan soldiers
were killed in road side bombing in Nuristan. Hekmatyar said Osama is still
alive. Next day, at least 60 Taliban fighters including three commanders
were killed in air strike in Kandahar province.
On 16th May, Taliban arrested two Afghans in Helmand for spying for
the US. Danish soldier was wounded in landmine blast. Occupation forces
opened fire while passing through Kandahar city and injured six civilians.
Karzai ordered Dadullahs dead body be handed over to the family.
A suicide car bomber attacked government convoy in Kandahar on
17 May; two civilians were killed but the governor and information
minister escaped. Earlier, seven people, including three policemen, were
killed in two bomb blasts. Reportedly, Taliban were worried about spies
amongst their ranks as both Osmani and Dadullah were betrayed by
informers disguised as Taliban. Next day, US-led forces arrested five
suspected militants in Khost province.
th

Afghanistan witnessed its worst violence on 18th and 19th May when
ten people including three German soldiers were killed in a suicide attack
while 116 Taliban were killed in separate incidents of air strikes and
ambushes in Paktia, Kapisa and Farah provinces.
On 20th May, a suicide bomber killed 14 people and wounded 31
others in Paktia province. NATO forces claimed killing 30 Taliban in Ghazni
province. Next day, 39 people including 14 policemen were killed in various
incidents of violence.

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Four soldiers were among 16 people killed in various incidents on 22nd

May. A foreign woman was found dead in Gardez. Two days later, at least 28
suspected Afghan militants were killed in attacks carried out by NATO-led
forces in Helmand and Kandahar provinces.
One Canadian soldier was killed in Kandahar province on 25 th May;
one Canadian and a Portuguese soldier were also wounded. Occupation
forces killed 18 Afghans in Helmand and Paktika provinces. Taliban in
Helmand province claimed that they have captured two foreign soldiers.
In an encounter after Taliban laid an ambush on 27th May, the US-led
forces killed 24 militants; a truck driver was also killed and three coalition
troops were wounded. Six policemen were killed in roadside bombing.
Taliban launched Operation Kameen (ambush) after failing in launching the
much hyped Spring Offensive.
Police killed 13 protesters and wounded 35 when it opened fire at the
supporters of a warlord Dostum in Shiberghan on 28 th May. Attack on US
security contractors in Kunduz resulted in killing of two civilians. Two
policemen were killed and four wounded in attack on WFP convoy in Farah
province. Next day, Governor of Jowzjan accused Russia and Iran of
backing Dostum.
Six militants and four policemen were killed in various incidents of
violence on 30th May. Next day, a NATO forces helicopter crashed in
southern Afghanistan, killing all seven on board. In all, 47 people were
killed in gun battles, bomb attacks and mine blasts, including five US troops,
one Briton, one Canadian and 16 policemen.
A NATO soldier was among 29 killed in various incidents across the
country on 1st June. Next day, a boat capsized in Helmand River and 60
people including Taliban were killed. A NATO soldier and an interpreter
were killed in an ambush in eastern Afghanistan. Over 50 British soldiers
were killed in last one year.
A female TV journalist was shot dead in Kabul on 3rd June. Three days
later, another Afghan journalist was killed by gunmen in Kabul. Six
policemen and 17 Taliban were killed in various incidents on 8 th June. Iran
continued deporting thousands of unregistered Afghan refugees.

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Karzai escaped a rocket attack on 10th June at a school near Herat

where he was addressing the elders. Thirty suspected militants and two
policemen were killed in various incidents of violence. Hizb-e-Islami
accused Northern Alliance of recent acts of terrorism in northern parts of the
country. Germany feared more attacks on its troops.
On 12th June, US-led forces killed seven Afghan policemen in
Nangarhar province mistaking them as militants. Provincial police chief
protested brutal killings and said each dead body had up to 20 bullet
wounds. Unless the criminals are prosecuted, we will not bury the bodies in
a protest.
Nine Afghans and two foreign soldiers were killed in various incidents
of violence, including an attack on a convoy of occupation forces in southern
Afghanistan on 15th June. Next day, two persons were killed and seven
wounded in roadside bombing in Mazar-e-Sharif. In two days there were
four suicide bombings across the country in which 14 people, including a
Dutch soldier were killed.
A Taliban bomber blew up police bus in Kabul on 17 th June, killing 24
people and five foreigners were among the wounded. Two policemen were
killed in attack on a post in Herat in which eight Taliban were also killed.
Two coalition soldiers were killed elsewhere. Next day, occupation forces
killed 150 suspected militants in Uruzgan in air strikes. In another air strike
on a madressah in Paktika, seven children were killed.
Police claimed killing seven Taliban in Sangin district on 19 th June.
Death toll in Uruzgan was revised to 60 Taliban, 10 civilians and 4
policemen. A female TV announcer was shot dead in Kabul. Next day, a
NATO soldier was killed in bomb blast.
On 21st June, seven Taliban were killed in an encounter and one
NATO soldier was killed and four wounded in roadside bombing. Next day,
NATO air strikes in Helmand province killed 45 people, including women
and children out which 25 were suspected as militants. Four policemen were
killed in an attack by Taliban.
On 23rd June about hundred Afghans were killed in air and artillery
strikes out of which 60 were killed in Paktika, 20 in Kandahar and the rest in
Ghazni and Zabul. A captured commander of Hekmatyars Hizb-i-Islami,
Haroon al-Afghani was transferred to Gitmo facility.

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On 24th June, Taliban fighters arrested 18 Afghan mine clearing

experts and threatened to kill them if investigations suggest they were
working for the US. One NATO soldier and ten militants were killed in other
incidents.
One American and one Nepalese were killed and five, including four
Americans, wounded in a blast in Kabul on 28th June. Two days later, at least
63 people, mostly civilians were killed and many wounded in NATO forces
air strike in Helmand province.
A British soldier was killed and four wounded in an ambush in
Helmand province on 1st July; 43 Afghans were killed in air strike. Next day,
seven policemen were killed in suicide attack in Kandahar.
On 3rd July, 33 Afghans were killed in Kandahar province in air strike
launched in retaliation to suicide bombing. Next day, six Canadian soldiers
and their interpreter were killed in roadside bombing near Kandahar. The
US-led forces killed 20 suspected militants in Ghazni. A German citizen
went missing.
Nine policemen were killed in suicide attack on a post in Spin Boldak
on 5 July. One NATO soldier was killed and two wounded in an attack in
Paktika. A senior education official was killed in Khost. The kidnapped
German was released in Farah.
th

On 6th July, 33 suspected Taliban were killed in air strikes in

Uruzgan province. One NATO soldier was killed in a separate incident.
NATO rejected the claims of civilian deaths. Next day, more than 130
Afghans were killed in two attacks by NATO forces in western Afghanistan;
occupation forces denied.
On 8th July, two Afghans were killed in Kandahar. Three days later,
three policemen and a civilian were killed in Paktia on 11th July. Occupation
forces killed 8 Taliban and captured three in Helmand province and one was
killed in Ghazni.
One NATO, six Afghan security men and 38 suspected Taliban were
killed on 12th July. Next day, ten suspected Taliban were killed in Helmand
province and a Dutch soldier wounded earlier died. The US doubled the
price on Osamas head. At least 15 Taliban and 3 policemen were killed in

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an encounter on 14th July. Next day, eight security personnel, three Taliban
and two civilians were killed in violence.
The Crusaders remained determined to continue occupying
Afghanistan. The US planned to maintain troop-level of 25,000 next year.
On 25th May, Bush and NATO chief deplored killings of Afghan civilians.
US blamed Taliban for civilian casualties who use them as human shields.
On 20th June, British Envoy in Kabul said the UK would stay engaged in
Afghanistan for decades. A global conference on Afghanistan was held in
Rome during first week.
The puppet Karzai over the period developed the habit of shedding
crocodile tears. On 2nd May, he reacted to the killings of women and children
in Herat bombing by saying that patience of Afghans was wearing thin. A
fortnight later, he sought ways to reduce civilian casualties. He was also sad
over clashes with Pakistan.
On 23rd June, Karzai angrily criticized indiscriminate and imprecise
operations by NATO and US-led forces in which more than 90 civilians
were killed in just over a week. A few days later, Ban Ki-Moon joined him
and urged ISAF to avoid civilian casualties.
Afghan lawmakers seemed to be asserting themselves. The Senate
desired that the government should hold direct talks with the Taliban and
other opposition forces. During second week of May, the lawmakers voted to
oust the foreign minister over mishandling of an influx of refugees from
Iran. On 21st May, Malalai Joya was removed from her post in the lower
house over her remarks in which she termed the house worse than a stable.

COMMENTS
The occupation has become brute and bloody as observed by
Rahimullah Yusufzai. Afghanistans Meshrano Jirga, or Senate, on May 8
asked the government of President Hamid Karzai to hold direct talks with
the Taliban and other opposition groups in a bid to end bloodshed in the
country. It also demanded an end to military operations by the US-led
western coalition forces in Afghanistan.
This was the first time that the 101-member, government-dominated
Senate, the upper house of the Afghan parliament with half of its members
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nominated by President Karzai, made such an unusual demand. It came at a

time of rising public discontent with the Karzai government due to
rising civilian casualties at the hands of trigger-happy western troops.
However, Taliban are unwilling to hold talks with the Karzai
government. Taliban leader Mulla Mohammad Omar has more than once
rejected talks with President Karzai as long as western forces remain in
Afghanistan. Mulla Dadullah Akhund, the top Taliban military commander,
has been even more forceful in ruling out any talks with the Afghan
President.
In a recent interview with this writerhe explained the Taliban
position with regard to recent events in Afghanistan. He defended the recent
on-camera beheading of a spy by a 12-year old boy by arguing that such
acts would spread fear among the infidels and prepare young Muslims
for jihad against the non-believers. He disclosed the Taliban were planning
to let Afghan women behead spies and criminals in future as part of their
new jihad strategies.
All this shows that the Afghan conflict is increasingly becoming
brutal. The Taliban no doubt are contributing to the brutality of the conflict
but other parties to the dispute cannot absolve themselves of the blame. The
rising civilian casualties largely due to indiscriminate bombing by US and
NATO warplanes and the abuse of prisoners at the hands of western forces
have also made the Afghan conflict brutal and bloodier.
Richard Norton-Taylor discussed its implications. Afghanistan, they
say, is different. There, British troops are fighting for what ministers call a
noble cause. But the problem they now privately admit is that the spiral of
violence in Iraq is plainly being repeated in Afghanistan, albeit without
the sectarian violence.
British soldiers used to say they preferred gunfights with the Taliban
in southern Afghanistan to the improvised explosives devices and sniper fire
in southern Iraq. They are now facing the prospect of being at the
receiving end of the Talibans shift away from open combat to the
asymmetric attacks familiar from Iraq.
Ministers describe Afghanistan as a noble cause because, they say,
vital British interests are at stake the country cannot be allowed to become
a failed state again, a base for terrorists, and so on. Senior military officers

654

echoed these warnings. No doubt many of them genuinely believe in the

strategic importance of Afghanistan for the West. But they are also
desperately frustrated, not so much because of the lack of support from
other countries or because of equipment shortages, but because of the scant
resources devoted to winning Afghan hearts and minds.
The Independent commented on the killing of Commander Dadullah.
The question is whether his removal will have much practical effect. Of
course, his death will dismay his supporters, especially among those
Pashtuns in Afghanistan and in Pakistan who were misguided enough to hail
his bloodstained career as that of an anti-imperialist patriot. His sheer
nerve, borne of an inner conviction of his own invincibility, will leave a
vacuum.
At the same time, NATO must avoid the temptation to crow.
Mullah Dadullahs death may derail the Talibans spring 2007 offensive and
bring short-term relief to the Kabul government. But reasons why Hamid
Karzais regime has not been able to bring order to Afghanistan and Taliban
remain a force?
NATOs failure to finish the job in 2001, which was a direct
consequence of the diversion of resources to Iraq, hobbled the
democratically elected regime in Kabul from the start. Once they saw how
little they were up against, the displaced but far-from-vanquished Taliban
soon got over their shock at losing power, regrouped and started over.
Meanwhile the failure to properly aid reconstruction in Afghanistan has
saddled the Karzai government with the worst of both worlds.
Dependent on the West a shaming factor in the regional context it
has little to show for this in material terms. This has been a great
weakness. Add to this an ill-thought-out western drive to destroy poppy
cultivation without offering farmers a plausible economic substitute, and the
presence on the border of a potentially unstable Pakistan, and circumstances
appear unfavourable to the cause of ridding Afghanistan of the Taliban.
The Taliban have demonstrated its power to recover before. Until the
main causes and resentments on which this very diverse insurgency feeds are
addressed, no amount of apparent break-through like the killing of
Mullah Dadullah is likely to break it.

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During the period two leaders, one each from Afghanistan and
Pakistan, were interviewed who support the right of Afghans to resist against
occupation forces. Gulbadin Hekmatyar was interviewed by Shamim Shahid
and Janullah Hashamzada. Excerpts from his interview were as under.
Foreign troops and forces are facing huge problems. They are unable
to resolve it. Neither the foreign troops are capable to counter the
resistance nor could they make stable the Kabul regime. Even without
foreign troops held survival of the Kabul regime is impossible. Even the
foreign troops are not in position to counter bloodshed with establishing of
new police and Afghan national army.
Let me tell the Americans that President Bush is telling lie
regarding success of the American troops. Through such tall claims,
President Bush is deceiving them. Neither Bush helped Americans with
making aggression in Iraq and Afghanistan. He gifted dead bodies and
destruction to United States and its people.
We have no enmity with the American people. We are not
assassinators of your sons. Your assassinators are your rulers, who
dispatched you to other countries for fighting. Neither are we a threat to
American nor we are sending youths for destructions or to embrace
martyrdom in Washington and New York. Whereas the Americans are
involved in aggressions and destructions with a view to impose its own
politico-economic and strategic agenda in the Muslim World.
Let me suggest the American Congress and its people that withdrew
its troops from Afghanistan and Iraq and stop sending sons to war fronts.
George Bush is struggling to conquer Baghdad and Kabul just for Iran
and Russia, for which both the countries are spending a lot. Dont attach
its interests with wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. Dont Bush for waging war
on terror. Occupants of White House must review its policies towards Islam
and Muslim and dont consider it a threat.
He was asked that certain elements believe that you are still in close
contacts with Pakistan through Jamaat Islami and ISI. There is no
truth in this impression. It is propaganda, just spread by American CIA.
The ISI is a government entity in Pakistan and affiliated with its armed
forces. Who ever governing Pakistan and leading the armed forces, this
entity is bound to obey him. The friends of government and Chief of Army
Staff will be treated as friends whereas its enemy will be dealt as enemy
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Now the ISI stopped assisting the Kashmiri Mujahideen. Mujahideens

offices closed in Pakistan. And how it is possible for Pakistan to help Afghan
Mujahideen?
Taliban have captured certain parts and parcels in Helmand, Zabul
and Nimroz. Why Hizbe Islami is behind in such achievements? We didnt
consider fighting for capturing beneficial at this crucial stage. We prefer
fighting guerrilla warfare and building up pressure against the enemies We
are avoiding direct fighting and clashes with enemies. We believe in
surprising attacks against the enemies.
Mulla Dadullah in his interviews and statements, little before his
assassination has opposed reconciliation between Hizbe Islami and Taliban.
What is your reaction? I didnt believe that Mullah Dadullah had made
such statements against Hizbe Islami or me. Neither had I said anything
against Taliban nor Hizbe Islami become hurdle before Taliban.
Maulana Sami-ul-Haq was interviewed by Imtiaz Ali for Asia Times.
Sami said: The US attack on Afghanistan was a clear act of aggression and
terrorism. But when someone rises up against US aggression, then he is
called a terrorist. It is strange and illogical philosophy When Russia left,
the United States committed the same aggression. So, the situation is the
same. One infidel force replaced another. No difference at all. Whether it
is Russia or America, it is a jihad.
The Taliban are not that organized. They are living in caves. They
lack proper communication and logistic systems, and that is why they do not
want new recruits. The Afghans themselves have risen up and they are
fighting against Americans and NATO forces.
It is neither a Pashtun uprising or a Persian one, or a Sunni uprising
or a Shiite one. In fact, the Afghan nation has risen up against the invaders
the United States and its allies. It is a war of independence. After the fall of
the Taliban regime, the Afghan people remained quiescent for two years to
see if any positive change would come into their lives. But they did not see
anything that was promised to them at the time of the collapsing Taliban
regime and that is why they started this revolt against the occupation forces.
We have nothing to do with Islam of Karzai. It is not our business to
issue a decree about him being Muslim or non-Muslim. We just want an
end to the suffering of the Afghan people. We ask the current Afghan

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rulers to start negotiations with the Taliban and other jihadi forces to pave
the way for a durable peace in the war-torn country.
We say that there should be no foreign interference in Afghanistan,
and the Afghans themselves should come up with a solution. All the factions
the leaders, the Taliban, the jihadi forces should come forward and work
together for peace. They should decide their fate in the absence of foreign
interference About Pakistans plan to fence the border, he said: I
oppose this plan because the Pashtun nation on both sides of the border
shares cultural, racial and religious values. Their lives are intertwined. They
are all Muslims.
The (suicide) bombers would not ask us to confirm whether it is
fair or unfair. It is better you ask this question to the suicide bombers,
whose family members have been killed and houses have been bombed.
They themselves decide what they had to do.
They are young and emotional Muslims. When they see that their
leaders have surrendered to the United States and its allies, then they do not
see any other way except for the option of suicide bombing. Among them
are students of modern universities who see how the Western powers are
destroying Muslims around the world.
Look, if you kick a sleeping man, he will not only wake but will also
resist. So, yes, suicide bombing is an awakening. Tell me, where did the
concept of suicide bombing in Pakistan come from? We had not heard
about any suicide bombings in the more than two decades of the Afghan
conflict. But this is a new and unbeatable discovery which some Muslim
youth have found as an answer to the cruelties and damages being inflicted
on the Muslim Ummah.
After the killing of some German soldiers, Rahimullah Yusufzai
discussed Germanys Afghan dilemma. Visiting Germany these days and
meeting German politicians, military officers, scholars, journalists and
commoners has provided one a glimpse of the divided opinion of this
nation on deployment of its soldiers in a far away land like Afghanistan.
Opinion polls show that 60 percent of the population in Germany wants
German troops to be pulled out of Afghanistan. Leaders of political parties in
power or those in opposition in Germanys lively and highly competitive
democratic system cannot ignore public opinion while taking important
decisions. The recent deaths of three German soldiers in a suicide bombing
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attack in Kunduz province in the relatively peaceful northern Afghanistan

and the growing Afghan civilian casualties resulting from the excessive use
of force and air strikes by US and NATO warplanes has prompted many
more Germans to question the purpose and utility of their countrys military
mission there. The sensitivity of the issue could be gauged from the fact that
even the stable coalition government of the two largest political parties
including the SDP, or Social Democrats, has separately seek vote and
mandate from the German parliament every six months on continued
deployment of Tornado planes and troops for the ISAF and Operation
Enduring Freedom missions.
Pakistan too arouses concern in Germany due to the rise in
militancy spreading out from our tribal areas to the settled districts in
NWFP and beyond and its fallout on neighbouring Afghanistan. The
political instability in Pakistan has prompted the German establishment to
consider the implications it would have for the region, particularly
Afghanistan on account of its status as a country with high stakes for the
West. However, the German urge for the ascendance of democratic forces in
Pakistan is tempered by the realization that the West would still be required
to do business with the all-powerful Pakistani military.
The presence of their troops in distant and dangerous
Afghanistan is impacting politics in a significant way in a host of
countries ranging from Germany to the Netherlands and Italy to Canada.
Death of soldiers in Afghanistan is making Western governments
unpopular In such difficult circumstances, Germany would have to make
intelligent choices regarding its military mission in Afghanistan. It would
have to take a stand that takes into account the wishes of the German people
and at the same time appeases the US and its NATO partners.
The News urged the occupation forces to give withdrawal timetable.
Despite moves in the United States for the complete withdrawal of
American troops from Iraq by next year, the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization is still reluctant to give dates or timetable for a pullout
from Afghanistan. On his visit to Pakistan this week NATO secretarygeneral Jaap de Hoop Scheffer explained the reason why. Speaking in
Islamabad on Tuesday, Mr Scheffer said that NATO troops were deployed
for peace and stability in Afghanistan, and for the reconstruction of that
devastated country, and therefore it would take long time for the
organization and its International Security Assistance Force to leave. The

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reconstruction objective is so laudable that it can be difficult to argue against

NATOs role in Afghanistan.
However, open-ended NATOs presence in Afghanistan would
mean that Pakistan is to remain tied to it for an indefinite period, and
that is too frightening a prospect even to be considered by Islamabad. As it
is, Pakistan has gained little from its collaboration with the United States in
the war on terror, except for verbal appreciation from Washington and
NATO officials. Pakistan has raised by 10,000 the number of its troops along
the border to guard against infiltration into Afghanistan and the first phase of
its partial fencing of the border with that country has just been completed.
But it remains to be seen whether US-Afghan charges that it is not doing
enough will stop. NATO must come up with a withdrawal time table in
the interests of Afghanistan and Pakistan, and for its own credibility.
Rahimullah Yusufzai also discussed activism of lawmakers. After
some frustrating years, Afghanistans lawmakers have started asserting
themselves. Recently, they used their constitutional powers to force two
ministers to quit due to poor performance. The move sent a strong message
to other cabinet members to pull up and do a better job.
The president is now trying to save Mr Spanta and has sought the
Supreme Courts intervention in the matter. His plea is that the issue of
allegedly forced repatriation of Afghan refugees from Iran that angered the
lawmakers and provoked them to move a no-confidence motion against the
foreign minister was not directly related to his ministrys work.
The other minister who lost his job as a result of the lawmakers
activism was Mohammad Akbar. He was the minister for refugees
repatriation and welfare. President Karzai didnt challenge his removal in the
Supreme Court because there was a feeling that he didnt do enough to
look after the needs of Afghan refugees who were deported from Iran
and were stranded in Afghanistans Farah province after crossing the
border.
A damaging fallout of the parliamentary no-trust move against
Foreign Minister Spanta and Refugees minister Akbar was the insertion of
misgivings into the hitherto normal and almost problem-free relations
between Afghanistan and Iran In recent years Tehran was able to have
proper and mutually beneficial ties with the government of President Karzai

660

despite the fact that he was installed by the US, which is and has been an
arch-foe of Iran.
However, Kabuls relations with Tehran encountered problems
due to a growing trust deficit in the wake of Irans decision to forcibly
repatriate unregistered Afghan refugees staying illegally in Iran and Mr
Spantas outburst against the Iranian government in the National Assembly
while trying to save his job as foreign minister. Iran had every right to ask
Afghan refugees to leave after having been given them opportunities to
register themselves for legalizing their stay.
Mr Spantas accusations against Iran were unexpected. He
claimed to have earned Irans ire by refusing to accept pressure from Tehran
on the question of the share of the two countries from the waters of River
Helmand. Another point on which he claimed to have differed with Tehran
was the latters wish for closer cooperation between the security forces of
Afghanistan and Iran. It is strange for a foreign minister to publicly voice
complaints of such a sensitive nature. It is also difficult to believe that Iran
would have attempted to put pressure on a foreign minister in such a crude
manner and expected him to do the needful without consulting the other
segments of the Afghan government.
It hasnt been easy for Kabul and Tehran to maintain friendly
relations due to the hostility between Iran and the US. Already, US
military commanders have been alleging that Iranian arms were found in
Afghanistan. The US and its Western allies are also critical of Iran for
allegedly destabilizing Iraq. All this is bringing the Kabul-Tehran ties under
strain though there isnt frequent public display of their disagreements the
way it happens in case of Afghanistan and Pakistan.
The no-trust move in Afghanistans Wolesi Jirga, or National
Assembly, against Foreign Minister Spanta may have caused some friction
in Kabuls ties with Tehran but it has certainly been good for the
nascent Afghan democracy. The Afghan lawmakers were able to make two
of their ministers accountable and force both of them to quit their jobs.
The Afghan lawmakers would feel they have something better to do
than making rounds of ministries and departments in Kabul and in the
provinces seeking favours for themselves and their voters. A more
responsive parliament would also take into account the wishes of
Afghan people, who are facing growing problems of insecurity and
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economic hardships as a result of a fast-spreading Taliban-led insurgency

against US-led coalition forces and the increasingly unpopular Karzai
government.
Vaseem Jafarey felt the need for joint Pak-Afghan effort for
stabilization of the occupied country. Currently a UN-backed strategy is
being implemented to stabilize Afghanistan and establish a western model
democratic state. Despite being broad-based and enjoying international
support, the plan has run into serious difficulties. It is perhaps doomed to
failure, unless substantially modified. The Afghans dislike external
intervention in their domestic affairs and hate the presence of foreign
soldiers on their soil. Even if the Taliban insurgency can be crushed totally,
the military operations may have created a reservoir of hatred which will
erupt sooner or later and wipe out all gains.
Pakistan, with its greater resources and size, must lead in forging
a common front. As an immediate measure, Pakistan must stop the forced
expulsion of Afghan refugees. We are tarnishing a long and honourable
record of hospitality to a truly oppressed people.
The two countries must make an effort to secure a reduction in
the foreign military component and its ultimate phase out. Aggressive
military action which cause heavy civilian casualties do more harm than
good for the common cause of restoring stability in Afghanistan and should
stop.
Every effort should be made to securing the agreement and support of
tribal leaders. Given Afghanistans topography and traditions, the consent of
tribal leaders is essential to secure the support of the Afghan people. The
basis of agreement should be that there will be no interference with local
autonomy but the tribal councils must ensure that no activities prejudicial to
other areas or foreign countries would be permitted.
There should be no effort to impose a western political mode on
the Afghans. They enjoyed decades of stability under a monarchical system
where the king was a symbol of national identity and unity, central control
was relaxed and maximum local autonomy was allowed The Afghan
preference for local autonomy and aversion to strong central control should
be respected.

662

It will be impossible to eliminate the Taliban physically. The

endeavour should be to bring them under control through tribal
discipline and strict enforcement of laws. the other hand, the threat of a
religious dictatorship, posed by Faqir of Ipi faded away because of the
strength of the tribal system and the old style political management by

government.

CONCLUSION
There is no doubt that the resistance of Taliban has transformed into
Pashtun movement against the illegal and immoral occupation of their
homeland. In fact, it has been so right from the beginning because of the
sidelining of the Pashtuns.
The refusal of the occupation forces to have direct dialogue with
terrorists and their strategy to bleed Taliban to submission have proved
counter-productive. It has strengthened Pashtuns desire to fight for the
liberation of their country, despite inadequacies of the resources.
The strategy of the Crusaders applied against the Pashtuns has created
a serious problem for Pakistan. Musharraf, despite being an ally of the
Crusaders, cannot risk adopting the same strategy against Pashtuns living in
the tribal areas; thus he is losing trust of his masters.
16th July 2007

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HELMET vs WIG
ROUND X PART III
After Aitzaz Ahsans marathon sessions of arguments in favour of
CJPs petition, the counsels of the federation were left little room for legal
manoeuvrings. The Full Court also stressed upon the counsels to wind up the
arguments which indicated that the judges had made up their mind on the
issues raised in petition.
On twentieth day of July, 2007, ten out of the thirteen judges
announced well played Helmet; Wig is the winner. This marked the end of
the bout that began on 9th March. The decision was a much needed coursecorrection for a nation that has been left wandering for more than half a
century.
The moment news of the verdict to restore the CJP came out of the
court-room, the lawyers chanted: Go Musharraf Go! Go Musharraf Go!
This was a declaration of another bout; this time between men in black coats
and the man in khakis.
While the regime was still in search of a number doe goat (scapegoat)
for Jhatka, the CJP before leaving his residence for the first working day
after restoration, found a genuine goat for slaughtering as sadqa.

EVENTS
On 28th June, the counsel of federal government placed the entire
material relating to the reference against the CJP before the full bench and
assured the bench that it would not object if the full court adjudged the
reference. This was in response to Aitzazs argument that the court has three
options before it.
Justice Ramday observed that there was a catch inherent in the
statement made by the government lawyer, explaining that if the full court
took up the reference, the entire situation would revert back to that of March
9 when there was no restraining order against the chief justice, no reference
had been filed against the CJP and he had not been sent on forced leave. He
added, this offer should have come three months ago.

664

Another reference against the CJP is ready, announced Wasi Zafar.

The National Public Safety Commission expressed concern over lenient
response of its chairman Interior Minister Aftab Ahmed Khan Sherpao to the
bloodbath in Karachi on May 12. Lawyers observed Thursday boycott of
courts. They also slammed the regime over relief efforts in storm-hit areas.
On 29th June, the Supreme Court ordered the police to submit KafilaShahid Jamil case by 3rd July. The court also asked for the medical report of
the former minister of state. President of SHCBA, Abrar Hassan, expressed
optimism about the ongoing movement launched by the lawyers.
After a meeting with delegation of MMA the Chief Election
Commissioner said that it was inappropriate for the president to address
public meetings that were political in nature. Qazi Hussain Ahmed had
expressed serious concern over voters lists and complicated procedure
adopted for preparation of the lists.
On 1st July, the election commission officials observed that reference
against Imran Khan is a unique and unprecedented development. Minister
Muhammad Ali Durrani criticized the opposition parties for holding APC in
London at a time when the country was facing a natural calamity.
Agreeing to the statement of the chief election commissioner
regarding the participation of President Musharraf in political gatherings,
Tariq Azeem said that as a symbol of the federation, President should not
seek public support for any specific party. The minister came out with a
cunning counter-move saying that President would address PPP and MMA
gatherings if invited; use him as public support generator.
On 2nd July, Aitzaz Ahsan brought to the notice of the full bench that a
statement filed by the lawyers of the Federation, on June 28, is an effort to
malign judges of the apex court as some of the documents submitted include
naked abuses to the judges. Taking notice of it the Full Court:
Banned intelligence agencies personnel entering superior courts of
the country. Registrars of respective courts were ordered to ensure
implementation personally.
DG Intelligence Bureau was ordered to inspect premises of the apex
court and residences of the judges regarding bugging instruments/
devices and submit affidavit of their non-existence within one week.

665

 Issued notices to the law secretary and advocate on record for

submitting scandalous documents. The licence of the Advocate on
Record was suspended.
Imposed Rs 100,000 fine on the Federation and this amount would be
sent for the benefit of the flood victims of Baluchistan.
The government tendered apology and withdrew the said documents.
Malik Qayyum said he could not read the documents as they were filed
urgently. Justice Ramday said you took a risk to please your client and you
have to face the consequences. Pirzada said that he had no knowledge of the
document.
Ansar Abbasi reported that heads may roll as the latest government
bloomer shook the Full Court and has caused monumental embarrassment to
the presidency and badly exposed the authors of the reference filed against
the top judge. Law Secretary, Justice Mansoor Ahmad, who was issued a
show-cause notice by the Full Court, was likely to be the first in the firing
line. He was among the authors of the reference.
Malik Qayyum continued his arguments on 3 rd July and termed the
SJC a competent forum to remove a judge including the chief justice. During
the proceedings Justice Ramday remarked that the executive always made
judges to accept its orders by means of force. Commenting on the filing of
scandalous material in the court the British media observed that Musharraf
was losing the battle.
Prime Minister directed government agencies to step up relief efforts.
Punjab was specially asked to play major role. Most of the affected people
faced epidemic threat primarily due to the shortage of drinking water. Prime
Minister called of his visit to Netherlands.
Next day, the counsel of the federation Malik Abdul Qayyum
informed the Full Court that opinion of the president under various articles
of the Constitution was opinion of the prime minister. He was arguing on
opinion formation for sending a reference against a judge. Three-member
Supreme Court bench was informed by the government that six more
missing persons had been traced out. Sindh High Court issued notices to the
government and PEMRA.

666

On 5th July, Justice Ramday said that the historic case would have
historic judgment. The counsel of federation continued his arguments and at
one stage he said that he knew that there was a heavy burden on the
members of the court. Justice Javed Buttar said there was no burden on them
and they would give a short judgment in any case.
Next day, The Supreme Court issued notice to the attorney general to
appear before the court in connection with hearing of a petition challenging
appointment of Acting Chief Justice. Political leaders started arriving in
London for APC. The leading British newspaper, Times, urged Musharraf to
choose between Benazir and martial law.
The leaders representing 37 political parties assembled in London on
7 July to work out joint strategy to foil Musharrafs plan for re-election by
the present assemblies and end military rule in Pakistan. The participants
agreed for joint resignations but PPP remained reluctant. Benazir preferred
to stay away from the conference.
th

Maulana Fazlur Rahman urged the participants of the conference to

distance themselves from the lawyers movement for independence of
judiciary in Pakistan. He alleged that the CJP is interested only in his
reinstatement and Maulana asked what they would do if the CJP strikes a
deal with the government.
Imran asked the participants to declare MQM a fascist party.
Majority of the participants proposed that in future no alliance should be
formed with terrorist party of MQM. The leaders of MQM resented
unwarranted criticism of their party.
On 8th July, the leaders of 37 political parties agreed to resist
Musharrafs attempt for re-election by the present assemblies. All parties
except PPP agreed on resignations. The two-day conference resolved:
To work for free and fair general elections under caretaker
government sans Musharraf; independent election commission; and
the local governments dissolved three months before polls.
To restore the Constitution in its post October 1999 state and end of
military rule in the country.

667

 To file a petition in the Supreme Court over Karachi carnage against

Musharraf, Altaf, Ishrat and MQM and not to form coalition with the
fascist party in future.
To seek resolution of Kashmir dispute under UN Resolutions in
accordance with the wishes of Kashmiris.
The participants demanded withdrawal of reference against the CJP;
end of operations in Waziristan and Baluchistan; release of political
prisoners; condemned killing of Akbar Bugti; opposed construction of GHQ
in Islamabad; and sought return of all exiled leaders.
Munir A Malik said legal fraternity would not accept a verdict on
CJPs petition given under pressure of the army. He said, the chief justice is
peoples chief justice. If they dont agree with me then they should punish
me for contempt of court.
Maj Khalid Bilal, who signed his affidavit against the CJP on
March 8 but talked of the events that unfolded in the weeks to come, was to
be appointed as press attach to the countrys mission in Kuala Lumpur.
What a reward for perjury!
The Supreme Court gave more time to IB to remove bugging devices.
The Full Court expressed anger over Munir A Maliks threat to burn the top
court if it gave a verdict against the CJP. Aitzaz tendered apology before the
court on behalf of Munir.
PPP issued a dissenting note on London declaration regarding the reelection of Musharraf. APC leaders agreed to hold more talks in London.
PPP-S and PML leaders termed London APC as a flop show.
On 10th July, Justice Ramday observed that when not even a single
penny could be reduced in the salary of a judge without amending the
Constitution, then how a judge could be suspended. IB started inspection of
the Supreme Court building as directed by the Full Court.
Next day, Justice Ramday ordered the counsels of both sides to
complete their arguments by 19th July. In London, all opposition parties sans
PPP formed alliance. It was nothing more than an attempt to make up for the
failure of APC.

668

On 12th July, Aitzaz said that he would definitely call the referring
authority, President and Prime Minister, to the witness box for cross
examination. Law secretary tendered apology to the Full Court for filing
scandalous documents along with the presidential reference. The Supreme
Court stopped privatization process of PSO.
Rauf Klasra reported that Benazir was informed by a top level mole
in the Election Commission about 30 million voters missing from the lists.
She further disclosed that the same source also leaked that now the job of
manipulating the new lists was being supervised by a close relative of
Pervaiz Elahi from a secret cell operating in a house located in F-8 Sector.
Benazir warned Nawaz of unfaithful MMA. EU body pressed for
democracy in Pakistan.
On 13th July, the Supreme Court dismissed a petition on appointment
of non-Muslim as Acting Chief Justice. Next day, the CJP received rousing
welcome from lawyers and workers of political parties when he arrived in
Lahore by air. Injustice leads to anarchy, violence and destruction, said CJP
while addressing Lahore Bar Association on 15th July.
Next day, the counsel of the federation withdrew two paragraphs of
the presidential reference. Aitzaz objected by saying that the reference can
only be withdrawn not amended at this belated stage. The retraction was
seen as a design to elude displeasure of four judges. The address of the CJP
to Quetta District Bar was postponed. Hearing of reference against Imran
was postponed to 25th July. Imrans PTI unveiled a white paper on MQM.
On 17th July, Justice Ramday put a flurry of questions to AGP
Makhdoom Ali Khan who failed to answer. Who convened the meeting of
the Supreme Judicial Council on 9th March? What type of this meeting was?
What was the emergency? Then who would tell us who convened the
meeting? I cannot understand why the Supreme Judicial became party to the
petition. He observed that the restraint order was passed in haste with a
single line order.
Next day, Shariffudin Pirzada completed his arguments during which
he highlighted Islamic concepts of the head of the state and accountability.
Justice Ramday remarked that everybody is equal in the eyes of law. In the
case of missing persons Deputy Attorney General informed the bench that
five more persons have been traced out and released.

669

Musharraf while addressing the newspaper editors declared that no

emergency would be imposed and he would contest re-election in uniform.
Lawyers held country-wide protest against bomb blast in Islamabad; blamed
the government for targeting the CJP.
On 19th July in the last round of arguments, Aitzaz termed the
presidential reference as mother of all evils. The counsel for the CJP
requested for half an hour more but the court adjourned directing the counsel
to wind up his arguments in 45 minutes next day.
President summoned the governors and chief ministers to Islamabad;
observers linked it to possible Full Court decision on 20 th July. Reportedly,
PPP assured Musharraf that it would not create hurdles if the Musharraf
attempts re-election from present assemblies.
On 20th July, the Supreme Court in historic and unprecedented
decision showed the spine against the brave commando ruling the country
unlawfully. The court restored Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry; set
aside presidential reference and declared ACJs appointment illegal.
Jubilation surrounded the Supreme Court building; lawyers bowed
down to thank God; and termed the decision historic. Aitzaz said the CJP has
been restored with peoples support. Munir A Malik termed it as completion
of only first phase of their movement.
Ex-Supreme Court Registrar took charge again. Public reaction could
be gauged from the fact that SMS messages and calls choked
telecommunication networks. Opposition parties viewed the decision as the
burial of Doctrine of Necessity.
Pirzada refused to comment on the verdict. As lawyers jubilated some
witnesses against the CJP prayed in Makkah and Madina; others simply
disappeared with their phones switched off. No one reported that did
Musharraf cry over Allah not listening to prayers of a man who had been
inside His house several times?
The US hailed reinstatement of the CJP. President and Prime Minister
accepted the verdict; even Munafiq-e-Azam did the same in his message
from London. No heads will roll in the wake of courts decision, said
Sherpao. Wasi Zafar denied that he ever talked of second reference. Sheikh
Rashid urged for moving on.

670

Text of the historic short order: For detailed reasons to be recorded

later, the following issues arising out of this petition are decided as under:
(I) Maintainability of COP No 21 of 2007 filed under Article 184(3)
of the Constitution, the petition is unanimously declared to be
maintainable.
(II) Validity of the direction (the reference) issued by the president
under Article 209(5) of the Constitution. By a majority of 10 to 3
(Justice Faqir Muhammad Khokhar, Justice M Javed Buttar and
Justice Saiyed Saeed Ashhad, dissenting), the said direction (the
reference) in question dated March 9, 2007, for separate reasons to be
recorded by the honourable judges so desiring, is set aside.
(III) Vires of judges (compulsory leave) order being Presidents Order
No 27 of 1970 and the consequent validity of the order dated
15.3.2007 passed by the President directing that the CJP shall be on
leave. The said Presidents Order No 27 of 1970 is unanimously
declared as ultra vires of the Constitution and consequently the said
order of the President dated 15.3.2007is also unanimously declared to
have been passed without lawful authority.
(IV) Validity of the order of the president dated 9.3.2007 and of the
same date of the Supreme Judicial Council restraining the CJP from
acting as a judge of the Supreme Court and/or Chief Justice of
Pakistan. Both these orders are, unanimously, set aside as being
illegal. However, since according to the minority view on the question
of validity of the direction (the reference) in question, the said
reference had been completely filed by the president, therefore, this
court could pass a restraining order under Article 184(3) read with
Article 187 of the Constitution.
(V) Validity of the appointment of the honourable chief justice of
Pakistan in view of the annulment of the two restraining orders and
the compulsory leave order in respect of the CJP. The appointments in
question of the honourable chief justice of Pakistan vide notification
dated 22.3.2007 are, unanimously, declared to have been made
without lawful authority. However, this invalidity shall not affect the
ordinary working of the Supreme Court or the discharge of any other
constitutional and/or legal obligations by the honourable acting chief

671

justice of Pakistan during the period in question and this declaration is

so made by applying the de-facto doctrine.
(VI) Accountability of the honble Chief Justice of Pakistan. It has
never been anybodys case before us that the Chief Justice of Pakistan
was not accountable the same issue therefore, does not require any
adjudication. All other legal and constitutional issues raised before us
shall be answered in due course through the detailed
judgment/judgments to follow.
By majority of 10 to 3 (Justice Faqir Muhammad Khokar, Justice M
Javed Buttar and Justice Saiyed Saeed Ashhad dissenting), this Constitution
Original Petition No 21 of 2007 filed by Mr Justice Iftikhar Mohammad
Chaudhry, the Chief Justice of Pakistan, is allowed as a result whereof the
above-mentioned direction (the Reference) of the President dated March 9,
2007 is set aside. As a further consequence thereof, the petitioner CJP shall
be deemed to beholding the said office and shall always be deemed to have
been so holding the same.
The other connected petitions shall be listed before the appropriate
benches, in due course, for their disposal in accordance with law.
Islamabad, the 20th July, 2007.

VIEWS
The verdict of the court was widely hailed and the people expected
more of the same to follow. Faisal Mehmood from Karachi said: This is a
victory not only for the CJ, the lawyers and the judiciary it also clearly
shows the nations demand for a democratic system that needs to be
restored. Let this be salvation for those in trouble and at long last a step in
the right direction, which will be followed by another.
More of the comments on the verdict will follow in days to come, but
herein views of the people before the short order of the court are
enumerated. Zoha Waseem from London wrote: What Pakistan needs are
more men like the chief justice who can stand up against injustice, for
his rights and for the rights of the judiciary. What we need are more people
like the lawyers who have recognized what theyre standing up for and

672

against. Desmond Tutu once stated that if you are neutral in times of
injustice, you have chosen the side of the oppressor. What side has most of
the Pakistani youth selected?
Who is to stand up against injustice when tragic incidents put our
patience and loyalty to test? What are we contributing towards our country
as a human race? What characterizes the human race? In his novel,
Shantaram, Gregory David Roberts writes: It isnt cruelty or shame that
characterizes the human race. Its forgiveness that makes us what we
are.
Khawja Shamas from Lahore had an advice for the army. An army
gains or loses its respect on the battlefield. It is an arm of the government
and should be subservient to the houses of parliament and, therefore, to the
people of Pakistan.
As far as I know, being a soldier is a profession just like any other.
Everyone who is in the army joined it voluntarily and is paid for his duties.
Being a soldier does not consecrate one; the Pakistan Army must learn to
take criticism. By refusing to leave the political arena, the army is only
increasing its hostility against people of Pakistan. It must abdicate power to
the people immediately and unconditionally.
M Sharif Hafiz from Virginia advocated the rule of law. In the long
history of military in Pakistan, the first judge who stood up boldly not to
bend under pressure is being supported everywhere in the country, which is
indicative of the public hunger for justice under law.
Now other judges are beginning to show courage in practicing
the rule of law without probable undue influence by the power-to-be. All
this bodes well for the future of Pakistan as a free, independent, and lawful
country.
The military has held too much power, and for too long, whatever
being the perceived and proclaimed reasons. Now in the 21 st century, we
must strive for a politically elected civilian rule, no matter how imperfect it
may be during its evolutionary period.
The concept of freedom of choice, freedom of expression and the
freedom for electing the ruling leaders of the people must be nurtured in
the minds of the people. That it is the people who must exercise this power

673

to freely elect their rulers, not rulers who may impose themselves as rulers;
whoever they are, civilian or military.
It is in the best interest of the people of this country that the rule of
law under the Constitution must be upheld; the struggle to win this right
must be won with the support of all law-abiding people who want fair and
just rule of law for all the ruled, and the rulers alike.
Dr Jaffer Kapadia from Virginia feared that Musharraf could resort to
extra constitutional measures. Since the start of the judicial crisis on 9
March, a vast majority of bewildered citizens are watching the infighting
with bated breath. On one side is the man in uniform making his deft
military-style manoeuvres to protect his dwindling one-man rule while the
other is the legal community trying to save the honour and dignity of not
only its wronged chief justice but also the judiciary as an institution.
While the army chief fires his missiles in the shape of references
against the chief justice and his lawyers; both have plenty of ammunition of
brawn and brain in their arsenal. To many, it seems the legal arguments will
outlast the missiles but the man with the gun might launch his ultimate
weapon of mass destruction of emergency rule of law.
Shams Zaheer Abbas from Lahore criticized the lawyers. Ever since
March 9 lawyers and judges of the subordinate courts are either on strike on
a particular day or the courts are not operating because of strike appeals
There seems to be no end in sight. Because of these strikes and the general
apathy of judges and lawyers, the public is suffering. Why are people so
irrelevant when calls for these never-ending strikes are made?
I appeal to judges, lawyers and political parties not to stop work. If
they must strike, they should do it on a Sunday or a public holiday. People
have to travel long distances to get to the courts just to learn that the judges
have postponed the case. Many cannot afford it. There should be some sane
reason to the number of postponements.
Fighting for an independent judiciary is worthwhile only if the
people have the confidence that the people running the system are
sensitive to the needs of the people. Otherwise it may simply seem to be yet
another power play for the benefit of a few and not the aggrieved public.

674

Lawyers movement for constitutional rule had an obvious but

desirable effect in terms of ending the political stagnation. Politicking has
now been geared up to an extent that the Musharraf regime is finding it
difficult to ignore the demand for restoration of genuine democracy.
Musharrafs stooges in the government have been indulging in many
indecent acts; reference against Imran is one of them. Naeem Sadiq from
Karachi commented: One must give due credit to the pious MQM for
having realized that Imran Khan does not possess the impeccable character
that their own leadership is endowed with such abundance. While this
discovery may not fetch a Nobel for early character detection capability
(ECDC), it would long be remembered for raising pettiness to new
heights.
There is little doubt that we could have witnessed our first virtual
parliament, had the Election Commission bothered to correctly scrutinize the
numerous fake degree holders and loan defaulters during the 2002 general
elections. The newspapers have repeatedly mentioned the names of over
five-dozen parliamentarians including a minister of state who possess fake
and illegal degrees. Many, including a sitting minister of state, were
subsequently confirmed by the HEC as possessing fake degrees the
Election Commission should publicly publish the police, criminal, bank
loan, education and tax records of all candidates before they are declared
elected.
Publication of incomplete voters lists was part of the pre-poll rigging.
Pir Shabbir Ahmad from Islamabad was of the view that the government
needs to address the issue immediately as no logical explanation has so far
been forthcoming from the Election Commission for the missing 20 million
voters and this isnt a small number by any standard. The governments
inability to address such a serious issue has already caused a serious dent
to its credibility to hold fair and transparent elections; hence the urgency
to sort out the problem on a most urgent basis.
One fails to understand why NADRAs database is not being used
to update the voters list as this would not only help greatly in preparing a
credible voters list but also put fears of various political parties to rest. Of
course as usual no heads will roll and no one will be held accountable,
notwithstanding the severity of the blunder.

675

Mrs Shah from Islamabad wrote: One cannot put all the
responsibility on the election commission as to why and how these votes
were deleted. The people of Pakistan are not interested to register as
voters, they are not happy with the performance of the political parties and
their politicians.
Opposition parties gathered in London to form a common front to end
Musharrafs rule but they failed in putting up an impressive show mainly
because of PPPs focus on a secret deal with Musharraf. Naveed Abdul Bari
from Islamabad wrote: Watching the two day all-parties conference in
London one is compelled to think how hypocritical they can be to forget old
bitter enmity among themselves and join hands for a common cause, i.e. to
grab power We all thought that apart from all the follies of Benazirs two
tenures, one thing that made her stand out among other leaders was her
struggle against military dictatorship, but what of these rumours about a
deal?
Farrukh Shahzad from Islamabad observed: The APC held in London
has clearly sounded the stance of the PPP regarding re-election of General
Musharraf from these current assemblies. It was not unexpected because it
was evident that the PPP would not resign from the assemblies at the
presidents election but some quarters were hopeful that Pakistan Peoples
Party would join the struggle with them to mount pressure on General
Musharraf to resign and set up an interim government of consensus to ensure
the upcoming elections are fair, free and impartial. Unfortunately, all their
hopes and expectations were dashed to the ground when the PPP
strongly rejected the proposal of quitting the assemblies if General
Musharraf attempts to get himself re-elect as president for the next five year
term from the incumbent assemblies. In fact, their stay in the assemblies
would lend his (presidents) elections credibility.
Before the APC, the PPP leaders were refuting the impression of any
back channel diplomacy with the government and insisted that they were
working for the restoration of true democracy and would abide by the
Charter of Democracy. PML-N the main coalition partner was also kept in
the dark and the PPP were mending fences with coup makers, which was
a betrayal of the charter.
Ms Bhutto has forgotten the struggle of her father Zulfikar Ali
Bhutto who did not surrender against dictatorship and sacrificed himself.
The only difference between Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and his daughter is that he
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always kept his partys interest paramount but Benazir is more concerned
with her own vested interests. She is under trial in many cases and wants a
safe exit from these cases.
Nusrat Bokhari from Rawalpindi wrote: The thought that General
Musharraf just might be re-elected by the outgoing lame duck
parliament haunts many thinking Pakistanis at this moment. That our
perpetual prime minister-in-waiting, Ms Bhutto might connive (if she hasnt
already) to share the joyride with him is even more horrifying. Both
possibilities are rather high on the cards.
Ms Bhutto has been booted out of the All Parties Alliance because of
her consistent failure to take a stand against the illegal and extra
constitutional disposition that has governed us for the last many years. She
is a natural ideological ally of the General and has always entertained
hopes of being united sooner or later in a dream alliance with him. She has
been courting Musharraf and flirting with the ARD both at the same time.
Now, it seems she has succeeded in wooing the former and the flirtation is
no longer needed. Thus it serves her all the better that the other opposition
parties have chosen to part ways with her.
The General, after having put up a spectacular show of loyalty to
his American masters is now all set to forge a new term in office for
himself. He appeared out of favour with the Americans not too long ago, but
his recent feats must have put him back in their good books. And for all
practical purposes there is nothing anyone can do to stop him from declaring
himself president for whatever number of years he will choose for himself.
Ms Bhutto is the only politician, who has vocally favoured his unquestioning
loyalty towards American interests, not only that, she has promised the
Americans much more, given half a chance. She is the ideal running mate
for the General.
One cannot expect much from the opposition parties given their
state of disorganization and lack of moral courage. In circumstances such
as these our only hope is pinned firmly on the highest court of the country.
The people of Pakistan have withstood enough oppression, deception and
injustice to merit a decision in their favour.
S T Hussain from Lahore observed: The APC was a good gettogether in the UK where the parliamentary form of democracy is actually
functioning it would have been worth it for these leaders to learn from it.
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At least to gain some useful knowledge as politicians; but our politicians

hardly have the capacity to learn the art of the principles of politics.
Bilal Masood from Karachi was quite critical of London APC. No
one is against these meetings provided they are constructive; firstly, this is a
matter that concerns Pakistan so these meetings should be organized in
Pakistan. Any countrys policies cannot be made abroad. Rather than just
blaming the government they should make efforts to form one agenda to
ensure that the upcoming elections are free and fair.
It is an irony that now our politicians are discussing the fate of
Pakistan in foreign lands. They are paying so much money to other countries
for organizing such conferences. One wonders where they generate these
funds from. If they want to discuss future strategies about removing the
government they can do so in Pakistan openly and it doesnt matter that
their top two leaders dont participate in such meetings. After all, in the socalled All Parties Conference Ms Benazir Bhutto did not participate.
It seems the definition of dictatorship has been misinterpreted by
our opposition parties. I dont believe that in a dictatorship anyone can
expect live coverage of such a conference Its hilarious that in such
conferences they say that they want to mobilize Pakistanis against this
dictatorship. Do they think there could be such freedom of speech in a
dictatorship?
It would be better that rather than spending so much money on these
unconstructive meetings in an expensive place like London they should
send this money to help our flood victims It is incumbent upon all
political leaders of Pakistan and Pakistanis to set aside our individual egos
and personal agendas and serve in better and larger interest of our nation.
S A Malik from Islamabad refused to accept that the APC was failure.
Information Minister Muhammad Ali Durrani and PML-Q Chief Chaudhry
Shujaat Hussain claim that the APC held in London has failed to unite the
opposition on any issue. The problem is that two pro-uniform gentlemen
cannot see the reality on the ground because they are wearing the burqa
called uniform. The success of the APC cannot be seen by the ostriches of
this regime; but the APC consensus on prime concerns facing the country is
a remarkable achievement of our political leaders in spite of their differences
on several issues. The APC has proved that politicians can overcome

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difficulties through dialogue which is not understood by those who are drunk
with power.
The media and analysts kept commenting on events in and out of the
full court. The most bizarre incident was documents submitted with the
presidential reference. The News wrote: Whether or not the documents
were intended to be filed, and were as the proceedings of Monday seem to
indicate presented before the Supreme Court inadvertently, it is their
content which should be cause for concern. One of the main criticisms, both
from domestic quarters as well as overseas, is that the governments
intelligence agencies are so powerful and above the law that they are a
defacto state unto themselves. Much of this criticism is well placed and has
a strong basis in fact because the intelligence agencies are not subject to as
they should in any democracy any parliamentary oversight and they act
with such impunity that even attempts by the superior judiciary to rein them
in were often ignored.
The ignominious role of the various intelligence agencies in
manipulating many a past election result is only too well known. This is not
to say that intelligence agencies do not have a role in todays world or that
such things havent happened even in developed countries. Of course they
do have a role and such things have happened even in the torchbearer of
democracy, America, but that should not mean that they have a free hand
to spy on respectable citizens or be used to harass those whom the
government of the day dislikes.
Given the reports of what the documents presented on Monday
contained, the public perception that the government may have played a
dirty game in the ongoing judicial crisis is only going to be reinforced. It
also indicates the extent to which governments will act unfairly and
violate the very laws they are entrusted to uphold in order to gain the
upper hand over their opponents.
Nasim Zehra opined: The judiciary is now beginning to play its
constitutional role. The institution that had created the law of necessity
within the Pakistan power context is now busy attempting to dismantle the
law of necessity and demanding exercise of constitutional authority.
The July 2 Supreme Court judgment is significant. Prompted by
the scandalous of vexatious material filed as part of the presidential
reference against Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry, the Supreme Court has
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issued specific orders on July 2 that the Federation and the intelligence
agencies are obliged to follow. The intelligence agencies are banned from
entering the premises of the Supreme Court and all the high courts of the
country.
An agitated Justice Khalilur Rahman Ramday, referring to the
Federations and the presidents lawyer, said: I dont understand what you
people really want to do and what directives are you receiving. We can even
dismiss the presidential reference under such circumstances.
Significantly, the trend set by the judiciary to seek that all those
exercising power play by the rules seems to be catching on. In an
unprecedented and extremely significant development, the previously
unnoticed chief commissioner has made headlines. On June 30 the CEC
Justice Qazi Muhammad Farooq, said it was not appropriate for the man
holding the countrys top office to address public meetings. In no unclear
terms the CEC finally said what should have been said much earlier. General
Pervez Musharraf must remain above the fray.
Beyond the judges, there are state functionaries who are
questioning the previously nearly unchallenged authority. For example,
the chief conservator of forestshas recently written a letter to the
provincial secretary complaining about the Pakistan Armys allegedly illegal
occupation of over 53 acres of forest land in Burban near Muree. A major
chunk of this has reportedly been used for commercial purposes. The chief
conservator of forests has asked the secretary to request the chief minister of
Punjab to intervene and direct the army authorities to vacate the huge area.
Azam Khalil was of the view that the government has lost its way.
With the situation going from bad to worse politically for the ruling
coalition it desperately needs time to stem or at least slow the downward
slide. However, time was running out and with this the damage kept on
increasing. What was the solution? It was here that the government
might exercise its power and invoke emergency.
Unfortunately, no one from governments side has shown the
wisdom or political acumen to change course that will lead to a political
consensus and coalition among the warring parties. It was time Musharraf
learnt from the journey taken by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto when he traveled from
the governor house to Zaildar Park Ichara to initiate dialogue with the
opposition through Maulana Maudoodi.
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The president is expected to take a string of initiatives that may

rectify the current political deadlock. The entire government seems to be
paralyzed and no one has the capability to move on its own. The president
will have to push and nudge them on to a correct direction.
To begin with the president must review the judicial crisis and
call back the reference even if it means to sacrifice some people to high
office. He may then proceed to form a national government of unity and
thrash out the outstanding and thorny issues regarding the holding of free
and fair elections.
The president must initiate an impartial inquiry and punish
those who were responsible for the Karachi killings, in case MQM is
found involved appropriate action as per law must be taken against them,
including imposition of a ban on the party. On the other hand if Musharraf
decides to get himself elected from the present assembly then the turmoil
and unrest will not go away and it could result in more damage to the
economy of the country.
What happens if some members of the ruling party defect? And
Musharraf falls short of the required number of votes; this would again mean
turmoil and trouble. This can result in long drawn-out battles in the courts of
law and what will happen after that?
All these and other questions need a careful examination and nothing
should be left to chance. These are critical times in the history of this
country, each event having the potential to shape the destiny of the
people. Therefore, it becomes essential that instead of an acrimonious
debate, initiative for national dialogue must be opened that will in the end
satisfy all the parties involved.
Dr Farrukh Saleem humbly submitted an advice to the President. Sir,
Plan A must have been to turn back the clock to March 8. If that could be
done; status quo ante bellum, or as things were before the war, be restored.
If the CJ hadnt been asked to resign. If absolute power can somehow be
sustained. Sir, the problem is that if wishes were fishes wed all have some
fried.
Sir, retaining absolute power has repression written all over it and
repression could mean violence, emergency, martial law, civil disobedience,
blood on the street and red spills on your collar.

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`Sir, getting elected by the current assemblies amounts to

manipulation of popular will. Sir, without referring to ethics and morality,
this could add fuel to the fire already burning out of control. It shall unite the
divided opposition and no one within or outside Pakistan will accept its
legitimacy. Sir, not even Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto withstood the allegation of
manipulating popular will.
Sir, exactly two years ago, a mere 641 miles from Islamabad,
President Askar Akayev of Kyrgyzstan tried to manipulate the popular will
of his people. There was no alternative leader was in sight and opposition to
President Akayev was divided.
Sir, all that the 60 election observers from the Organization for
Security and Cooperation in Europe uttered was ten words: The election fell
short of international standards in many areas.
Sir, the opposition formed a united platform, the police joined
protestors and President Akayev, along with his family, fled by helicopter to
Kazakhstan. Sir, exactly three years ago, there was an attempt to rig the
Ukranian presidential election but Ukraines Supreme Court annulled the
election.
Sir, Plan B, as it now stands, changes the sequencing of elections.
Other elements include: settlement of cases in July, dissolution, a PPPbacked caretaker government, return of Benazir in September, general
elections first, presidential to follow.
Sir, Plan B has five critical ingredients: Benazir, American
guarantees, uncertainty of who makes it to the parliament, sharing of power
and a new COAS. Sir, Plan B is all about a resurrection of troika; the wild
card being SCs decision.
Sir, Benazirs grandfather was the dewan of Junagarh. Sir, are you
really looking forward towards a honeymoon between thoroughbred soldier
and a 3-G politician? Sir, Plan B has too many moving parts, too many
shrapnel pellets for our agencies to control.
Sir, Plan C applies only if you are interested in securing a place in
history. Plan C is all about relinquishing all power, not being a presidential
candidate and holding the mother of all elections: free, fair and transparent,

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And, then handing over power to the genuinely elected representatives of the
people.
Sir, Plan C is something that no Pakistani military leader has ever
undertaken. Sir, this is also something that has no equal and no parallel in
the entire Muslim world. Sir, if you are only interested in the present then
Plan C has no relevance for you (then you go back to Plan B).
Kunwar Idris wrote: In the coming few months, the country is faced
with the harrowing prospects of sliding into chaos or passing under
martial law or, euphemistically, the presidents rule backed by the armed
forces. The elements joining hands to force Musharraf out are
heterogeneous. So are the people wishing to see him re-elected in October so
that they could get into the parliament once again riding on his coattails.
The obvious expectation of Musharrafs supporters is that with him
installed in office the outcome of the general elections could be no different
than it was in 2002 or in the by-elections that followed. But they hide
behind the constitutional amendment which requires the president to get
elected before the general elections; knowing fully well that the religious
parties who collaborated with the government to bring about that
amendment would now be too willing to undo it.
The reality that Musharrafs supporters must face is that their election
scheme being farcical would inevitably lead to boycotts and chaos. At the
same time, the harder reality that the parties opposing Musharraf must not
overlook is that even if they are able to dislodge him through agitation
the succeeding dispensation would be even more authoritarian.
Whether the next government is born of manipulated ballot or is
backed by the army, the surge in militancy and extremism is bound to
escalate. It should be a prospect as worrying for the religious groups as for
the mainstream liberal parties or the nationalists on the fringes who are
militants in their own way.
Consider the marauding lashkars operating in the Frontier regions
and their Hafsa-Faridia out-post of 10,000 defiant men and women in
Islamabad. They are eroding the influence of the Islamic political parties as
much as the authority of the government of enlightened moderation.

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Musharraf keeps exhorting the people not to surrender to the

extremists. They havent, he has. The forces that can contain and defeat
the extremists are the liberalsyou name any class other than the clerics.
For seven years, all of them have been on the run, in hiding or, those who
are luckier, sidelined.
Any government emerging from elections fairly conducted with
all voters registered should be able to roll back the tide of extremism
which the yes-men, spies and closet clerics could not in seven years.
Islamabad today would not have been a hostage to a madressah if it did so.
The core of Pakistans politics may be feudal but assuredly it is not
parochial. It is Musharrafs own administration that is riddled with
extremists and their clones.
The talk of elections remains incomplete without the mention of
electoral rolls. Nafisa Shah observed: The condition of an identity card
number for preparation of electoral rolls is against the principles of universal
franchise. It is feared that this condition will lead to a direct or forced
exclusion of more than thirty percent of Pakistani voters, the majority of
who are women, rural voters, young people, minorities and the poor. In my
view, this system of registration has no legal basis.
Consider what might happen if such electoral rolls are
standardized. First, at least thirty percent of the people will be left out of
the voting rights. Second, looking at the previous turnouts of forty percent,
in the final count only about 30 percent of the potential voters will vote in
the forthcoming elections. Since identity cards are easier to make for urban,
male and educated persons, voter registration will be biased against rural,
female and illiterate persons and, in the forthcoming elections, women,
minorities and youths will be virtually disenfranchised by technical design.
Musharraf, instead of listening to the prudent views, initiated a bloody
diversionary move involving the Lal Masjid. Babar Sattar analyzed it in
some detail. True, there is a popular support for the operation (and for good
reason). True, the Musharraf regime had run out of tricks and had no
other option but to act decisively. Equally true, the Lal Masjid crisis need
not have become one. This event, like many others, defines the failings of
our power elite and explains why we are struggling as a nation-state: while
personal and parochial interests of our elites always trump national interest.
The Lal Masjid imbroglio was allowed to simmer because it was helping the
Musharraf regime. (And this is not the standard wag-the-dog conspiracy
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theory that the general initiated the operation to divert attention from the
judicial crisis or the All Parties moot in London). The timing of the
operation is less consequential than the six-month history of the Lal Masjid
movement and the message it has sent out to obscurantist at home and critics
all around.
The crisis helped the general for it made the threat of extremism
more real than it is. The Musharraf regime understood that prolonging the
crisis would on the one hand make international community more hysterical
and on the other garner more popular support for use of force against Lal
Masjid patrons within Pakistan. It accomplished both ends. And now in
resorting to the use of force, it has established that when push comes to
shove, the general doesnt shy away from acting. The Musharraf regime can
gloat temporarily. After all even critics must admit that this is a moment of
respite for beleaguered general. He comes across as saviour to the moderates
in Pakistan and as a dependable ally to the West with a liberal heart and the
required conviction to use force against his own people when needed.
So then is this just criticism for the sake of criticism? In governing, it
is vital to keep an eye out for unintended consequences of actions or lack
thereof. Rule of law was the biggest casualty of the Lal Masjid saga. In a
functional society members must abide by the rules of the game and the state
must preserve such rules. The system has to provide for disagreement,
dissent and change, but a bunch of people just cannot decide to throw
their hands up and begin to function outside the system. That is what Lal
Masjid folks attempted and largely got away with.
What the Musharraf regime doesnt seem to understand is that it has
no discretion to tolerate crime. Crime is different from a private dispute for
in the former the state acts on behalf of the society and cannot exonerate
anyone from criminal liability through extralegal means. Chaudhry Shujaat
cannot be allowed to drop charges of abduction against the Lal Masjid
patrons in his zeal to appease the mullahs. Likewise the Musharraf regime
had no business entertaining Lal Masjid demands that fell outside the
pale of law. Lal Masjid has a right to propagate its views on decency,
vulgarity or a vision for the society, and others have an equal right to
challenge such views and vision. But no one has a right to enforce their
particular view or vision on others against their will.
In the immediate term, the government must build on the momentum
acquired and commence a campaign to rid all madressahs of weapons. There
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is little reason to believe that Lal Masjid was unique in propagating

obscurantism, inciting violence and being armed. The Musharraf regime
must admit that its madressah policy has been an outright failure and
take measures to check incitement and use of violence by madressahs as
legitimate tools of religious activism. But this is simply not a law and order
issue. The cause of moderation could use a rethink and overhaul of our
educational, political and justice systems, apart from developing a societal
consensus on standards of decency and liberalisms that mesh with our
culture.
At the end of the day, enlightenment does not come through posh
mannerism or language skills of unelectable leaders, snazzy billboards and a
few scandalous TV shows, but through effective education that cultivates
thinking individuals. There are no quick fixes here. We have to make a longterm commitment and investment in education. Secondly, people begin to
function outside the system, when the system refuses to empower people or
make adequate provision for change. Violence is empowering, but then so is
democracy. To the extent that democracy is functional and people feel they
control their lives and future, the pull toward violence is greatly diminished.
Equally importantly, people seek justice through private means when they
believe that the state system of justice is either dysfunctional or tipped
against them.
In a subsequent article, he discussed the issue of Khaki immunity.
The Lal Masjid fiasco and the intelligence failure to report and pre-empt the
fortification of arms and extremists in the heart of the capital raises more
disturbing question about the focus, command and capability of our
intelligence agencies. Spy-turned-inward is a grave matter not merely due
to breach of civil rights and liberties of citizens, but also in terms of the
ability of the executive and the military to influence or even undermine the
functioning of other pillars of the state. The nature of our intelligence
agencies points to a larger malice: their belief that they function beyond the
pale of law. This belief is well founded for they are part of the military
establishment that is not answerable to civilian authority.
Military immunity from civilian legal codes and enforcement
agencies however justified as being essential for the morale of the troops.
The argument doesnt really wash. This immunity is really rooted in our
history of martial laws, which have crystallized the parochial dogma that
acts of military personnel, and not just institutional activities, must not be

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mulled over by civilian institutions and authorities. This legal fiction of

separate and stricter legal codes for the military could possibly be of limited
utility in a lost era when the armed forces were supposed to be isolated from
the society in its own cantonments away from the chaos of civilian life.
Pakistan military is extremely conscious of political opinion and
very touchy about being criticized. Criticizing the armed forces is labeled
a profanity and has emerged as a reasonable offence in our country which
deters most sensible people from indulging.
Isnt the age-old counsel against military intervention in politics
based on the logic that (i) military rule is never a panacea for the
multifarious and complicated issues of governance that confront societies,
and (ii) politics is a dirty business likely to undermine military discipline and
image, and the military should thus stay away to avoid getting its
professionalism and reputation tarnished?
There is a disconnect between the theory and practice of the role
of the armed forces in Pakistan, which in turn undermines the integrity of
our brand of legalism. The rule of law cannot be a meaningful concept in a
country if law and constitutional principles are selectively enforced. There is
no scope for misconstruing the militarys job description under Pakistans
Constitution
It is not a guarded secret that none of these constitutional
principles are ever enforced and yet we engage in so-called legal
arguments on whether or not the uniformed general can be elected by the
same assemblies twice in a row!
Pakistan does not need a dual system of legal enforcement. There
is absolutely no reason why the military or any other institution for that
matter should be held out as a holy cow to be guarded against good faith
criticism. The only exception is the judiciary and that too is not meant to
protect the person of the judges but the function of their judicial offices.
No such logic supports prohibiting criticism against the military.
If the rationale is to uphold the writ of the state or the morale of our
guardians, it is more applicable to law enforcement agencies primarily
responsible for internal police functions. But such view would undermine
the whole concept of free speech as a required tool for public accountability
of the exercise of state power.

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As the military establishment is the dominant power-wielder in the

country, it needs to engage in soul-searching and ask some tough questions:
One, is there a rational basis beyond parochial bias to argue that in
expanding the military at the expense of civilian institution lies the future of
Pakistan? Two, does military training and socialization induce contempt for
civilian authority among members of the military corps who come to see
their civilian counterparts as inefficient, disorganized and lacking couth?
We dont need Charles Darwin to tell us that meaningful democracy
will never evolve under the shadows of military rule. Pakistan needs to
readjust its civil-military imbalance on an urgent basis. Transfer of power
from the military to civilian institutions does not have to be seen as a zerosum game for the future of all citizens of Pakistan hinges on the ship
weathering the storm and staying afloat.
Anjum Niaz wrote: While the so-called global analysts mull over
Musharrafs future, Pakistanis grounded at home want answers. In
return they get confusion, convolution and commotion. The media
revolution is peoples last hope, TV per se. but its bar needs to be raised.
Better than staging warring guests giving each other a head butt; lets begin
the game that kids and adults play in all earnest. Lets ask the head of our
government General Musharraf and his flunkies Truth or dare? If they say
dare then ask the president to take off his uniform and his team to quit. But
the game cant be one-way street: after the presidential wiseacres have
answered the question or done the daring, its their turn to ask us! We must
answer truthfully.
Talk to people close to Musharraf and say that some factotums and
loudmouths around President Musharraf dont possess the grit rock to
tell him that he is pass. And a few who do speak up get a loud scold and a
cold stare from the General, not to mention a saboteur stamp hung around
their necks from the Army House.
Had the president listened to his mother, he would have been a
happier man today. Influential sources say that she told her son last year to
quit. They say that his architect daughter too advised daddy giving up the
dream of being re-elected. But son Bilal wanted patter as president for many
more years. The General agonized, calling up close aides for advice.
According to insiders, Buddy Tariq Aziz and Mushahid Hussain in
unison told him to quit and not stand for re-election. But his ISI well-

688

wishers and corps commanders advised otherwise So addicted are they to

usurping top civilian slots, the faujis cant imagine life without Musharraf.
Adnan Adil expressed his views on possible political impact of the
movement. The declared agenda is restoration of the chief justice and
withdrawal of the charges laid on him, which have been termed illintentioned. A disliking for the militarys political role in general and Gen
Musharraf in particular are at the heart of the agitation.
The protests thrust is on condemning military establishment and
General Musharrafs rule. By its very nature, it has little or nothing to
offer to the masses except independence of judiciary leading to overhaul of
the judicial system. Its the political parties who are best placed to bring
about a systemic change in any polity.
Common man seems to be more practical in terms of deciding his
political loyalties. He puts his effort where he sees tangible results. Thus,
the lawyers anti-establishment drive, how principled it may sound, has little
attraction for the man on the street. The anti-establishment and anti-US
stance may sound good in seminaries and newspaper columns but these may
not be good slogans to get votes.
The lawyers anti-establishment drive may help affirming the
civil societys role in national affairs, but it may not put a seal on militarys
political role. A political movement with wide support from the masses
could achieve this objective. This is not visible at the moment.
M B Naqvi discussed the APC. Several major opposition parties are
to meet in London in a few days. They are supposed to be planning a united
front against the Musharraf regime, though relations among the various socalled major parties do not produce much hope that a common front can
be formed; the parties remain engaged in various political manoeuvres for
advancing their partys interests in the here and now.
What is astonishing is the assessment of the national situation these
major parties seem to be making; they regard the judicial crisis to be a
passing show. Their gaze is focused on November elections and they are
interested in ensuring maximum seats for their parties even in a poll
organized and supervised by an increasingly weak Musharraf regime. They
appear to see no new factor in the situation.

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The armys power and its likely reactions are certainly a big factor in
the situation. But the potential of the lawyers movement has to be
assessed without looking at it through the prism of parties self-interest;
that distorts the picture. While one asserts that without the entire civil
society and effective unity of the masses of people, organized in democratic
parties, fighting hard, the lawyers movement may face defeat and the
armys bandwagon will roll on with the domination of all it surveys. On the
other hand, if the parties should look dispassionately, the potential of this
movement is immense in making good what is todays missing factor: a
sacrosanct constitution, independence of judiciary, rule of law and an
effective separation of powers to make democracy real for common people.
The SC is facing a painful dilemma: If the verdict goes in favour of
the president, the entire nation would be shocked and conclude that Justice
Muhammad Munir of the 1950s fame to be the real CJP even today. What
the lawyers will do and what the people will do then is a matter of
conjuncture, though politicians of some experience ought to know what to
be expected. Popular reaction can be fierce as well as tragic.
If the judgment goes against the president and the CJP is
formally vindicated, the regime will be thoroughly discredited. Whether it,
or the army behind it, will actually accept the judgment remains to be seen.
One is not referring to Musharrafs personal reaction. Behind him stand the
serried ranks of Pakistan Armys officer corps. What the latter will conclude,
given its stakes, will matter. The country may, in fact, see another military
coup and some version of martial law.
Anyhow, the political pitch is being determined by the lawyers
movement and the SC judgment will play a large part in what shape the
movement will take later. The concrete issue as a result of this movement
now is whether Pakistan would continue to be ruled by the military or there
will be democracy. If the major parties do not fully realize the potential
of lawyers movement, they may have drifted into an unreal world.
Today, they have a chance: if they can get their act together for the specific
purpose of aligning themselves with aims of lawyers movement, they have
a bright future.
From across the border, Kuldip Nayar wrote: There is a saying in
Punjabi: Pind vasay nahin, shareek phela-e-aagaye (village has not yet
taken root, but the claimants have already arrived). The proverb came to my

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mind when I read that Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif were disputing over
who should be prime minister first.
The dispute is unfortunate. Even a small tiff between them can cast
a shadow on their joint resolve to re-establish democracy in Pakistan,
without the military The question pertaining to who should be prime
minister can arise only after elections when Pakistanis get back their
democratic right to rule themselves.
If the election machinery stays as it is, there is no way that
Pakistan can have free and fair polls. The entire set-up is full of people
who have perfected the art of manipulating polls from the preparation of
bogus electoral rolls to declaring unelected candidates elected. Matters can
be retrieved if the Election Commission is reconstituted to include one
lawyer and one NGO enjoying credibility.
It seems that Benazir is in the midst of a settlement with Musharraf
on power-sharing She cannot return to power without a deal with
Musharraf. True, his image is damaged beyond repair. The lawyers agitation
has cut into his standing with the class which, although unhappy with
Musharraf, did not revolt against him. What helps Musharraf, is that
although political parties are supportive of the agitation, they have not
shoved their cadre into fire.
For this, Benazir is to be blamed What she is not reflecting on is
the damage she is doing to her party. Once people see her joining hands with
Musharraf, her popularity may take a nosedive. An Army-PPP tie-up may be
formidable but it will ruin the reputation of the PPP which is still considered
an anti-establishment force. There may well be revolt in her party.
Sharif will be ill-advised if he were to go to town in denouncing a
settlement between Benazir and Musharraf. However indigestible, this
could be the way to break the logjam, particularly when Musharraf continues
to be the darling of the West. Sharif should not underestimate the strength of
the jihadis and fundamentalists who are gaining ground in Pakistan.
Sharif, who is totally against any deal with the military, must be
disappointed with Benazir. But he should study how Mahatma Gandhi
waged the struggle against the British and how he made up with them even
when he had the upper hand. He knew that conditions were not ripe for a

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change and that people were not fully committed to it. The lawyers
agitation, however successful, has got into a pattern.
The establishment has allowed receptions for the non-functional
Chief Justice. Although these are undoubtedly getting bigger and bigger, the
lawyers on their part do not have the influence or clout to bring the
masses onto the streets. Musharraf cannot help what is happening. What is
worrying him and America is that the fundamentalists are increasing
their hold.
At one time I thought Musharraf would go but not the army. Now it
looks as if both will be staying for the time being, although with reduced
powers. It cannot be helped because Benazir wants to return soon. She is
worried about Pakistan going the wrong way unless the peoples
exasperation with the military is politically directed. She may be right.
The News commented on the declaration of London APC. Indeed, the
current state of affairs, in which the army is to be found in the socioeconomic and political sphere, has led someone to say and this would be
fair assessment that while a country is usually thought to have an army,
in Pakistans case, the army has a country. Hence, one also endorses fully
the APC demand that the role of the armed forces be that as prescribed in the
1973 Constitution and that the government end its practice of posting
military personnel in civilian posts.
One hopes that this tendency as Shahbaz Sharif admitted before
several TV channels will now be dispensed with for good in the larger
interest of democracy and political parties will stick to their principles as
espoused in their party manifestos and election promises.
Further to this, the declaration rightly noted the debilitating effect of
military rule on the parliament with the latter reduced to a mere rubber
stamp. This is true for the country, where the president has concentrated all
powers under one hat and also happens to be the army chief. In addition to
this, the government is severely at odds with the superior judiciary or at
least with its head while a draconian ordinance was promulgated to muzzle
the electronic media.
It is good to see the opposition united on the thorny issue of the
presidents uniform and in that context one wholeheartedly endorses the
stand that re-election by the current assemblies whose tenure is to end very

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soon will not only be wrong and fraught with controversy, it will be
morally and ethically unjustifiable. As for the assertion that in the event of
rigged electionit will launch a popular movement against the government,
it remains to be seen whether all the component parties of the opposition
come good on this pledge.
The declaration by itself is well-intentioned, says all the right things
and provides the opposition parties a common ground to work on in their
goal of ensuring that the next election is free and fair and that it does not end
in military rule. To that end, some credit must also go to Nawaz Sharif and
his party in hosting the APC. As for whether the declaration will be earnestly
followed by all signatories, to quote an apt phrase, the proof of pudding is in
the eating.
Imtiaz Alam opined: The most significant aspect of the interplay
among the components of the APC was that Mian Nawaz Sharif emerged
as a kind of mediator between the two extremes of liberal and religious
politicians who have been equally trying to win over the PML-N to their
side keeping both the liberal PPP and the MMA on board and making
them agree to the APC declaration was not an easy task.
The most divisive issues that could derail the APC were: (a) the
necessity and timing of the resignations from the assemblies to thwart
General Musharrafs re-election from the out-going assemblies; (b) a joint
platform for collective action and election; (c) the war on terrorism and its
extension to the tribal areas; (d) Pakistans geo-strategic position and its
alignment with the US and its allies; (e) the issue of liberal and conservative
values regarding women and minorities.
The APC declaration is either silent or ambiguous on these vital
issues, except on the joint electorate, the reserved seats for women and the
minorities that the MMA is not ready to concede on the pretext of restoring
the Constitution as it stood before the coup while conveniently forgetting
that the religious parties have been opposed to omitting the Islamic
provisions that General Ziaul Haq brought into the Constitution despite
seeking the restoration of the 1973 Constitution as it stood before his coup.
Whereas the declaration is conspicuously silent over the war against
terrorism and Pakistans unavoidable role in it (not just because it has been
opted by Musharraf), it casually condemns recent terrorism in Britain while
scoring a point against Altaf Hussains sanctuary allegedly sponsoring
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terrorism in Pakistan. It takes refuge behind the adoption of an

independent and sovereign foreign policy, as if the current policy is not
based on national interest. Will the APC parties be reversing the policy of
joining the war against terrorism?
Demanding the withdrawal of the Pakistani army from the tribal
areas, how would the leaders of the APC get the tribal areas cleared of all
outside elements, pressures and influences? This is nothing but a recipe for
disaster: allowing either the NATO troops to fill the void or a complete
takeover by the Taliban and al-Qaeda. Even on the Indo-Pak peace process
and Kashmir, the burdening of the mission impossible by Musharraf that
necessitated the hegemony of the army is not properly understood by the
APC leaders who preferred to go back to rotten clich.
The differences on the two pivotal operative parts, of resignation
from the assemblies and a joint platform for the restoration of democracy,
foreclosed the chances of a unified action on the streets. While the liberal
PPP is not ready to join hands with the mullahs either for a joint, democratic
resistance for fear of its being hijacked by the religious extremists or for
jointly contesting elections, as preferred by the PML-N, a section of the
MMA is keen on reviving the broken mullah-military alliance.
The APC has, however, sent a clear signal that the opposition will not
let the current assemblies rubber stamp the re-election of President
Musharraf in uniform. It has also created a consensus over the holding of
free and fair elections while keeping the option of boycotting them if they
are rigged. The London APC was good exercise for which credit goes to
Nawaz Sharif, but it ignored the current geo-strategic realities and fell short
of a starting point for joint action. Then, why should the General
resign?
S Khalid Hussain wrote: What the London meeting has achieved,
and what will come out of it, is the big question. There have been London
meetings of the opposition before but those failed to dislodge any military
dictator, or prevent new ones from emerging.
Something the opposition parties understandably find hard to digest
is the fact that they have always joined, never led, a popular movement
or protest; the PPP in the early 1970s and the Awami Party in East Pakistan,
being the exception.

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The lawyers movement for an independent judiciary is a model

the political parties would do well to learn from. Instead, they have been
jostling at the lawyers rallies to register their presence, and climbing over
one another to bake their chapattis on a tawa made hot by the lawyers. But
for the lawyers good sense, their movement would have been hijacked
months ago by the opposition parties and led to a dismal end.
The political parties, including the party in power, who tirelessly
sermonize on democracy have themselves been a big hurdle in the way of
genuine democracy. Winning an election does not give free rein to the
winner, our politicians must learn, nor is losing one a reason to begin
flirtation visits to the GHQ.
However, much the opposition parties may shout for an
independent judiciary, and a free media, the reality is different. By their
deeds and actions, the main opposition parties, during the ten years of rule
between them, abundantly showed that they did not relish having to live
with the twin menace of a free judiciary and a free media. There is nothing
to indicate it will be any different the next time.
Once the PPP parted its way from APC, the remaining parties carved
out another alliance with the name of APDM. Rahimullah Yusufzai opined:
As expected Mian Nawaz Sharifs All Parties Conference in London was
overshadowed by the unprecedented Pakistan army operation against
the Lal Masjid and Jamia Hafsa complex in Islamabad no other event could
have taken precedence over the bloody happenings in the federal capital
because it was the first time in the history of the Islamic Republic of
Pakistan that pitched battles were fought in holy precincts of a mosque and
madressah between the military and the militants. This was a real story of
life and death played out in front of cameras in a heavily populated area
unlike the make-believe world of our politicians sitting in far away United
Kingdom and fighting over the spoils of a still-to-be-achieved victory
against the uniformed president, General Pervez Musharraf.
However, it must be said that Nawaz Sharif is well-suited to this kind
of job. He is a team player capable of keeping disparate allies happy and
amused. Amiable and friendly, Nawaz Sharif has proven skills of
negotiating alliances with other political forces, particularly nationalists
with diverse agendas, and resolving some of Pakistans most intractable
issues during his rule.

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Credit is also due to Nawaz Sharif for amicably resolving two

long-standing and contentious issues during his rule. It was largely due to
his efforts and that of his lieutenants that the Indus Water Accord was
reached to apportion the share of provinces from River Indus and its
tributaries. The National Finance Commission also gave its first award after
years of wait at a time when Nawaz Sharif was prime minister.
Nawaz Sharif has another plus point on account of his Punjab
domicile. Only a Punjabi politician could possible rid Pakistan of
military rule because Pakistans armed forces and the military-civilian
establishment that have been ruling the country are dominated by Punjabis.
APDM has come into being on the ashes of ARD, the erstwhile
Alliance for Restoration of Democracy in which Nawaz Sharifs PML-N and
Benazir Bhuttos PPP had come together after agreeing to forget and forgive
their past animosities. The ARD hasnt been formally dissolved but it would
be difficult to keep it in its previous shape and restore the trust that until now
existed between the two former prime ministers.
As for the APDM, it appears unlikely that on its own the new
alliance would be able to launch and sustain an agitation that could
achieve its stated goal of removing President Musharraf from power. Still it
could create problems for the military-sponsored coalition ruling Pakistan by
somehow aligning itself with the ongoing lawyers movement for the
restoration of Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry and upholding the
Constitution and rule of law. The APDM could then coalesce into an
electoral alliance and set up the stage for an absorbing three-cornered battle
with President Musharrafs allies on the one hand and the PPP on the other.
Or in case of the PPP taking the suicidal course of becoming an ally of
President Musharraf, there could be a straight contest between those who
support and oppose the countrys military ruler.
M B Naqvi was of the view that the state of the opposition is, to say
the least, pathetic; it is badly divided. In consequence, it is more or less
totally ineffective because it is also inactive; other than making media
pronouncements they do nothing. What is expected of opposition is a clear
grasp of the national situation and then coming up with a clear-headed
programme of action to achieve clearly-formulated and well-debated
objectives. The results of these London conferences are deeply
disappointing.

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The All Parties Democratic Movement appears to lack credibility

from day one. The PONAM parties alliance with the PML-N looks
unlikely to stick; the kind of federalism that PONAM demands will hardly
be acceptable to any Muslim League. Then the MMA has its feet in both the
boats. Which it will leave first should be obvious: it is sure to opt for an
alliance with Musharraf.
On the ground, it is only the civil society in its own incremental way,
and especially the lawyers community with their united agitation against the
firing of the Chief Justice of Pakistan who can be recognized as the true
opposition. They have energized the intelligentsia and even the Supreme
Court. The future leadership of Pakistan has necessarily to draw upon the
heroes of this struggle, whether or not it succeeds.
The election scenario under Musharraf is that no matter who
becomes prime minister the regime will remain the same, unless the
intelligentsia, the opposition parties and the common man unite to make a
thorough-going change by dismantling the present coalition of constantlyfattening plutocrats. In the immediate future, Musharraf looks like
succeeding in getting himself re-elected from the incumbent assemblies and
holding an election under his own wings and taking more stragglers from the
opposition camp aboard. His real challenge is to find out whether the MMA
is a friend or a foe while dealing with the security situation.
Gibran Peshimam discussed some possible effects of Mushy-Pinky
deal. The PPP and President Pervez Musharraf have already entered a
deal and thats what Ive believed for a while now. Except, I dont quite
like the connotation of the word deal and instead prefer to call it an
understanding which is a word that Benazir Bhutto, I feel, has been using
more so than usual lately. The understanding, it should be mentioned, is
less nefarious than many would care to think.
It has stymied any chance of Benazir showing the leadership
qualities that many believe she is in possession of because she has been held
up by petty control issues rather than more important ones of governance. A
prior understanding with a man that holds both those posts, and who is also
closer to her liberal school of thought, is extremely beneficial to her.
However, where the support for this PPP-Musharraf nexus will
come from is the key question they cannot stand by themselves, thats for
sure. A majority of the Q wont side with them. Current coalition partners,
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the PPP Patriots, made up of PPP runaways, will obviously not be acceptable
either.
Regardless of the shaky past between the PPP and MQM, this
setup will suit both well. Remember that it was the MQMs exit from the
first PPP-led coalition in 1990 that shook the foundations of the government,
which eventually fell months later. But this situation is different.
It can also continue its quest to expand its vote base outside
Karachi-Hyderabad-Mirpurkhas, and increase its activity in Punjab
without hindrance from coalition parties, as is the case currently with the
PML-Q, because PPPs vote bank is more spread across Pakistan than that of
the Qs and will be less affected than the Q by MQMs venture into a few
areas of Punjab.
The previous nature of politics, revolving around the political
cleavage of ethnicity and provincialism, has been watered down
considerably and has been replaced by a new cleavage that is very clearly
based on the liberal/secular-conservative/religious ideological divide. The
MQM and PPP and Pervez Musharraf are, by and large, all on the same page
in terms of liberal/secular policy. In any case, I should also say that a very
reliable source mentioned to me that whether or not either party liked it, it
was the only option and, ironically, the best one overall.
The News commented on the bomb blast in the rally of CJP. There
are several reasons why the authorities should have been better
prepared. The government had reliable information that potential suicide
killers had entered the capital eight, to be exact. In view of the alarming
information, police had taken tight safety measures in Islamabad to counter
the threats of violence from the terrorist groups, as the capitals inspector
general of police told this newspaper on the eve of atrocity. Well, it seems
the very place the police overlooked was the venue of the lawyers rally
which Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry was about to address.
Even the storming of Lal Masjid a week ago doesnt seem to have
forewarned the authorities. The killer blew himself up right outside the
reception camp of the PPP, the party which expressed support for the
controversial action and was therefore a prime target for the fanatics. The
laxity is all the more unforgivable since we are in the midst of a virtual
rebellion by religious extremists in parts of the country.

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Babar Sattar was of the view that a just movement deserve just
conclusion. This movement has provided the most influential critique of
our conflicted and compromised constitutional jurisprudence the
regrettable legacy of our judicature. The Constitution can be reduced to an
irrelevant text. It has to be brought alive by the judiciary by upholding the
morality and principles, and interpreting the text to make law the supreme
and just ruler in the country. It the judiciary fails its mandate, the loss of
collective faith in the ability of law to produce justice is much more
damning for the health of a nation than the injuries caused to individual
rights.
For believers, justice eventually falls within Gods domain. In
that sense judges are performing a divine function. That raises
expectations and when judges falter the disappointment is equally severe. In
utopian environment, the mind of a judge should not be influenced by any
extraneous factors of determining the outcome of a case. In the real world,
however, humans are influenced by their surroundings and are also
susceptible to intimidation and other pressures brought to bear upon them.
This time around, the justice movement has garnered ample popular
support to function as countervailing force to the weighty influence of the
ruling regime. The actions of both the Musharraf regime and the justice
movement are outcome-driven. Attempting to influence the judicial mind
is illegal, and the lawyers can be criticized on this count. But then in
their defence, (i) the circumstances that gave birth to this movement are not
of their making, and (ii) law is a tool to realize the ideal of justice and the
ultimate calling for practitioners of law must be to seek justice.
The justice movement is focused on putting constitutional law in
Pakistan back on the track leading toward justice and in that sense the
protests have been against parts of Pakistans constitutional law that have
evolved over decades but are not justifiable under principles of justice.
The second contribution of the justice movement has been its
message to political parties that the nation does not suffer from apathy or
indifference, but has divorced itself from a political process that functions
exclusively to entrench political elites instead of serving citizens.
The third major contribution of the justice movement has been to
educate citizens regarding their fundamental rights and explain why

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supremacy of the law should matter to them. There is a new founded interest
in the law, what it is and how it impacts the everyday lives of the people.
The movement has challenged the defeatist notion that Pakistan
will have to wait for a messiah to bring us out of the woods. By leading a
political movement independent of the political parties, the lawyers, as
member of the civil society, have opened up new vistas for seeking alternate
leadership and change.
The Supreme Court has announced that the hearing of Chief Justices
petition will end next week. The outcome of the case will have little bearing
on whether or not the justice movement has been a success, for aims of this
movement are larger than the fate of an individual. However, should the
Chief Justice be restored, the decision will be a triumph for the rule of law
and will defeat the conventional wisdom that in Pakistan the fallen never
rise. On the other hand, if the Supreme Court finds that our fundamental law
allows the president to suspend the Chief Justice, the nation will have to
reconsider whether the Constitution in its present form protects the
independence of judiciary and strikes the right balance between the power
wielded by vital state institutions.
A day before the verdict, Dr Tariq Hassan wrote: If it had not been
for the unexpected reaction from the legal fraternity, the CJP would have
been sent packing home within the shortest possible time. It is the
resoluteness of the Bar and the resilience of the Bench that has saved the
independence and integrity of the judiciary and maintained the
supremacy of the Constitution. This harmonious relationship augurs well for
the future.
Tariq Butt opined that the court ruling would have far-reaching
impact. Amid a depressing interlude besetting the people because of
unending bloody boom and bangs the judicial verdict proved to be a great
news that pushed the nation out of the state of demoralization and
dejection.
The government has lost the case completely, but it was a happy
augury that it accepted the defeat, without attaching any ifs and buts.
President General Pervez Musharrafs reaction belied cynics intuitive hunch
that being a military man, he would dismiss the court judgment as of no
consequence and go for an extreme action.

700

No doubt, the decision inflicted a serious blow to his very position, as

his action could not stand the judicial scrutiny. He may now have to be
more watchful of his advisers, who counsel such extreme actions without a
proper homework. Especially, his legal team needs a thorough revamping.
There is no harm in rolling some heads.
The ominous ramifications of court ruling would largely depend
on the relationship that the chief justice and the government (Musharraf
to be precise) would have from now onwards. Undeniably, Justice Chaudhry
is saddled with more responsibility. His actions would be under intense
public focus and scrutiny. People would cherish that he becomes a symbol
for others to follow Both sides are required to shun away even slight spite
and malice and make a new beginning. The best way is to remain within the
constitutionally prescribed limits and give up the practice of encroaching
upon each others domains.
Certainly, after bathing in the glory of a heros life at the popular
level, Justice Chaudhry has to pull back to exclusively perform his duty as
the top judge. And he has decided to do that. This is a positive development.
Even during this popular environment, he had been consciously avoiding to
say anything that has been unbecoming of his judicial position.
The most fiercely judicial battle that was ignited on March 9 would
be long remembered in Pakistans history. It has added a golden chapter. It
saw many ups and downs, and all this produced one embarrassment after
another for the government there were never so angry public outpourings
as the reference faced. It appeared that the people found an opportunity to
burst out their pent-up feelings.
Babar Sattar termed it as triumph of law and reason. The restoration
of Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry by the Supreme Court full bench led by
Justice Khalilur Rehman Ramday is probably the most significant judicial
decision of Pakistans history in terms of its contribution to constitutional
jurisprudence, in fighting for the independence of judiciary by refusing to
accept the encroachment by the executive over the judicial function, and in
breathing new life and hope into the withered soul of this nation.
Never before during the life of this nation did the Supreme Court
decide a legal question of such enormous political consequence on the basis
of principle as opposed to expediency at a time when such decision
challenged the entrenched status quo. Martial laws were intermittently
701

declared illegal in Pakistan, but never while a dictator was still in power. By
declaring the reference of General Musharraf extra-legal, the Ramday Court
has refuted the cynical view in Pakistan that power will always trump the
law.
The short order makes at least three important points. One, in holding
the petition of the CJ (that challenged the reference proceedings before the
Supreme Judicial Council) maintainable unanimously, the Supreme Court
reiterated the principle that the judicature has the final word on what
the Constitution means and the Court will not shirk its responsibility to
interpret the meaning and scope of law only because it affects the exercise of
political power in the present.
Two, it also unanimously upheld the integrity of our constitutional
structure of separation of powers by ruling that the head of the executive
or the state can under no circumstances suspend the head of the judiciary and
appoint a replacement at will.
And three, the presidential reference against the CJ has been declared
illegal and thrown out by a 10-3 majority vote of the Ramday Court, thereby
putting to rest the judicial crisis that has engulfed Pakistan since March
9.
The decision of the Supreme Court is equally promising for the
way it said what it said and the outcome it produced. The manner in which
Justice Ramday conducted the case by infusing integrity, decorum,
congeniality and wit into the court proceedings was commendable under his
leadership, the full bench of the Supreme Court acted unanimously in
declaring what our Constitution says about independence of judiciary and
separation of powers.
By disregarding extraneous considerations and applying the
Constitution in letter and spirit, the Supreme Court has removed the
disconnect between the theory of the Constitution and its practical
application, which unfortunately reduced the concept of the rule law in
Pakistan to a meaningless fiction.
In handing down a bold and unambiguous order the Supreme Court
has offered a public tutorial on why the Constitution matters to the life
of ordinary people. Rule of the law is the only concept that comes with a
promise of egalitarianism in an otherwise unequal world. In restoring a

702

fallen CJ, the Ramday Court has offered hope to the ordinary folk that the
judiciary is an arbiter of justice and can offer retribution to those wronged
even by the powerful.
There are many lessons to be gleaned from the CJs trial, the political
activism of the civil society is imperative for the health of a nation and to
also prevent the abuse of state authority. The ruling regime might even have
succeeded in evading searching judicial scrutiny for its attempted judicial
coup, had it not been for the staunch lawyers movement.
As members of the civil society and representatives of the middle
class, the lawyers established that a change from within is possible so long
as there is clarity of purpose and the resolve to act selflessly. As
professionals and bred-earners, they had to pay serious financial dividends
for their strikes. But it was evident yesterday that the triumph of their
principled stand has redeemed their sacrifices.
The restoration of the CJ is a propitious development for
emancipation of the judiciary. But much work remains to be done. First of
all, Chief Justice will need to establish through his conduct that this was
a battle for institutional independence and integrity and not a personal
matter. It will be for him to ensure that he does not preside over a divided
house in terms of performing his administrative functions, and that in
exercising his judicial philosophy he continues to be guided by principle and
not personal opinion or outcome.
For the lawyers, the Ramday ruling marks the realization of their
fundamental objective of protecting judicial independence. They should
build on their success and continue to struggle for establishment of
democracy and empowerment of the people, but they must also ensure
that the battleground moves to the political arena and away from the courts
of law. Not all injuries are legal injuries and there are limits to the nature of
relief courts can offer.
What lessons the Musharraf regime can learn from this debacle is a
separate chapter altogether. General Musharraf put into play a series of
events that threatened to cause irreparable harm to the structure of the state
and the spirit of the nation. He would be wise to practice self
accountability at this hour before public accountability takes over.

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The News wrote: It comes as a solid blow to the governments

credibility. It also validates the view that the reference filed against Chief
Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry and the reason why he was first made
non-functional and then sent on forced leave was to victimize him for
many of his court judgments which were characterized by a strong strain of
judicial activism and tended to show the government and its policies in a
poor light. It also shows that the Supreme Court has finally found some
spine and is willing to pass judgments that loudly challenge the actions and
policies of the government and the military.
For Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry, the verdict will
come as a massive moral victory and clearly some of this will rub off on to
the superior judicature itself, which in the eyes of many a Pakistani had
come to be seen as an integral part of the civil-military establishment that
rules the country In this context, the 10-3 verdict in favour of the chief
justice also speaks volumes for the courage of the members of the full court
bench. It is also a tribute to the steadfastness of the lawyers community,
political activities and the ordinary people of Pakistan who were inspired by
this struggle for an independent judiciary. This show of solidarity from such
a broad section of opinion is a positive development because the judiciary is
a crucial pillar of any society and helps in furthering the public interest
through its potential watchdog function over the executive something that
Fridays verdict will reinforce.
The prime minister has been quoted as saying that the government
will respect the verdict. Of course, it would have been far better if saner
counsel had prevailed earlier and the ham-handed decision to file a
reference against the chief justice and the almost comical way in which he
was suspended, made non-functional and deprived of his official post could
have been avoided.
The people of this country will and should applaud the decision. It
offers a rare instance of a man deciding to stand up to the might of the
military state and the law coming out on his side. Given the background to
the filing of the reference, now is also perhaps time for a debate on the role
of military in the countrys politics and on the need for evolving a
mechanism to limit its role as assigned under the Constitution.

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REVIEW
In the last paragraph of the first article on Helmet-Wig contest it was
said: There is no doubt what the final applaud would be; well done Wig,
Helmet is the winner. This pessimistic speculation was outcome of the
gloom that had engulfed the people of Pakistan due to the persistent
subservience of the judiciary to the military rulers. In other words it was
based on the record of the judiciary itself.
The credit of proving that speculation wrong goes to thirteen-member
Full Bench of the Supreme Court who turned the wheel of history back.
More than that the credit should go to Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad
Chaudhry who refused to bow before the military ruler; Munir A Malik who
decided to launch the movement for independence of judiciary and rule of
law; and to Aitzaz Ahsan who fought the legal battle and blasted the
presidential reference.
The verdict has changed the scenario for players who were involved
in the contest of the century. First of all, the captain of the Team Wig who
kicked of the frenzy by saying No to dictator must be immensely relieved
after a favourable and unanimous decision in his favour, but this victory has
added to the burden on his shoulders.
He owes a lot to lot many people. Most of all he owes it to those who
sacrificed their lives in fight for the justice, particularly those killed in
Karachi on May 12. He must ensure dispensation of justice so that the killers
and all those involved in this heinous crime, directly or indirectly, are
punished exemplary for the peace of the departed souls.
In addition, he must come up to the expectations of masses who want
that all courts dispense justice; quick and cheap. He must not forget that it
was their rallies which reassured the judges on Full Court to stand upright
and uphold the rule of law without fear of the powerful executive.
He owes much to the Bar and Bench because they stood united and
firm for the cause which the CJP had in his mind when he picked up the
courage not to resign and instead preferred to face a presidential reference.
He as the Chief Justice of the apex court has to ensure that the unity of the
Bar and the Bench is not only preserved but further cemented.

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He also owes a great deal to the political parties which are struggling
for restoration of genuine democracy and an end to the military dictatorship
in Pakistan. They can be helped by the courts by upholding the Constitution
which has been blatantly violated by the military dictator.
The chief justice and his extended family of the Bar and Bench also
owe to the media, both electronic and print, for their selfless support. Their
contribution can be paid back by upholding the right of freedom of speech.
The Bar and the Bench being two arms of the judiciary must help the CJP in
all that enumerated above.
As regards the Team Helmet, any conscientious and self-respecting
regime would not have sought solace by merely accepting the verdict of
the court. Was there any option other than accepting the courts verdict? The
grace lied in quitting.
It must have hurt the rulers quite painfully when ten judges slapped
them on their faces in unison, but driven by their lust for power they have
refused to change the course. There is no showing of any remorse or
realization of guilt over any of the disgraceful acts committed since March 9.
The arrogance of Musharraf seemingly remains intact. The reason is
that the main sources, Army and America, continue boosting his arrogance.
He fears about only one challenge, Benazir, as both virtually treat Pakistan
as a colony of the United States and both are bidding with Washington for
the coveted post of the viceroy.
Incidentally, like the 9th March the 20th July also fell on Friday, but
this time the TV channels showed the CJP returning from a mosque after
offering the Juma prayers. Musharraf could not be shown because he might
be secretly crying over the victory of the lies over the truth. But he did
not come out to tell the nation more truth as he had promised that he would
do that the day judgment is announced or the next day.
21st July 2007

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CLASH WITHIN VI
Pakistanis hoped that the regime would pause and ponder over Lal
Masjid bloodshed or may formally probe to find the reasons that led to it.
Some of them even wished that the regime would move south to establish its
writ in Karachi. Instead, it moved north to hunt for another obscurantist by
the name of Fazlullah.
This time the obscurantist did not allow the enlightened to strike at
the time of their choosing. The advance parties of the units ordered to deploy
in Swat were attacked and some soldiers including two officers were killed.
This was a warning which was not heeded. When the main bodies arrived
the suicide bombers struck and in one attack 18 people, including 14
soldiers, were killed and 44 soldiers were among 54 wounded.
In Waziristan, the militants declared that the peace accord no more
existed, because the regime had been violating it consistently. A suicide
bomber attacked a police recruiting centre in D I Khan and killed 29 people
including policemen. Within a week hundreds of people were killed or
wounded. This spate of violence was termed by the analysts as the backlash
of Operation Silence.

EVENTS
A suicide car bomber struck a convoy near Miranshah on 14th July
killing 24 personnel of FC and wounding 29 more. A time bomb exploded in
Matta area. Two soldiers were injured in an attack near Bannu. Army camp
at Chakdara was fired at. Two anti-tank mines were defused in Peshawar
Cantonment. DCO Swat announced that the government would abide by the
accord signed with TNSM.
Qazi decided to quit National Assembly in protest against Lal Masjid
operation. Pakistan Bar Council demanded judicial inquiry into the
operation. ANP voiced concern over army deployment. At the funeral many
people wept but not the relatives of Ghazi.
President addressed the troops which had taken part in assault on Lal
Masjid. They were assembled in Convention Centre to be patted at the

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back for winning a victory for the secular forces. Shujaat adopted three
minor girls of Jamia Hafsa.
Report by Umar Cheema revealed more as to why the enlightened
regime grudged obscurantist students of Ghazi brothers. A top constitutional
office holder and a top PML-Q leader were the worthy clients on Chinese
massage center. Three ministers, two male and one female were close friends
of Aunty Shamim. Three bottles of liquor were recovered from that bag of
female minister at Islamabad Airport some days ago.
Next day, two suicide attacks in Swat killed 18 people including 14
soldiers and wounded 54 including 44 soldiers. Another suicide attack at
recruiting centre in D I Khan killed 29 serving and aspiring policemen. Out
of the pictures of four alleged foreigners killed in operation, one turned out
to be of the boy from Attock.
Benazir urged Musharraf to continue with stern action against
religious extremists and also warned of dire consequences if elections were
postponed on the pretext of Lal Masjid. Siraj warned the government against
army operation in Malakand.
Western media continued harping about Ghazi brothers links with
Zawahiri and their plans to launch a spate of suicide bombing. UK Generals
feared that Islamists would take over Pakistan if Afghan mission fails.
On 16th July, another foreigner killed in Lal Masjid battle turned out
to be a Pakistani. Whereabouts of missing Hafsa girls remained a mystery.
Over one hundred relatives of missing students of seminaries of Lal Masjid
filed forms at desk formed by MMA. Shah Abdul Aziz demanded a judicial
commission to probe Lal Masjid killings. The Supreme Court sought details
of charges against Lal Masjid detainees.
Shujaat urged the Opposition to part ways with extremists. Chief
Minister Durrani asked for joint strategy against terrorists. He also opposed
army operation in Swat and vowed to resolve problems through jirga.
Musharraf planned to deploy more forces in NWFP and FATA.
Link between Lal Masjid and suicide bombers is possible, said
Sherpao. Minister saw foreign hand behind tension in Swat. (This is the
super hand on the US applied through the regime.) Shakeel Anjum reported

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that eight suicide bombers have entered Islamabad. Ban Ki Moon

condemned suicide attacks in Pakistan.
On 17th July, a bomber struck the CJPs rally in Islamabad killing 16
people and wounding 50 others. The blast took place near a reception stand
established by PPP. Some suspected it was reaction to Benazirs statement
on Lal Masjid killings and others said it was a failed attempt at the CJPs
life. Benazir demanded a probe. The CJP went to the District Courts
undeterred by the attack. He cancelled his planned address and instead
mourned the loss of lives and expressed sympathies with the injured. The
lawyers condemned the attack.
Security at the houses of Ghazis sisters was beefed up. Relatives of
missing detainees were threatened to leave Islamabad. More than 20 people
were held in the incident of firing at Musharrafs plane. Red Alert was raised
in Punjab.
US saw heightened threat of al-Qaeda attacks and expected Pakistan
to launch more strikes against militants. Qazi wanted troops to leave NWFP
immediately; strongly opposed military operation; and demanded opening of
Lal Masjid. ANP objected to army deployment in NWFP.
The Supreme Court expressed annoyance over cases against 134
students of Lal Masjid seminaries. The court warned of stern action if
administration fails to release innocent students after completion of inquiry.
The custody of Umme Hassan and her two daughters was given to
Islamabad police.
Musharraf while addressing the newspaper editors declared that
Pakistan was in open battle with militants; its moderates vs extremists.
Madaris will be linked with Ministry of Education. He denied any external
pressure. Aunty Shamim felt sorry for tragic end of Jamia Hafsa episode, but
she must be proud of her nephews.
Addressing a function in Lahore on 19th July, Musharraf sought help
of the nation by standing united against extremism. For the first time he
remembered God and hoped He would help him. The Supreme Court
smelled foul play and rebuked police for detaining 134 inmates of Lal
Masjid despite orders to the contrary.

709

Next day, students alleged that over one thousand inmates were killed
in Lal Masjid battle. Musharraf sought Ulema and political parties help
against extremism. China condemned attack in Hub. Chinese delegation
shortened visit due to terror threat.
On 21st July, Maulana Abdul Aziz, his wife and two daughters were
sent to sub-jail established in Simli Dam Rest House. His daughter Tayyaba
was granted bail in the case of Chinese abduction. The Maulana greeted
lawyers when he came to the anti-terror court.
Reuters revealed future designs of the regime and its US
manipulators. Appeasement doesnt work, but heavy casualties could
backfire too. We are not planning to surrender. We will fight it out, a top
official, who request anonymity, told Reuters. We cannot afford to alienate
the people like the US government seems to have done in Iraq, he said. We
do not want things to come to such a pass that the people say: Enough, just
make peace with the mullahs, we want peace.
These days, Musharraf refers to Talibanization and extremism as
the greatest dangers to Pakistan. He wants a second term to defeat them and
protect a legacy of economic revival and lasting peace with neighbouring
India.
And high-ups in the Pakistani establishment privately fear Musharraf
could fire of juggling multiple crises without enough support, and simply
quit. It is a scenario that could happen, if things get out of hand, given the
kind of person he is, said one senior official.
He has been frustrated by a lack of support from politicians in the
ruling coalition throughout the judicial crisis. And hes frustrated by trying
to engineer a deal with politicians such as ex-prime minister Benazir Bhutto,
angling for a way back from exile and into power. To top it all, hes
constitutionally required to quit his beloved army by the end of the year.
At least, Musharraf can probably count on US backing. I guess the
administration is going to stick with Musharraf all the way. It is too risky to
look for alternativesand I would agree with them, Stephen Cohen, South
Asia expert at the Brooklings Institute in Washington, remarked, adding that
Musharraf might not be an ideal leader, just the best available. Musharraf
right now is steeling himself for fresh battles.

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US policymakers and Pakistani liberals believe sending in the troops

means General Musharraf will now have to stamp out other hotbeds of
militancy, and sever closet ties with opposition Islamist parties that have
obstructed his liberal agenda and maintained jihadi links.
Now, having dealt with the mosque, its pretty much, you know,
crossing a line and theres no going back, Richard Boucher, US Assistant
Secretary of State, told journalists in Washington this week. Bhutto said
Musharraf had finally drawn a line in the sand.
Next day, Geo TV reported that the debris of Lal Masjid dumped in a
nullah contained blood-stained bullet-riddled clothes of girls, pages of
religious books, documents including passports and above all parts of the
bodies of those slain inside the Mosque and the Jamia.
Maulana Azizs lawyer demanded an inquiry under the CJP. Clerics of
Jamia Binoria warned the government over anti-Islam propaganda. Prime
Minister asked Chief Minister NWFP to control law and order situation.

VIEWS
People expressed their views on the role of all the payers involved
and on various aspects of the standoff. M Mehmood Khan from Lahore
wrote: It is pity that most of our middle class will never consider sending
their children to madressahs for some very valid and good reasons; the core
basics of an education curriculum in ordinary schools are mostly not part of
the academic curriculum in these religious schools since they focus only on
religious education.
Dr Tausif Shah from Sudan strongly condemned religious extremists.
The nagging question remains why this government allowed this problem to
fester and why it took so long to assert its will and resolve to defend the state
in the face of open and treacherous defiance.
However, the Lal Masjid madness is but a part of the bigger,
overarching problem that we as a country are facing: the spreading cancer
of religious extremism all over the land I think failure to confront this
menace headlong and the existential threat posed to Pakistans security
interests, sovereignty and wellbeing has been Musharrafs biggest failure.

711

The enlightened praised the regime. Mukhtar Ahmed from Karachi

wrote: The government did the right thing and deserves the fullest
appreciation for showing restraint to save the lives of the besieged children
otherwise it was just a two hour operation. Let us not destroy Pakistan with
our own hands and get declared a terrorist state.
M Umer Farooq from Saudi Arabia opined: No government worth
its salt tolerates the kind of actions that the Lal Masjid clerics had been
taking. Open defiance of the law, if left unchallenged, leads to a complete
breakdown of civil order. It is hoped that next time a group of criminals
challenge the authority of the state; the government will not wait for a
dressing down from the president of a friendly power before taking action.
Dr Zafar Elahi from Islamabad observed: Speculations and
conspiracy theories may arise about the operation being directed to appease
higher powers, but fact of the matter remains that this was an important
step towards eliminating anti-social elements from Pakistan. The
government must now prepare for repercussions and retaliations from
quarters that share the philosophy of the Lal Masjid types and quell every
rebellion. According to Dr Zafar and his ilk, some mosques are the only
anti-social elements left in the country.
A Q Anjum from Rawalpindi said: Some supporters of the occupants
say that army should not have taken action. They fail to understand that the
militants had taken up well defended positions not to let the army come
close to their bunkers. Later it was seen that the Masjid was already
converted into a fortress with well built bunkers inside the narrow slots and
tactfully sited to draw maximum blood. They had declared a war against the
army of their country. The Lal Masjid and Jamia Hafsa is not the only such
structure spreading like a cancerous canvas across this nation; there are so
many more of its kind that are training camps for jihadis whether orphaned,
abandoned or children from low-income families. The president has taken
on quite a fight with the war on terror and his commitment to eradicate
the root of all terror is a tall order; and the one which will decide the fate
of Pakistan.
Brig Amjad Khan from Peshawar wrote: Though belated, the
action by the law-enforcing agencies was unavoidable when the
deliberations failed. This episode, nevertheless, should prove to be an eyeopener to learn lessons and avoid such a situation to arise again and allowed
to complicate itself.
712

F Z Khan from Islamabad opined: Although it was hard decision, yet

it was right decision to take the Lal Masjid militants head on Once they
have launched the strike, they must not leave it half done and complete
it fully. It is noteworthy that with the capture and murder of all holed up in
the Jamia Hafsa bunkers, the government must not sit idle, considering the
operation is over. The long battle has actually started now the adversary can
also take advantage of our internal strife and we have to be extra vigilant.
Shahzad Khalil from Sialkot blamed both the sides. A liberal society
is a pluralistic environment in which people of different religions, faiths
and ideologies live in peace with each other and respect each others way of
life, dress code and political beliefs. It is a human right to practice any faith,
and even be an atheist, as long as one does not impose ones beliefs on
others through intimidation, harassment or use of force
Liberalism has been wrongly misconstrued to be synonymous with a
flamboyant lifestyle, while being intolerant of other persons democratic,
political and cultural sensitivities. A liberal society is one, in which the rule
of law prevails and everybody is accountable for transgression of law,
without any exception as to caste, creed or social stature. In Pakistan we
have two extremes, both of which are as intolerant as the other, with
fascist tendencies. In fact the so-called secular-liberal-moderates demand
tolerance from the religious-obscurantist-extremists, while themselves ever
ready to resort to militancy on noble-sounding pretext or the other.
There were others who criticized the regime on various counts.
Tayyaba Haq from Islamabad wrote: A well planned strategy could have
prevented the wastage of so many lives, saved many families from tragic
separations, allowed the citizens of Islamabad to sleep peacefully at night
and traders in the affected areas to continue their livelihood normally. It is
surprising that the government that always ignores the idea of jihad when
it is essential and unavoidable adopted such a harsh solution of an
internal problem.
The main reason for this operation was not to restore peace in society
and banish extremism but to fight against anything that is religion oriented.
The result of the operation is that all the citizens of Pakistan are developing
antagonism even towards the genuinely religious people and people all over
the world are condemning Muslims in general. If the Jamia Hafsa was an
extremist group then the Government of Pakistan itself was also not very
wise and discreet in its counter balancing of extremism.
713

Last month the British High Commission supported the Rushdie

knighthood, the citizens of Pakistan would have appreciated it if an
operation had taken place outside the British High Commission and
commandos had taken action in this connection or even if the government
had been conscientious enough to deport the concerned officers or at least
declare a clear boycott against the British government. The crux of the
matter is that the government lacks clear vision and a sound approach
towards matters which in turn result in actions in which adversely affect the
citizens of Pakistan and always succeeds in offending their sentiments.
Danish Aftab from Islamabad commented: If the motives of the
government were more sinister and the fight against the terrorism, (the way
the Lal Masjid saga ended) was more of a goodwill gesture enacted to please
the dimwit Bush Administration? Either way, in the end, the government and
more specifically General Musharraf is to be blamed and has to come
under the proverbial firing line.
On October 12, 1999, he did pledge to improve the law and order
situation. Curtailing the VIP culture and poverty alleviation was also part of
his seven point agenda Quite simply poverty is on the rise and any major
expansion of the economy has been savagely hit by an unending tsunami
like wave of inflation. The number of suicides, rise in crime and
corruption are all pinpointing towards generally an unjust and
inequitable society.
So in the light of the last eight turbulent years, General Musharraf
has probably better chances of solving the Palestine-Israeli conflict than
make any significant headway to steer this poverty stricken country out of its
endless troubles.
Mariam Rafiq Shah from Islamabad observed that regimes lies have
been exposed. The operation on Lal Masjid was initiated by the government
with the intention of eradicating all terrorists and deadly foreign militants
that were feared to have taken refuge inside the sacred mosque. Ironically, as
the operation was executed in the indoors of the mosque, no arsenals of
sophisticated weaponry that were likely to be in possession of the
terrorists were retrieved or fought against. Similarly, all those martyred in
the massacre were a result of firings from guns and not from bombs strapped
to the bodies of religious fanatics.

714

Another issue that created turbulence and panic amongst the masses
were the innocent women and children that were infinitely taken as hostages
by Maulana Abdul Rasheed Ghazi (shaheed). Then again these abundant
human shield were nowhere to be found even when the operation nearly
ended in the second week. I guess they too disappeared into thin air.
Bilal Ahmad Mittal from Islamabad criticized the regime and its
masters. It is indeed a sad event in the history of Pakistan when force has
been used against militants on the behest of intelligence agencies who
should have seen this coming a long time back. Abdul Rasheed Ghazi has
never been a cleric and mullah as repeatedly quoted and reported. Had the
murderer of his father been convicted he would not have turned into a
militant. Whatever happened in Jamia Hafsa is merely a tip of the iceberg.
Who will dare to hold those forces accountable that create these
Frankensteins and then exploit and finally explode them? Who has been
facilitating training camps in Pakistan and allowing various factions to
recruit nave youngsters for jihadi activities? I think this is the trial which we
need to hold and all the blame goes to the forces on trial.
Shehzad Ahmed Mir from Islamabad also took shots on intelligence
agencies. My question is how come our intelligence agencies, whose
sleuths had the Lal Masjid miscreants under observation round the clock,
(also confirmed by our Minister of Religious Affairs, Ejazul Haq) had either
not known or maybe even intentionally allowed this kind of weaponry to be
amassed at this premise? In either scenario, it is by all definitions an offence
punishable by the law of this land for which the government convincingly
used fatal forces to neutralize the Lal Masjid zealots. If the Lal Masjids
Abdul Rashid Ghazi was criticized and eventually neutralized for the
proverbial running of a state-within-a-state, should not the same question
now be asked of our intelligence agencies by the Supreme Court?
Dr Ghyur Ayub from London was alert in noticing the cynical smile of
the DG ISPR. Irrespective of who is responsible for the massacre of Lal
Masjid, it was disturbing to see that the Pak Army spokesman Maj
General Wahid Arshad kept on smiling while giving gruesome details in
which innocent children and women are killed as collateral damage. On
the other hand, just few yards away, the tormented relatives of those
besieged children were shown crying their hearts out for their wellbeing.
Somebody should have told the General not to degrade public
sentiments and to show some sensitivity towards the innocent who were
715

caught in the basements of that killing field. It clearly shows how detached
the Pak Army mindset is when it comes to public emotions.
Tayyab Haq from Islamabad was of the view that a military action
could have been prevented. The Jamia Hafsa was going on for six months
and there was plenty of room during this time period for a peaceful
settlement. A well-planned strategy could have prevented the loss of so
many lives.
M Shahaab Lodhi from Rawalpindi wrote: These decisions and
influence of military dictatorship asserts that it will call the shots even in the
face of democracy regardless of the traumatic consequences this hold for the
people of this nation there is no justification for the loss of innocent
lives that happen to be in the wrong place at the wrong time and became
victims of politico-religious vested pursuits and for the rest of us just
numbers.
Land grabbing was not a convincing excuse, opined Shakir Lakhani
from Karachi. It is well known that the CDA warned the Aziz-Rashid
brothers against illegal construction, but the two brothers had influence in
important government quarters and they continued to add to the Lal Masjid
complex. This is not different from what is going on all over Karachi, where
ninety percent of all newly constructed buildings have been built without
following the relevant rules. The builders are able to indulge in violations by
resorting to bribery and coercion, as they too have influence in the relevant
quarters
It should be obvious that all this could not have happened without
the connivance of government officials. In fact, throughout the country, the
state has failed to impose its writ as those with vested interests do not want it
to succeed. If even now, the government does nothing, pretty soon the
country (like Afghanistan) will be divided into zones controlled by
warlords.
Nusrat Bokhari from Rawalpindi demanded justice. The people of
Pakistan demand qisas for each of their unarmed fellow citizens killed
extra judicially by the state in the Lal Masjid fiasco. And we request the
Supreme Court to take up and probe this issue.
Pir Shabbir Ahmad from Islamabad suggested reformation of madaris.
Everyone including the government freely criticizes the shortcomings of the

716

present madressah system; however, no one has so far come up with a

practical proposal for setting up an alternative system. The only possible
alternative is for the government to setup their own madressahs which
should be a kind of cadet colleges set up in remote areas to provide free
education including boarding and lodging to destitute students. These
madressahs should provide religious education as well as technical training
to help the students find employment on completion of their schooling.
A huge cost would be involved; however, this expenditure may not
be so hard to bear if some of it comes from the defence budget which can
easily be trimmed. Here lessons can be drawn from the disintegration of the
erstwhile Soviet Union whose colossal conventional as well as strategic
arsenals and massive standing army could not prevent it from falling apart as
too much was being spent on defence in deference to other strategic (not in
the military sense) needs of the country.
Considering our huge defence outlay, this amount will hopefully
cause a negligible dent to the defence preparedness of the country. The
armed forces would surely not be very enthusiastic about this proposal,
however, considering that the present trend of militancy and the
accompanying lawlessness are taking us fast towards a self-destructive
situation such as the one prevailing in neighbouring Afghanistan, a little
sacrifice at this stage may not seem too bad when we look at where we are
heading.
M Khalid Khan Niazi from Chicago wrote: Those who supplied
funding to the Masjid and madrassas should also be held accountable.
The government should check to see if these people willingly gave the
money for purchase of weapons. If any government agency or agency
personnel are found to be involved in any way, they should be tried in a
court of law.
Ummad from Karachi pointed out an interesting issue. The
established enmity among the different religious sections is an open fact.
The bloody clashes among them are also not a very distant reality. To
redeem their callous side many religious organizations are operating welfare
trusts and maintain a fleet of ambulances for that purpose. These
ambulances enjoy full freedom of passing through the city streets with
their curtains drawn to their destined mosque or madrassa. A strong
correction can be observed between the size of the madrassa and the number
of ambulances that visit it per day. This point seemed to be based on the
717

observation of fleet of ambulances maintained by MQM; as regards

madrassas, very few of them have ambulance services.
Aamer Najmee from Lahore condemned the so-called backlash.
Attacks on security forces personnel in NWFP are apparently being
described as a strong reaction to the bloody scene of Lal Masjid and Jamia
Hafsa. Such a reaction was quite expected but at the same time cannot be
justified on any count.
President General Pervez Musharraf and other people who matter
have been expressing regrets over the killings which could have been
avoided only if wiser sense had prevailed on the militants and extremists
taking refuge in Lal Masjid and Jamia Hafsas compound with heavy arms
and ammunition.
Such terrorist attacks will only intensify the campaign against
terrorism, sectarianism and militancy in all manifestations. Peace loving
Pakistanis in the NWFP and tribal areas should exert their pressure as well
as express their frustrations and fears over these suicide bombings taking
place at the cost of national integration and solidarity.
Haseebur Rehman from Abbottabad talked about the consequences
with reference to deployment of troops in Dir and Swat. I plead with the
government of this ill-fated nation to do something about the situation in
Swat. The people there already resent the incidents at the madressah and
then at Lal Masjid as many of the students killed belonged to these areas.
The so-called extremists are banking on these incidents and are creating
more hatred and it is only getting worse by the presence of this huge military
machine in the NWFP. They are starting to hate the army and the
establishment. There are certain other ways to deal with this situation. I
request the president of Pakistan to please stop this advancement which
is only producing more bloodshed and we the people dont even know who
is to be shaheed anymore; the so-called militants or the armed forces.
The analysts enjoying the advantage of hindsight oozed out their
wisdom. However, the secular enlightened could not help shunning the bias.
Mir Jamilur Rahman showered praise on the regime while cursing mullas.
A peace agreement between the government and Maulana Rashid was never
on. The governments stand was very clear: the Operation Silence will be
aborted only after the extremists holed up in Hafsa, including Maulana
Rashid, had surrendered to the writ of law. Maulana Rashid on the other
718

hand was insisting that he and his colleagues should be given a safe passage.
The gulf between the two proposals was very wide. It was impossible to
narrow it because Maulana Rashid did not want to face law under any
circumstance.
Safe passage to where? The destination of safe passage was never
mentioned in the negotiations, which were dragging on without reaching any
purposeful conclusion It is out of question that any country including
those Muslim countries which practice Shariah would have welcomed
Maulana Rashid and his accomplices.
The government agreed to almost every demand for the sake of
innocent lives that were entrapped in Hafsa. It agreed that Maulana Rashid
would not be arrested, butt of ridicule. However, the government
unequivocally rejected the proposal of granting general amnesty to Maulana
Rashid and his militant friends
It is a preposterous accusation that President Musharraf had
sabotaged the agreement in order to push the military action. To be certain,
there was no agreement at all, so how could it be sabotaged. There were only
proposals which were floating between the two parties. In fact, president
Musharraf in expectation of an agreement had postponed the operation by
about two hours. When the operation was launched at 4 am, it was nearly
daylight, thus depriving the commandos of the advantage of darkness.
A question arises why the two maulana brothers were hoarding arms
and ammunition in the House of God. When and where they wanted to use it
and for what purpose? It is obvious that they could not have conquered
Islamabad with this sorry assortment of weapons. Most probably they were
planning to unleash a reign of terror in Islamabad.
President Gen Pervez Musharraf and Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz
have both made declarations that never again the Lal Masjid like situation
would be allowed to develop Regrettably, declarations are not enough to
stop the surge of extremism in Pakistan. Very concrete steps and honest
commitment is needed to stop the virus bug of extremism from infecting the
young and raw minds.
Amir Zia while approving the operation urged the regime for
elimination of other terrorist sanctuaries. The suicidal single-mindedness
shown by Lal Mosque militants in the face of a far superior adversary and

719

their refusal to surrender, overshadows all the past suicide assaults and
bombings carried out by the local pro-al-Qaeda and pro-Taliban operators in
the major cities. These militants have managed to up the stakes in this
protracted conflict in an attempt to undermine and frustrate Pakistans
efforts in the global war on terror.
By refusing to strike a deal with militants, the government has
sent a strong and clear message to extremists that the security forces not
just have the potential, but also the commitment to take-on the non-state
players. The Lal Mosque operation should also put to rest all conspiracy
theories and doubts about the sincerity and resolve of the government and
the armed forces in fighting the menace of terrorism and extremism.
However, the country now faces a far greater challenge in its
overall fight against extremism following the crackdown on Lal Mosque
militants, who managed to further polarize Pakistani politics and brutalize
the society. The operation has not just incensed the pro-al-Qaeda and proAfghan Taliban local militants, but many followers of the orthodox religious
parties and seminaries who initially distanced themselves from Lal
Mosque clerics are also irked.
Al-Qaedas second-in-command, Ayman al-Zawahiri, in a message
soon after the operation, has called for retaliation and revenge. The local and
foreign extremist groups are trying to exploit the sentiment of orthodox
Pakistani Muslims. This means that in the near to mid-term, there remains a
strong possibility of a surge in terrorism not just in the northern tribal
areas, but also in our major cities
All this does not bode well for the very fabric of Pakistani society, in
which many of the fundamentalist forces are hardening their positions. This
benefits the extremists, who want to stoke-up violence and create anarchy to
create space for their operations. The mainstream religious parties as well
as the government will have to act in a prudent manner to isolate these
extremists.
While the government needs to tackle the day-to-day challenges of
terrorism through firm administrative actions, for long term the focus
should be on regulating and monitoring seminaries from where
extremists usually get a steady supply of recruits. The long-pending
seminary-reforms should be on the front burner now.

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Pakistani civil society and security forces have to jointly pursue the
anti-extremist agenda to prevent the country from sliding into chaos. At this
stage, any wavering would be fatal. Pakistan must stay on course in its fight
against terrorism. The Lal Mosque was one front. It should act as a
catalyst for the elimination of other terrorist sanctuaries.
Omar R Quraishi defended excesses committed by moderate secular
forces. Following the events of Lal Masjid in which if one believes the
government dozens died (or if one believes the MMA, then several
hundred), there seems to be some kind of effort being made by some in
the print and electronic media (particularly the vernacular print media) to
make heroes out of those who died. Much of the post-assault comment has
been highly charged and wrought with emotion not really a good recipe
usually for a journalist to make a comment, not at least because it is likely to
be balanced and probably sway to one extreme end.
Omar pointed towards another divide in the society; a linguistic divide
in terms of English speaking enlightened and vernacular speaking natives.
This should also indicate the number of supporters of secular and religious
forces respectively. Secular forces cannot claim popular support as they have
been doing all along.
He added: Many of those commenting on the Lal Masjid brothers,
especially Maulana Abdul Rashid Ghazi who died, seem to completely
forget the blatant and repeated violation of the law that they had their band
of extremist vigilantes indulged in for several months. These critics of the
assault argue that the option to give safe passage to Maulana Ghazi
should have been agreed to by the government again forgetting that
nowhere in the world would a government want to give such a
concession in the kind of situation that had developed at Lal Masjid.
They also quite conveniently forget that agreeing to give safe
passage to Maulana Ghazi would have sent a terrible message to
ordinary law abiding citizens, most of whom would think that perhaps they
too could go around enforcing their version of religion by force on others
and escape any government censure or punishment.
The fact is that a lot of people who are voicing these views are
ideologically very close to the Maulana brothers and the dangerous thing in
their thinking is that what the brothers did was somehow not that serious

721

hence their end, according to these people, was disproportionately much

crueler than their deeds demanded.
Lest one be accused of supporting what the government did, let me
say for the record that operation could not have been wholeheartedly
supported because of the deaths it would have and did cause but at the same
time, it should also be said that what else could the government do?
There have been some voices who are equating the stancethat
those inside the compound be killed. This is nothing but false and presenting
such an argument is not only contrary to the facts but also seems an attempt
to discredit those progressive and forward-looking Pakistanis who do
not see eye-to-eye with the ways of the jihadis/extremists. Those making
such arguments have also and this too is a lie been forwarding the view
that many liberals who wanted the government to act against the Lal Masjid
clerics rejoiced and celebrated the operation in effect implying that the
liberals celebrated the deaths of innocent women and children in the
operation.
Again, nothing can be farther than the truth than such statements.
One has been reading all shades of opinion prior to the operation, while it
was going on and after it and nowhere one finds even a single writer
expressing possible glee or advocating the view that the state should
attack Lal Masjid with all its might.
The rank emotionalism that has crept into commentary following the
operation has also ended up blurring the clear distinction between religiosity
and criminality. Maulana Ghazi and his students are being lionized but one is
unclear Those who brainwashed the Jamia Hafsa students are more to
blame for their misdeeds but the fact remains that claiming that one was
brainwashed by his or her religious teacher is not really a good defence in a
court of law though in the eyes of many people in this country, it seems to
be.
Adil Najam expressed his views in Wild West-style. Maybe we, as a
nation, are still in that zone of shock and mourning where anger replaces
analysis and only inane recrimination can be traded. But even as spin
masters turn this national moment of tragedy into cheap political theatre, we
need to step back to ponder hard about what lessons can be derived from the
still smoldering ashes of Lal Masjid.

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The good: There is nothing that is good about what happened in

Islamabad on July 10. Nor about what had been happening at Lal Masjid in
the many months before that. However, honest analysis demands that we
identify those trends that are at least pointing in the right direction. Three, in
particular, deserve attention. First, the government did show remarkable
restraint to enable the civilians within the mosque to exist before the real
hostilities began.
Second, even though many have vociferously opposed the Lal Masjid
operation for its timing as well as its execution very few are publicly
supporting the activities or tactics adopted by the Lal Masjid leadership
This does not imply a societal rejection of Abdul Rashid Ghazis Talibanist
agenda, but it does suggest that the bulk of political and societal opinion
remains unsupportive of extremist tendencies and violent tactics.
Third, there is a clear recognition certainly within society and
hopefully also on the part of the state that militant tendencies need to be
curtailed promptly. There is a realization that militancy does not wither away
with time; that delay causes escalation, emboldens militants, and encourages
more violence.
The bad: There are too many things that went badly. Three concerns,
however, are particularly important. The first relates to the role of the state,
the second to the role of politicians, and the third to the role of the media.
First, the government had no real negotiation strategy. In stark
contrast to the careful planning that seemed evident in encouraging noncombatants to leave Lal Masjid, no thought was invested in convincing the
militants that their cause was unjust and their actions futile
Second, we are now witnessing the most crass attempts at harnessing
political mileage out of a national tragedy. In trying to co-opt the sympathy
for those who died in the incident, the MMA is playing a very dangerous
game by shrouding the criminality that had led to this situation in the cloak
of religiosity.
Finally, there is the role of the media, especially the electronic media.
There are many legitimate questions that the media is asking that deserve to
be answered. But there are also a few questions that the media need to
answer. Should the media be providing unfettered means of communication
to miscreants in a police standoff? Does this put the lives of citizens and

723

security officials at risk? How does media manage the risk of becoming
unwilling accomplice in misinformation and incitement to violence as
seemed to happen here? The government has no right to impose
restrictions on the media, but shouldnt the media itself draw a line for what
is socially responsible reporting and what is not?
The ugly: sad as the events have been, the real ugliness may yet lie
in the future. It is a folly to argue that the Lal Masjid operation has made
things worse. But it has certainly brought many deep divisions in society to
fore. Battle-lines that were always real can no longer be ignored. Let us
highlight just three societal cleavages that the Lal Masjid saga has made
bare.
The first cleavage is the continuing confusion between religiosity and
criminality. Even though the society has rejected the criminality of the
means adopted by the Lal Masjid leadership (kidnappings, extortions,
violence), the context of the location (a mosque) and the sensationalization
of events have brought to fore the very real danger that Abdul Rashid Ghazi
and his cohorts will be remembered by some as martyrs and, maybe, even
as heroes.
The second concern is how we now view everything through the lens
of the so-called War on Terror (WOT). The ease with which we transfer the
responsibility for our own demons on George Bush and his WOT is clearly
based on the realities of the world we live in. But it is also based on the
convenience of being able to use the WOT as an excuse to ignore our own
ugly realities.
Finally, there is the deepening cleavage between state and society.
The difference between Lal Masjid and other similar situations e.g. the
1993 standoff at Waco, Texas is that in our case the state had such little
credibility that each of its actions was deemed suspect by the media and the
public This was not just a lack of trust in the government; it was a lack of
trust in the state. And that is a truly ugly cleavage.
Shakir Husain criticized regimes failings. General Pervez Musharraf
and his team must be scratching their heads right about now and wondering
why theyre getting so much flak after what is seen internationally as a
successful operation in Lal Masjid. Civilian casualties were minimized and
as Inzamam would say bwouys played well by the Grace of Allah. So why
all the doom and gloom? Well a lot has to do with public fatigue with
724

having the General and his team around for eight years and being
frustrated with all that has elapsed since then. George Bush is facing the
same in the United States where his presidency can do absolutely nothing
right.
The General should note that his allies in the PML-Q stand with
him to take credit for the positive victories; yet distance themselves from
anything remotely controversial. And thats plainly because the General
threw his lot in with professional politicians who have absolutely nothing in
common with him or his views of enlightened moderation. All they care
about is how they can hang on to power and get their grubby little hands
on even more personal gain.
The fact that the General doesnt see the Chaudhrys political
vision as being diametrically opposed to his is mind-boggling. One has
seen strange bed-fellows but this lot takes him for sure. Throughout the Lal
Masjid drama Shaukat Aziz was completely powerless, and took to issuing
cryptic statements which meant nothing in true Private Banker language.
What intelligent people with a stake in Pakistan should be asking
themselves is how we can all ensure that Lal Masjid doesnt repeat itself.
The answer doesnt lie with the Ministry of Religious Affairs with its
incompetent leadership nor does it lie with violence. Rather the answer lies
with bringing down economic deprivation, creating opportunities, and
providing viable educational alternatives to the poor who send their children
to madrassas to receive an education, three meals, and which they cannot
provide themselves.
Imtiaz Alam being an enlightened secular accused the regime of
failing on both counts; governance and eradication of extremism. From alZawahiri, the al-Qaeda No 2, to Baitullah Mehsood, every terrorist has
jumped on the bandwagon of jihad against the state of Pakistan. Not to be
ever left behind our Qazi Hussain Ahmed, head of Jamaat-i-Islami, who has
reportedly said that whoever dies while attacking a madrassa (regardless of
its use for nefarious terrorist designs in other words), dies while upholding
the writ of the state, and is not a martyr. Eclipsed by the Lal Masjid standoff,
Mian Nawaz Sharif struggles to revive IJI can we go back to democracy
or will we become another Algeria?
In making Algeria what it is today, the army on the behest of the West
was instrumental in ousting democratically elected people simply because
725

they too talked of Islamic way of life. The analyst being a staunch
enlightened secularist preferred to quote a wrong example to blame the
Islamists in Pakistan.
If anybody had any doubt, the Lal Masjid linkage to the world of
terrorists and extremists is now in the open from North Waziristan to the
adjoining districts and Karachi. Thanks to anti-American, burdens of
incumbency and aspirations for democracy, military regime is so much
isolated that its courageous and wise step not to surrender to the will of
the extremists is not being vehemently backed by a majority of
Pakistanis who otherwise abhor extremism and terrorism.
Lal Masjid linkage to Waziristan has come to the open only after
perpetration of death and destruction in the premises of the mosque and its
madrassa, but the linkage of the regime and its secular supporters to the
Crusaders, who are killing Muslims from Philippines to Palestine is
established since years. It is because of that the people of Pakistan do not
support regimes actions. Operation Silence is part of the Crusades called
war on terror in which students of a seminary were mercilessly massacred.
The analyst continued: Indeed, the operation against the Lal MasjidHafsa extremist complex was delayed for fear of retribution. The lines have
been crossed and the battle has started with all terrorists joining hands
in their last ditch battle against Pakistan still struggling to find its own
civilized and democratic premises to stand among the comity of nations.
Since the country is divided along various lines, it is either vulnerable to the
passionate calls of medieval jihadis and their fellow travelers among the
clergy and conservative sections of state and society or a prospective
military junta that after running out of patience may have to take the
Algerian route to quell various insurrections and clean up hundreds of
seminaries that have grown along the lines of Hafsa since General Zias
patronizing regime and by exploiting the velvet glove policy of the
Musharraf regime to their advantage.
The fate at stake is not that of the Musharraf regime, which is
transitory issue, it is all that is precious and lovely in this land of the Indus
Valley. After spending eight long years, the Musharraf regime is now on its
downslide. It could have turned the tide and taken Pakistan out of the
quagmire of extremism and despicable governance. It has failed on both
counts.

726

Not a single surviving student of Hafsa is ready to repent or resent

for what was being done in the seminary in the name of Islam. The
ramifications are much greater than and different from the simplistic notion
of someones liberation as a fighter is from the terrorist for the other. The
religious extremists do not consider Pakistan or its interests as sacred. They
dont believe in a nation state. What they believe in is not acceptable to a
large majority of Pakistan nor is this state compatible with the Lal MasjidHafsa model. The clergy has to be separated from the state and its functions,
including education even if madrassas are allowed in a drastically modified
form, and the clerics have to be shown their place in society while accepting
the rights and freedoms of all citizens.
Leave America out from the debate that sponsored and patronized
these jihadis and the extremist outfits and turning of yesteryears friends into
foes. They were bad for Pakistan, they are even worse now, regardless of
what the US thought of them then or now.
M Ismail Khan observed: Those who are still having a difficulty
understanding the nature of the Lal Masjid challenge need to look at the
violent reaction the operation has triggered in parts of NWFP and the tribal
areas. The series of suicide bombings is indicative of the level of
networking which existed between the Lal Masjid occupants and the
suicide bombers sitting on the edge.
There is no doubt that the country is truly at a crossroad if the
clergy and their armed militia win, it may lead to the establishment of some
sort of an Islamic system of government based on a mix of Saudi Arabian
and Iranian examples. And if the interest of the moderate and non-violent
masses has to prevail, the country will have to become a secular welfare
state with guaranteed religious freedom to each individual. Unfortunately,
there is no third way out of the hole; the compromise approach being
followed has failed and is likely to accentuate instability and chaos.
Kamila Hyat was of the view that contract between citizens and state
has collapsed. The spate of attacks on representatives of the state across
the country, in the aftermath of the Lal Masjid operation is not
unexpected, whereas the ensuing situation is being presented as a battle
between extremists and liberal forces, it is perhaps more accurately a kind of
war between orthodox militias and the centre-right establishment which
controls power in the country. Occasionally, even this position of the
government on the spectrum of ideological belief is given a shove further
727

rightwards by ministers who shed tears over the fate of Lal Masjid leaders or
others, who insists that immoral behaviour needs to be checked.
But beyond such issues lies a more basic one. The events of past days
show that the contract between citizens and state, the agreement written
or unwritten that dictates relations between people and those who represent
the state has collapsed. The unveiled attacks on government forces seen
across the NWFP suggests that even the pretence of an understanding that
existed till the not too recent past has broken down.
The governments situation is not an enviable one. Dealing with
the monster of extremism that has grown with the support of elements within
the state, over the last many years is now an immense task. But it is one that
must be tackled not only with force, but also wisdom. People must be
persuaded to join the battle and brought under the umbrella of a more
benevolent state that puts the need of its poorest citizens first, rather than
last. Without this the drive against extremism can cause only further damage
and give rise to greater difficulties over the years ahead.
Nasim Zehra opined that the only valid divide is: the lawful and
unlawful Pakistanis There are countless questions. What are our values and
principles as a nation, where have we journeyed, who is managing us, where
are we headed, are we destined to be divided, who is the enemy, was the one
that killed 45 innocent people in Karachi less deadly than inside Lal Masjid,
why do we insist on calling these armed militants Islamic militants, why
dont we see their politics as an extension of the failure of our politics, why
dont we understand the processes by which these militias were eased into
the power fray in our public spaces by all those who now want them
extinguished, can we extinguish the other let alone our own? No matter
how dangerous and deadly they were we cannot deny that they were our
own. Yes, we punish even our own too when they go astray, but we must be
cautious in the application of force when they are our own.
We will never know how deadly the men inside were. The
ferociously bulleted insides of the Lal Masjid and Madressah Hafsa only tell
us about the weaponry and the attacking force used, not what those inside
used.
Ghazi sahib was a stubborn and finally a self-destructive man. In the
narrow and correct definition of law he qualified as the enemy of the state.
What remains unclear is if all this blood had to be spilled to get him. Did it
728

have to end this way, could he not have been defanged, de-weaponized
and de-linked from his group and his base? Perhaps mindful of all these
questions the state had opted for negotiations as if a Waziristan kind of
accord was underway.
Finally what was a hasty retreat from the negotiations seemed
incongruent when the state backed by three cordons of varied but lethally
armed forces had been so wisely patient for all those days. The death of a
commando officer and maybe the fear that the Supreme Court would
issue stay order on the operation the next morning triggered the haste.
Meanwhile we were never shown the deadly tribe inside.
Throughout the seven days we were told about the wanted foreigners
inside. Figures ranged from 40 to many more. Some terrorists with even
head money were inside. But now the foreigners seem to be missing.
Lal Masjid will not go away easily. It will symbolize the worst-ever
manifestation of the saying that chickens come home to roost. But there
were our people on all sides, the most frustrating of all is the realization that
some of this, if not all, was inevitable.
For long the margin of error has not been available to the Pakistani
power players. Every error extracts its own cost. The action, however tragic,
against Lal Masjid was inevitable. In the minefield of contradictions and
controversies this too will extract its cost. We can only pray that it does not
go beyond what we have already witnessed. Lal Masjid has let out many
messages. One, the state means business. Two, in its language the state
confuses religion with politics (Lal Masjid was in fact a challenge to state
authority by militias, originally patronized by the state. In Pakistan militias
have been allowed to challenge the state and society in the name of justice,
religion, ethnicity and national security). Three, it has deepened the
suspicion between the state and the people and the state can no longer take
its authority over the society for granted; it is lost and has to be reclaimed,
on the unfolding canvass of the Pakistani consciousness.
In Pakistan the attempt to label society as good Muslims will prove to
be the countrys undoing. Neither the society, nor the army, nor other
institutions of the state will find this acceptable, no matter who authors this
divide The only valid divide is the lawful and unlawful Pakistanis,
those who live by the law and those who live by breaking the law. This

729

alone is the touchstone that a diligent Supreme Court must promote and
protect.
Kaiser Bengali commented on writ of the state and the existence of
military sub-state. The dead and the missing will be grieved by affected
families for the rest of their lives. And it will scar the psyche and body
politic of the affected communities and Pakistani society at large for a long
time to come.
Certainly, those at the helm of the machinery of the state need to
be held accountable for the political and military decisions leading to the
catastrophe. However, the primary responsibility for the carnage must lie
with the Ghazi brothers and their militant cohorts.
The governments concern regarding the enforcement of the writ of
the state is certainly legitimate. However, its record of selective
enforcement of the writ tenders the legitimacy of its actions
questionable. The highest functionaries of the ruling military regime have
repeatedly stated that they cannot allow the existence of a state within the
state. Yet, it is now an open secret that the military intelligence agencies
have created a state within a state and the military does not consider itself
bound by the requirements that the writ of the state imposes on it.
The present regime is a product of the adventurism of the
military sub-state. Its writ has been imposed over the writ of the
Constitution and the rule of law. The writ of the state emanates from the
body of basic laws enshrined in the Constitution. And a state bereft of the
rule of law cannot claim the privilege of enforcing any writ or authority.
Being a product of the violation of the writ of the state, the present regime
has further compromised the writ of the state by allowing its political
surrogates around the country to develop domains of their own.
These domains exercise their own writs, occasionally superseding the
writ of the state. The Chaudhrys in Gujrat, the Mehers in Ghotki or the
Shirazis in Thatta are only some of the domain powers that have been
allowed to flourish. May 12 in Karachi was also one such occasion that
earned congratulatory cheers from General Musharraf.
Under the circumstances, if some private individuals chose to take
the cue from precedence set by the military sub-state and decide to resort to
a venture in adventurism of their own, it should not be entirely surprising.

730

The Ghazi brothers appear to have taken cues from the misdemeanors
of military sub-state in other respects as well. The Jamia Hafsa crisis began
with the demolition of illegal mosques in the Islamabad area by the Capital
Development Authority
Ironically, the military officer class has also perfected the art of
land grabbing. Vast tracts of land allotted to the army for military purposes
as well as new land acquired more recently have been turned into housing
schemes for military officer class. The only difference the military and
professional land grabbers is that the former have managed to create rules
that bestow a veneer of legitimacy to their actions, while the latter have to
operate under the cover of mosques and madressahs or in the realm of
illegitimacy altogether. In either case the writ of the state stands
compromised.
Now it appears that the military sub-state has itself spawned
divergent interest groups within itself, with each one defining and
attempting to shape the writ of the state in terms of its own narrow interest.
Jamia Hafsa appears to be a victim of such conflicts within the military substate and is highlighted by two intelligence failures. One, official statements
have been made that the militants in Jamia Hafsa complex were heavily
armed The fundamental question that arises now is: how did such
weaponry manage to enter Islamabad and find storage in the Jamia Hafsa
complex?
That these non-state groups have attempted to develop with
protection and patronage from secret sources with military sub-state
autonomous power bases of their own cannot be unexpected. The confidence
that the Ghazi brothers exuded all along the crisis can perhaps be attributed
to the support that they may have commanded from within the military substate apparatus.
The dithering that the government showed in dealing with the Jamia
Hafsa crisis over the last six months and the absence of a unified political
command that was discernable during the weeklong crisis is indicative of
conflicting power centers within the military sub-state apparatus and the
impotency of the political constituent of the state.
Events during the weeklong Jamia Hafsa crisis have shown that
the military sub-state is fractured and is acting incoherently. Lack of
coordination between political and military moves is a standard recipe for
731

instability in any state. However, emerging conflicts within the military substate is beginning to compound the instability. Religious, sectarian and
ethnic militants spawned by the different elements of the sub-state are now
out of the control of their handlers and are challenging the state at large.
Strengthening the writ of the nation-state will require that the
military sub-state is dismantled and all state agencies, including the
militarys General Headquarters and intelligence agencies are made to
operate within the parameters of the Constitution and law and are rendered
accountable to Parliament.
Zaigham Khan opined that Pakistani society needed wisdom from its
rulers, not cleverness. Alongside the media savvy and power-hungry
maulanas, in the dock stand the perpetual rulers of the state of Pakistan
who sow thorns and hope to reap a harvest of roses; who callously use
religion as an instrument for internal and external policies. We were told in
our school books that Pakistan was founded to be a laboratory for Islam.
Who has turned it into worlds largest industrial complex for manufacturing
Frankensteins? Someone should tell our masters that human beings are not
robots that could be programmed and re-programmed as the policy
environment shifts and human societies are not mere chessboards. Hatred,
violence and bigotry are easier to unleash, but it takes prophetic wisdom to
send the ghost back to Hades.
Fear of Talibanization is the prevailing nightmare and Islamic
extremism the new threat after communism. Every news event, large or
small, makes us worried about our image, or more specifically how the
West looks at us. Perhaps, we would be better off dealing with local realities
in the local context rather than worrying about western perceptions.
More than an ideology, Talibanization is a methodology.
Talibanization is not about opposition to prostitution dens or pornographic
CDs or challenging the hegemony of a superpower; it is about the violent
means used to counter what a group is opposed to. Rather than people
changing from within, Talibanization believes in using the brute force to
change state policies and individual behaviour. It believes in suppression and
physically eliminates those who do not fall in line. This is simply fascism in
the name religion and the methodology is not peculiar to the Taliban alone.
New saplings need to be planted with care and courage. Pakistani
society needs wisdom from its rulers, not cleverness, and it needs a
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healing touch that cannot be given by hands that carry guns and grenades.
For once I agree with Benazir Bhutto that democracy deficit is the major
reason for Talibanization in Pakistan. However, the self-proclaimed creator
of the Taliban of Afghanistan may not be the most suitable person to lead us
out of the tunnel.
Babar Sattar felt the need for new leader. General Musharraf has
run out of all original or sensible ideas. In 2004 he refused to honour his
word and rid the country of his uniform for he claimed that the geo-strategic
environment required that he double-hat the office of the president and army
chief. Now he argues that a unified command is imperative to fight the battle
between forces of moderation and militancy within Pakistan. Is such
conceptualization of Pakistans predicament any less self-righteous and
flawed than President Bushs proclamation of the war between good and evil
in the post-9/11 world? Is unleashing state violence in the name of
moderation not a contradiction in terms? And after presiding over the mighty
mess created under his watch, can the General credibly claim to understand
the challenge staring our nation in the eye or the ability to deal with it?
In immediate aftermath of 9/11, when an angry US turned on
Pakistan, Musharraf regimes squealing message to the West was
twofold: (i) the world must understand the roots of Muslim outrage and
address the injustices and root causes that stroke this anger that then plays
into the hands of violent religious ideology and culminates into terrorism,
and (ii) the history of constructing jihadi outfits in Afghanistan and
Pakistans tribal belt The General sermonized that any necessary military
operation had to be backed by long-term multi-pronged approach to address
the perceived injustices being meted out to the Muslims, strengthen
moderates within Muslim societies and financially empowering the areas
most susceptible to the scourge of extremism.
The General cannot be faulted for his comprehension of the problem
and prescribing workable solutions to the West. What then accounts for his
failure to heed his own advice at home? The Musharraf regime had had
ample time to analyze the problem of extremism in Pakistan and implement
solutions. It put together a comprehensive Madressah Policy in 2002 and
informed us and the rest of the world that new life will be breathed into these
potentially benevolent NGOs in Pakistan. The Lal Masjid saga called out
the Generals failure and established that madressahs continue to spew
obscurantism, hate and inspiration for violence.

733

The much-trumpeted peace treaty is currently on a ventilator with

tribal elders accusing the Musharraf regime of double-speak, and the talk of
economic uplift of the tribal areas is still just talk. Now the General seems
determined to award himself other five years of uniformed rule to fight
his proclaimed battle between virtue and evil in Pakistan. Never has General
admitted to making any mistakes during this rule, God forbid. So if he
always has had the right vision and strategy along with the essential unity
of command, and yet this rule is tearing down our social fabric and setting
ablaze fires of hate around the country, will more of his elixir redeem our
misfortunes?
We dont need to further polarize this divided nation and force people
to pick sides of declaring war between different groups of citizens. To
salvage our national cohesion we must initiate reconciliation between
the citizens and the state on the other hand and among citizens with
divergent approaches to faith on the other. And in times of conflict and
entrenched divisions over emotive issues, it is much easier to agree on
procedural fairness as opposed to substantive justice. We must agree that
ends will not justify means not for the state in enforcing its writ or the
extremists in enforcing their version of Islam or seeking revolution And
we must resort to democratic means to bring about change.
And to that end, the General is not our man. For as the head of the
state he is on the wrong side of our elementary constitutional principles,
as an army chief his legacy is a disconcerting alienation between the citizen
and the army, and as a dictator he has disenfranchised a nation for way too
long. We need an untainted leader to bring about this much needed
reconciliation.
Ikram Sehgal did not want a change and instead had some tips for the
regime to cope with madressahs and militancy. There must be zero
tolerance towards any tendency towards militancy. The good news is
that those who use madressahs for pursuing militancy are in a vast minority;
the bad news is that there are still enough to create anarchy. Many of the
madressahs have revised their curriculum to include sciences and computer
education However, madressahs in the hotbed areas of NWFP must be
given priority in clearing them of weapons.
Handling of the media left much to be desired, it has to be more
sophisticated. A media centre must be set up to register media
representatives with temporary passes that allows them into the media centre
734

and also limited access under supervision into the area between the outer and
inner cordons.
Everyone and his uncle in the electronic media got involved in
hostage negotiations. This is a complete science and media must not (and
cannot be allowed to) get involved directly A controversy has been started
about the number of people dead inside the compound. Because of booby
traps and unexploded bombs there was a risk to media personnel. Ikram
went on to justify the official line without touching upon Professor Shujaats
credentials in science of negotiations and who had fired those unexploded
bombs.
He concluded: Lal Masjid has shown us to be in multiple crises,
mostly of our own making. While externally, Pakistans image has been shot
to pieces, internally the confidence of the intelligentsia and the masses has
been badly shaken. Most people seem convinced that the days of Musharraf
regime are numbered; unbelievably some are even questioning our own
existence as a state. The question very well arises, is the writ of the
government not able to safeguard the interests of the state and if so, is it time
to separate the present government from the governance of the state? And
whether this can be done gently, or is it likely to be violent? While according
to some the countdown to substantive change has begun, independent
observers do believe that the real solution is a power-sharing arrangement
that will balance the countrys present mode of governance, making it more
democratic and effective, pragmatic arrangement for the governance of
Pakistan.
Some analysts talked of reformation of madaris. Nadeem Iqbal
dwelled on the background of and the fate of reforms so far carried out. The
madrassa reforms have been a part of international counter-terrorism
measures. The laws themselves were incorporated under UN Security
Council Resolution 1373 adopted on September 28, 2001, as a counterterrorism measure that aimed to place barriers on the movement,
organizations and fund-raising activities of terrorist groups. It means that
madaris declared as sources of terrorism by the international community
and was accepted as such by the Musharraf regime.
In the follow-up to that resolution, reports are to be sent to UNSC
detailing the measures taken by respective governments. In one of its
2003 reports, the government of Pakistan said, a plan is being prepared to
bring deeni madaris into the mainstream education system In this
735

context, a separate board has been instituted in 2001 through an ordinance

with the task of preparing contemporary curriculum for deeni madaris.
Interestingly, according to the law, Pakistan Madrassah
Education Board (PMEB) is an autonomous body under the Federal
Ministry of Religious Affairs that is to be headed by an educationist of
eminence as its chairman, since representatives from the ministries of
religious affairs, education and the science and technology along with two
ex-members of Islamic Ideology Council, DG Dawa Academy and
provincial education secretaries, etc, are its members.
PMEB has established model madaris at Karachi, Sukkur and
Islamabad (for girls). Their curriculum includes English, Mathematics,
Computer Science, Economics, Political Science, Law and Pakistan Studies
for different levels. A similar curriculum was also to be developed by PMEB
for all the other madaris but has not yet been done.
The other law, Voluntary Registration and Regulation Ordinance
2002, was introduced to control the entry of foreigners in the madaris, to
keep a check on them and also their sources of funding. This law has been
rejected by most of the madaris which want no state interference in their
affairs.
All these reforms and regulations were to be coordinated by the
Federal Religious Affairs, Education and Interior ministries by a carrot and
stick policy Since the Education Minister, Lt Gen Javed Ashraf, is a
former ISI chief, therefore the Ulema are reluctant to talk to him. The
Interior Ministry is already out as the original Madaris Ordinance was
renamed Deeni Madaris (Voluntary Registration and Regulatory) Ordinance.
Therefore, only the Religious Affairs Ministry has something to offer to the
religious lobby in the shape of appointments in mosques.
Apart from establishing new institutions, the ESR added, formal
subjects will be introduced in madaris. The programme will bridge the gap
between formal education and madaris education system. Incentives have
already been given to 140 selected madaris at secondary and 200 at
intermediate levels.
Burhanuddin Hasan wrote: The steps taken by President
Musharraf during the past four years to ban a number of militant
organizations and madressahs which provide recruits to al-Qaeda and the

736

Taliban have proved ineffective due to the slackness of the government and
the persistent support of religious political parties to radical Islamic
elements.
The reforms process of madressahs launched by the government in
2001 has remained more or less cosmetic. Most madressahs had been
reluctant to accept the governments interference in their affairs. Likewise,
the government too adopted a lukewarm approach to the reforms, for
fear of the nuisance value of the maulvis who own these madressahs and
want to keep them as they are.
Presently madressahs are not teaching the Islamic values of peace,
amity and tolerance to their students, because their teachers themselves have
not been taught these true Quranic values. Their students mostly become
prayer leaders and preach to simple people religious orthodoxy, sectarian
hatred and radicalism. Unless the madressahs and these misguided pesh
imams are effectively controlled and restrained from dispensing the poison
of hate, terrorism will continue unabated. The government can also use the
immense power of the electronic and print media to project the true face
of Islam, rather than projecting the hackneyed interpretation of religion by
maulvis, as is presently being done. The true face of Islam reflects
tolerance for aunties, massagers and R-rated CDs and DVDs and forbids
jihad.
Fasi Zaka opined: Whatever theories may be out there regarding the
chronology of the final shootout and the veracity of the evidence, it seems
that the real problem that creates Lal Masjid is now bigger than ever.
The state is under attack, admittedly it isnt a constitutional state
because of the dictatorship, and the disaffected feel they have been pushed
back one step too far. Ghazi and his funeral pictures have the pulling
power to rally more posthumously than when he was alive.
Militants have always claimed Islam is under threat, and the Lal
Masjid raid will be seen as the truthfulness of their claims of persecution. In
fact, it will be really easy for them to allege that lives were lost to protect
masseuses, madams and R-rated films. There is quite a job to be done to
counter this assertion.
No more time can be lost. The madressahs need to register, to
demonstrate their affiliations and also to provide a clean sheet of their source

737

of funding. Madressahs will not ever go away; they have a religious role to
play. But they also play a crucial role in, ironically, supporting the state
where it has failed.
The government needs to come in to help regulate this if it is being
used to extend the personal and often misguided ideology of others. Plus,
these students need to appropriate the wonderful world of knowledge that
will only enhance their belief in the religion, not diminish it.
Madressah schools tend to pose a special problem because their
structure lends them to easy vehicles of indoctrination. The students are
indebted to the institution for the help they get in food assistance, they are
isolated from the world at large if they are in a residential institution, and
they are taught to respect authority. With little or no access to the world at
large they will obviously be easily tempted to follow whatever the
dictates of those who provide them assistance. Many enlightened analysts
firmly, but wrongly, believe that students of madrassas indulge in extremism
for three meals a day.
Ishtiaq Ahmed wrote: Operation Silence of the Pakistan Army
reminded me in a most striking manner of Operation Blue Star launched
by the Indian army to flush out the Khalistani militants from the Golden
Temple. On both occasions the militant movements originated in
governments taking under their wings to confront rivals Mrs Gandhi did it
to menace the Akalis and the Pakistani establishment enabled the Islamists
to enhance their political clout by banning mainstream parties led by Benazir
Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif from taking part in the 2002 election. In both cases
hardcore elements seemed to have gone into a trance as they courted sure
death at the hands of their patrons
Here are lessons to be learnt for short-term and long-term
strategies to bring our young people back to the path of peace and
normality. Jihadi literature, whether in print or in video and audio cassettes
and CDs and DVDs must be impounded and destroyed because it is a gross
abuse of the freedom of expression. Ishtiaq recommended adoption of
method for which mullas were condemned and at the same time he saw
everything wrong with preaching of jihad and nothing with the literature
contained in audio-video cassettes and CDs destroyed by the mullas.
Having recommended the destruction, he added: It would require a
multifaceted programme of education that imbibes values such as peace
738

and peaceful resistance. Employment and access to higher education are

essential. Just moral sermons will not do. In the long run something will
have to be done to free Muslim societies from the tutelage of Islamist
ideology. If ever the truth of the English saying the taste of the pudding is in
the eating was to be corroborated, the experience of fanaticism and
dogmatism which goes under the labels of Islamic fundamentalism,
Islamism and so should be amply available.
What has such fanaticism given Muslims of the contemporary era
except obscurantist government, out-moded and primitive laws, bad
economic and social policy, sectarian killings and defeat in war? I cannot
think of one great benefit from adherence to a backward-looking
approach. We need to have another close look to the great revolution that
Mustafa Kemal Ataturk brought about in Turkey. Notwithstanding rabid
propaganda by the Islamists against that great Turkish revolutionary, Turkey
has carried forward the best traditions of Sunni state theory that the state is
a secular institution whose main responsibility is to promote welfare and
security of the people.
Pakistan can adopt this policy and thus bring the mosques directly
under control of the state; if the maulvis are made into proper government
servants and are educated in presenting a progressive interpretation of Islam.
Since there is a large Shia minority and there are several million Christians
and Hindus in Pakistan will have to have a more pluralist policy on
organized religion.
Some people think that time is out now for General Musharraf. That
remains to be seen, but whosoever has the responsibility to lead Pakistan
after him will have to decide whether the Pakistani people deserve to move
forward or remain stuck in medieval delusions.
Arif Jamal reported: A senior police officer in Islamabad told TNS
that the police could have ferreted out most of the occupants in the early
days of the crisis by cutting off the supply of electricity, food and arms. This
could and should have been solved at the lower level. But, the
government stopped the police from taking any action. Strangely, the police
had little or no say in planning operations against the Lal Masjid Brigade
from the very beginning. The police were given only the menial jobs at
best.

739

The only possible explanation for the delayed action is that some of
the actors in this drama on both sides deviated from the given script and
kidnapped seven Chinese nationals on June 23. This endangered the
military-strategic alliance between Pakistan and an emerging world power. It
is unrealistic to believe that the kidnappers could have escaped the attention
of the security forces and intelligence agencies when they left Lal Masjid
under the given circumstances. In fact, the government tried to drag its feet
even after the kidnapping of seven Chinese nationals from a massage parlor
but it could not do so under increasing Chinese pressure. Finally, the security
forces started gathering around the Lal Masjid compound
During the last six months, the government pretended to work on
several agreements by engaging the Lal Masjid administration in
negotiations If the government honestly wanted to negotiate a solution,
why did all efforts to settle the crisis through negotiations scuttled?
In the last few days, prior to the storming of the Lal Masjid
compound, the government and most of the media cooperated to create the
impression that the two brothers had held most of the students hostage. They
hardly explained how they could hold hundreds of baton-and-gun-toting
men and women hostage.
What happens in the near future is surely more important than what
has happened in the recent past as far as the Lal Masjid is concerned. The
failure to take action against militant madaris, which number into tens
of thousands, is no more an option for the government. Arif wanted action
against every madrassa by putting the number of militant madaris at tens
of thousands.
Some analysts exclusively focused on medias role. Ayesha T Haq
wrote: The siege, the negotiations, the battle were all played out in the
media. Kept a safe distance away from the actual battleground the media
were, thanks to cellular phones and technology, in constant touch with all the
main players.
Television screens with a federal minister on one side, the Lal Masjid
cleric on the other hand and a television anchor in the middle were most
peculiar to say the least. The media had moved from its role of reporting to
that of mediating. To see an anchor and talk show host take on the role of
mediator is highly unusual not to mention unethical. Mediation was not the
medias only role, it also appeared to be taking a position.
740

Amjad Bhatti observed: A closer look at the reporting patterns of Lal

Masjid for the last six months indicate that in the beginning the media
flashed the inflated claims and inflammatory statements made by Lal Masjid
administration without filtering them. Later, during the subsequent build up
by security forces it tilted to legitimizing state aggression by subscribing
to the official tactics of warfare employed in a domestic conflict.
Some view that through its bullet by bullet reporting of the armed
conflict, the media reinforced villain-hero relationship between Lal
Masjid and the security forces. The media appears to have treated this as
an isolated incident without putting the issue in its social, economic,
political and cultural context, said Mushtaq Gadi, an Islamabad based
anthropologist. There is a difference between imposing and informing.
Even the media was denied access to the operation area; it started imposing
the stale footage of violence.
It is like running commentary of a critical match rather than reporting
of a complicated and sensitive conflict with sensitive implication on the
polity and stability of the society, remarked a media analyst based in
Islamabad. It made the viewers a hostage of unfiltered information,
coming repeatedly from official quarters.
Media representatives dismiss this criticism by terming it cynical
and unfounded. We did not stage anything; we reported and showed what
was happening in and around Lal Masjid, said Tasir Qureshi, a senior
producer working with al-Jazeera TV channel.
It was perceived both by the media and the government that Ghazis
invitation to journalists to visit the besieged location could be a trap to make
them hostage, to be used later for the safe passage of those inside. The
media chose not to avail the possibility to independently investigate the
claims and counter-claims made by the Lal Masjids administration and the
security forces. At this point, the question arises: who determines the news
agenda, after all?
Official narratives were packaged and reproduced by media
which it seemed almost determined the public perception towards the armed
conflict. The media tended to reproduce official lexicon of war in the context
of an intra-state armed conflict without questioning the highly polarized
terminology. For instance, words like surrender, collateral damage, safe

741

passage, jihad and war on terror were subscribed to by media without

putting these in the context.
Another popular perception is that the timing of Operation Silence
was premeditated to keep the media silent on the much debated All Parties
Conference being held in London. It might seem like a far fetched
conspiracy theory on its face, but in reality APC was quickly de-prioritized
from the news agenda of private and non-private media. Only one
channel tried to balance out the focus of coverage between Operation
Silence and APC.
Media prefers to report conflict over disasters. This assumption is
also validated when we compare the coverage time and focus on Lal Masjid
with simultaneously unfolding a humanitarian crisis in the aftermath of
torrential rainfall, cyclonic landfall and flashfloods in Sindh and
Baluchistan. No camera crew or senior correspondents were thus spared
for
Media analysts argue there were serious errors of judgment on the
part electronic media in the course of reporting the mosque conflict. These,
they think, can be attributed to the fact that its in an embryonic stage in
Pakistan.
Ansar Abbasi opined: Encouraged by the so-called liberals of our
community Musharraf decided to take on the extremists but it all ended up
in an unprecedented bloodshed. The extremists were given the name of
terrorists and killed without giving a chance to defence.
Like the embedded western journalists, who had reported the Iraq
War precisely as they were fed by the US-led invading forces, many of us in
Islamabad served as a worst propaganda tool of government agencies.
Denied any direct access to the live show Silence, the journalists simply
reported what they were told by the security agencies and government
authorities. This was perhaps the most poorly reported episode.
Shouldnt we ponder over what we did during all the 10 days of the
crisis? One serious charge leveled by the government and propagated
religiously by the media was the holding of women and children as hostage
by the late Maulana Abdul Rashid Ghazi. Ghazi and his militants,
including foreign militants, were also accused of using women and
children as human shield. However, this all turned out to be a mere

742

misinformation. There were no hostages; there was no human shield. But

the alleged terrorists and extremists were killed for the crime they never
committed. And now the government is dragging its feet from its initial
claim of the presence of any foreigner in the compound.
The basic question is, had the Lal Masjid Maulana and the Jamia
Hafsa students committed such a serious crime for which they needed the
kind of punishment they were given? Certainly not, and this is the very
reason that the media is now taking on the government but conveniently
ignoring its own blundering role.
It is important for the media persons to understand the sensitivity of
their power and must ensure that it is not being used to divide the
society and create enemies from within. It should instead promote the
culture of tolerance and start respecting others views instead of trying to
remold the society in a manner that the world or the West wants to see us.
By the way, why should we be bothered about the so-called world
that has conferred knighthood on blasphemer Suleman Rushdi that has
repeatedly published sacrilegious caricature of the Prophet (SAW) and
defended the same, that has supported the killing of hundreds of thousands
of Muslims in Afghanistan, Iraq and elsewhere and that sees the Muslims as
terrorists and fundamentalist.
Adnan Adil opined that Operation Silence has caused drawing of
battle lines. Storming the Lal Masjid, it seems, was Gen Musharrafs
masterstroke who managed to achieve two objectives his credentials in the
eyes of the West where the media and the think-tanks were becoming
increasingly critical of him. Two, the operation timing, intriguing as it may
seem, was such that it exposed opposition parties disunity when they were
posing to be sitting together.
The way May 12 violence in Karachi cut down the MQM to its size
and removed one major hurdle between a compromise between Benazir and
Musharraf, the July 10 events in Islamabad has weakened the position of
PML-Qs Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain and Chaudhry Pervez Elahi. The
religious right being their traditional constituency, the Chaudhrys are now
on the defensive regarding the Lal Masjid operation. The Chaudhrys have
been another obstacle to Gen Musharrafs coming close to Benazir Bhutto.
Now after Lal Masjid, they have to either accept the new alignment or leave
the regime.
743

The July 10 incident hastened the formation of an alliance

between the PML-N and the MMA which in any case appeared to be a
compulsion for both of them. Nawaz Sharif could not go in to the electoral
process without allies As the PPP seems to be dragging its feet to get
along with the rest of the opposition, Nawaz Sharif is in need of new
partners to fall back on. On the other hand, in the face of increased US
pressure on Islamabad to act against so-called Islamists, the MMA also
needs an anchor to stay afloat. This has come in the form of All Parties
Democratic Movement.
So far, the PPPs policy has been not to completely alienate the
PML-N and other parties in the ARD despite its differences on the future
line of action. This approach is helpful in keeping the middle class and
intellectuals on its side who despise any understanding with the militarydominated regime. Also, in its bargain with the Musharraf regime, the party
carries more weight if it remains part of the larger opposition.
The battle lines now seem to be clearly drawn. Since 1970s, the
countrys politics has been divided between pro-Bhutto and anti-Bhutto
political camps. Now it appears that the polarization is along the lines of
conservatives and liberals.
Ghazi Salahuddin observed: His speech did not offer any serious
reflection on how Lal Masjid was possible in the very heart of Islamabad
about six years after he had launched his campaign against religious
militancy. Nor did he deal with any of the many questions that the
operation has spawned. There was no mention of holding intelligence
agencies accountable for either their possible role in the making of the Lal
Masjid complex or their failure to discover the supply of such a huge
quantity of arms and ammunition.
Also, he did not refer to the flaming backdrop against which the Lal
Masjid emergency had emerged. He is generally wont to pontificate on the
dynamics of the situation that he is dealing with. It would be quite
appropriate for him to not touch on other issues on this occasion. Still, the
operation, with all its ambiguities and mystifications, was only one
dimension of the present times of intolerance. There is certainly a need to
look at the larger picture.
In any case, Lal Masjid operation became a traumatic experience for
the nation. Most of us would find it difficult to come to terms with it in an
744

emotional context. When we wondered why the government did not take
action against Lal Masjid when it repeatedly challenged the writ of the state
during the past six months, we were surely not rooting for the kind of
operation that it turned out to be.
It should be useful to consider if Musharraf has won any points in
this supposedly successful operation. The liberal opinion is very much in
favour of dealing decisively with the militants and increased support for
Musharrafs credo of enlightened moderation could be seen as a gain for
this embattled regime. But there is no evidence of that happening. In fact,
the sense that Musharrafs craving for holding on to power is bound to
lead to a major conflagration has deepened.
Interestingly, Musharraf is as under-fire in his country as his chief
patron George Bush is in the United States. The war against religious
extremists and terrorists in Pakistan has gone the way of Americas war in
Iraq. At about the same time that Musharrafs recorded and apparently edited
speech was telecast in Pakistan, Bush was speaking from White House,
insisting that America could still win in Iraq.
Now that dust is settling on Lal Masjid episode, though it will scar a
large number of poor families for life, other issues are back on the front
burner We can expect more questions to be raised about the legitimacy
of the Musharraf regime.
Musharraf was not deterred by the criticism. He made the moves to
expand the war against Islamic militancy and the enlightened elements urged
him on. The News wrote: The fanning out of thousands of soldiers into
different parts of the province (NWFP) itself appears to be a sign that
President Musharraf intends to keep the pledge he made in his address to the
nation on Thursday, to hunt down religious extremists in every corner of
the country.
The unforeseen killing is a foretaste of what lies ahead in the
inherently complex battle against religious militancy and terrorism. Since
its a jihad the extremists have launched to avenge the Lal Masjid
storming, they have the advantage of suicidal fanaticism besides their
training and the modern weaponry and equipment they are known to
possess

745

At this stage, the security forces are focusing on the Swat Valley,
where they have sealed the important town of Kanju. Swat is the
NWFPs growing hotspot. On the very day General Musharraf addressed the
nation, a suicide car bombing killed three policemen there, ahead of the day
of protest the extremist elements had announced for Friday.
President Musharrafs battle against fanaticism will be half a battle if
it is confined to military operations alone. He has pledged yet again to
uproot religious extremism and militancy from the country. It remains to
be seen if he will take the effort to the grassroots, the madrassa where so
much of the fanaticism originates, and if he will deal with the innumerable
manifestations of fanaticism in society.
In another editorial the newspaper had commented on violent reaction
in NWFP. The grisly suicide attacks over weekend are not only a
reaction to the assault on the Lal Masjid complex but in all probability also
the outcome of the end of the so-called agreement in North Waziristan where
local Taliban and militants have unilaterally scrapped a so-called peace deal
between them and the government.
As the upsurge of suicide attacks shows, these militants have
managed to recruit many to their nefarious cause. Unfortunately, given
their tools and system of indoctrination, it is likely that the Lal Masjid
assault will prove to be a catalyst to recruit many more people to their
violent war against the state.
The intention of the militants is clear they are ready to take on the
Pakistani security services, presumably in revenge after what happened in
Lal Masjid. Although such a direct link has not been claimed by any militant
group so far, the authorities have hinted at a possible connection. In any
case, it only serves to reinforce the view that the Lal Masjid had since long
had a nexus with extremists.
The coming days are not going to be easier, or even less bloody.
As it is suicide attacks are next to impossible to prevent with any degree of
surety. And the Lal Masjid assault will further provide the brainwashed
cadres with more (misguided) inspiration for their cowardly acts.
Whether the government or the people like it or not, the battle
against the extremists now needs to be sustained and taken to its logical
end. And with that the mullah-military alliance needs to end for good so

746

that non-religious mainstream political parties can play their due role and
help make a stronger and more durable state.
In yet another editorial The News wrote: The West has welcomed
the end of the Lal Masjid rebellion and greeted President Musharrafs
reaffirmed determination to defeat religious militancy. Richard Boucher, the
US assistant secretary of state of Central and South Asian affairs, said on
Thursday that an elected government in Pakistan would be a better safeguard
against terrorism.
But the European Parliament declared in a resolution the same day
that the Pakistani president should, in addition, be elected by the new
national and provincial legislatures, not the present ones, as President
Musharraf wants. It also said that the General should retire from the army
before he presents himself for election. The European Parliament warned
against the imposition of emergency rule and the warning came despite
the many assurances by the Pakistani government, some as recently as in the
period after the controversial dismissal of the chief justice, that that would
not happen.
More important, the Pakistani military and the secret services
were criticized for continuing to exert an undue influence in politics,
government and the economy, a situation which runs contrary to the
principle of the roadmap for the restoration of democracy. The resolution
advised the General to respect the Constitution and give up his post of army
chief of staff, which he had previously agreed to do in an undertaking to the
EU. The resolution was doubtful about the way in which General Musharraf
dealt with the Lal Masjid crisis, saying his government probably failed to
react quickly enough to the threat, echoing the same criticism in Pakistan
Just as it was before the event, the only option for Pakistan is to take
effective action against religious militancy, and stay its course on
democracy.
The Dawn commented: Musharraf said that the latest series of
attacks have drawn the battle lines between the extremist and moderate
forces. The challenge before his government, he said, was to stem the rising
tide of Talibanism. The president also talked of a unified command and
made it clear that he intended to seek re-election by the existing assemblies
while retaining his uniform. The truth is that such phrases as unified
command and enlightened moderation have no relationship with reality.

747

In Pakistan, the sudden rise in the wake of the Lal Masjid

operation has shown that the Taliban and their allies are well equipped,
their supply lines remain unimpaired, and they have well-indoctrinated
cadres willing to lay down their lives for a cause in which the believe, even
if this cause achieves no purpose except that of spreading death and
destruction.
One must also take note of voices, official and unofficial, from
America that it should intervene militarily in the tribal belt. Americas
enemy would be most delighted In their own interest and in the interest of
Pakistans battle with the Taliban, let the Americans better keep themselves
out of it.
Notwithstanding its infinite ability to commit blunder after blunder,
Pakistan can succeed, provided the government carries the nation along. It is
not a unified command that will pacify the area; what can deliver is the
unity of approach, a national consensus on the issue, and the cooperation of
the right-minded among the tribal leaders. Reliance solely on force is not
going to wipe out terrorism.
Shireen M Mazari observed: The religious right has closed ranks in
a new assertiveness, with all those coming out of the Jamia Hafsa and Lal
Masjid vociferously continuing to support their doctrine of violence and
hatred, as for the moderate elements, or those normally seen as thus, they
are, for one reason or another, in a state of disarray sometimes almost
sounding like the extremists or their sympathizers within the religious right;
at other times exposing their own contradictions and uncertainties simply in
an effort to ensure a distancing from the state at all costs.
In the face of an increasingly besieged and divided nation and
state, a healing touch is desperately needed. But it appears no one is
interested in taking the first step towards this. In fact, trends point in the
opposite direction with truth having become a major victim of this
polarization process. This is unfortunate and tragic, as presently the
Pakistani state and nation are also besieged from external sources.
The official voices within the US and its European allies have
increased their bellicosity in terms of accusations that Pakistan is not
doing enough in terms of the global war on terror. While our whole state and
society has been rent asunder as a result of the global war on terror, we can
never satisfy the US and EU. Nor should that be our prime concern; but
748

coming back to these external pressures, let us ask ourselves where

extremists like the Jamia Hafsa-Lal Masjid combine managed to get
weapons like the bullet-proof and explosion-proof blankets which, according
to official government sources, even the Pakistan military does not possess?
What, one may ask, would be the long term intent of these external
pressures and designs? To get the Pakistani state to act more rigorously
against extremists; to end what some call the Mullah-Military alliance a
misnomer if ever there was one since all political forces in Pakistan since the
end of Zia period have allied with the Mullahs at one time or another?
Perhaps all of these goals, but more important is a longer term goal of
weakening the Pakistani state and eventually taking out its nuclear
assets.
Within this parameter, one should also not rule out the direct and
sustained intervention of NATO-US forces across the international border
with Afghanistan. If anyone has any doubts, they should have heard US
analyst Bill Kristol, a conservative, reflecting the Bush mindset, stating in a
Fox News programme on July `12, that the US should carry out attacks in
Waziristan over the next few weeks, without informing Pakistan.
Here, the onus is on the state to take the first step by reaching out to
all peace loving and moderate Pakistanis who have only one country they
can call home and one nation that they identify themselves with. Admitting
to bad advice, especially in the context of the judicial crisis, the backtracking
on that advice will show the inner strength and national commitment of the
leadership and will be a critical first step in a process of national healing that
should be the primary aim of the state today. The people want a sensitized
and responsive leadership and proactive moves in this regard will find a
ready response within the silent majority that today finds itself isolated,
emotionally drained and wondering what has happened to Jinnahs Pakistan
that held the promise to tolerance and respect for the diversity that was to
our unifying force.
The regime, instead, wasted no time to take on another Islamic
fascist in Swat and moved troops north of Malakand Pass. This fascist is
Maulana Fazlullah. Mushtaq Yusufzai compiled his profile. Born on
March 1, 1975, at the house of Beladar (late) at a small village of Imam
Dehrai near Kanjoo, the Maulana, who until now was unknown, is the sonin-law of Maulana Sufi Mohammad, the founding leader of the now defunct
TNSM.
749

Maulana Fazlullah, in his 30s, broke the silence and resurrected the
once forgotten TNSM when he started criticizing the governments proWestern policies. The Maulana passed his secondary school certificate from
the village school and then took admission at the Government Degree
College Saidu Sharif in Swat from where he passed his intermediate
examination.
Later he went to Maidan town in Lower Dir district and was given
admission at the religious seminary run by Maulana Sufi Mohammad, Jamia
Mazahir-ul-Uloom. During his stay at the madrassa, Maulana Fazlullah
developed good contacts with the madrassa administrator Maulana Sufi
Mohammad and later Maulana Sufi married his daughter with Maulana
Fazlullah. It was also Maulana Sufi who renamed his student.
The Maulana after completing his religious education returned to
Mamdherai and started imparting religious education at a mosque-cummadrassa. The Maulana, however, admits that he has no madrassa certificate
and has only received some religious education from his father-in-law. In
2001, like thousands of Sufi Mohammads followers, he too went to
Afghanistan along with his father-in-law to fight alongside the Taliban there.
He was taken into custody by the Pakistani security forces along with Sufi
Mohammad and few of his comrades and was sent to prison in D I Khan. He
remained in jail for one and half year.
Supporting a long beard and a Taliban like hairstyle, the Maulana is
fond of horse riding and exercising (in the presence of his armed
bodyguards). In 2004, the Maulana launched his illegal FM Radio channel
and became popular among people in Swat for his anti-government, and in
favour of Islamic-system speeches.
One of his brothers, Fazal Ahad was killed in an air strike reportedly
carried out by the American forces based in Afghanistan on a madrassa in
Bajaurs Chinagai village on October 28, 2006 in which 80 students and
their teachers perished. After the incident, the Maulana announced he
wanted to construct a big madrassa and appealed to the people through his
FM radio to provide him financial assistance. As a result Maulana succeeded
in collecting millions of rupees for his mega project. The people of Swat and
its surrounding localities donated Rs 3,800,000 within the first 24 hours.
Constructed over nine kanals of land on the bank of River Swat, the
Maulana has so far received Rs 35 million from his followers for the

750

madrassa and 80 percent construction work of which has already been

completed.
On his first appeal, thousands of people burnt their television sets and
VCRs publicly all over Swat. He then started a campaign for giving a
number of villages in the district Islamic names. He turned against female
education and urged people not to send their daughters and sisters to schools,
an action that he termed un-Islamic. It was as a result of this appeal that
prompted parents in Swat to remove about 1,700 girl students from schools
within two to three months.
The recent turmoil in the area has caused acute hardships for the local
residents. And since this is the tourist season, thousands of people are feared
to suffer across the valley if an amicable solution is not found to the
conflict.
The News also wasted no time in urging crackdown instead of
dialogue. Notwithstanding the fact that the very concept of a jirga has
become steadily disreputable throughout Pakistan, there is the element of
the guilty party stalling the inevitable through these sessions, call them by
any name. Mr Durrani (CM NWFP) is too wily a politician not to know this.
Granted that the government restored to an almost mystifying delay in Lal
Masjid operation, granted that mishandled the operation, that its action left
innumerable questions unanswered, the ultimate solution was a storming of
the occupied building for its evacuation.
Two months ago, Mr Durrani (CM NWFP) struck a dubious deal
with the NWFPs chief fanatical cleric, Maulana Fazlullah, who runs the
most virulent of the provinces more than 25 illegal FM stations dedicated to
the promotion of religious militancy. Has Fazlullah given up his fanatical
jihad? A peaceful solution should be attempted to the very end, but
without the government giving up the military option to put down the
vulnerable rebellion. The latter, in essence, is what the chief minister
(seems)to be proposing.
In a subsequent editorial the news paper added: Mr Durrani doesnt
even seem to be too sure of his own stance. On the one hand, he opposes
the army, and on the other as he acknowledged on the occasion, the soldiers
presence is essential. For one thing, the province lacks an adequate police
force. There is therefore immediacy to the need of withdrawal of the army,
which should be pulled out at what he called the appropriate time. At the
751

same time, he has been careful to emphasize that the army is there at the
pleasure of the local administration and the fragile peace committees and
that they will call the soldiers in case of emergency, whatever that means.
The chief minister of the NWFP seems to have sent the message that
he has strong reservations regarding the challenge, even though his province
is the centre of the insurgency following the Lal Masjid crisis. But regardless
of whether one supports the government, and regardless of the ideology
one follows, that challenge has to be met.
Behroz Khan reported: The only open support for the besieged
clerics came from militants like Maulana Fazlullah in Swat, son-in-law
of the jailed cleric Maulana Sufi Muhammad, head of the banned TNSM and
Maulana Faqir Muhammad another of Sufi from Bajaur Agency The
government took serious notice of the announcement when the Maulana
called upon his would-be suicide bombers to accomplish the mission
assigned to them if the government did not stop the Islamabad operation.
Maulana Faqir Muhammad, the cleric from Bajaur, who is wanted
by the government for instigating public and indulging in the target killing
of security personnel, addressed his masked armed force and the
tribesmen near Khar, headquarters of the agency to storm the government
installations and wage Jihad if the operation was not stopped.
However, violent demonstrations were held in the Battagram district
of Hazara Division soon after the news of Maulana Abdul Rashid Ghazis
death spread around. Students from a religious seminary run under the
patronage of MNA Qari Yousaf came out and stormed the offices of the
foreign NGOs working in the earthquake-hit zone.
Focus is now shifting from Lal Masjid to Swat where the security
forces have taken positions against trained and committed supporters of
Maulana Fazlullah, who too like Ghazi has announced his last will through
his mouthpiece. He was able to assemble hundreds of supporters at Kanju
ground at short notice and asked them to be ready for any eventuality in case
the military operation is initiated in Swat.
Situation in the scenic Swat Valley is tense where the Maulana is
busy preparing to set up resistance as the government plans to bring him to
terms. The Maulana has even made his intentions known by assigning
the task to his loyalists through the FM channel to occupy Saidu Sharif

752

Airport, target police stations and other government installations, and also to
take control of the courts and government buildings when they are asked to
do so.
Yousaf Ali observed: There were certainly some law and order
problems even before the operation in some parts of the valley for which a
hard-liner religious cleric Maulana Fazlullahused to be blamed. But, the
Maulana whose sole medium to communicate his teachings to his followers
was and still is his illegal FM radio, struck a peace agreement with the
district administration through a traditional local jirga in May under which
he agreed to the conditions of the district administration.
It was after Lal Masjid operation, that Maulana Fazlullah announced
scrapping of the agreement and waging Jihad against security personnel.
But, he refuted this announcement the same day, saying that he was still
honouring the accord. He also termed the attacks on police personnel during
the prolonged Lal Masjid operation in which one police cop was killed and
four others including a district police officer injured as a conspiracy to
malign him and his movement.
The general public as well as district administration of Swat do
not consider Maulana Fazlullah as any serious threat to peace. They see
no hand of the Maulana in the attack on the army, as according to them he is
not brave or cruel enough to carry out such activities in which the target is
none other but our own army. The district administration is also of the view
that the Maulana is a simple man and not responsible for terrorist activities.
There is a general perception among the common people of Swat that
the main reason of tension in the valley was deployment of the army.
They say if the army goes back to barracks, the situation would
automatically be normalized.
The grand jirga of elders of the entire Malakand division Dir
Upper, Dir Lower, Swat, Buner, Shangla districts and Malakand Agency
comprising of parliamentarians and leaders of various political parties called
on NWFP Chief Minister Akram Khan Durrani in Peshawar after the July 15
tragedy to discuss the law and order situation. The grand jirga was
unanimous to demand the honourable withdrawal of the army from
Swat and Dir, where two brigades of the army have been deployed.

753

The chief minister agreed to the demand of the jirga, but said that the
army would be withdrawn at a proper time. In the meanwhile, the army
would remain confined to their specific places. They would make no
movement and set up no post. The army, he said, is on the discretion of local
administration would not carry out any operation. If the army launched
any operation without his consent, he would have no right to stay in
power, the chief minister assured the jirga.
Nisar Mahmood discussed the consequences of induction of troops in
Dir District. Clouds of scare and speculations about military operation are
hovering over Lower Dir after the deployment of Army in the backdrop of
Lal Masjid and Jamia Hafsa standoff All political parties in the district,
at a meeting, asked the government not to create confusion by
unnecessary deployment of army as the situation did not demand so.
Presently TNSM activists in the district are almost invisible like
Swat, but in focus and troops moved in add to the doubts of the people. It is
generally believed that the army deployment may serve no end but
instead instigate violence in the otherwise peaceful district.
Rahimullah Yusufzai analyzed the situation comprehensively. The
retaliatory attacks in the NWFP and FATA to avenge the bloodshed in
Islamabads Lal Masjid and the adjacent Islamic school for girls, Jamia
Hafsa, didnt come as a surprise. Most of the students at this seminary, as
well as those studying at the nearby Jamia Fareedia for boys, belonged to the
NWFP and FATA.
Though the government quickly and quietly buried most of the dead
in a graveyard in Islamabad to minimize the impact of the human losses
(resulting from its decision to storm the mosque and seminary with
maximum military force), the death toll is believed to be much higher
than the 102 conceded by the authorities.
Sentiments were inflamed when bodies of some of the dead were
brought to their native villages in the NWFP and FATA. Their funerals
turned into huge gatherings where President Musharraf was bitterly
criticized for blocking a peaceful and negotiated solution of the issue and
instead ordering the military operation against the Lal Masjid to please the
US and its Western allies.

754

In Nawagai area of Bajaur tribal region on the border with

Afghanistan on July 12, clerics addressing funeral prayers for three
young students killed in the Islamabad seminary pledged to avenge their
deaths. Inflammatory speeches were also made elsewhere as bodies of other
students reached their homes
It is pertinent to mention here that the Lal Masjid cleric Maulana
Abdul Rashid Ghazi, who was killed in the military operation, was one of
the signatories to the fatwa, or religious decree, issued by prominent
clergymen two years ago in which Pakistan Army soldiers dying in USbacked military operations against fellow Pakistanis and Muslims in
Waziristan tribal region were omitted from the list of martyrs
The violence that flared up in the aftermath of the military operations
against the mosque and madrassa complex in Islamabad has until now
claimed around 80 lives in NWFP and FATA. The death toll was 28 in Dera
Ismail Khan It was an Iraq-style attack and it was the first time that a
recruitment centre for police was ruthlessly targeted.
The first attack after calling off the peace deal was a suicide bombing
against troops manning the Khajuri check point near the town of Mirali. The
government, on its part, has also been accusing the militants of not
honouring their promise under the accord not to harbour foreign fighters
belonging to Arab and Central Asian countries and refrain from sending
Taliban and others across the border to Afghanistan to fight US-led coalition
forces.
From the statements of the militant leaders and those of President
Musharraf and his ministers, it is obvious that the two sides are moving
toward a prolonged period of armed confrontation in the tribal
borderlands of Pakistan and Afghanistan.
Dr Farooq Hassan analyzed the legal aspects of armys deployment
internally. The recent use of the national army in the over-running in
Islamabad of the Lal Masjid resulted in many deaths; it justifiably raised
the question of the legality of the use of the countrys armed forces for
domestic operations.
Since the subduing of the cleric rebellion in the Lal Masjid
operation well over 250 people has been killed within the initial week of that
tragic occurrence in a guerrilla type of activity in that Province. Most

755

ominous is the fact that more than half of these casualties belonged to the
army or the police.
The juridical thrust of the legal inquiry is to find out: does the
Constitution allow such use of national Army within the Pakistan
territory? If it is sanctioned then (1) such killings are conceivably protected
and under the Constitution and (2) no legal criminal action for the killings
would be possible.
However, if the deployment of the countrys army is not permitted as
such for domestic purpose, then clearly two legal consequences are
conceivably inevitable: (1) That any such killings would in law be
tantamount to murder, a penal crime under the law and (2) Those who
ordered such operations are themselves guilty in addition to abetment to
murder of the high crime of treason under Article 6 for subverting the
Constitution.
Without being too technical let me broadly state that in the
Constitution there are a number of Articles that directly deal with the armed
forces. The main provisions on this subject are Articles 243, 242 and 245. It
will be evident that this special mention of the armed forces occurs in
Chapter XII of the Constitution which has two sub chapters.
After discussing the relevant provisions of the Constitution, the
analyst added: It is clear that army has only an external role and
domestically it can only come for a specific purpose only when called by
the local civilian authority to put down a riot or disturbance
Since the Lal Masjid operation the federal government has moved
thousands of troops according to press reports into NWFP. While no army
action has yet taken place, the legal question is still nagging us remains:
what is being done? If these actions or the ones to be taken like the
Islamabad are arguably outside the purview of the law, then what is the
governments agenda? Or does General Musharraf have a plan that he does
not share with the people?
The NWFP Chief Minister Muhammad Akram Khan Durrani on
July 16 while talking to a private channel stated that his administration has
not requested deployment of army in Swat. He categorically stated that no
military operation could be executed in any part of the province without
permission by his government

756

So while domestically there are strong objections to the use of the

military personnel and hardware and serious legal questions wanting some
clear response of the Administration, outside of Pakistan, especially in the
US, such action of Pakistans General has clear support.
The present US security related policy is understandable; but that is
not to say that every aspect of it is either correct or suitable or legally
permissible for Islamabad or indeed to Washingtons own real interests as
the Democrats are presently arguing in the Congress against the official
policies.
He concluded: Those in authority have above all made mincemeat of
the Constitution of Pakistan 1973; they have even usurped the totality of
government from the Prime Minister. Their charade of unenlighted
moderation may hoodwink the Americans, though I doubt that very
much, but not many in the country believe in them as the people of
Pakistan know too well that all these gimmicks are for one purpose how to
keep themselves in power.
Praful Bidwai looked at the ongoing turmoil from Indian perspective.
Al-Zawahiri has openly exhorted Pakistanis to rise up against President
Pervez Musharraf. The truce with pro-Taliban tribal in North Waziristan has
collapsed. There have been scores of deaths in bombings in the NWFP and
Islamabad.
Indias Pakistan-baiters are delighted at this and believe Pakistans
support for jihadi militancy has come back to haunt it. But there is another
Indian view, which values India-Pakistan peace and would like Pakistan to
learn some lessons from Lal Masjid and firmly embrace democracy.
After Lal Masjid, Musharraf appears to exude confidence for the
first time since his disastrous sacking of Chief Justice Iftikhar
Mohammad Chaudhry, which dealt a heavy blow to his legitimacy. He is
now trying to redirect the domestic political debate from one centred on
democracy vs military rule to a contestation between extremism vs
moderation and hope to enlist the support of radical Islams opponents.
However, the General is on shaky ground. Much of the blame for
allowing Lal Masjid to turn into a fortress of fundamentalist forces lies at his
door. Had he acted resolutely earlier, especially after the Jamia Hafsas

757

women students went on a rampage in January, he might have been able to

avert Operation Silence, with its high human costs.
But he gave the militants a free hand. His soft handling of them bears
a sharp contrast to his treatment of the Baluch nationalists or Justice
Chaudhrys supporters, especially in Karachi in mid-May. Its only when the
Lal Masjid militants arrested foreign nationals for immorality, and China
angrily protested, that Musharraf stopped appeasing extremist forces.
Much of what happened to Musharrafs pledge to root out
extremism and to his own plans will be determined by the Supreme
Courts impending verdict on Justice Chaudhrys constitutional petition,
and by how successful Pakistans political parties are in mobilizing opinion
in favour of holding free and fair parliamentary elections prior to the
presidential election. External pressure in favour of constitutionalism will
also play a role.
As things stand, Musharraf will find it hard to browbeat
Pakistans judiciary, which has been emboldened by massive shows of
spontaneous support for Chaudhry. Its unlikely that the judiciary will
acquiesce in General Musharrafs plans to get himself re-elected as president
by the existing legislatures. The major powers, including the United States,
are also unlikely to accept this easily absent a new, special jihadi threat to
them, to meet which they need Musharraf, no matters what the cost.
It seems increasingly likely that the General will have to allow both
Sharif and Bhutto to return and contest elections. The elections would
have to be credibly free and fair in order to produce a legitimate
government, including the president.
The only way Musharraf can prevent this is by precipitating a
fresh crisis and declaring a state of emergency, or creating another pretext to
postpone elections. This would only aggravate his crisis of legitimacy,
strengthening the forces of jihadi militancy, with grave domestic
consequences.
It will also greatly erode his USP (unique selling proposition) for the
West namely, he remains its best ally in combating al-Qaeda/Taliban. Such
a devious manoeuvre will probably prolong the stagnation in and complicate
the peace process with India. And it will seriously weaken the Generals

758

attempt to redefine Pakistans political debate along extremist vs

moderation lines.
There is an alternative. Musharraf can grasp the nettle by boldly
opening up the political process and setting Pakistan on the road to
democratization, while decisively severing the quarter century old link
between the state and jihadi extremism and finally ending General Zia-ul
Haqs terrible legacy.
Pakistans next elected government will have to grapple with the
three major anomalies or contradictions that have marked the countrys
evolution. These include: tension between Islam as Pakistans official
religion, and the requirements of a modern state presiding over a culturally
diverse society; fundamental imbalance between military and civilian power;
and gross disproportions in the regional distribution of power, skewed in
favour of the Punjab.
All three contradictions are inter-related, and feed upon one
another. For instance, the importance of religion in politics cannot be
reduced unless the state acquires independent popular legitimacy. A genuine
reform agenda must seek to resolve all the tensions. If Musharraf has an
enlightened vision, and if he seriously believes in moderation, he must
embrace this agenda with enthusiasm, and help begin Pakistans structural
transformation. This wont be an easy task certainly not for a General who
wields power by virtue of heading the army.
India has a big stake in a Pakistan that pursues political and religious
moderation, is strongly pluralist and inclusive, and is firmly committed to
subordinating its military to civilian control. Contrary to what Indias Rightwing security experts never tire saying; Pakistan is not destined to be a
military dictatorship, nor a Wahabi-Salafist society.
Pakistans Islam, like all South Asian Islam, is marked by Sufi
influences and diversity. Its eminently amenable to moderation and the idea
that different religions and non-religious traditions can coexist and enrich
one another. Pakistani Islams literalist Wahabi interpretation is recent and
must be combated even as enlightened rationalism is promoted and the
scientific temper fostered. Ultimately, we must remember, Pakistans and
Indias destinies are bound together.

759

REVIEW
Before commenting on the events since the massacre in Lal Masjid
and its seminary, a few more observations on the operation meant for
silencing the religious forces. What happened during this operation will be
revealed gradually; so for the people know little more than sounds and
flashes of the battle shown by the electronic media.
Purely from military point of view it is not a sensible option to assault
a position that has become untenable for the adversary. No commander
would like to lose even one soldier in capturing a position which is bound to
fall without use of force; unless, of course he has other considerations in his
mind apart from the safety of his men and the capture of an objective.
It is said that fighting in the target area lasted for about 24 hours.
The fact is that some of this duration was used for disposing off the dead
inmates. Subsequent demolition of Jamia Hafsa was also meant for
removing the evidence which could provide clues to indiscriminate use of
brute force against innocent children. The kind of force used was evident
from the fact that a burnt dead body of a student was recovered 11 days after
the end of the Operation Silence.
Analysts did not bother finding out as to what kind of weapons burnt
the inmates beyond recognition and instead they asked; how did a few small
arms reach the Lal Masjid? They have demanded accountability of the
intelligence agencies. Demand of accountability of those who did their job
well is quite unreasonable as they allowed some weapons to reach Lal
Masjid. In doing that they created a pretext for the bloodletting; therefore,
the enlightened analysts should urge the regime to honour them; if those
who indulged in perjury could be rewarded, why not these dedicated
intelligence agents.
Ghazi brothers would have never taken the law into their hands had
they, like the regime, had services of intelligence agencies, media mafia and
foreign sponsored NGOs at their disposal to promote their cause. They could
have followed the precedence set by the MQM on 12th May and escaped
scot-free.
The spate of attacks by militants in the wake of Lal Masjid has been
often referred to as backlash by the enlightened secular forces. It is not
correct because Lal Masjid in itself was a backlash. It has been a violent

760

reaction to the secular forces constant campaign to ridicule religious

elements and crush them on the behest of the Crusaders.
The resistance put up by the inmates of Lal Masjid, however,
encouraged the militants of all hues to vent their feelings. It only triggered
the eruption of the volcano of anger that has been accumulating and boiling
under the crust. The lava of anger gushed out. One cannot reap love after
sowing hatred.
In fact this is the merger of angers caused by excesses committed
against various segments of Pakistani society by civilized forces of the
West and their secular allies in Islamic World. This process which had
started with the launching of the Crusades against Muslims continues with
no end in sight.
The war on terror has spilled the blood of hundreds of thousands of
innocent Muslims. The secular rulers in Pakistan boast of being frontline
fighters in this war. They cannot hide the blood they have on their hands
even by taking refuge behind the shield of enlightened moderation.
Ask any Pakistani male or female, young or old, educated or illiterate,
rich or poor, and even an enlightened secular or obscurantist cleric about
Americas war on terror; everyone will say that it is unjust, brute and biased.
They will say that Bush is not only wrong but a war criminal. And
Musharraf is Bushs buddy, who has often boasted that his contribution in
the Crusades is more than anybody else in the world. If Bush is a war
criminal, Musharraf is hardened war criminal.
The Lal Masjid killings opened the wounds of these victims and they
reacted. They used the means they had and for that they have been accused
of resorting to un-Islamic means; the suicide bombings. Even if they were
Christians or Budhists, they would have tried to take the revenge using any
means they had. After all, all that the Crusaders and their allies have been
doing since 9/11 is also a worst form of revenge.
Zawahiris declaration of jihad against Musharraf regime should also
not have surprised any analyst. In view of Musharrafs contribution in the
ongoing Crusades, this decision should have come two to three years ago.
Those who are at war with the Crusaders cannot afford ignoring the
Crusaders collaborator.

761

These were the ground realities which forced Chief Minister of NWFP
to dash to Islamabad soon after the flaring up of the row on 3 rd July. He was
cognizant of the fact that people of Mohmand, Bajaur, Dir and Swat have
not forgotten the massacres of Damadola and Chinagai. He was also aware
that tribesmen of Waziristan would also react because of their grievances
over federal governments blatant violations of the peace accord.
Durrani begged President and Prime Minister to settle the dispute
through dialogue. He had warned that people of these areas would take it as
an excuse to react violently to settle their grievances, rendering the situation
beyond his control. No one listened to him; some like MQM leaders even
accused him of siding with the militants.
The inevitable happened. The suicide attack at recruiting centre in D I
Khan indicated another Iraq in the making. Another reflection of the dire
situation could be seen in reports after the spate of attacks. Police stations
across most parts of the country were fortified by erecting barbed wire
obstacles and sand-bagged morchas at roof tops. The KSE which turned
bullish after Operation Silence nose-dived after the suicide bombings in
NWFP.
Baluch nationalists also availed the opportunity. Outside forces could
not let this chance to slip over un-availed as brought out by General Mirza
Aslam Beg. He opined that targeting of Chinese nationals, including the
massagers, was part of the grand strategy jointly formulated by the US and
India to contain China and at the same time to isolate Pakistan.
Hamid Gul had similar views and termed it as an exterior manoeuvre.
He asked: Who filmed the kidnapping of Chinese massagers and
distributed it across China? The brave commando may be proud of using the
Ghazi brothers cleverly to promote his secular agenda, but the Crusaders
have exploited his expertise in strategizing to destabilize the citadel of
Islam.
Above actions and reactions and those discussed in earlier articles
are parts of a wider conflict within Pakistani society. Musharraf and two of
his companions, Sherpao and DG ISPR, have now formally declared war
between enlightened moderate forces and extremist religious forces. This is
most unfortunate, because dire consequences of civil war cannot be avoided
by giving it any other name.

762

The regime has escalated the conflict by deploying army units north
of Malakand Pass. It has been done without the consent of the provincial
government which spoke of the arrogance of the Musharraf regime further
enhanced by the victory of Lal Masjid.
The regime seemed to be determined to take on the Mulla; Maulana
Fazlullah who has been quite vocal about imposition of Islamic Sharia. It
appeared that the stage has been set for the next battle which would be
fought between terrorists endeavouring for enforcement of Shariat-eMuhammadi and enlightened forces of Shariat-e-Musharraf.
Nobody disagrees with Musharraf when he says that the society has to
rid of the extremism. But, his approach is drastically wrong. He does not
have to flex his muscles on slightest provocation. He does not have to excel
in extremism to defeat extremism.
Unfortunately, he has been aping Bush being in frontline in war
against terrorism. Bushs strategy of war on terror aims at keeping the
bloodshed away from the mainland America. In pursuit of that goal, the
Crusaders have arranged a perpetual bloodshed in Afghanistan and Iraq by
invading and occupying these countries under the pretext of war on terror.
Musharraf, by following his master blindly, has brought the bloodshed
to his homeland. In Pakistan, Musharraf the enlightened has arranged the
orgy of bloodletting saving the Crusaders from difficulties of invasion and
occupation of Pakistan. Analysts blame Zia for bringing militancy to
Pakistan by joining Americas war against the Soviets, but none of them has
the guts to say that Musharraf has excelled Zia by joining America war
against Islamic fascism.
Instead, analysts blame the militants for creating Iraq and
Afghanistan-like situation in Pakistan. They say militants have no
justification to do that because Pakistan is not under occupation. They are
wrong here, too. Pakistan is also under proxy occupation; Musharrafs
position is no different from Maliki or Karzai.
The enlightened have re-discovered for promotion of their agenda that
Islam is a religion of peace, tolerance and accommodation. Yes, the very
word Islam means peace, but the peace cannot be established by tolerating
injustice and accommodating innumerable evil social practices on the basis
of arguments put forward by the enlightened.

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A society that tolerates injustice and such other wrongs cannot claim
to be at peace. It is prone to all kinds of troubles, from within and without. It
is for this reason that Islam emphasizes on fighting against these evils
vehemently with all the might at ones disposal.
The enlightened have also rediscovered that peace can be promoted by
propagating the Sufis message of love. This message has its virtues but
despite those virtues Iqbal had different views because Sufism encourages
inaction. Iqbals message is struggle, constant struggle or jihad, for
achieving excellence here and hereafter.
There are other sensible ways to do it rather ridiculing and smashing
anything that relates to religion in any way. Dialogue can achieve much
more than crackdowns can do and that too without spilling blood of own
people. The regime can also seek reformation of madaris but not without the
consent of the Wafaqul Madaris. The reformers have to keep in mind the
plight of government schools. Do they want madaris educating 1.6 million
students to meet the same fate?
The war on terror, which has transformed into the holy war against
Islamic fascists, was initially opposed by various elements in Muslim World
for varying reasons. After about six years, the opponents have a common
cause; the revenge, because almost all of them are the victims of the state
terrorism perpetrated by the Crusaders and their allies in Islamic World.
These elements are no match to the combined might of the West and
their Muslim collaborators, but they are not prepared to give up their
struggle. None of the weapons possessed by the Islamic fascists pose any
serious threat to their adversaries except the bombing; suicide bombings to
be specific.
Suicide bombers are equivalent of the weapons about which
Musharraf has been boasting about quite often. They possess the same
capability of hitting the target with surprise just as the weapons about which
Musharraf has been saying; they would not know as who has hit them and
from where. They cause the same degree of shock and awe of which the
Crusaders have been boasting about. Suicide members are Predator airplanes
of the resistance groups.
It is for this reason that in Pakistan the regime and media have been
persuading Ulema overtime to formally declare suicide bombings haram

764

through a decree; hoping that such a declaration would discourage the

bombers from resorting to such attacks.
The optimism of the regime is unfounded, because suicide bombings
are reaction to inhumane acts of the Crusaders and their allies; as long the
action remains unchecked, the reaction cannot be controlled. When it comes
to taking revenge, followers of all religions act similarly. After all, two
thousand Japanese suicide bombers of WW II were no Muslims and waging
no jihad.
As discussed in an earlier article the religious forces should not
entirely depend on military approach. They must involve themselves in
political process. They should draw inspiration from the results of recently
held general elections in Turkey in which Islamist party won clear majority
in the parliament, despite the huge show of force by secular parties only a
few weeks ago.
There is no doubt that even if the religious forces beat the secular
forces through a democratic process, the seculars will still not let them
have free-ride as it happened in case of Hamas. Yet, there is no harm in
winning a moral victory and hoping that power-hungry secular forces may
respect the will of the masses.
Followers of Islam have always made a comeback when pitched
against anti-Islam forces. Once they make a comeback through political
process, the enlightened moderates would not or should not be able to
criticize the religious forces over use of force similar to the one which was
used by the moderate forces in conquest of Lal Masjid.
Bulk of the media and the intellectuals of Enlightened Cult sided with
the secular forces openly. Some of them stooped very low in ridiculing the
Islamic extremists; for example, one anchor of Geo TV called Umme
Hassaan as Aunty just to equate her with Aunty Shamim. In his endeavour to
ridicule wife of Maulana Abdul Aziz he forgot that he might be ridiculing his
own enlightened Aunty by equating her with obscurantist Umme Hassaan.
With an element of disdain, they term madrassas as shelter-homes for
children of the poor who cannot provide them three meals a day. This
observation does not reflect any sympathy but the intention to ridicule
them. They who cried hoarse over danda-wielding girls remained dumb over

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recovery of limbs of those girls from debris dumped in a nullah by the

secular regime.
To conclude one can only draw the attention of the Pakistani Ataturk
that as he was busy smashing the religious elements in Islamic Republic of
Pakistan, in the secular homeland of real Ataturk the Islamic party won more
than 46 percent of parliament seats in recently held general elections. No
Ataturk can stop the resurgence of a religion chosen by Allah for the
mankind and he must know that Pakistan sans Islam can be anything but
Pakistan.
23rd July 2007

766

HELMET vs WIG
ECSTASY AND AGONY
It was time to celebrate for all those who supported the cause of rule
of law and independence of judiciary. They celebrated the historic verdict
with fervor befitting the valour with which the movement was initiated and
sustained through scortching summers.
The Team-Helmet absorbed the shock of defeat but utterly lacked the
grace just it has been throughout the past four months. Some people hoped
that a few in the regime might accept the responsibility for their illegal and
unconstitutional acts, but it did not happen.
Instead, the team captain, after having overcome shock of humiliating
defeat in the court, decided to regain the lost ground by making moves in
political arena. Musharraf dashed to Abu Dhabi to finalize a deal with
Benazir Bhutto, but in doing that he lost the grace whatever was left of it.

EVENTS
On 21st July, the verdict was celebrated across the country especially
by the lawyers. They vowed to struggle for end of military rule. Justice Rana
Bhagwandas congratulated the CJP. Intellectuals termed the verdict as
momentous.
Ansar Abbasi observed that the verdict left many with the guilty
conscience. In a high-level meeting chaired by the prime minister the regime
decided not seek review of the courts decision or file another reference
against the chief justice. IT minister, Ishaq Khan Khakwani and some of his
colleagues asked president and prime minister to congratulate the CJP.
The verdict left Fazlur Rahman embarrassed as he had warned the
participants of APC that the chief justice was fighting for his personal gains
and he could exploit his support among the opposition parties and strike a
secret deal General Musharraf to get himself restored. Similarly, the
restoration of the chief justice has put Benazir in a fix as was evident from
contradicting replies to a question that should the president and prime
minister resign from their offices.

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PML-N and JI asked president and prime minister to resign. Newly

formed All Parties Democratic Movement decided to file petitions on reelection of the president and unobstructed return of exiled leaders. British
press saw Musharrafs re-election in jeopardy. Minister Durrani was
confident of Musharrafs re-election.
Next day, Shujaat met Altaf Hussain in London. He must have asked
Altaf to teach him few tricks to deal with opponents through extra-judicial
means. Musharraf asked Shujaat to return immediately to clear the mess. In
other words, to apply what he has been taught by Altaf Bhai.
PML-N and ANP leaders hailed the verdict. PPP finalized white
paper on Karachi killings. Benazir said the verdict has weakened deal logic
as it could adversely affect her vote bank. Nawaz Sharif accused Benazir of
not honouring the Charter of Democracy. Qazi asked the Supreme Court to
restore 1973 Constitution. Fazlur Rehman asked president and prime
minister to resign.
On 23rd July, Shujaat held separate meetings with president and prime
minister soon after returning from London. The matter as to who should
resign was put off till announcement of detailed verdict. Lawyers in Karachi
said civilian supremacy was their next goal.
The visit of the CJP to PIMS to enquire about the health of persons
injured in Islamabad blast was cancelled for unknown reasons. The CJP
declined to hear a case pleaded by Pirzada. A Supreme Court bench
summoned four secretaries in price-hike case. The victims of Karachi
carnage remained uncompensated.
Next day, PML-Q said power-sharing with PPP was possible. Benazir
said the contacts with the government were only for fair elections. MMA
protested over Qazis resignation. Heading a bench hearing the case of delay
in promulgation of Human Organs Trade Ordinance the CJP observed that
the government takes hardly an hour to issue an ordinance of its preference
but has taken over a year for making a law of public interest.
On 26th July, a Supreme Court bench said CNIC condition violates
Constitution. The Chief Justice told Election Commission to convey to
President that 30 million voters cant be deprived of their right to vote.
Sindh High Court directed strict compliance of Supreme Court orders
regarding spying of judges by intelligence agencies.

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Shaukat Aziz refuted reports about any change in regimes setup. PPP
said blast during CJPs rally wasnt a suicide attack and instead blamed the
government. Imran Khan filed a reference against MQM and Afgan
submitted his reply to Election Commission about the references against
him.
Next day, the brave commando went all the way to Abu Dhabi to
embrace Benazir seeking her help to rescue him from the mess he was in.
The deal was being given final touches. PPP high-ups in Pakistan were
taken aback or at least pretended to be so. Altaf hailed BB-Musharraf union.
Sharif brothers stood were reported to have declined a meeting with the
General in Jeddah.
Benazir avoided refuting the reports about her meeting with
Musharraf but said PPP believes in dialogue. Many people thought BenazirMusharraf deal is to save his sinking ship which amounts to betrayal of the
people. Those who support Musharraf will lose popularity, said Khar.
The regime will introduce a pack of laws for amendment of the
Constitution as consequence of the secret meeting with Benazir. The
amendments include lifting of ban on anyone becoming a prime minister for
the third time. President will form interim government as per Constitution,
said Durrani. Mushahid denied contacting Sharif brothers.
Liaqat Baluch said Benazir would be a loser in the deal. Qazi said the
deal would be disastrous for democracy. Aitzaz said Musharraf would face
challenge if he sought dual office. Addressing a workshop on 28 th July, the
CJP said unconstitutional steps wont be allowed.

VIEWS
The people expressed their feelings about lawyers movement and its
outcome in terms of the verdict of the Supreme Court. T Mallick from
Lahore wrote: The Chief Justice and his team of lawyers led by Aitzaz
Ahsan, has won the hearts and minds of the people.
Their decision to take a stand on principles and listen to their inner
conscience makes them stand tall amongst those that dominate Pakistans
political landscape. Irrespective of the decision given by Supreme Court,

769

the people have given their verdict for rule of law, supremacy of
constitution and independence of judiciary.
Danish Gul from Saray Khurboza opined: The real democracy works
when the Parliament, the Judiciary and the Executive work in unison. No
institution should try to dominate the other. The SC judgment, therefore, will
bring into force the rule of law. The reference against the Chief Justice
showed how the government was trying to coerce the judiciary.
Unfortunately, military rulers have always tried to misuse the
judiciary in the past and the Supreme Court too has played the tame second
fiddle throughout, invoking the so-called law of necessity to validate the
military rule. Our institutions, thus, have never been actually independent in
the true sense of the term. The Parliament functioned only as rubberstamp.
All major and crucial decisions for the country were taken by the military
strongman who usually put on the robes of the President over his uniform.
The change in this sad chronology of events and characters will occur now
after the epoch-making decision of the Supreme Court, which will truly
empower the judiciary.
Saiqa Khan from Lahore was of the view that nations rarely have
such golden opportunities in their history, to set right the wrongs and
omissions of the past. I hope and pray that the chief justice, after this
experience, will take the lead now in reforming the entire Pakistani legal
set-up, to make it more efficient, sympathetic, honest and transparent, so
that in future the noble institution will stand out as the protector of public
rights and the guardian of the Constitution.
Also, in view of the existing and increasingly volatile situation in the
country, our political parties and religious elements should also take an
example from the legal communitys actions. Instead of suicide bombings
and violent means, they should promote positive change through
constitutional means and if there is any demand for change, it should come
via ballot.
Viqar A Khan from Lahore said: Now that you have been reinstated,
it would be in the greatness of things to be forgiving, for these are the
actions which are needed to win over the minds and hearts of people which
hitherto might have been hostile. It may be in the fitness of things to
unilaterally forgive those involved in the manhandling in your case. I would
also request you most humbly to find some legal possibility of reinstating
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the members of judiciary who resigned from their offices while supporting
the cause of free judiciary.
B A Malik from Islamabad was of the view that this decision has
buried forever the infamous doctrine of necessity. This judgment is the
victory of the rule of law over the law of the jungle. After July 20, the might
will never claim to be right. Justice has prevailed over injustice. This
judgment has set Pakistan free from the bondage, the shackles and the
clutches of usurpers.
This victory belongs to the apex court, the lawyer community, the
people of Pakistan, democratic forces and all those who suffered and even
laid down their lives in this struggle so that others may live with freedom,
dignity and self-respect. Now on the era of hypocrisy is over
The judgment has sent a loud and clear message to the ruling
Generals that their era is now on an episode of the past. General Musharraf
needs to understand the message of July 20. The judiciary has become
independent. From now on Pakistan can move on to a long delayed
consensus on national issues. The democratic opposition is now free to run
this country without the crutches of the mullah and the military.
Regimes acts were criticized. Dr Ghulam Ayub from London wrote:
The party in power generally strives to do public works and confidencebuilding activities to strengthen its vote bank in the election year. General
Musharraf is doing just the opposite. Makes me wonder whether 2007 is
really an election year?
Uzma Munshi from Rawalpindi observed: Law Minister Mr Wasi
Zafar has remarked that the judgment of the Supreme Court is nobodys
victory as the SC had set aside the case and, therefore, it can be proclaimed
as a victory for the Chief Justice. One wonders why our Law Minister is so
incompetent that he does not even understand the implications of the
common legal parlance. Setting aside a judgment very unambiguously
conveys that the reference made against the CJ was thrown out after being
declared ultra vires of the Constitution. We need a minister of better
caliber.
M S Hasan from Karachi opined: The 13-member full court of the
Supreme Court has quashed the presidential reference If those who

771

initiated the reference against the chief justice are men worth their salt, and
have a tiniest element of conscience left in them they will resign.
Asghar Chaddar from Lahore wrote: Do we know with whose
connivance these affidavits were presented? Grace demands that
Musharraf should quit after the airy-fairy allegations on which he acted
have been proven wrong. Conveying his acceptance of the judgment through
a spokesperson on the same day that he was telling the editors that he will be
elected in uniform by the current assemblies come what may, is no show of
grace. He had no choice but to accept the verdict.
The common man may not know the nitty-gritty of the Constitution
but with the deft help of the media, he has finally realized that
Constitution is the guardian of the rule of law in the country which
ultimately safeguards his interests. If the common man has been forced to
think only about where his next meal is going to come from, it is because of
the lack of rule of law and sanctity of the Constitution, which safeguards the
basic rights of the people.
Shafiq Khan from Canada had some words of consolation for the
regime. Though President Musharraf has lost the case and his opponents
blame him for initiating a mala fide reference against the chief justice, most
people will forget this all in a few days. What they will remember is that the
government did not influence the judiciary and let it make an
independent decision Also, the victory for the chief justice is a blow for
those opposition leaders who were doing politics on the shoulders of Iftikhar
Mohammad Chaudhry for the last five months. Those shoulders are not
available any more to them.
Khurshid Anwer from Lahore Cantt wrote about Benazirs deal with
Musharraf. Benazir Bhutto, with a string of clever excuses, is playing the
devils advocate by scuttling all efforts by the opposition parties to form a
grand alliance. The first one some months ago was that she had not been
consulted on the date of the APC; then that she would not sit with the MMA
who had facilitated the 17th Amendment; then that she would not attend
unless MMA left the Baluchistan government. Finally, she came up with the
shocker that she would only attend the APC if she chaired the meeting. Her
lecture commitments in France; the wrong timing of the resignations; not
wanting to sit with a party that supports terrorists; were some of the other
(lame) reasons she gave for not attending.

772

Her latest, right after the APC, is that she did not sign the final
communiqu because launching of a movement had been proposed without
her prior consultation. Why is she playing ducks and drakes? Because she
has the deal all but sewed up. Even her loyalists are hard pressed to
defend her. Jehangir Badar created comic relief at the APC by saying, we
are negotiating, but not for a deal.
Shaukat Iqbal Khattak from Karachi opined: At a time when General
Musharraf finds himself in the dock, his efforts to strike a deal with
former prime minister and PPP leader Benazir Bhutto are unlikely to
succeed. The shrewd politician in Ms Bhutto may find it politically too risky
to agree to support the General in his plan to get re-elected as the president
by the present national and provincial assemblies with his uniform intact
even if most of her demands are accepted. The General, who has been the
main target of the fundamentalist forces in the post-9/11 scenario, has lost
much of the ground he held. It seems his stars are no more favouring him.

Analysts hailed the historic verdict and the lawyers movement

which helped the judges to call the spade a spade. Dr Farrukh Saleem:
wrote: Iqbal had a dream; their lordships have turned Iqbals dream into a
reality. Rahmat Ali gave us a name; their lordships have given Rahmat Alis
name a meaning. Jinnah gave us a country of our own; their lordships have
now given us a direction of our own.
Remember, lawyers; they sang in rain and they sang in sun. They did
no damage to anyone but sing. They sang duets and they sang chorals. They
sang all night long. They had no tanks and they had no bombs. They had
songs and they had rhymes. Their songs their tanks and the rhymes their
bombs. They sang on roads and they sang in parks. They did nothing but
sing.
At the next stop, even more showed up. They danced in black coats
and they danced in black ties. They danced at the beat of dhol and they
danced on chimta. They danced on tumbi and they danced on tabla. They
had no Kalashnikovs and they had no bullets. Their black coats their
Kalashnikovs and their black ties their bullets. They did no damage to
anyone but danced. They danced in streets and they danced on rooftops.
They danced all night long. They did nothing but dance.
They carried no stones and they brought no rocks. All they had was
flowers and petals. They threw no stones and they pelted no rocks. They
773

drowned his car in flowers and they drenched him with petals. He neither
danced nor sang. He neither said much nor heard much. Neither a Buddha
nor a Sufi. But, he was kissed on the forehead and kissed on the cheeks.
Kissed for what he had done.
He went to Peshawar and he went to Multan. He rolled through
Pakhtunkhwa and he rolled through Punjab. Thats 300,000 square
kilometers of Pakistan and thats where six crore Pakistanis dwell. Not all,
but half of them came out. They came out to see neither an Ataturk nor a
Mandela. They came out to see a Pakistani who had done it; did something
that hadnt been done before. Said no.
Four months of singing and four months of dancing. With not a drop
of blood shed they have won. They have hurt no one and won. They have
damaged no property and have still won. They have won and we have won.
Jinnah has won, Iqbal has won and so has Rahmat Ali.
Friday is when Pakistan danced, once again. Friday is when Pakistan
sang, once again. There were SMSs and there was mobile telephony. I heard
from friends who hadnt called in a year. Friends within and friends outside.
They came in yellow dhotis and they came in red kurtas. They had
nothing but mithai. They did nothing but doled mithai. Who were they and
why were they doling out mithai? There hasnt been an election. Have we
won a war?
He was wearing neither a black coat nor carrying a party flag. In the
heart of Islamabad he wandered like a wanderer; with a basket full of
mithai. I had neither seen him before nor heard of him before. He did
nothing but shoved a ghulab jaman through my teeth. Now, thats a first in
my lifetime. Shoved it and went on. Neither waited for my thanks nor my
views. Shoved and went on.
Whats next? Trias politica; separation of powers. You do your things
right. We shall do ours. You put your house in order. Well put ours. Black
robes have neither been a check nor an impediment, a 60-year nightmare.
Nightmare becomes a dream. Dream shall take time but the Executive
beware, there now is a check and an impediment. Yes, there will be
constitutional deviation and, yes, there will be Executive indiscretions but
not another 60-year nightmare. Yes, there is a new endangered species list;
dual offices, controversial elections and monopolization of power by the

774

Executive. And, yes, Pakistans civil society can take care of Pakistans
problems.
Twenty-one thousand days of going nowhere. Black robes have
changed all that. Ukraine had an Orange Revolution. White shirts have done
it here. Serbia had Bulldozer Revolution. Black robes have done it here.
Kyrgyzstan had a Tulip Revolution. Petals have done it here. Estonia had a
Singing Revolution. So did we. Georgia had her Rose Revolution. So did
we. No one has yet had a dancing revolution we did.
Dr Ijaz Ahsan reviewed how the success came and now what should
be the next objective. The lawyers epic struggle for the independence of
the judiciary and the rule of law has borne fruit This is one of the very
few positive happenings in the history of the country. It is a time for
rejoicing.
How did this restoration take place? Well, firstly because of the
chief justices unprecedented no when he was asked to resign. Secondly,
due to the competence of his team of lawyers, the mediocrity and
indifference of the opposing team, and the stupidity of those who filed
affidavits. But also because of many other factors: the steadfastness of the
lawyers community aided by the civil society who, over a period of many
months, never wavered.
May the new-found vigour of the judiciary go from strength to
strength and turn this land, and the hell that it has become, into the paradise
it was always meant to be. May it reverse the damage done by decade-long
periods of martial law, when there was no rule and no regulation except the
will of the martial law administrator?
May the judiciary be the guardian of the poor, the down-trodden,
the disadvantaged, the women, the orphans and the destitute. May it provide
protection to them from hoodlums, qabza groups, dacoits, murderers, and
last but not the least the law enforcers themselves.
Now, how is all this to come about? The primary role will have to
be played by the judiciary itself, and it is not going to be easy. Judges will
have to be conscious of their duty to work without fear and favour. They will
have to avoid mixing too freely with the citizenry, as this creates intimacy
which is often misused by the other side. They must force bureaucrats to

775

walk the straight and narrow path; they should not spare the corrupt among
them. They should
In attempting to change the situation for better, the judiciary will
need the support of every section of the society, specially the lawyers, the
media, the educated citizens and their groups and organizations. Everyone
will need to be vigilant. Incidentally, the lawyers should keep themselves as
an extremely effective and valuable pressure group. They should not make
the mistake of converting themselves into another political party; if they do
so, they will enter the rat race for the spoils of office.
Hopefully, now the courts will be able to settle the issue of the
impropriety of the National Security Council superimposed on the
Parliament, as well as of the same assemblies electing the president twice.
Their new independence should enable them to decide these crying
issues according to the law. This will itself lead to the long-overdue reform
of our polity. Already more than one political party is getting its writ petition
together in this connection. In the meantime we wait and hope for the return
of full democracy. Again hopefully the politicians, when they come into
power, will behave better than in the past.
Nadeem Syed while rejoicing over the verdict also made a mention of
hopes and expectations. Within no time after the breaking of the news for
which the people were impatiently waiting, the lawyers, political workers
and members from the civil society came out on the streets. For them it was
an occasion to dance and sing. The people were seen presenting sweets to
their friends and colleagues. Thanks giving prayers were held throughout
the country for the successful movement waged so heroically by the
lawyers.
In TV commentaries, the analysts termed the development with most
glorious words. Some termed it a turning point in the history of Pakistan,
others hailed as the first drop of rain. The more optimistic politicians
described it as the last nail in the coffin of dictatorship. Still it was widely
believed that the SC judgment would bring back the country on track
and strengthen institutions.
The joy, we all witnessed after the reinstatement of the Chief Justice,
was most spontaneous, genuine and widespread as the images of jubilation
came from all over the country, as if everybody felt relieved. Even the

776

official circles, believing that at least for the government one important
front had been closed, felt relieved.
The joy was genuine as the people feel their dream coming true, for
which they waited for too long. It also came at a time when the people
began to harbouring disturbing thoughts about the future of the
country, especially after the sordid affair of Lal Masjid and suicidal attacks
in the NWFP.
Before announcement of the judgment, the people were expecting a
ruling that would keep all the stakeholders in good humour. But the SC
not only restored CJ, it also declared everything else as null and void. It was
a complete loss of face for the government.
Hats off to the lawyers and media, as both gave huge encouragement
to the activists of the movement by keeping the issue alive and making it a
household theme. The lawyers not only stayed united against heavy odds,
their movement gained vigour with each passing day despite the states
efforts to sow seeds of division among them.
The political leadership has been desperately looking for an
honest arbitrator as they take on the President Musharraf going very strong
at the moment with the backing of army and America. For them it is time to
accomplish what they could not in their lukewarm struggle in the last seven
years.
The people ask one thing more frequently now whether the CJP could
damage General Musharraf. Yes, he can pinch him where it hurts him the
most, if he really wants especially at a time when Musharraf is trying to
consolidate his position.
Ghazi Salahuddin wrote: We had our answers before the day ended.
For once, our prayers were answered. I could also feel that this communal
celebration should be emotionally and psychologically uplifting. It could
be seen as the political equivalent of winning a world cup a world cup that
is held only once.
One problem is that our present rulers are not in a position to
benefit from this reservoir of hope because they are on the losing side.
We know how great victories in sports can boost the political standing of the
ruling party of a nation. Here, the situation is very different. What must be

777

understood, however, is that this is another kind of referendum and nobody

can rig its results. Those who may have been saddened by the verdict
because of their vested affiliations with the rulers were obviously in a very,
very small minority.
Where do we go from here? At one level, all our sorrows, emanating
from the present surge in religious extremism and from distortions planted in
the body politic by an autocratic and anti democratic dispensation, remain
valid. At another level, a new beginning seems possible.
Much will depend on how the rulers and their cronies read the
message that has been posted on the walls of the Supreme Court. If they
are true patriots, they should understand that Pakistan had been pushed to
the point of becoming a failed state largely because of lack of justice in the
affairs of the state, leading to judicial approvals of manifestly fraudulent
arrangements. Military interventions stand out as our disastrous
derelictions.
We live in a society in which turncoats and cheats prospered.
There is an environment in which defiance of authority is dangerous. Look
at what happened on March 9 and in the first four or five days after that. It
was the chief justices courage to say no and the lawyers determination to
honour that heroic act of defiance that unleashed the hope that has forever
resided in the hearts of the citizens who love this country and want it to
prosper.
Whether this hope can live and grow is a big question. If what has
happened can make our rulers think, the situation is sure to improve. At least
some of them in the ruling alliance who feel that their conscience is still
breathing can stand up and be counted. Is it too much to be expected in these
times that try mens soul?
S M Hali looked beyond the verdict. The verdict has brought joy to
the CJP, his counsel, and the thousands of lawyers who supported him in a
movement, labeled as the independence of the judiciary. The majority of
the people of Pakistan backed the CJP and the lawyers movement, braving
heat, dust, rain and tempest to greet the CJP, as he led mammoth rallies
around the country. It goes to his credit that despite the apparent
politicization of the movement as various political factions tried to hijack it;
the CJP refrained from attacking the government directly.

778

The government on its part, despite having filed the reference

against the CJP, in somewhat dubious circumstances, has accepted the
verdict wholeheartedly and stated that the Constitution and the rule of law
have prevailed. The sad aspect is that some members of the judiciary have
had a poor track record of serving as handmaidens to various dictators
providing them with the doctrine of necessity and other legal loop holes to
legalize their reign and play havoc with the Constitution. It is equally sad
that during the rule of various democratic governments, the judiciary has
been dealt with severe blows
Now that the fanfare is over and the judiciary is settling down to
normal business after the resumption of his office by the CJP, it remains to
be seen whether the Judiciary has actually gained the independence.
Would the CJP demonstrate maturity and not be vindictive towards those
who put him on trial.
The CJP was admired by the common man because of his judicial
activism. Surely he would continue taking suo moto actions and devise
efficient methods to provide speedy justice to the down-trodden masses.
However, if the judiciary was to continuously engage the government in suo
moto actions, it would be constrained to provide enough time to good
governance. Moreover, this being an election year political cases are most
likely to come up before the judiciary. It would be appropriate to settle
political battles on the floor of the assembly rather than take the precious
time of the judiciary.
The judiciary and the legislature are vital institutions of the state and
need to work in harmony with each other. The need of the hour is to sink
their differences and look beyond the verdict for peace and concord in
Pakistan.
The Nation approved of judicial activism. In a society where people
feel helpless against official excesses and are generally disinclined to
approach the courts for redress for a host of reasons, judicial activism, i.e.
taking up serious and widely known public complaints by the courts at their
own initiative, has of late assumed great importance in Pakistan. The people
rightly see the judges proactive role in resolving their problems as a
silver lining in the dark cloud of official callousness, while the government
regards it as an irksome encroachment upon its domain.

779

Hopefully, the vague apprehensions in some circles that the reference

against the CJ, tough declared null and void, might serve to dampen the
enthusiasm of judges in taking the government to task in the near future
would prove wrong and the expectation that it would rather tend to make
them more fearless turn out to be right.
The coming days could prove quite trying both for the judiciary
and the authorities; for quite a few election-related contentious points are
likely to come up for decision by the courts. The installation of a caretaker
government, the appointment of an independent election commission, the
Presidents re-election by the present or post-polls Assemblies and, the most
important of all perhaps, his election while holding the office of COAS,
already the fate of everyday public discourse, would come to the centre stage
of the judiciary.
Husain Haqqani was of the view that the Supreme Court ruling
weakens an embattled Musharraf further and demonstrates the
unwillingness of Pakistans civilians to endlessly obey the militarys
commands. The president now has two options. He could recognize the
emerging reality and initiate a process of national reconciliation that allows
civilian institutions from courts and the civil services to political parties
and civil society organizations to function independently within their
respective spheres.
Or he could persist with the doctrine of militarys supremacy that has
polarized Pakistan along several lines. Musharraf recently told newspaper
editors that he believed in unified command, which indicates that he has
yet to understand how he and his military predecessors have obstructed
the emergence of a consensus system of governance that absorbs
differences within society without widespread resort to violence and tearing
apart the country.
The governments humiliation at the hands of the Supreme Court
should cause for him and his fellow army officers to review their
fundamental approach to governance. But so ingrained is the armys belief in
its role as saviour of Pakistan that its senior personnel still do not
understand why the doctrine of unified command should be abandoned
in favour of the governance by national reconciliation and consensus.
The military minds fascination with obedience to the
commander begins with the training on parade grounds to turn on the
780

parade sergeants command. Its manifestation can be found in assertions on

political issues by serving and retired military men. Musharrafs predecessor
as army chief, General Jehangir Karamat an otherwise reasonable man was
recently reported as saying in London that Pakistan needs a strong man like
Musharraf.
The military-intelligence complex that runs the country has
periodically played up various schisms to justify strong-arm, centralized
rule. The Supreme Courts rebuke to the government could be seen by it as a
blessing in disguise because it ends a distracting crisis of its own making.
The Supreme Court may have won the recent turf war but Pakistans
many battles within are far from over.
Dr Haider Mehdi opined: The moment of truth is here. With the
reinstatement of the Chief Justice of Pakistan by the Supreme Court, it is
hoped that an era of constitutional governance and political reform will
now be ushered in Pakistan. With the reinstated Chief Justice already
presiding over the Supreme Court, it would be ethically and professionally
inappropriate to heap personal praise on Justice Iftikhar Mohammad
Chaudhry. However the obvious must be said
The process of political reform through constitutional interpretations
should commence soon. The Presidents re-election by the out-going
assemblies, the legality of the dismissal of an elected civilian government.
Nawaz Sharifs forced exile, the presidential power to order troops to take
siege against its own people, the arrests and handing over of Pakistani
citizens to a foreign government, the governments prerogatives of accepting
the military and policing assistance of a foreign country, the defining of
Pakistans foreign policy solely by an individual, the role of the army in the
civilian affairs of the nation, and the legitimacy of military intelligence and
its interference in the political decision-making of the nation, etc, are some
of the most pressing and urgent issues that will require the Supreme
Courts constitutional decisions without delay.
The moment of truth has arrived when the incumbent political
establishment in Pakistan will have to be answerable for and offer
constitutional justifications of its policies before the apex court of the
country. Not only that, it will have to explain to the Pakistani people how it
legitimizes its existence as well as the nature of its socio-economic-culturalpolitical doctrines, which are at odds with the nation.'

781

The moment of truth, it should be noted, has not only arrived for the
incumbent political establishment it has arrived for all the political parties,
for all national political actors and, especially, for all Pakistani citizens.
Pakistanis must now assert their will over the national political management
system and make it work for a collectivist national agenda.
The moment of truth is for Aitzaz Ahsan, basking in the national
glory of a judicial victory as the CJPs lead attorney, to take a formidable
role in purging the PPP leadership and its structure and make the party truly
representative of the people.
The moment of truth has equally arrived for Nawaz Sharif.
Notwithstanding the rhetoric for the restoration of democracy, the ex-prime
minister has to take some bold initiatives of defiance: the PML-N leader has
to go to the apex court to challenge his dismissal eight years ago and seek
constitutional judgment on this issue. Nawaz Sharif will have to travel to
Pakistan soon and offer himself for arrest if that remains the only choice.
The moment of truth for Imran Khan, too, has specific importance
in terms of restructuring his political party organization and in continued
emphasis on his special brand of politics promoting justice for all
movement within the context of Pakistans socio-cultural heritage. Imran
Khan would be well-advised to expand the membership of his party,
introduce a structure of collective leadership, open channels of multiple
sources of spokespersons for the partys political platform and develop
nation-wide centres for public-awareness on vital issues of national
importance.
The moment of truth for the Islamic parties alliance is to promote
constitutional governance, steadfastly defend our cultural heritage and
provide enlightened views on Islamic political thought based on the
conceptual understanding of our precepts and teachings
The moment of truth for the Alliance for the Restoration of
Democracy is to publicly pledge to the Pakistani nation that a complete
review of Pakistans special relationship with the US will be scrutinized by
discussion, debate, and national discourse, Pakistan will have to have a
redefined foreign policy.
The moment of truth for every Pakistani citizen this day is to
realize that the US has engaged Pakistan presently in a psychological

782

warfare with threats of military incursions against our country. This is

clearly to sabotage the emerging democracy in this nation and keep the
orchestrated civilian-military establishment of their choosing in Pakistan. Do
not let the Americans prevail!
The Nation opined: Mr Azizs instructions to cabinet members not to
give statements or discuss the issue in public indicate his belated realization
that the whole process was flawed. But accepting the verdict will not be
enough to redeem the blunder. Some heads must roll. Advising the
President to file an ill-conceived reference ought not to go unpunished.
In another editorial the editor reiterated his demand. There is every
indication that the government is looking for scapegoat to cover up its
grave blunder in filing reference against Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad
Chaudhry. The underlying idea obviously is to lessen the impact of criticism,
which political opponents are leveling about its being mala fide and
politically motivated.
The reality is that the presidential reference was backed by a weak
charge-sheet. The official legal team could not properly contest the case
because there was nothing much to say in defence of the reference. This
became evident during the court proceedings when the prosecution took
several about turns.
Then there are political advisors and high-ups in the Law Ministry
whose role has to be examined. One cannot help thinking that some heads
must roll. In any case, an impartial probe should be made to investigate into
the matter and no attempt at protecting the secret hands behind the filing of
the reference be made.
Imran Husain expressed his views on leadership. I am unable to
fathom how totally selfish leaders, Musharraf, Beebee, NS or any of the
others, saying literally the same thing in somewhat varied format can or will
ever do anything for this country. They have all treated power the same way.
You know as I do that the last thing on their minds is the people or
welfare of Pakistan. The primary objective is power at any cost.
In essence the nightmares are right. Salvation is not apparent in the
foreseeable future. If the people dont act when democracy permits and
come out in droves voting for themselves and Pakistan, defeating

783

manipulations and evil manifestations, then it never will be. A new leader
must be found in our midst.
Think positive and success will be ours. The limits and capacities
restraining us are our own imposition. We are not born with any. We create
them. We therefore have to reach out and test those very limits, break them
down; live our real dreams in our minds till they are reality. Remember that
at any given moment life is full of more possibilities than we could ever
handle. It is for us to believe and go after those dreams. That is the way
of God.
I was horrified to read the report filed by a senior journalist from
London the day after the historic Supreme Court judgment, stating that there
was visible gloom amongst those, including Beebee, gathered at the house
of a PPP leader. While at Nawazs place sweets were distributed. I thought
the entire country was celebrating the independence of the judiciary.
Principles are not bartered nor a great legacy subjugated to continue
enjoying ill-gotten belongings of the Pakistani people. In fact, Musharraf
does not have the right or power to condone acts that have robbed the
State. The courts should take suo moto notice of the situation and come to a
decision so that the people finally know the truth.
I find it amazing, as is the buzz throughout the country, not once
during these trying four months while Aitzaz Ahsan has been fighting the
unparalleled case has Benazir saluted the heroic effort. Nor has she
subsequently raised his hand up and said here stands the strength of the PPP;
one of its principle political leaders has been the driving force for the
restoration of the CJ, winning the battle for an independent judiciary.
Going public with the deal after the verdict not only is a save face
move but an attempt to leverage the situation in getting Musharraf to do
more if he wants her support. Inherent greed. The COD has already been
harried by the unveiled attack on the PML-N leadership. Now the brickbats
will start. Justifications and excuses will be conjured up. The return of true
democracy to Pakistan continues to be thwarted. Worse it cannot get.
Musharraf is going nowhere in a hurry, however much this may
disappoint critics. He has five major factors working in his favour. The
US is totally supportive. The army is with him. The hotchpotch of his
politicians are with him. Beebee is with him; as is Fazlur Rahman.

784

Musharraf should be celebrating his fortune, however murky, rather

than plunging the country into crises. Drawing all the blame to his person,
by choice rather than compulsion, under the principle a good military
commander supports his troops to the hilt is bad thinking. The good
commander must also ensure that he gets the best troops and sifts out
the bad eggs early. He cannot stand up for them repeatedly when they
commit crimes against the very institution that nurtures them.
At this with politicians denying responsibility claiming that
Musharrafs non-political advisors are providing faulty advice, one is drawn
to question which favoured politician is of the mettle required to deal with
the obtaining situation. But yes, undoubtedly the extremely poor selection
of the operating team, political and non-political, since inception of this
regime is taking its toll.
Inam Khawaja opined that the time has now come for him to retire
and go home. It needs now to be seen as to what are the implications of the
declaration that this act of the president was illegal and unconstitutional. The
violation of the Constitution by the president has now been established.
Here it needs to be remembered that the oath prescribed for the members of
the armed forces.
With the declaration that the presidents action was illegal and
unconstitutional one has to see if General Musharraf will follow the
ethical and the moral path and resign. If he does this he will regain some
high moral ground and will go down in history with some honour.
The Prime Minister Aziz on hearing the judgment has issued a
statement accepting the Courts verdict, stating that the law and the
constitution had prevailed. It is rather late in the day to make such
statements. Wasnt he sitting with General Musharraf on March 9 when the
discredited reference was handed to the CJ and he was asked to resign?
The writing on the wall is clear and the people across Pakistan are
raising slogans like Go Musharraf Go. Two songs have been sung and their
cassettes and CDs are being played calling for him to retire and go home and
stop terrorizing the nation. The people of Pakistan have always loved their
Army, after all it is their sons, brothers and fathers who are in the Army. His
remaining in the office is pitting the people against the Army for the first
time in the history of the country; the time has now come for him to retire
and go home before another constitutional petition is filed.
785

Wajahat Latif observed that the verdict has all but destroyed the
present regime. The news spread like wild fire right across the country.
From Khyber to Kemari, the lawyers community, the civil society members
and the public went into a celebration mode. There were touching scenes of
young women lawyers breaking down with emotion The nation seemed
to become alive.
The full bench of the Supreme Court was unanimous in their decision
on all but one issue of direction on which three judges dissented. But on
maintainability, the forced leave, restraining the CJ from performing his
functions, appointment of the Acting CJ etc, the decision of the 13 judges
was unanimous. This short order issued by the court was unambiguous. Fair
and square, the Supreme Court of Pakistan had rejected the reference moved
by the president against Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry and all
but destroyed the present regime.
With the opposition parties putting their acts together, APDM staring
it in the face, the Musharraf Government is more vulnerable today than at
anytime in the last seven years. To make matters worse, the lifeline it was
expecting Ms Bhutto to throw towards him is emerging as an illusion after
the Supreme Courts judgment. The present regime today is not the same
as the one before the March 9 and that all the negotiations were done to get
the army back to the barracks, claims Ms Bhutto.
The regime is badly mauled. Violence is spreading in the country, law
and order is a shambles and price-hike is back-breaking. The US is
threatening to attack. Emerging judicial independence is unlikely to let the
President be re-elected in uniform by the present assemblies. Like a sensible
soldier he should know it is time to go!
Now the governments saving grace lies in faithfully respecting the
directions the courts issue and implement them without delay. Those in
authority must cast their egos aside and wholeheartedly cooperate with
the judiciary to function as an independent organ of the state, without
interference from the executive.
Aziz-ud-Din Ahmad was of the view that final blow has to be
delivered by political parties. Ms Bhutto says that she is not negotiating for
a share in the power but for the return of the army to barracks Sending
army to the barracks requires a genuine transfer of power to the elected

786

government. This requires the restoration of the 1973 Constitution with its
parliamentary federal system.
The Constitution visualizes no other role for the armed forces than
the defence of the countrys geographical borders. Over the decade the army
has acquired a vast industrial, business and real estate empire. This has
to be privatized in line with the overall economic policy that has been
followed by governments since 1988.
All this seems to be achievable now, thanks to the struggle launched
by the lawyers. Gen Musharraf lost initiative after the CJs historic defiance
on March 9. The landmark decision by the SC on July 20 has deprived
him of whatever options he has been mediating. The lawyers have played
a leading role in putting him on the retreat.
The coup de grace needs to be delivered by the political parties.
They can send the army back to barracks for good by taking a joint stand.
This would ensure that henceforth the elected governments and not the
offstage players will rule the country with full authority. Further,
governments will not be sent home before the end of their tenures. What
remains to be seen is if the political parties will seize the moment or betray
the struggle and settle for crumbs of power. History will not forgive those
who fail to take the movement launched by the lawyers and the civil society
to its logical conclusion.
Fakir S Ayazuddin said: I thought Musharraf was different, with
his Commando swagger, and the straight in your eye look. Why now is his
sincerity being hawked around the marketplace, looking at the MQM and
even Pagaro for support, while clutching to his uniform as if mere clothing
can ever be more protective than the love of the people.
Does he not realize that throughout history it is the courtier who
convinces the King that without the courtier the King would be nothing,
whereas in reality it has always been the other way around. Many a king
has lost his throne while being misled by wrong advice from his circle of
advisers. It was seldom the advisor that was hanged, and many of the late Mr
Bhuttos cabinet ministers are walking testimony to this.
And so it seems Musharraf has been led into a trap from which
escape may not be possible. And he has to decide whether he can fight his
way out of this trap alone, for he is surrounded by the trappers

787

themselves The time has come for national consensus and discussions
with the Brothers Sharif, and Benazir Bhutto.
National government is imperative, as Musharraf is now
surrounded by an irate Bush, angry and not having received value for his
dollar, and the Mullahs that their blood has been sold cheap. The politicians
in exile, and the many more have-nots, who could not be accommodated into
the already largest cabinet in our sixty years, are all waiting with sharpened
knives, while we the people of Pakistan are watching like bystanders
paralyzed, as in a dream, detached, with no possible hope of effecting any
change. While the drama unfolds before us and our folk are sacrificed for
someone elses dream, Musharrafs.
My dream would consist of Musharraf as President for he still is the
only viable option minus his advisers Nawaz Sharif as Prime Minister,
for his biggest claim is his total commitment to Pakistan, Benazir as
Minister US affairs, for lack of any other loyalty. All the others will just
be the Hoi Polloi, so used are they to the yes sir parroting.
M K Bhadrakumar looked at the impact of the judgment on political
process. The Supreme Court verdict dramatically altered the political
equations within Pakistan. For one thing, Bhutto has begun developing cold
feet about Musharrafs staying power. At the very least, she is marking
time, waiting and watching the rapidly developing flow of events.
As an experienced politician, Bhutto seems to have done her
homework. Despite her anxiety to preserve the US administrations
newfound goodwill toward her, Bhuttos instincts of political survival are
getting the better of her. She sizes up that in the downstream, an assertive
judiciary may now well proceed in the coming weeks to frustrate
Musharrafs plans to get elected for a second time
So Bhutto must be pondering: What is the use of a political deal even
if Washington were to underwrite one? She must be nervous that the
virulently anti-Musharraf front comprising opposition parties led by former
Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif in alliance with the religious parties may
already be stealing a march over her in Pakistani public opinion.
Bhutto knows that the mood of the powerful Deobandi clergy is
changing, too. The powerful Wafaqul Madaris a federation of religious
schools may be showing signs of shedding their aversion to the hurly-

788

burly of politics. Certainly, it now becomes very difficult for Bhutto to

mobilize electoral support in Punjab and North-West Frontier Province.
Sharif is straining to return to Pakistan. Unlike Bhutto, he has no
cases pending against him in the Pakistani courts. Therefore, in a fair
election, Bhutto would still face an uphill struggle to become prime
minister again. The alliance of Punjabi right-wing politicians and the
militant clergy would definitely be more than a match, even if she conquered
Sindh
The problem is evidently not straightforward one of the militarys
intrusive role in Pakistans national life. It is not as if liberal democracy
would ensue once the military withdrew into the barracks, and which
would save the country from extremism.
Raoof Hasan felt the change in the air. Rule through military
uniform remains the primary provocation that the nation is confronted
with. Shorn of any legal or moral base such a rule smacks of authority that
emanates from the barrel of the gun instead of power of the ballot; no
number of ill-advised referendums, or a vote obtained from an assembly that
owes its presence to a rigged election, or a court verdict claimed by invoking
the much-derided doctrine of necessity, can lend credibility to a military
rule. It is the core cause of much of the malaise that permeates multifarious
layers of our national life.
It is the military, and all its extensions and manifestations, which
have to exit the political role. The military has to retreat to the barracks
and start concentrating on its primary task of defending the country a
responsibility it has faltered to fulfill at all cross-roads of history when the
country was confronted with a challenge endangering its existence.
The political parties, too, must embrace the culture of democracy.
Claim of leadership should not emanate from any hereditary right, but solely
through holding free elections within the party. Parties that do not promote
the culture of democracy within their own ranks have no right to demand
democracy for the people.
The judiciary has woken up from a dreadfully long slumber. Through
all the years before getting the jolt, it operated as a convenient instrument to
provide a legal cloak to all adventurists who come knocking in the dark of
the night. It is hoped that much-despised concept of the doctrine of

789

necessity lies dead and buried and no military ruler would now be able to
manipulate an illegal and immoral claim to power.
With the advent of judicial activism should begin the process of
empowerment of all institutions of the state so that they are able to
function without any constraints and fear. The Constitution clearly defines
the contours of the three pillars of the state: the executive, the legislature and
the judiciary. Given their legitimate powers and the umbrella of checks and
balances, they would be able to become powerful instruments in the
evolution and sustenance of an abiding democratic culture and rule of law.
The civil society has an act cut out for it. Destined to provide
leadership by replacing the decadent and retrogressive nurseries of the
feudal and the rich, the middle class has to evolve a strategy to play a
constructive role in the emerging scenario and help the country along
acquiring the necessary democratic instruments to release it from the
shackles of ethnicity, obscurantism and extremism.
A feeling of change is in the air. A culture of defiance is replacing
an obsequious and ominous surrender before the tentacles of dictatorship. A
promise of freedom looms on the horizon. It is for the people to grab the
opportunity and help the ascendancy of the enshrining principles of
enlightenment, equality, justice, progress, tolerance and peaceful coexistence.
The Nation wrote: To avoid further damage, General Musharraf has
to review his entire election strategy Unless he is willing to doff the
uniform and abandon the idea of getting elected from the present
assemblies there is little likelihood of his call for an APC attracting the
opposition. There should be no postponement of elections either. It is time
he also reviewed the decision to keep the exiled leaders out. Realism
demands a conciliatory approach altogether different from the one adopted
so far. Unless this happens, mere change of face at the top political level will
neither be fair nor helpful.
Abdul Ahad commented on Mushy-Pinky meeting. But alas! Destiny
has driven another marshalling Titan to fatefully fall from an adamant
high position to a humbling surrender before a political Zeus. On several
occasions in the past, the president has been saying that those who had
looted the country would not be allowed to come back to Pakistan.

790

He also declared that elections would be held without the presence of

the mainstream exiled leadership. The President told the foreign journalists
that these two leaders had no role in the Pakistani politics. But what
happened in Dubai on Friday seems to be the retrieval of the President on
his earlier pledges as now he reportedly met Benazir Bhutto and discussed
future political set-up with her.
Musharraf seems to be under tremendous pressure from his own
close aides as well as the Western countries, especially the United States, to
take main political parties leadership into confidence. Due to Lal Masjid
operation and the verdict of Supreme Court in Chief Justice case, the
popularity of the president has fallen down and he has been forced to take
a U-turn.
The Nation wrote: If one understands her correctly, the deal was
being resorted to because she was not sure of any legal remedy to
challenge the measures Gen Musharraf wanted to take including seeking
election from the present assemblies and simultaneously retaining two
offices. What is more she was also not confident of getting justice from the
courts if she was deprived of freedom on return to Pakistan. Thus with the
independence being exhibited by the judiciary, a political deal is no more a
compulsion.
Ms Bhutto has suddenly realized that Gen Musharrafs
popularity rating is down The religious parties oppose him for his
peculiar brand of enlightened moderation while the liberals condemn him for
seeking to prolong the military rule and for putting restrictions on the
freedom of media. The regimes critics maintain that unlike Ayub and Zia,
who enjoyed support in certain sections of society, the present administration
depends entirely on outside backing.
Despite maintaining that Gen Musharrafs popularity has gone down,
Ms Bhutto does not presently visualize an active role for her party in any
move aimed at his removal. She would not of course save Gen Musharraf
or be seen to be associated with him as this would make her unpopular Ms
Bhuttos opponents think she is determined to continue the policy as long
as Gen Musharraf enjoys Washingtons backing. It would have an
adverse impact on PPPs electoral fortunes.
In another editorial the newspaper added: The PPP leaderships
dilemma is that while trying to distance it from General Musharraf it has not
791

been able to actively contribute to the effort for ending the military rule. The
issue is not sending the army back to barracks but of restoring the
Constitution to its original form in which there is no provision for a
national security counsel headed by a uniformed president to decide matters
of governance. Ms Bhutto should not ignore that these objectives can only
be achieved by creating unity in the opposition.
Ikramullah discussed the events that led to Mushy-Pinky meeting.
The last APC in London was officially hosted by the ARD, but the ARD
president did not chair the moot. The host Mian Nawaz Sharif undertook all
the pains of management as well as footing the bill. I do not have to
comment on the fate of the Charter of Democracy and the ARD or the
APC. I think they have all lapsed into the past. The future of the newborn
All Parties Democratic Movement is still undergoing pangs of birth.
Time alone will determine the future of the MMA with its president
and secretary general at loggerheads over some major issues. The same
applies to the ruling coalition, which has been claiming all the time that
there was no crisis in the country and the ruling party was having perfectly
safe sailing.
In the backdrop of a sudden and sharp rise in terrorist activities not
only in the tribal areas of Waziristan but right in the heart of Islamabad, with
another explosion near Lal Masjid in Islamabad, the international media
announces a meeting between President Musharraf and Benazir Bhutto in
Abu Dhabi. These sudden developments could be described as most
dramatic, after almost eight years of estrangement Let us keep our
fingers crossed and hope for the best in the ultimate national interest of
Pakistan.
Amina Jilani wrote: A few of those who have objectively and
dispassionately taken stock of the entire episode involving Chief Justice
Iftikhar Chaudhry and pondered upon a few points they find confusing
Some are puzzled by the fact that the reference was set aside the media
prefers thrown out. Is it that Chief Justice of the land constitutionally can
not be held accountable?
We will now never know whether or not the highest law lord of
the land indulged in nepotism and the abuse of power or not. That
thousands in position of power do so is no justification at all and he is the
first in the land who should be rightly so squeaky clean that no allegations
792

against him could possibly be brought up. We need to know whether or not
any misdemeanors were involved.
Meanwhile, having held his silence post-July 20, General Musharraf
took himself off on an Umra journey, perhaps to seek divine guidance in
his times of troubles and solace from the Kingdom. Guidance he needs, for
to return to the Chaudhry clan for political inspiration as to how to handle
the tricky matter of maintaining his status quo would lead him nowhere. The
Q gang, the banker prime minister included, is not his salvation.
The mess made cannot be unmade, but if he is to make any attempt
to avoid making further blips and bloomers, in the circumstances in which
he finds himself, he could not do better than seek advice from that old
constitutional wizard, Sharifuddin Pirzada who may be able to somehow
mitigate his misery.
The one thing that could give the General some heart is the fact that
the sole superpower is very much in a preserve Musharraf mode, for its own
interests of course If it be true that both the US and the UK have acted
as brokers in a deal between the General and democrat Benazir Bhutto,
they have done this nation no favour.
The Nation observed: General Musharraf must in fact be under
considerable pressure by agreeing to meet Ms Bhutto whom he had
declared the most corrupt politician who would not be allowed to return to
take part in politics as long as he was in command. By agreeing to hold oneon-one talks with her, he has accepted that she has a vital role to play in the
countrys politics. The talks must have given the official PML shock and are
likely to further encourage desertions from the party.
The PPP is, however, likely to maintain that she has not compromised
on principles and has in fact taken a principled stand. The party has in the
past accused the PML-N leaders of entering into secret deals which
benefited them personally while it claims it is holding negotiations with
the government on an agenda vital for the restoration of democracy.
After the Abu Dhabi moot, the government has been deprived of the
moral high ground it has all along claimed by condemning the exiled leaders
of corruption. Once it has been recognized that these leaders can play a role
in resolving issues that the government has not been able to cope with, there
is a need on its part to initiate talks with both Ms Benazir and Mian Nawaz

793

Sharif. The parleys at Abu Dhabi should mark the beginning rather than
the end of a process of reconciliation.
In another editorial it wrote: The Supreme Court Bar Association has
made it known that it would challenge General Musharrafs action in case he
seeks election from the present assemblies and insists on retaining the
uniform. A new confrontation between administration and legal
community or between executive and judiciary would jeopardize the
system. There is need on the part of the President to review controversial
decisions.
The authorities need to adopt a paradigm shift in their stance under
which the PPP and the PML-N were being required to fight elections in the
absence of their leaders. Party chiefs play a highly crucial role during the
campaign. It would be unfair to stop Mian Nawaz Sharif from returning
and leading his party, especially in case of any deal between the government
and the PPP. It would be embarrassing for the government if it was to agree
to their return as a result of the apex courts orders or under foreign
pressure.
Humayun Gauhar opined: President Musharraf has two options, both
at extreme ends of the political spectrum. There is no longer a halfway
house; he cannot fall between two stools again. He can either follow the
Constitution (such as it is) and hold elections without let or hindrance
and respect the results however the cards may fall. If they dont fall his way,
call it a day and let the Devil take the hindmost.
Or he can go the other extreme and declare martial law. He had
the wisdom not to when he took over, and rightly so. All the reasons not to,
are still relevant today. Unless And there is a third option that has
seriously been on the table resignation now. Thats stupid. Then theres
even a fourth option, and the most difficult one because it is the best and
perhaps the only one left to us the king leading a revolution against
himself and his decadent society.
The government seems to be trapped in the headlights of
fascisms juggernaut, in danger of being run over. The writ of the State has
been pushed back considerably. One headlight if Liberal Fascists represented
amongst others, by lawyer. One of their leaders had threatened that the
Supreme Court building would be burned down if the verdict in chief

794

justices case went against them! The other headlight is the fascism
represented by semi-literate de facto clerics.
If Musharraf goes at this juncture, so will the prime minister. Goes
the prime minister, goes the economy; goes the president, goes the country.
Martial Law and another General will become inevitable, if destruction can
indeed be prevented by that time. If Musharraf thinks that by resigning at
this juncture he will go down in history as a great democrat, he is hugely
mistaken.
Better to call elections now and catch the opposition in disarray.
Musharraf is seemingly better organized than his opponents. His PML-Q is
incumbent, as is the MQM, and Sherpao too. Fazlur Rahman is with him. So
should Benazir be once we know what witches brew has been cooked up in
Abu Dhabi. Musharraf may have got her; he should be careful that she
doesnt get him. She is a totally unreliable ally.
Given these problems, how about the martial law option?
Historically, martial law has never worked, even with good Generals. It
always leaves behind a cultural and political wasteland. It real impetus is to
repair the iniquitous anti-people status quo damaged by the previous
government. Once the damage is repaired the iniquity returns with a
vengeance. One broke the country and cost us a war. Another gifted us the
Religious Fascists.
There is the revolutionary option too. For it to work, its fathers
must have a national grand plan and be clear about exactly what they want
Pakistan to become, and how Its easier said than done, a revolution
without ideologues, without a struggle, without cadres and without a
vanguard, but it can be done, provided theres the will. Theres always a first
time.
Ghulam Asghar Khan was of the view that General Musharraf
needs to realize that he has been isolated owing to the incompetence of
men around him who didnt have the courage enough to point out where he
was going wrong. They failed him everywhere; with the print and electronic
media, and above all with the people. And in this state of isolation he must
seek guidance from the un-polluted constitution of 1973 and not by his stopgap ordinances. It is the constitution that could provide him a passage for an
honourable exit.

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Field Marshal Ayub Khan was a very powerful dictator, but once he
realized that his people didnt want him, instead of sticking to power against
the will of the people, he decided to quit honourably. On the eve of leaving
the corridors of power, he boldly declared, I cant preside over the
destruction of my country and left Well, the passage to an honourable
exit is still open for General Musharraf, but it is for him to decide whether
he should leave a mark on the pages of history.
S M Inaamullah wrote: the historic judgment, hailed by the executive
in a reciprocal spirit of rising above self, shattered the myth of judiciary
under its diktat. Hence three cheers for the executive as well for burying
the illusion of an accusatory myth.
Are we all exhausted at this stage? Or are we ready to fare forward
with the resolve to realize the dream of our much-cherished evolution of a
democratic dispensation in the spirit of this historic moment, bidding us to
rise above ourselves in the matters of national destiny? Just pause and
think, rising above mutual recriminations of power struggle aimed at
changing every change while riding indiscriminately on the high horse of
our egos.
This is our hour of national reconciliation. Before time runs out,
let us pick and choose issues of national consensus and beware that others
can pick and choose if you cant. Time has run out for scoring points and
doing one another down.
The state of Pakistan is faced with challenges, both internal and
external. The internal challenges are aggravating the external pressures and
vice versa. We need internal strength to meet external challenges. And that
can come about on through consensus.
Disharmony within calls for clear identification of causes of
internal unrest. Forces of extremism are terrorizing our people, who want
to live peacefully in a constructive atmosphere of building prosperity for
themselves. They appear to have had their fill of living under the threat of
unexpected bomb blasts. They want law and order so that they can
accomplish their human obligations.

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REVIEW
The bold decision of Justice Ramday and his team has restored the
pride of the judiciary which had been marred by the acts of its own judges
over half a century. Therefore, no amount of jubilation on the part of the
Team-Wig could be termed as over-indulgence.
The Bar has made the nation proud by initiating a movement for rule
of law and bringing it to the logical end. It has vowed to continue its struggle
for restoration of democracy. But it has been deprived of a burning issue by
the courts unambiguously favourable verdict as well as Team-Helmets
restraint in making any rash counter-move.
Musharraf suffered humiliation of a magnitude he would have never
thought of. He took time to recover from the shock and after having regained
the composure he made the move to mend fences with Benazir as
commanded by his masters in Washington. He and she made a converging
move onto Abu Dhabi.
His lust for the power obscured his vision to see that by making this
U-turn he had not redeemed his image and, instead, compounded his
humiliation. In Punjabi they describe such acts by saying: first spitting and
then licking. Punjabi is very rich language; it has many other quotes and
examples to convey such acts accurately, including the one about carrots.
When it comes to the survival even a brave commando sees no harm
in licking anything, may it be toe of the shoe of the Uncle Sam or nails of
Beebee. His deal with the most corrupt politician broke the myth of his
own much-hyped slogan; Pakistan First. One can visualize but cannot find
words to describe his agony and her ecstasy.
After having met her secretly to work out power-sharing deal, he
proceeded to Saudi Arabia to perform yet another Umra to add to the number
of times he had been inside the Kaaba. By the way, it also explained the
logic behind giving Kaaba a ghusal every year.
Governments acceptance of the verdict was hailed by many
enlightened analysts. They also praised the regime for refraining from
influencing the judiciary to extract a favourable verdict. The regime did not
deserve these appreciations, because it tried its best to pressurize the Bench
and the Bar. But its pressure tactics were effectively neutralized by the Bar.

797

As regards acceptance of the verdict, one is astonished that the analysts

thought that the regime had any other choice in this situation.
The people rightly expected that the success of lawyers movement
would trigger a political movement for the restoration of democracy, but that
did not seem to be happening, because opposition parties remained
disunited. The most damaging blow was delivered by the defection of PPP.
Opposition parties failed in pre-empting the political eloping of
Benazir with the man in uniform. But, they should not be discouraged by
this embarrassing development, because the people of Pakistan will
definitely punish her for this political Karo Kari.
This provides them a golden opportunity to kill in one go, two evils
backed by the Crusaders. The regime-PPP-US Axis is quite formidable, but
there are bright chances for the Opposition to defeat it through ballot with
the support of the judiciary and popular anti-US sentiment.
29th July 2007

798

CLASH WITHIN VII

In less than a month after the commission of heinous crime of
massacre of innocent children in the premises of a mosque, it was all quite
across Islamic Republic of Pakistan as if nothing had happened. The
Operation Silence has really silenced all on either side of the secularreligious divide.
The silence of secular and enlightened elements reflected their
fulfilling satisfaction over winning a victory against obscurantist forces. In
this silence, the media stood out quite conspicuously. It was the same media
which raised hue and cry over desecrating statements emanating from the
West, but it preferred to remain quiet over desecration of a mosque and
hundreds of religious books during the operation and subsequent demolition
of Jamia Hafsa.
The silence of religious forces reflected their weakness in matching
the might of a secular regime as well as their remorse over their shameful act
of abandoning the Ghazi Brothers at a crucial juncture. Ulema of Wafaqul
Madaris, at last felt the guilt and said sorry over their role in Lal Masjid
episode, hoping that they would be forgiven the sin of their silent
complacence.

EVENTS
On 23rd July, the residents of the area protested over recovery of pages
of Quraan and Hadith books in debris dumped in a nullah. They wanted the
officials of CDA and Army responsible should be hanged over desecration.
The Supreme Court asked the details of Lal Masjid inmates. Qazi submitted
his resignation to NA Secretariat.
ATC acquitted ten students of Lal Masjid who had been implicated in
cases of terrorism, dacoity, burning of CDs and murder of Ranger soldier;
13 were sent to jail. Demolition of Jamia Hafsa was completed. Bush said
the US was part of the Lal Masjid operation.
Next day, Lal Masjid was named as Markazi Jamia Masjid G-6. The
regime hoped that renaming might relieve the burden on its conscience.
Jamiat-i-Ahle Sunnat Wal Jamat opposed appointment of Maulana Ishfaq as
799

Khateeb of Lal Masjid and announced Maulana Abdul Aziz would remain
the chief cleric of the mosque. Childrens Library was also demolished. Dr
Akmal Salimi, an apex court lawyer, filed a petition in the Supreme Court
challenging Operation Silence. Durrani compensated the journalist who was
killed in Lal Masjid battle.
On 25th July, MMA demanded judicial inquiry of Jamia Hafsa
demolition and dumping of the manuscripts of Quraanic and Hadith verses
in a nullah. Liaqat Baluch, while joining a protest rally, said: The
government on one hand is demolishing the religious institutions, while on
the other hand is opening and promoting the dancing clubs in the capital.
Senator Kausur Firdous said that the renovation of Lal Masjid was only a
tactic from the government to hide proof of their disgusting operation.
The government selected another site near Sports Complex to dump
the evidence regarding Lal Masjid operation in the form of debris. The area
was cordoned by police to prevent the media from sneaking in. Ijazul Haq
blamed students of Jamia Hafsa for telling lies.
On 26th July, the Supreme Court ordered release of 62 students of Lal
Masjid seminaries held in Adiala Jail. Prime Minister urged proactive
approach against militancy. Lal Masjid was reopened for prayers. Next day,
the government plan to reopen Yellow Mosque back-fired. The people who
gathered in the mosque refused to offer prayer led by the government
appointed Khateeb Maulana Ashfaq. Students and locals condemned killings
during Operation Silence and demanded release of Maulana Abdul Aziz on
parole for leading the prayer.
The district government rejected the demand and resorted to teargassing the protesters. Meanwhile, the demonstrators tried to paint the
mosque red. The situation was brought under control after six hours in which
more than 60 protesters were arrested and the mosque was once again
barricaded by the law enforcers.
Correspondents of The Nation reported from the site of demolished
Jamia Hafsa. Students of Jamia Hafsa and Lal Masjid Complex and
common people of the twin cities visited the debris where once Jamia Hafsa
was situated. Emotional scenes were witnessed. Students as well as common
women were weeping after watching the belongings of the Jamia Hafsa
students buried under debris.

800

People collected the belongings of female students including

bloodstained and bullet-ridden clothes; notebooks, pens, bullets, hair, human
bones and house-hold items. People seemed saddened and furious after
seeing the debris and strongly criticized the government.
Even Changaiz Khan and Halakoo Khan would not have done this
what they have done to the innocent girl students, a man while showing a
torn course book of a student, Roshana, on which she had written essay
about her country, said furiously this was what they were being taught in this
seminary: Pakistan was founded in 1947.
The government is claiming that they were being imparted terrorist
training by the Lal Masjid clerics. Who will decide whether they were
terrorists or patriots, questioned many like him who were visiting the site,
he questioned. Haseena, a studentsaid on 6th day of the operation, when I
surrendered to the authorities, there were nearly 2,000 female students in
Jamia Hafsa and after that few people surrendered. Where the remaining
students were gone? she asked.
Government says not a single woman was killed in the operation so
where did they go, Zammen kha gaye ya asman nigal gya another student,
Ayesha, almost screamed. Telling about her studies, which remained
incomplete, she said we will complete our studies and nobody can stop the
preaching of Islam. Inshallah, Umme Hassaan will return and we will
establish Jamia Hafsa in every part of the country.
General Musharraf claims that we are his daughters. Does a father
can do all this to his daughters what he did with the students of Jamia
Hafsa, asked Maleeha, an ex-student of the seminary with tear filled eyes.
One of the students regretted: I left the madrassa on the very first day of the
operation. I was not willing to go but my parents insisted to come out. I still
regret why I left; if I had been there I would have also died as martyr.
A bearded man while pointing out a pen covered with dust shouted
look this was the dangerous weapon they were using while fighting with the
enforcement agencies. I think it must be a Kalashnikov, he said.
At least 15 people, including 7 policemen, were killed and 70
wounded in suicide bombing in Abpara. DIG said police was the main target
of the bomber. On the call of Wafaqul Madaris and Jamiat-i-Ahle Sunnat
Wal Jamaat, the Ulema all over the country condemned the Lal Masjid

801

operation in their Fridays sermons and also grilled the government for
desecration of Holy Quraan.
On 28th July, Anti-Terrorism Court Rawalpindi remanded 65 persons
to the police custody for two days. Most of them were seminary students,
allegedly involved in rioting at Jamia Masjid (Lal Masjid) on Friday. Lal
Masjid was painted white again. PEMRA issued notices to private TV
channels for airing bloodshed and gory scenes in violation of Code of
Conduct on 27th July. Reportedly, Maulana Abdul Rashids grave was fast
turning into a shrine.
Next day, MMA staged a protest demonstration in Islamabad to
condemn the desecration of Holy Quraan by the government after the
demolition of Jamia Hafsa. The local Mujahideen took control of the shrine
of freedom fighter Haji Sahib Turangzai in Lakrao area of Mohammad
Agency. They renamed the mosque as Lal Masjid and announced the
construction of Jamia Hafsa near the mosque.
On 30th July, ATC Rawalpindi extended the physical remand of 47
persons for two days for their alleged involvement in riots in Islamabad on
27th July. First day of National Assembly session was marred by oppositions
protest over suicide attacks and Lal Masjid operation.
On 1st August, Sherpao informed National Assembly of offences
committed by Ghazi brothers. MMA rejected the government stance and
boycotted the session. Maulana Aziz got the bail in Bara Kahu case; his wife
and daughter were sent to Adiala Jail on 14-day remand.
Next day, Maulana Abdul Aziz and his wife along with 22 others were
sent on 14 days judicial remand. PTV condemned propaganda against its
anchorman for humiliating Maulana Abdul Aziz during infamous interview.
Top CDA officer received life threats over demolition of Jamia Hafsa. The
Speaker National Assembly issued production orders of the MNA Shah
Abdul Aziz to attend the ongoing session. US Ambassador said contribution
of Madaris has been positive.
On 3rd August, Prime Minister assured the parents to trace out missing
students of the Jamia Hafsa. Next day, Jamia Faridia established Faridia
Student Movement. Hizbut Tahrir alleged that the government was not
sincere in solving Lal Masjid issue.

802

MNA Shah Abul Aziz was released from Adiala Jail on 5 th August.
Next day, Sami-ul-Haq said religious seminaries are not militant camps. He
accused Qazi of stabbing MMA at the back. On 7 th August, Ulema opposed
use of Jamia Hafsa site for car parking. Next day, Opposition legislatures
along with some treasury members urged reopening of Lal Masjid.

VIEWS
The people kept expressing mixed sentiments over Lal Masjid
tragedy. The enlightened defended the Operation Silence. M Humayun Khan
from Lahore wrote: Lal Masjid-Jamia Hafsa Islamabad episode is
seemingly over. The commando operation codenamed Operation Silence
has established the writ of the government. The security forces have been
able to wipe out the so-called state within the state.
Quite obviously, there would be reaction to the Operation Silence and
resultant casualties. In fact, the politicians dying for occasions to indulge in
statement mongering have already started issuing statements blaming
General Musharraf for the killings. But the critics should explain the
presence of extremist militants in the Lal Masjid-Jamia Hafsa compound
and the cache of sophisticated weaponry they possessed.
M Z Rifat from Lahore said: Whether the suicide bombers are
following the dictates of Ayman al-Zwahiri or taking revenge for the
Operation Silence is immaterial. What is more important is that our national
security, integrity and solidarity have been put at stake. Opposing or
supporting the policies and programmes of President General Pervez
Musharraf is one thing and attacking the national interests totally another.
One cannot help but support General Pervez Musharraf in his fight
against militant extremists as a handful of these fanatic criminals cannot
and should not be allowed to take majority of the moderates hostage at
gunpoint. While the terrorists should not be given any quarter no matter
what the cost, the factors leading to the growth of extremism should be
identified and addressed on priority basis.
Z Israr from Karachi sought support for the regime. It is time that all
opposition should offer unqualified support to the government against
Taliban and al-Qaeda otherwise we are sunk as a nation. If these Taliban

803

came into power, our cherished possessions like democracy and freedom of
expression will be buried forever The international community will
probably put sanctions against Pakistan and that will be the beginning of the
end.
It is evident from the views that praise of the regime could not go
without condemnation of the mullas. Ahmad Bilal from Lahore observed:
Abdul Rashid Ghazi saw non-Islamic values dominating his surroundings,
decided to end the situation, but being an extremist, tried to spread Islam
through force. The government kept on warning him and tried to solve the
issue by dialogue but it was all in vain. Ghazi thwarted the plans of
compromise by the government and, thus, he and his band of radicals had
to be massacred.
Abdul Haq from Lahore opined: Flaring up of the terrorist activities,
apparently as a chain of reaction to the Operation Silence against militants of
Lal Masjid, is a direct threat to the very existence of Pakistan. Our national
security and solidarity are at stake. The terrorists are out to create panic
by disturbing the law and order situation and disrupting the pace of
progress and development set in motion by the government This should
not be allowed at all.
Jawaid Hussain from Multan observed that both sides were
criminally involved. When a government lacks legitimacy, it relies on
illegal means to achieve its agenda and in the process creates a Frankenstein
that it cannot control. This is what happened in Lal Masjid.
If ever an independent high powered judicial probe is undertaken to
fix responsibility for the Lal Masjid saga, this regime, its intelligence
agencies and Ghazi brothers will all be found in cahoots and will have to
be served with criminal charges for conspiracy to kill hundreds of people.
The regimes actions are more condemnable, Dr Sabra Karim from
Islamabad opined. Now that the operation is over, one wants to ask where
they are gone. We have only seen 27 women that were supposedly rescued
by the security forces. The actions of Ghazi brothers have to be
condemned but the action taken by the government deserve even more
condemnation.
Who will take the responsibility for this horrifying episode of our
history? How did the matters reach this point? How immature and

804

irresponsible our government is and what an inhuman plan they had for
getting back the possession of Jamia Hafsa? Are our government agencies so
incompetent that they were unable to assess the loss of life their plan would
have caused? These questions need to be answered.
It was an act of inept regime, observed Hurriat Mehmood from
Rawalpindi. The crisis managers may be inwardly happy that they killed
Abdul Rasheed Ghazi along with militants as well as some innocent people,
but death is never the solution of a problem. In fact, the situation would
now, or some time later, aggravate further. This unfortunately will lead to
polarization of the society into extremists (jihadis) and the so-called
liberals.
His death will have a great and lasting effect on the society,
particularly on those who believe that the crisis could have been avoided by
proper and effective handling of the operation at Lal Masjid. This episode
has only served to establish the ineptness of the crises managers.
Sana Awan from Faisalabad wrote: Sometimes it seems the whole
crisis was created by the government itself for its own vested interest. A
lot of innocent people have lost their lives. A lot of families have lost their
loved ones. The government officials involved in the operation have proved
themselves to be mere puppet in the hands of President. The President has
proved himself to be just an instrument in the war on terror.
Army has the responsibility to guard our borders against enemy. But
the President has made the men of the army fight against their own
Muslim brothers in their own country I dont know what would be the
end of this matter but questions created in our minds have to be cleared if we
really want to progress as a nation.
Khadim Hussain was of the view that the attack on students of Jamia
Hafsa and Lal Masjid was not due to their indulgence in terrorism, or
presence of foreign elements or ammunition at Masjid. It was a preplanned mass murder conceived in Feb 2007.
The majority of the victims belonged to the lower class, many of
them were orphans and over 99% of them were descendents of the poor. If
this standoff had happened in any prestigious school, the reaction would
have been quite different. But since this massacre has taken place in a
religious seminary, you dont hear a whimper.

805

Even while hundreds of dead lay without coffins in the mosque, cold
storage or still missing, some people had started a hateful campaign on
political grounds. They simply could not let the families of the victims bury
their loved ones in peace. What a shameful attitude did Benazir adopt
while commenting on this massacre? It is time to condemn the perpetrators
of this crime and ask for their trial in International Court of Justice, if
Supreme Court of Pakistan has no power under the LFO.
Abdul Aziz Khan from Bahrain opined that it was because of the
military regime. Children orphaned, women widowed, soldiers laying their
lives for the homeland, brothers killing brothers, some being called
terrorists, others being hailed as martyrs. If you dont call this war, tell me
what is? We, the already disillusioned Pakistani expatriates are getting
paranoid by the day.
Everyday, we hook onto the Internet expecting to read some bit of
good news. All we get is mayhem. Now even going to the computer has
begun to haunt, as if some gunfire will hit us straight from the screen. Some
people think that the Lal Masjid episode was the start of the doomsday but
the doomsday started the day the army stepped into the political arena.
The Lal Masjid has been the culmination.
The army illegitimately used the state machinery to gag its own
people, the press and other democratic institutions in the land ending all
hopes of justice for the common man. How else, you tell me, will the
layman express his anger and anguish when he finds the doors of justice
slammed shut in his face?
A man can live without food may be for a few days and forget his
days of misery once next he gets a few crumbs to crunch, but indignity and
humiliation are unforgettable and avenged for generations to come.
Maryam Sakeenah from Lahore observed: This came soon after the
loud noises from the Western media which saw Musharraf as part of the
problem, not the solution and a half-hearted ally in the war on terror.
Clearly, the Lal Masjid drama was staged to convince the West that we
indeed are doing enough to crush such elements. And the message has been
sent, bringing in the expected accolades for Musharraf.
What truly hurts is that he does not see what we have lost in the
process. Innocent human lives have been sacrificed on the altar of

806

egotism, and that doesnt seem to weigh heavy on anybodys conscience.

Because the whole affair was staged to secure an image-boost in the West for
this government, the authorities were keen to be ferocious in their
crackdown, regardless of the thousands still inside. This is why all offers to
negotiate were rejected imperiously and almost urgently. Absolutely no
flexibility was shown because that is the way it was to be.
Sumaira Arshad was of the view that brute force should not have been
used. The recent spate of suicide bombing in Dera Ismail Khan and Swat
are an ominous indication that the Lal Masjid crisis is not over. These brutal
incidents reflect the fact that the government did not resolve the Lal Masjid
crisis with patience. It was more a demonstration of naked military
power, which should have been avoided.
The dialogue should have been allowed to work and the crisis could
have been resolved through mutual understanding. That way, the lives of
innocent people, particularly young girls and children could have been
saved. The people are convinced that number of actual deaths in the
seminary operation is much more than the paltry figure the government
claims There is resentment throughout the country and the risk of
incidence of more suicide attacks in different parts of the country is very
real.
Lt Col Ahmed wrote: If the government can accept many people
accused of multiple crimes in its federal cabinet, and protect a group of men
accused of killing innocent people on 12 May in Karachi, what stops it from
letting the Khateeb of Lal Masjid go free and, in the process, save many
innocent lives? The precedence of freeing people of criminal records already
exists in this country.
Asaf Ali Shah from Lahore was of the view that the Lal Masjid
crisis was triggered by a man-made event, the simultaneous demolition
of six mosques in Islamabad. The ostensible reason was that these mosques
had been built on encroached land. It now transpires that one of the mosques
pre-dated the founding of Islamabad, and was not built on encroached land.
The other five mosques were also not built in a day If the object was to
stop encroachments, this could have been achieved by prompt action against
the next encroachment.
The situation could have been defused by rebuilding the mosques,
but to date this has not been done. This includes the mosque that existed
807

prior to the founding of Islamabad. May one know why? The government
could have forced the inmates of Lal Masjid, which numbered several
thousands, to surrender by cutting off their food and water supply. The
large-scale massacre of men, women, and children was entirely uncalled for.
Aamer Najmee from Lahore Cantt wrote: Some quarters may take
exception to this operation but then extreme steps have to be taken to
eliminate extremism and extremists. While giving the President credit for the
operation, I would also like to request General Pervez Musharraf, who is
also the COAS, to order a top level inquiry into the circumstances in
which militants managed to take refuge there and how arms andpiled up
there.
Farheena Ahmed observed: The students of Jamia Hafsa have
borne the brunt of our collective ignorance. Now all we have to offer is
sympathy or clichd response like writ of the state, enlightened
moderation and the like. We have failed miserably to have a meaningful
dialogue between the so-called liberal and conservative segments of our
society. Until we educate ourselves about the Islamic and Western history,
the history of fundamentalist Christianity, and the message of Islam, well
understand nothing and continue to regurgitate whats fed to us.
Until we begin to recognize the sophisticated techniques of
persuasion utilized by the West in its commercial and political interests and
its various crude forms being practiced in Pakistan, our minds will remain
colonized. Until we replace our sheer laziness and ignorance with a will
to understand, an intelligent public discourse on our differences will
remain non-existent. Thus, hatred and confusion will continue to prevail.
Rehan Khan from Lahore opined: As the mullahs of Lal MasjidHafsa complex had created a state within the state and tried to enforce their
will as supervenes of law; the authority of the actual and legitimate state had
to come down heavily on them. By the same token, the MQM did the
same in the mayhem on May 12. In fact, MQMs criminal act was far
graver than what mullahs did in Islamabad.
When MQM had done so earlier, it had provoked a reprisal of the
state during Benazirs rule. The MQM was also virtually running a state
within the state at the time, through illegal extortion from the residents of
Karachi, abducting, torture and killings. This sort of mutiny against the
authority of the state necessarily draws similar response.
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Dr Mervyn Husein wrote: The Lal Masjid episode has ended. The
question is whether the spiel that all the kings horses and men are giving us
about the rule of law and the writ of the government will come to its
logical legal conclusion or whether the Red Mosque episode is merely
another red herring, meant to divert the attention of Rashid Ghazi on
CNNs openly incriminating and disparaging documentary linking us with
every form of terrorism, The Threat Within. The tragedy with our nation is
that we remain unable to see the larger picture.
Dr Ghayur Ayub from London opined: Irrespective of late Ghazi
Rashids sins, the Lal Masjid tragedy has made him a hero. Can anybody
forget the innocent face of the little girl sitting by his side in the clip of a
press conference a TV channel kept showing through out? Can one imagine
the fear going through her mind, and many others like her, when they saw
bombs exploding around them? Lal Masjid is a tragedy of immense
proportions and, to its own poor handling, government is the villain of it.
Use of force is usually counter-productive, Sumaira Kausar from
Rawalpindi opined. To think that the Islamabad Lal Masjid crisis has been
actually resolved through a military action would be simplistic thinking:
loss of life of people is not an achievement. It could be termed a success
only if it had been resolved through effective negotiation or through a
well-planned strategy. The people of the Taliban mindset are not just
operating in this country, they are practically found all over the world.
Pakistan may now become the target of these extremist elements who would
wish to demonstrate that their strength should not be under-estimated.
Military action is no solution to this kind of problem. It gives only
temporary sense of relief. To deal with terrorism the need is to first
understand the motivation of terrorism. Why are they undertaking these acts
of aggression? Understanding the problem would lead to the next stage of
holding a dialogue so that basic issues could be resolved. In future, the
government would be well advised not repeating a confrontation with
the extremist elements. It is usually counter-productive.
Ali Ashraf Khan from Karachi observed: Army convoys came under
attack in the NWFP immediately after the Lal Masjid tragedy in Islamabad,
in which a number of innocent students were killed. The army operation was
an unmitigated disaster, which has inflamed the entire north. Now Pakistan
appears to be under pressure to deploy further forces in areas bordering

809

Afghanistan because Americans think that hardcore Taliban leaders have

shifted on this side of the border.
This new deployment is not going to be an army operation lasting a
week or so. It will trigger a full-fledged civil war between Pakhtuns and the
rest of Pakistan. And if the civil war starts, it will not be confined to the
NWFP alone but will spread to all territories We must not forget that even
a limited operation in Lal Masjid triggered repercussions in Swat, Waziristan
and D I Khan. Are we aware of the consequences of such ill-planned
moves?
Hassaan Raaid from Islamabad was of the view that after the
Operation Silence against the Lal Masjid, the law and order situation in
Pakistan is quite daunting. In three or four days, hundreds of innocent people
have been killed in suicide attacks They are not cognizant of the fact that
with Muslims killing Muslims, we will end up being pushed into the
Stone Age. We need to show unanimity at all levels.
The media and analysts rapidly lost interest in Lal Masjid
massacre. But incidents like recovery of parts of dead bodies in the debris of
Jamia Hafsa agitated them to say something. The Nation wrote: The Lal
Masjid saga was never exactly mirthful but it has taken a yet more macabre
turn with the discovery of human body parts hidden in the debris of the
fallen mosque
The venue became the site of several moving scenes where parents
and relatives of unaccounted for students tried searching the rubble for the
remains of their loved ones. This shocking discovery puts even more
question marks on not just the way the entire operation against the Lal
Masjid was carried out but also official accounts of it. The body count seems
to be far larger than the figure government sources give; a human body
burnt to a cinder was found in the kitchen. The remains of the victims
that were recovered over the weekend died gruesome deaths. It is not
becoming of a civilized nation to let their remains just lie there.
In a subsequent editorial the newspaper wrote about the still missing
students. Many of the proactive measures the government can take in
ensuring that the trend fizzles out is handling the aftermath of the
operation effectively. And that includes locating all the missing students.
By no means, of course, does this signify that that should be the only or even
primary motives for locating them. It is the duty of the state to provide
810

security to its citizens. Beleaguered as our democratic credentials might be,

we are, nonetheless, living in a democracy. The whole business of missing
persons, which goes way before the Lal Masjid incident, is not becoming of
a genuine democracy.
The Nation also commented on the reopening of the Lal Masjid.
Though the recent spate of terrorism might indeed be a direct consequence
of the governments own policies, there is still relatively lesser effective
control on the dark art of planting bombs that the maintenance of order at
public gatherings. If the government can cite the difficulty of fighting an
invisible hydra-headed monster on the terrorist front, what excuse it can
conjure up when it lets a Friday prayer congregation go awry? At the risk of
staying the obvious, there should have been better management of the
reopening of the fallen mosque, if a reopening indeed was absolutely
necessary so soon.
The Nation supported the demand of an inquiry into the tragedy. The
Senate Standing Committee for Religious Affairs demand for holding an
inquiry into the Lal Masjid tragedy is perfectly justified. When an
incident as gruesome and as perplexing as Lal Masjid takes place and
despite demands from different quarters the authorities make no attempt to
go into the root of the matter through a high-powered inquiry commission,
there is something seriously wrong with the countrys governance.
How, for instance, an institution of religious learning attached to a
place of worship develop into a stronghold of militants, how all the
sophisticated weapons that, the circles claim, were discovered there were
smuggled into the building, were there really any foreign terrorists and
These are the questions that have continued to agitate the minds of the
people.
It is important to recall that at the time of the government-Lal Masjid
standoff and the government was keen that the students came out, it was
announced that their expenses of education would be borne by the
exchequer. Nothing has since been heard about this offer though already a
month, a precious long period of study, has elapsed. There is also a need to
adopt clear policy about the seminarys future.
It is only when these unexplained questions have been satisfactorily
settled through an impartial commission of inquiry that Religious Affairs

811

Minister Ijazul Haqs wish of burying the hatred generated by the Lal
Masjid-Jamia Hafsa episode would have the chance of coming true.
Some kept talking about reformation of Madaris. Lt Col
Mohammad Shabaz wrote: Its important to understand that unless and until
we go to the real issue of making the government schools more accessible to
the poor we will keep facing such problems at the hands of the so-called
maulanas, whose own children get the most modern education both in
Pakistan and abroad. The Government of Pakistan must take the initiative
and build schools close to each village and provide free boarding lodging
and modern education along with religious training at all levels.
Fauzia Qureshi stressed upon addressing the unanswered questions.
The military operation against the Lal Masjid is over. Most Pakistanis like
me are worried about its fallout The whole Lal Masjid gory drama has
left many questions unanswered in the hearts and minds of many
Pakistanis, these questions need answers.
But then the writ of the state has to be established. But what a crude
way to establish the writ of the state! If the government wanted to prove
the professional skills of its forces then it is sadly mistaken as it was a onesided combat where immense firepower was used against the other. All the
suppositions for the delay of the action of the government in order to save as
many women and children as they could are negated by the aftermath. The
ruins of whatever left of the bombarded place tell a lot. The mutilated and
disfigured bodies which were in no condition to be handed over to their near
and dear tell a gory story. There can be no denying by anyone that the use of
force by our government was disproportionate to the danger facing them.
There is a sheer violation of the international law.
What is most relevant question to be asked is, that according to the
Constitution of Pakistan the government is the administrative authority.
Therefore, the Prime Minister is administrative head or the chief executive
of the country. If this is true according the Constitution of Pakistan then
what business did the Minister of Religious Affairs and other
government officials had to take the matter to the President when they
were in contact with the Prime Minister himself.
Similarly if the army came on the request of the Federal Government
to help them then after taking the operational position they were supposed to
take orders from the Federal Government not from any other authority. Only
812

the Prime Minister as the Chief Executive had the authority to issue
orders and not the Army Chief. There was no logic and reasoning as to
why the government officials went to the President for securing the final
orders
There is no doubt that President Musharrafs standing has been
dented by faltering American support and the brutal killing of his own
citizens by his political allies in Karachi in May. To some extent the Lal
Masjid would have re-established his damaged credentials with the
West in their fight against terrorism. But by storming the mosque his regime
has drawn itself further into a battle which has no end.
The bitter fact is that its a war even the Pentagon cant win. They
have failed in Afghanistan and Iraq and are now failing in Pakistan to
achieve their primary objective of countering terrorism. President
Musharraf may hold on to power a while longer, or he may not but he
definitely needs to answer these questions.
Israrul Haq analyzed regimes designs. President Bush in his weekly
address to the nation made no secret of the fact that all military operations
by President Musharraf against militancy including the one against Lal
Masjid were part of the American strategy.
This operation has been so abashedly unwarranted in that
Maulana Rashid Ghazi who was then leading the resistance after the capture
of his elder brother Maulana Abdul Aziz had publicly announced his
willingness to give up the resistance if given safe passageor alternatively
if a judicial commission could be instituted to enquire into the Lal Masjid
affairs.
It is reliably reported that the official delegation headed by Chaudhry
Shujaat had already agreed to his demand. But when presented to President
Musharraf, it was torn to pieces. It may be recalled that the government has
been committing breach of promise. At the initial stages it agreed to
reconstruct the demolished mosques at their original site but later on backed
out. A few days before launching of the July 3 operation the resistance
leaders agreed to bring the cases of social evils to the government notice
instead of acting on their own. However, only a day or two later the police
and Rangers started closing in on the mosque and tried to erect a barbed wire
barrier.

813

By conceding to either of two demands of Maulana Ghazi just

before the commando operation the bloodbath of 400 to 1000 according to
the MMA could have been avoided. President Musharraf in his address to
the nation on July 12 defended the refusal to allow free passage on the
grounds that it would have gone against the sovereignty of the land, could
have encouraged terrorism and those who challenge the writ of the state of
Pakistan.
The President however did not come out with his reasons for not
accepting the Maulanas alternative demand for setting up a judicial
commission to inquire into the Lal Masjid affairs. This commission if
constituted could have judicially decided all controversial issues surrounding
the Lal Masjid affairs and the truth would have come out for the entire world
to see. President Musharraf refused to accede to the demand for the
judicial commission and later went to the extent of frustrating judicial
process set in motion by the Supreme Court which took suo moto notice of
the Lal Masjid affairs directing the government to facilitator peaceful
settlement.
How ridiculous was the rejection of the idea of a commission when
general amnesty to terrorists in Baluchistan had been granted. This
amnesty has been granted subject to no condition except that they should lay
down their arms Why could the inmates of Lal Masjid and Maulana Ghazi
accused only of raiding the prostitutes quarters and shops selling obscene
videos, both morally reprehensible and legally punishable, could not be
granted the same amnesty.
On July 9 a day before the operation the Supreme Court took suo
moto notice and directed the government to facilitate early settlement
between the seven member Ulema delegation and Maulana Rashid Ghazi to
end the hostage like situation. But in order to frustrate the process set in
motion by the Supreme Court the operation was escalated to debar the
courts jurisdiction under Article 245 of the Constitution.
So much has been made out of the alleged militants using female
students of Jamia Hafsa and male students of Jamia Faridia as human
shields. This allegation seems to be blatantly untrue in view of the fact
that more than 1200 students both girls and boys came out without any
hindrance during the operation on July 4 and 5 and Maulana Ghazi on his
telephonic statement to the media had been insisting that not only were the
students free to leave but were even asked to leave.
814

The claim finds support from the fact that he invited the media to
visit Lal Masjid and see if students were held hostage. He also invited the
delegation of Chaudhry Shujaat to come inside the mosque but the
delegation refused. The Parliamentarians belonging to the MMA a day or
two before the commando action were all willing to visit the Maulana
right inside the mosque but they were prevented from going there.
Even though the guns at Lal Masjid have fallen silent the guns in the
Frontier province are booming much louder. The military operations far
from bringing the Lal Masjid episode to an end it has only created many
more Lal Masjids throughout Pakistan. As predicted by the American
magazine, Time even though President Musharraf has apparently
succeeded, it is Maulana Ghazi who might ultimately prevail.
Mir Adnan Aziz explored the root cause of the problem of extremism.
The images from the last few days our own on both sides of the guns
the unearthly rattle of gunfire a mosque complex smelling not of musk but
cordite the triumphant flashing of victory signs then the silence. Does
this silence herald a new sunrise or the dawn of yet another tragic
day?
What some call inevitable action may yet be seen as a government
attempt at currying favours with the West. This perception has previously
ignited the passions of religious extremists and may further divide the
society. In a climate where mistrust has been actively encouraged by the
powers to be, conditions for violent conflict were naturally always ripe
communities divided, suspicions nursed, grievances resurrected, and
retaliation invited.
It is, however, the mishandling of the whole affair that may now
become an increasingly serious cause for concern. As it is, evidence
surrounding the recent bloody conflict, in fact, seems alarmingly suggestive
of deliberate government negligence! Was it not the appointed responsibility
of the state to swiftly act at the onset and prevent tragic loss of so many
lives?
The tragic circumstances mentioned above can be traced to an
absolute failure of the state and an increasing lack of social cohesion due
to the absence of national moral authority. Such lack of moral authority
always results in further disintegration of social fabric, as we now find

815

ourselves increasingly fragmented by the void of credible religious/political

leadership.
In a state, as in Pakistan, where the elite rule, there are several
features. One is that this elite regard themselves as superior on a variety
of dimensions, most notably a belief that they are more intelligent, wise
kind and morally developed than their subjects.
Another salient psychological characteristic is their heavyhanded attitude to the population. They view themselves as all knowing
beings who have to guide and cajole rebellious populations for their own
good. While the people may protest, they lack their elites wisdoms and
visions, therefore forced to accept its will. This in turn, they think, gives
them carte blanche to do anything. What unfortunately they end up with is
proving themselves as rulers sans benevolence, a cruel bedlam, willing to
dash our brains out.
This contrasts with genuine democracy, unfortunately we have had
stage-managed ones so far. In a genuine democracy there are leaders
selected by the people on a popular mandate. Candidates whose views are
popular and shared by the majority of the people are placed in power. These
people rule by the consent of the people. If and when they displease the
masses this consent can be withdrawn, and the office holders are replaced
with others who are given a chance. Contrarily in an elitist state, all fighters,
as our cabinet share similar views, attitudes and values. These views are
largely formed by the elite, source of the hidden knowledge, which we
mere mortals cannot understand in this system over which they have a
strangle-hold.
These moral and intellectual giants do not need the approval of
the subjects they govern. They rarely bother to ask them, even if they do
simply ignore their wishes if it contrasts with their own. As in Lal Masjid
episode, what most of us would regard as common sense is little more, than
a knee jerk, simplistic reaction to a problem they insist needs long drawn out
solutions.
They regard views that oppose their own as not deserving of
discussion or meriting debate. State violence is, of course, held in check by
numerous factors, including law, tradition, institutions, political and
economic costs, calculations of self-interest; also not least in importance
considerations of morality and religion. Should any of these militate in other
816

directions, the likelihood of violence increases accordingly. Among the most

dangerous of situations is that in which a state bent on conquest finds and
deploys arguments that encourage its aggressive tendencies and ambitions. A
state develops the capacity to persuade itself, its citizens or subjects, and
perhaps also others, that the world is divided between the forces of good and
evil; the extremists and enlightened moderates. As an occasional fantasy, this
is bad enough.
The exercise of power causing some to submit to the will of others
is necessary in any functioning state, organization and relationship. This
power may shift, but it always exists. Power is not devil, but one should be
cautious about the form it takes. Power controlled by the ego is something
to be fearful of; tempered by humility and character it is a gift.
One of the glaring factors to our societal degradation is the
conscious destruction of quality public education. This leaves young
people politically passive, without the knowledge of history or the critical
skills they need to interpret the world around them. As a result they can be
easily led by whosoever desires. The private schools affordable only by
some have not been destroyed in the same way. This has led to a chasm
between the public and private school systems. The public system barely
even pretends to educate anyone.
The effect is to kill initiative, instilling a sense of resignation
through which young people can be easily led. The rich are preparing their
children to rule the country, and the children of the poor are being prepared
for obedience. The media, positively pivotal in so much, plays a role by
detracting the well off young with consumerism. Whatever they have is
spent on mobile phones, branded rip-offs, pirated DVDs or chatting on the
internet. In one way or another, it all flows into the pockets of the rich.
Unable to understand the causes of their predicament or make meaningful
plans for the future, dream of escape to the land of abundance they see in the
movies.
Left behind are the products of our madressas and public schools, a
generation which finds itself totally alienated and at odds with the new
found enlightened we have discovered. The same generation which was
touted not so long ago indoctrinated, trained and was given a licence to kill
by the then adoring West harbingers and saviors of the free world. Mythical
warriors with auras of invincibility, the Wests knights in shining armour of
yesterday, the outcast pariahs of today.
817

Religion is often experienced as a source of deeply endorsed value

and of fundamental life prospects. Shared religious beliefs and traditions
bind people together into communities that bridge gulfs of race, ethnicity
and nationality. Such communities tie the generations together in networks
of mutual support and reciprocal obligations. This is the practical
significance of religious belief. Once you have them, a whole new normative
and social order opens up. Lots of good has been done both for and by the
inhabitants of such normative and social orders.
What was to be understood is whether our political policies and
processes build or destroy our common life. We have to choose between
chaos or community. By rejecting the latter we are now faced with the
former. The breakdown of community in our nation forces us to reweave the
seriously eroded fabric of life and relationships. We should ensure character
of our public discourse and decision making, and the participation of
ordinary people in the political process.
In any progressive country, tolerance and compassion are core
societal values. Headways can only be made if we acknowledge and draw
lessons from the wrongs of the past. We must acknowledge where and how
we have erred, not to twist the knife in the wound, but to better acknowledge
that their lethal germs still persist. We are not here to humiliate anyone, but
we as a nation can only take a decisive step forward if the whole truth is
brought to light.
If we want to overcome religious and ethnic discrimination as well as
intolerance, we must restore truth and dignity in our society. Of supreme
importance is to engage those of us who find themselves alienated and
wronged morally or spiritually. Inflexibility and dogmatism can unleash
centrifugal forces, resentment, conflicts and strife. Dialogue on spiritual and
societal values will prepare the unifying field of our togetherness, well-being
and prosperity.
It is pertinent that we do not let our virtues become our fatal
flaws through ironic reversal. Over-extending our commitments, among
other things the autonomy of reason, to an overtly zealous surge by the
West can be detrimental for us as a nation. No unilateral commitments, as
long as we find a way to embody that which is not self undermining. Let us
all, with our hearts and minds dwell in the present moment, accept our past
painful though it may seem, and let a tolerant and compassionate future
unfold.
818

REVIEW
The problem with a military regime is that every time it is confronted
with a difficult situation of solving a complicated issue, it resorts to the
method it knows better; the use of force. Ironically, in case of Lal Masjid the
issue was first made complicated and then destroyed through use of
indiscriminate force assuming that the matter has been resolved.
The demolition of Jamia Hafsa building was necessitated for
concealing the evidence about the manner in which its inmates were burnt
alive for challenging the writ of the secular enlightened ruling elite of the
Islamic Republic of Pakistan. The regime tried to balance this heinous act by
reopening the Lal Masjid.
The mosque was renovated to give a look of yellow mosque;
though it was named as Jamia Masjid. Inside the prayer hall all the writings
were covered with distemper, because many of ayaat pertained to Islamic
teaching of jihad.
The regime must have considered naming the main entrance of the
mosque as Baab-e-Musharraf with colour scheme of Pinkys choice and
writing Farmoodat-e-Altaf inside the prayer hall. For some reason this idea
was dropped otherwise the mosque would have been a true reflection of
Enlightened Moderation.
The reopening of the mosque on 27th July backfired. It earned no
goodwill for the regime. In fact the very sight of its new colour scheme
irritated the Nimazis, mostly the residents of the locality, who knew the
mosque only by its look which gave it the name; Lal Masjid.
The moving scenes at the site of the demolished Jamia Hafsa; the
anger of Nimazis inside the prayer hall; the retreat of regime-appointed
Imam; treatment meted out to leaders of MMA; attempt to change the colour
of the mosque; and last but not the least, the suicide bombing at Aabpara
were enough to convey that the regime can destroy the mosques and
madrassas, not the emotional attachment of the people with these institutions
of Islam. The secular regime decided to drop the idea of reopening the
mosque for the time being.

819

The Operation Silence reflected the regimes resolve to establish its

writ by stern action against the internal threats. As regards the external
threats, Aunty Shamim symbolized the regime; its territorial sovereignty
can be molested by doling a few dollars.
9th August 2007

HELMET vs WIG
AFTERSHOCKS
While rejoicing over the historic verdict of the apex court, the people
of Pakistan expected that this judicial earthquake would cause tsunami in

820

Pakistans political Pacific. There was no tsunami, because of the shallow

political waters; the opposition.
However, the strength of the judicial earthquake was sufficient enough
to cause ripples. It rejuvenated the opposition political parties which vowed
to launch a concerted effort from one platform for restoration of democracy
and to end military rule.
The judicial jolt was also strong enough to cause alarm in corridors of
power. Musharrafs foreign backers in Washington also decided to help their
mercenary in war on terror and to this end they advised him to expedite a
deal with anti-Islamists Benazir Bhutto.
Justice Ramday and his teams courageous decision set the course for
the superior judiciary. The emboldened judiciary kept causing aftershocks
through judicial activism. In future, the political jugglers in Pakistan wont
be able to ignore judicial factor in their planning. They have to curb their
tendencies to step beyond constitutional parameters.

EVENTS
On 29th July, PTI demanded Musharrafs resignation. Deal is
welcomed if Constitution is restored, said Shahbaz Sharif. No doffing, no
deal, Benazir told Pakistanis and warned Washington of Islamic revolt. Next
day, Supreme Court bench ordered demolition of Masood Hospital Lahore
which has been constructed illegally. While taking serious view of the letter
written by US doctors association to seek intervention of the prime minister
to restrain the court, Justice Ramday, said the courts do not function at the
behest of the prime minister. In Islamabad, the CJP took suo moto action
against illegal sale of SIMs.
The reliable leaders continued denying all reports on the deal or the
understanding allowing the reliable sources to leak some terms and
conditions of the marriage of convenience. Musharraf will quit army and
will be re-elected by the present assemblies and Benazirs party will abstain
from voting. PML-Q leaders were jolted by the deal and Shujaat tried to
pacify the party men during a meeting. MMA announced protest rallies
against the deal.

821

On 31st July, Musharraf accepted resignation of Attorney General and

he said that he respected all judges and observed that independence of
judiciary is a must to run the government. Two more PML-Q MPAs defected
to PPP. PTI urged the CJP to take notice of the illegal detention of the
political activists belonging to various political parties. International Crisis
Group cautioned that rigging could lead to violent conflict.
Next day, while hearing the appeal of Javed Hashmi, the CJP
remarked that a prisoner cannot be kept in jail beyond his term. Following a
Supreme Court order that called for ensuring registration of all eligible
voters, the ECP decided to annul the condition of producing NIC for
registration in electoral rolls.
As a result of another remark of the CJP, the cabinet approved a bill to
regulate human organs transplant. Hearing of reference against Imran Khan
was put off till 9th August. Benazir wants to come into power through back
door, said Nawaz Sharif. Justice Qayyum was appointed as Attorney
General for Pakistan.
On 2nd August, Nawaz brothers filed separate petitions challenging
their exile in the apex court. Supreme Court bench fined another owner of a
high-rise in Lahore. The court also rebuked LDA official and remarked that
illegal construction is a big dishonesty. In Karachi the Supreme Court took
suo moto notice of undeclared electricity load shedding. PPP condemned the
appointment of new Attorney General. The AG said he would advise the
Prime Minister to resign if the Court finds mala fide intention its detailed
judgment.
Musharraf took into confidence the PML-Q leaders by assuring that
he wont bypass them in striking deal with Benazir. MNAs of PML-Q
expressed concern when Shujaat informed them about Musharraf-Benazir
meeting. Pervaiz Elahi vowed that PML-N would ensure re-election of
Musharraf in uniform. The deal will end Benazirs political career, said
Imran Khan.
Next day, the Supreme Court ordered release of Makhdum Javed
Hashmi. Nawaz Sharif termed the court order as defeat of dictatorship.
President was pleased to raise salaries of the judges of Supreme Court and
high courts. Justice Javed Iqbal of the Supreme Court ordered initiation of
contempt of court proceedings against top officials of NAB in Quetta for
willfully flouting the order of the court.
822

On 4th August, Javed Hashmi was set free from Kot Lakhpat Jail.
Hundreds of emotionally-charged party leaders, supporters and party
workers and fans chanted high-pitched songs and anti-Musharraf slogans
while dancing on the beat of drums. Reception rally was a reminiscent of
CJP rallies.
Lawyers opposed deal with military ruler and vowed continuing
struggle for restoration of democracy. PML-Q reiterated its pledge to re-elect
Musharraf in uniform. The CJP took suo moto notice of a Karo Kari incident
in Ghotki. Essa Naqvi suggested to the regime to find scapegoat to save the
herd.
Next day, Musharraf confirmed meeting with Benazir but refused to
allow the exiled leaders to return. Benazir said power-sharing deal could
work despite being a double-edged sword. Time of Chaudhrys Muslim
League is over, said Jamali. Javed Hashmi said time has come for decisive
battle against dictatorship. Arif Nizami observed that emergency option has
become attractive for some in ruling alliance.
On 6th August, the CJP took suo mot notice of murder of Adnan
Munir, the lone brother of eight sisters of Alipur Farash. The Supreme Court
fixed the date of 9th August for hearing Nawaz Sharifs petition. The bench
hearing missing persons case asked the Attorney General to submit case-tocase details. Another bench gave deadline to all the provinces to remove
encroachments from the sites of national monuments.
Musharraf promised talks on the issue of uniform after his re-election.
He also urged PML-Q leaders to shun differences within the party. Shujaat
said the government was considering imposition of emergency rule. Javed
Hashmi was accorded warm welcome at National Assembly. In his address
he stressed upon supremacy of the Parliament and end of military rule.
Next day, the CJP took suo moto notice of poor condition of DHQ
Mianwali and a land transfer case of Chakri Road. The Supreme Court
ordered demolition of another building in Lahore. The Attorney General
ruled out President-CJP good relations at the cost of Prime Minister. Some
MNAs of PML-Q were of the view that Musharraf should be re-elected by
next assemblies.
On 8th August, Musharraf discussed emergency option with his aides
and legal experts. The government denied reports about imposition of

823

emergency. Benazir said the move wont strengthen the country. Javed
Hashmi vowed to challenge Musharrafs re-election in the court. Khar hinted
split in PPP over the deal.

VIEWS
The people kept expressing their views on the landmark judgment.
Pir Shabbir Ahmad from Islamabad wrote: If I may quote my lawyer
friends, this judgment was merely the first step in the right direction. What
is sad is that even in this moment of jubilation, our rulers are still not reading
the pulse of the nation. In another country numerous resignations would
have come forth in similar circumstances, not so in Pakistan.
He also opined: Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry earned respect
of the entire nation by saying no on a matter of principle. The next person
to earn such respect would be any top wig of the government who chooses
to resign first, again on a matter of principle. The time for that is now.
The recent history is replete with examples of peoples
movements defeating the tyranny of the state. To quote a recent example,
King Gyanendra of Nepal was an absolute monarch who had dismissed
many prime ministers. But he was neutralized after a peoples movement
The bottom line here is that a genuine political solution can only be found by
a genuine civilian government.
Razi Alam from Karachi opined: The hopes and dreams of the
oppressed people have come true after 60 years. In the modern society, the
chief justice is the symbol of justice. But the autocratic regime had reduced
even the chief justice to a mere plaintiff for himself. By delivering a
historic verdict, the judiciary has restored that symbol again.
Inspector Qabacha from Lahore said: The President once said that he
would tell us more about the CJ once this case is decided. Now the case has
been decided, he should honour his promise and tell us more about the
CJs activities.
Farrukh Shahzad from Islamabad had similar demand. Musharraf has
promised to the nation that on very next day after the Supreme Court

824

verdict The nation would like to see him come on the TV and tell us
about those real causes that he promised to disclose after the verdict.
There were some like Col Riaz Jafri from Rawalpindi who praised
the regimes executive arm. Rising to the occasion, the President, Prime
Minister and the Law Minister have publicly announced that whatever they
had done in good faith with the thought that it was constitutionally
correct. Now that the SC has held otherwise, they would honour its verdict
wholeheartedly, without any rancor or acrimony against the CJ, the higher
judiciary or the legal fraternity of the country.
The nation would, therefore, be justified in expecting a similar
attitude from the so-called winners of the case. They should also show
the same sort of grace, maturity and sporting spirit I think Musharraf
government also deserves a word or two of praise for keeping itself
religiously aloof from the proceedings. The supporters of the regime like
Col Riaz should rest assure that whatever the judiciary would do would be in
good faith and also strictly in the spirit of upholding the rule of law.
A natural result of the verdict was the rise in expectations of the
people as is evident from the views of Gul Zaman from Paris. The
Supreme Court needs to take suo moto action against mismanagement
and financial irregularities rampant in state owned corporations like
railways, PIA and the stock exchange mafia which has looted the general
public with the connivance of powerful power brokers in Islamabad. Cases
of rape and violence against women need to be put on fast track and culprits
given exemplary punishments.
Harassment of peaceful law abiding citizens exercising basic
fundamental rights, and state sponsored terrorism witnessed on May 12 in
Karachi, must cease forthright. Every institution of the state, including
defence services should desist from transgressing their confined
jurisdiction as defined in the Constitution.
Dr M Aslam from Sydney wrote: According to a news item, the
Supreme Court summoned Cabinet Secretary to produce agendas of cabinet
meetings for the past three months to investigate delay in legislation on
organ trafficking. I am perplexed. Does the honourable Supreme Court
now wishes to undertake both policy-making as well? Or may be, it is
actually interested in discovering whether the matter of the Chief Justice
came up for deliberations before the cabinet or not? The common sense
825

suggests that setting of agenda for the cabinet is a prerogative of the

executive.
Although the superior judiciary can issue directions for a particular
legislation and set a realistic timeframe for implementation, which should be
honoured, the courts must at the same time refrain from indulging in such
matters as telling a section officer how/when to set the agenda for a meeting
or prepare summary for the Prime Minister. The constitutional checks and
balances would work best if the institutions do not transgress their
mandates.
Dr Aslams observations and aspersions are quite irrelevant. The
purpose of the Court was quite clear. It was to establish as to how many
times the cabinet deliberated on an important draft law on the issue being
heard by the court. As regards the Chief Justices case, this came under
discussion several times in meetings of selected members, and the minutes
of such meetings are never recorded. In no way the Court has transgressed in
this case.
The people also commented on the events in political arena in which
the deal drew attention of many. Nasarullah Khan Shenwari from Peshawar
observed: It is now very clear that the PPP leadership has been maintaining
secret contacts with General Pervez Musharraf for a deal for a long time
despite signing the Charter of Democracy which binds all the signatories
not to negotiate a deal with the military. It is not a surprise for those who
are familiar with history of the PPP.
The PPPs founder After grabbing absolute power in 1971, he
betrayed his closest associates. He betrayed Punjab, his major support
base, and NWFP by shelving USSR offer for a steel mill, based on local iron
ore, in Kalabagh near NWFP border, and shifting this project to Karachi
where it was to be run on imported iron ore. Finally, he betrayed the army
Generals by appointing General Zia-ul-Haq as the army chief superseding 13
able Generals. He paid the price for this last mistake with his life.
Nazeer Abro from Hyderabad opined: Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto gave his
life for democracy and till today, his ghost still haunts every military
dictator. Benazir should never contemplate a deal with a man in the
uniform otherwise she will lose her credibility and become a nonentity in
politics. PPP should never be seen as compromising

826

Khurshid Anwer from Lahore Cantt wrote: I am thoroughly

surprised, not at the deal, but at the people who are surprised at the deal.
Benazir Bhutto is a past master at somersaults. Why do people have short
memory? I was the first person to warn Nawaz Sharif of what was in store
for him now. After all, he had previous hands on experience of her wicked
ways. Can anyone forget how she had bulldozed Nawaz Sharif into going for
the nuclear tests and then told CNN the same evening that she was against
the hot test and would herself have gone for a cold test in the lab.
Hurriat Mehmood from Rawalpindi was of the view that the deal
would have negative impact for PPP. To strike a deal with General Pervez
Musharraf will be detrimental to the party and cause a severe loss of its vote
bank. People by and large, are fed up with the armys role and they no longer
want it perpetuated any further. PPPs deal will be historic blunder.
Noore Zaman from Peshawar opined: Once again the nation has
been traumatized by the behind the scenes deal or arrangement
between Musharraf and BB. That is how the issues are resolved between
the military rulers and civilian leaders. It would be a great tragedy if the
gains made by the civil society in the judicial movement of the last six
months are squandered due to the lust for power of some unscrupulous
politicians.
Let the milestone reached by the great judgment of July 20 not go in
the dustbin of history. Let the most learned judges and the men of judiciary
all over country seize this moment of history and decimate the selfmotivated and selfish designs of those seeking power illegally through
manoeuvrings of the establishment. Let them once for all adjudicate
against all extra constitutional means including all doctrines of
necessity, LFO, 58 (2) b, 17th Amendment etc, burying them all in the
sands of time.
Raja Nusrat Ali from Gujrat wished that following the example set by
the lawyers, the politicians would launch a concerted political movement for
restoration of democracy. Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad triumphed the
very day he bluntly refused to comply with the despots command for the
ultra constitutional step As per the statements of the leaders of the
lawyers movement, their drive shall continue till the end of the military
rule. Although the reinstatement of the Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad
Chaudhry seems like an elementary change in the power structure with
respect to protection of civil liberties, General Musharraf is still at the helm
827

of affairs in uniform. It will need a country-wide concerted political

movement to compel him to relinquish power so that the civilian rule is
restored in the country.
Analysts and the media kept commenting on the decision of Justice
Ramdays team. The historic verdict in the right direction would further
improve and enhance the image of the judiciary as well as of Pakistan in the
comity of nations. People would surely remember that the government did
not influence the judiciary and let it make an independent decision. Also, the
present government was the first in 60 years, which has set this example of
supremacy of the Constitution and law in the judicial system of the country.
This verdict also proves that the judiciary enjoys absolute freedom to
take decision in line with the Constitution. It is hoped that the decision of
the apex court would lead to a new balance and harmony among the
various organs and institutions of the state so that they all work in
accordance with the Constitution.
All the political parties and the different segments of the country now
need to work together with the government in order to complete this
democratic process in an efficient and transparent manner. The political
parties and religious groups should also take an example from the
verdict and instead of adopting violent means, they should promote positive
change through constitutional and democratic methods.
The Nation wrote: General Musharrafs assertion that the executive
and judiciary must exist in harmony with each other and should work
together in national interest is indeed welcome, so is his desire to maintain
ties with Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry with whom according
to him he had personal relations.
It is heartening to hear from him that all appointments in the superior
judiciary in the last seven years were made on merit but then his government
cannot escape the blame for politicizing the judicial crisis triggered by
the sacking of the CJP on March 9. One would also like to take issue with
him when he says that it was his constitutional obligation to forward the
reference to the Supreme Judicial Council. If had felt that the charges framed
against the CJP were untrue or lacked substance then he should have referred
the matter back to the PM for review. But instead of doing so he kept on
defending the reference and went to the extent of saying that he would weep
if the truth is defeated.
828

The recent developments might have prompted General Musharraf to

think about re-establishing harmonious ties with Chief Justice Chaudhry
now that he has once again started exerting pressure on the executive by
taking suo moto cognizance of certain important issues. Then there are also
indications that the legal fraternity and bar associations across the country
are planning to challenge the presidents plan to get himself re-elected in
uniform. If the state institutions are expected to coexist while remaining
within their particular domains then the executive will have to set an
example. However, appointment of Justice Qayyum as attorney general, a
controversial figure who only recently appeared against the Chief Justice
speaks otherwise.
In an earlier editorial the newspaper had commented on a similar
statement of the CJP. The CJ counseled the lawyers not to waste what
they had achieved during the past four months and provide a vision and
direction to the people to realize the dream of good governance. The CJ
observed that the peoples readiness to sacrifice everything for upholding the
Constitution and the rule of law had given a lie to an American professors
views that no one in Pakistan was willing to die for this purpose.
A most credible assurance against any attempt at crossing the limits
of legality lay in a harmonious functioning of the various institutions of the
state. The need was to create a climate of interaction and
interdependence for their proper and efficient operation. He was
absolutely right in saying that in successful institutional working rested the
secret of the countrys development, as it has been borne out by the
experience of other nations.
The Nation also expressed its viewpoint on judicial activism. Within
days of CJs rehabilitation the SC has taken suo moto notice of a
number of cases and made important decisions in public interest. It directed
the government to urgently approve the Transplantation of Human Organs
and Tissues Ordinance 2007 that had remained on the backburner because of
opposition by influential lobbies
The authorities have also been asked to explain why Makhdum Javed
Hashmi was still under detention when he had apparently completed his jail
term. Keeping in view the independence being displayed by the
judiciary, the PML-N has decided to file petition in the SC seeking the
return of its top leaders.

829

It appears that the present and succeeding administrations will

have to live with an independent and vigilant SC. It is a happy
coincidence that while the apex court has expressed its resolve not to allow
constitutional transgressions, the government is showing keenness to
improve its relations with it.
The judicial activism provides the much needed checks and
balances that alone can ensure the rule of law. It would be a good omen if
it was to make the otherwise supercilious executive more heedful of the
consequences of its actions.
Aziz-ud-Din Ahmad observed: The entire administration has yet to
overcome the traumatic impact of the great movement in support of the
judiciarys independence. Gen Musharraf looks shell-shocked; his spin
masters are bamboozled and are playing on the back foot. Gone is the
panache, the assertiveness and the arrogance that had characterized them.
The administration is clueless. Gen Musharraf says there will be no
emergency while Ch Shujaat assures his demoralized party members on the
same day that emergency can be imposed. The Prime Minister remains most
of the time off the screen. Musharrafs support has plummeted
The Supreme Court in the meanwhile continues to assert its
independence. Days after his rehabilitation the CJ called on the bench and
the bar to resist any steps that are taken in violation of law Bolstered by
public support, the SC continues to take decisions on matters of public
interest in defiance of the administration.
The iron is hot. Will leaders of the mainstream parties take the
first available flight to take over the movement nurtured by the lawyers
and civil society groups or continue to dither at this historic moment and
consequently fade out remains to be seen.
Kuldip Nayar from across the border wrote: President General Pervez
Musharraf should have resigned when the Pakistan Supreme Court
reinstated Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry. After all,
Musharraf had made it a personal issue. He had the charges framed and
pursued. But the tradition to resign after failure is in a democratic system,
not in a military ruled state. By reinstating Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry as
Chief Justice, the Supreme Court of Pakistan has shown exemplary courage
to take on the executive. I think the lawyers have also written a new chapter

830

of courage and bravery. If the army chief-cum-president could not get away
with the unproven charges of misconduct and misuse of authority against the
Chief Justice, nobody else in the government would ever do.
Aitzaz Ahsan, the lawyer of the Chief Justice, has hailed the
judgment as a good omen. He has a point because the restoration of the
judiciarys dignity may pave the way for the restoration of democracy in
Pakistan. The judiciary from now on would be the best protector of the
Constitution and the rule of law. The Courts orders to release Javed Hashmi,
a senior opposition leader imprisoned four years show that. Indeed, the
judiciary in Pakistan has done tremendous job. In more or less similar
circumstances, the judiciary in India failed.
Musharrafs troubles have not ended yet. His uniform has become a
point of contention. From all reports emanating from Pakistan, it is clear that
he wants to have another 5-year term as President with uniform. The deal
with Benazir Bhutto is stuck at that point. She does not want the President to
be in uniform. This is where Musharraf may find the Supreme Court also
in the way.
There is also the question of the present National Assembly and the
state legislatures electing Musharraf. They end their tenure in November.
How odd would it look if they, with a life of only a few months left, were to
elect Musharraf president for the next five years? The re-election by the
present assemblies, if this becomes at all possible, will be difficult.
The reason why the president has not cut off negotiations with
Benazir is the loss of options before him. He is surrounded practically
from all sides. Some agreement may come through in due course. Even
Musharraf may agree to shed his uniform at the end of the year, the period
given to him through a constitutional amendment. But the question after the
lawyers victory has become a different one. The civil society which was
cynical and inactive is now a force to reckon with. It has realized after
winning the battle for the Chief Justice that it can influence events in
Pakistan. It is dead set against Musharraf and may exact some price if it is
asked his acceptance. It is not difficult to envisage that the military will opt
out of Pakistans politics.
Dr Asim Allah Bakhsh was of the view that the episode that featured
the CJ on March 9 marked the immense departure from the established norm
of intimidating and getting the result. The entire nation stood behind him
831

to the point that his stand was vindicated and he got back where he
belonged.
But what made it happen; just another spontaneous reaction by an
emotional nation? Reason appears deeper rooted than what meets the eye
first up. This was result of a very healthy perception that prevailed in the
minds of the ordinary Pakistanisthey believed this man was delivering. He
had not promised anything to the nation when he took to this office of his
but still he could be seen all over Redressing peoples grievances in cases
of Karo Kari, rapes, missing persons, steel mill privatization The list goes
on. They liked him and wanted him to stay.
A friend of mine established a very interesting analogy between the
CJ and the president. He said General Musharraf came to power in 1999
and made lofty promises to the nation, especially the much touted (at that
time, now almost forgotten) 7-point Agenda that he put forth in his address
on Oct 17, 1999. However, he did nothing in practical term to further the 7
declared points of his agenda.
On the other handwe have a judge who had no qualms about taking
oath on PCO just to further his chances of becoming CJ, we all are mortals
with our shortcomings. But when he rose to the office of CJ of Pakistan in
2005, he soon came to be regarded as a humane judge who would take suo
moto notices to initiate proceedings against various wrong doings. He spelt
relief to common man. And when his test came after being two years in
office, he said NO. And he was not alone, he in fact turned into a hero and
he had a great following overnight.
My friend refused to stop at this point and said: Even at the cost of
sounding ridiculous I would say this entire CJ episode was a divine way of
showing the president that if you are sincere with the people and ready to
further their cause in place of some super power then you are not alone,
you can never be. But for that to happen one must muster the courage to
say no No I cannot do more And to top it all; NOwe dont want
your money.
Mr President, choices that we make coupled with the deeds we render
determines our place in history. You once said, in one of those lighter
moments, that you never intended to be in the corridors of power but that
was thrust on you. May be that is why that CJ thing happened at all,
otherwise, who could imagine government could never in all their legal
832

sense could file such a faux pas that they termed as a Reference. We wish
that instead of contemplating some vindictive action against the CJ or
other judges you would analyze the situation with an open mind and
make this beacons light for yourself in defining your actions from now on.
If you appeared to do so then you can safely tell real winner in the court saga
that ended on July 20.
Keeping the vindictive nature of the brave commando in view, it is
hard to rule out that he did not contemplate such action, but he certainly
abstained from taking it. Instead, he made a move on the political front.
He decided to make public the Mushy-Pinky affair.
Many PPP activists are both confused and unhappy after the notso-secret talks at Abu Dhabi. There is a fairly wide perception that by
agreeing to hold talks Ms Bhutto has put much at stake and only time will
tell whether she wins laurels or loses face. The fact that neither side is
willing to concede that parleys were held indicates that while some sort of
understanding might have been reached much remains to be resolved, The
Nation wrote.
On Sunday Ms Bhutto again reiterated her stand not to accept
President Musharraf in uniform thus implying that the possibility of PPP
support was not ruled out in case he agreed to abandon his military office
Ms Bhuttos remarks that the army must stop governing the country and
instead respect decisions of the government and be held accountable before
the parliament are understood by her supporters to mean that she too yearns
for changes in the Constitution aimed at establishing a control of the
civilian authority, though she is not willing to stress this out of tactical
reasons. Her opponents, however, maintain that the statement is meant to
camouflage the deal which they accuse her of having brokered with General
Musharraf.
With Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry rehabilitated on July 20, the
Presidents options have been further limited. The APDM has decided to
mobilize the masses against the military regime with two public meetings in
Quetta and Rawalpindi to be organized in August. The leaders of lawyers
movement have vowed to challenge his re-election in the court. With the
President coming under increasing pressure, Ms Bhutto is likely to
increase her demands as the time passes.

833

In a subsequent editorial, the newspaper added: Mian Nawaz

regretted that while the judiciary, which had been validating military
takeover and granting legitimacy to unrepresentative regimes in the past
through the doctrine of necessity, had now become awake, politicians were
still not tired of playing second fiddle to the powers that be. The PPP
leadership should however not forget that its decision to cut a deal with
General Musharraf will not only give a new lease of life to the present
dispensation that is becoming increasingly unpopular but will also
strengthen the perception that political leadership lacks the ability to govern
the country without the active support of the army.
Nadeem Syed observed: The pick of development taking place these
days is the secret meeting between President Musharraf and Benazir Bhutto.
The reports of the meeting between the two titans have already created
an upheaval back home. The political reaction is still pouring in, both for
and against the deal. The PML-N dubbed the deal as a great betrayal while
the MMA is not lagging behind in hitting both the government and PPP.
The meeting has changed the future political outlook of the country
entirely within no time. One could find now the country returning to
political normalcy with a win-win situation for all the power players. It
is also becoming increasingly clear that in the emerging political scenario
everybody has some role to play.
The new dynamics in the countrys politics will induce more interest
on the part of political leaders in the coming general elections. All of a
sudden now the people could again see general elections appearing on the
countrys horizon.
The biggest beneficiary of the new realignment of political forces
will be President Musharraf and Benazir Bhutto. The deal came at a
point when Musharraf had gone much weaker and insecure in the aftermath
of judicial crisis. Time has come for him to show latitude and flexibility.
Hence, he went all the way to Abu Dhabi to strike a deal with BB. Probably,
it was the only answer to his worries.
In the process Benazir is not allowed to return, but also become
prime minister for the third time, a prospect which seemed impossible a few
months back. The reports of deal will further invigorate the PPP workers and
leaders who could see in the near future their party forming government with
Benazir as Prime Minister.
834

Dr Farooq Hassan commented: Recently when Negroponte was in

Islamabad he is reported to have said that the matter of uniform was to be
decided by General Musharraf. If for no other reason as a constitutional and
as a lawyer I was disappointed by these sentiments as they signaled that in
US policy analysis one persons discretion for his own benefit was higher
than the constitution of the country.
However, within a short period of three weeks there has been an
apparent shift in the US position. As recently as on July 25 and 26 the
Congress while examining Pakistans assistance matters heard views that
seems to suggest that Washington is now looking for alternatives beyond
Musharraf.
This is the reason why suddenly Musharraf had to turn to BB by
personally traveling to Abu Dhabi to negotiate with her directly This
change is manifestly due the SC ruling in the Chief Justice matter and
the Lal Masjid tragedy that went decidedly against the government. I
understand on good authority that it is believed by some quarters in the US
that even the military colleagues of General have told him privately that the
time for his quitting the stage has arrived.
Stratfor did not hide fact that the Mushy-Pinky affair was sponsored
by the West. Musharraf might not be the only casualty from the political
wheeling and dealing: Bhutto and her party also could end up being
damaged. The expectations in various quarters such as the Pakistani
government, Washington, etc, - that Bhuttos entry into the Pakistani
political system will stabilize it and will be good for democracy ignore
certain ground realities.
First, Bhuttos party does not enjoy a monopoly over the Pakistani
electorate. Though in a relatively free and fair parliamentary election the
PPP probably will emerge as the single-largest party in parliament, a fresh
legislature vote will produce a parliament divided among five major
political forces and a number of smaller parties.
Second, the PPP is not what is used to be in 1986, when Bhutto
made her first dramatic return to her country. The PPPs reputation has been
tainted by allegations of corruption during her two terms. Moreover, in the
last five years, the party has been weakened significantly because of the
defection of some two dozen members of parliament who joined the

835

Musharraf government. Thus, going into the negotiations the PPP already is
weak force.
Deal-making between Bhutto and Musharraf, which has become
very public affair, is bound to cost the PPP some more voters no matter
how carefully its leadership pursues the negotiations. Bhutto knows this
well, and has acknowledged as such.
PPP re-entry into the halls of power in Islamabad is thus unlikely to
put Pakistan on the path of democracy, or for that matter even political
stability. More disconcertingly, for a number of reasons a PPP government
will be unable to deal effectively with increasing extremism and militant
activity in the country.
Pakistans problems run much deeper The issue goes to the
historical debate over the nature of Pakistani state, which has raged since
before countrys birth. The debate is over whether Pakistan should be secular
or Islamic; and over who would define the latter using what criteria.
Regardless of whether a deal between Musharraf and Bhutto emerges
and how political events unfold as elections approach, the PPP is unlikely to
create a stable democratic setup by partnering with the Musharraf
governments civil-military hybrid. And PPP not only would fail to (curb)
extremism and militancy, the situation could get worse.
Paula R Newberg discussed the Bushy-Mushy relationship and
Mushy-Pinky deal. Rising border instabilities with Afghanistan, renegade
Islamic militancy in the heart of the capital, and a resurgent Taliban the
bread and butter of Pakistans relationship with the US have been
overshadowed by the deepening problems of Pakistans failing governance.
General Musharrafs claimed prerogative has already provoked the judiciary
to crisis. Rising civic opposition to the militarized executive branch exposed
deep cracks in the Establishments edifice, and the mangled political
system is ill-prepared to accommodate the return of civilian politics.
Phrased simply, Musharraf framed the vision of the state over which
he now presides when he seized power in 1999. He has since created a
political system that does not work and a political environment that fosters
tremendous domestic confusion and unintentionally catalyzes the political
opposition. In this, it has been aided and abetted, since 2001, by foreign
allies who believe their own needs trump those of Pakistans citizens.

836

As politics crumble in Pakistan, foreign support for Musharraf

appears to brush aside Pakistans needs. Those who consider withdrawing
support for the general, however, may fear the forfeiture of their regional
interests and perhaps the unraveling of Pakistans internal security. Until
Pakistan resolves the question of how to govern the country, everything else
hangs by an ever-thinning thread. Driven by the exigencies of the
immediate and by inertia favouring the known, the Generals foreign
backers, including the US, may drift toward political tragedy.
Claiming to neutralize politics, Musharraf exiled party leaders Bhutto
and Mian Nawaz Sharif; found a pliable prime minister; mimicked a 1960sera electoral system that effectively disabled political parties; and then
patronized the rudderless Muslim League, along with the Karachi-based
Muttahida Qaumi Movement, to achieve a limp parliamentary majority
Every action failed. Parliament is restive, party members clamour for
the return of their leaders and younger generations the majority of
Pakistanis may well turn their backs on old-school politics anyway.
For foreign interlocutors the US, China, the European Union and
Japan such machinations may seem old hat: As long as Musharraf copied
the familiar, the outcomes were not surprising. To the degree that policies
based on fear and convenience underscored government actions, they, too,
were familiar fear that militant Islamists would rise if the army did not
keep them at bay, fear that a return to party politics would compromise
Pakistans security. But Musharrafs judgment backfired, and the
creeping blandishments of impatient authoritarianism wreaked havoc.
Sadly, Pakistanis are as likely to blame the US as they are to blame
Musharraf for this sorry state of affairs, and theyre not entirely wrong.
When security forces finally acted against Red Mosque, bystanders were
certain that Musharraf had acted on US instructions as they assumed he
did when the army was called out in the Frontiers.
The problem the US now confronts is dangerous than public
diplomacy, however, its security relationship with Pakistan is grounded in
profound illegality. Pakistans Constitution upheld by its highest court,
forbids Musharraf from holding concurrently the offices of president and
army chief.
The Bush Administration has indicated in public, at least that the
choice is Musharrafs. But the math is simple: Were the offices to be
837

separated, a new president could replace the army chief; a new army chief
could refuse to act on the orders of the old president; and both would
serve at the will of the parliament
In each case, Pakistans cooperation with the US and others
would no longer be a done deal. In this sense, the current US-Pakistan
alliance clearly acts against Pakistans Constitution, continues the structural
disruptions that military rule visits on the state and ultimately undercuts the
substance of alliance between the two countries.
The US could fix its part of this existential problem, of course, by
stating outright that the rule of law is a greater long-term interest than any
one political or military actor, its alliance is with Pakistan, not Musharraf.
This wont dispel the likely contrivances of ambitious politicians in both
countries willing to deal with generals and politicians and doesnt
necessarily bring about conditions that help Pakistanis return power to
legitimate civilian government.
At best, this is a first step toward a rational policy that recognizes
Pakistans profound difficulties as it tries to correct the desperately
complex political and military environment wrought by US complicity with
the military rule. But it is a critical step for both countries. Without a change
in posture, the US will be unprepared to reap the benefits on inevitable
changes in Pakistan. Then, no ones interests will be served.
Aziz-ud-Din Ahmad ventured on finding the reasons behind and the
likely impact of the deal. Many will watch how she reacts when the General
seeks election from the present assemblies in uniform. She says she might
take recourse to the SC in case the General uses the present legislatures as an
electoral college. She thus seeks an easy way out by shifting the burden
she is required to carry herself on to the shoulders of the courts.
Musharraf doesnt need PPP support to get elected in uniform. The
PML and its allies already have the required majority in the parliament and
three provincial assemblies to get him elected. What he is keen to ensure is
that the PPP does not join others in the dramatic act of resigning in
protest which will make it clear to all and sundry that he represents none but
the ruling alliance.
Ms Bhuttos opponents maintain that her statements display a
yearning to work with Musharraf as a civilian President. They contend the

838

Bhutto shares Washingtons concept of the ideal situation where

Musharraf is supported by her to faithfully pursue the agenda dictated by the
US. She has to understand that this will badly compromise her within a short
span of time to make her as unpopular as Musharraf.
To presume that Musharraf will be helpful in controlling
extremism is highly questionable. The General is a part of the problem
rather the solution. His shock and awe methodsturned a peaceful
Baluchistan into a haven for terrorists. Military operation in FATA has done
similar damage to the region.
The presumption that it would not be possible for a civilian
government to overcome extremism without General Musharraf is altogether
fallacious. In fact it is only a genuinely elected government which can deal
with the phenomenon. Musharrafs tactics have Talibanized the entire
FATA region and helped extremism spill into the adjoining settled
districts. The more he continues to use force, and there is little else a man
with a military mindset can think of, the more he endangers the countrys
security.
Musharraf is a sinking ship and anyone trying to align with the
General is likely to go down with him. Isolated as never before, he
desperately looks for allies. The entire civil society is opposed to his
retaining power For civil society the question is simple. Does Bhutto
want to fight for an end to the armys rule or wants to collaborate with
the army.
Ms Bhutto says that with the parliament getting stronger Musharraf
would automatically doff the uniform. Many believe that with the army
Generals unending lust for power, the only guarantee for a prolonged
civilian rule is a long term understanding between the political parties
taking the shape of the widest possible coalition government, encompassing
all moderate and nationalist parties, for at least two full terms.
Armed with the immense powers amassed through constitutional
amendments a Musharraf in mufti can be as lethal as when holding two
offices. GIK did not wear uniform nor did Farooq Laghari when they
dismissed successive PPP and PML-N governments.
Wajahat Latif focused on deals negative impact on PPP. It is now
confirmed by the Presidents office that the meeting did take place. Both are

839

now talking to one another on a possible power-sharing formula that

rumours seemed to suggest and the PPP denied for a long time. A drowning
Musharraf, fighting for breath, has been thrown a lifeline by Ms Bhutto
that he had been hoping for and the Americans had been pushing her to do
so.
In spite of all the tragedies, she has struggled against army all her
life, until last Friday, that is, when she met the president. Her sense of
timing deserting her, she broke ranks with the opposition and without
consulting her party met the president, a chronic adversary who is at his
weakest since the October 1999 military takeover.
It is therefore understandable if the meeting has disappointed her
party, and surprised all those who have followed her career. No one can see
any long-term political advantage in this move either for her or for the
country. No one can say why she has chosen this hazardous path
The mood in Pakistan is different today. Chief Justice Iftikhar
Mohammad Chaudhry stood against the government on March 9 and the
entire legal community and the general masses came out to support him.
Four months later, a full Supreme Court has vindicated his stand.
Abu Dhabi meeting has also disillusioned the grey heads of the
PPP. People like Aitzaz Ahsan, Raza Rabbani and Shah Mehmood Qureshi
are too decent to admit it openly, but between the lines their statements show
disappointment. There are other old comrades who are standing aloof and
reconsidering their position.
Finally, Ms Bhutto must know that she is perceived to be camping
with the US whose popularity in Pakistan today is at an all time low.
After the commando action on the Lal Masjid and its aftermath in the centre
of Islamabad, people think that they are promoting her to push their agenda.
If she stays the course she has chosen, she becomes a target of the so-called
extremists as much as Musharraf is. She will be well advised not to do it but
rather stay with the opposition, now that democracy seems within reach.
Imran Hussain was of the view that the move wont help the regime to
clear the mess it has created. So finally the ice is broken. Rather
surreptitious and not in keeping with the bluster and bravado of yore In
the dark of the night they slunk away in their respective jets landing in the
famed land of the Arabian nights.

840

Certainly more in keeping would have been the occupier to land in

London, seat himself in the presidential suite at the Dorchester and summon
his would-be colluder, in the full knowledge of the electorate and under the
bright lights reserved for celebrities intending to divide the spoils. After all
why should they fear anybody? With the fabled national interest being
supreme, anything and everything could and must be done to ensure it
remains intact.
One wonders for all of this mystery what price this nation will pay
because there is no evidence to suggest all will be hunky dory if the
deal, as it is termed, does come off. The famous kindergarten verse
comes to mind. All the kings horses and all the kings men couldnt put
Humpty together again. It is ironic but true. The last months have seen the
kings horses and men, crudely tethered, in total disarray. Their bid to
engineer a landslide victory for that infamous second skin is in complete
shambles.
The fact that this deal can do little to either sustain the government,
or the PPP, if it does become a party to the event that is being planned. On
the contrary it appears to have triggered very dangerous sentiments. The
deal can be very easily construed to be a sinister Sindhi-Mohajir pact against
the majority and the Punjabs reaction to this sudden cordiality or
cooperation can be very damaging to national integrity.
The PPP leader can do nothing to improve the obtaining
situation. She has distanced herself from the religious right in order to play
the liberal card for the western powers and it is well nigh impossible for
her to negotiate a settlement with them if, somehow, she is returned to the
prime ministers office. They are happier talking to the military, something
they have been doing profitably for decades.
To take a step further, why would Benazir (or her Western patrons)
even for a moment think that the military may be more responsive to orders
received from her rather than from Pervez Musharraf. So what exactly does
she bring to the party? Either silence, through abstinence, to get Musharraf
elected by this assembly or then actively campaigning to keep him in office
by electing him through the new house preferably sans uniform.
There is absolutely no sophisticated way of putting back into the
presidential office, let us disregard whether his status would be executive or
ceremonial for the moment. Major constitutional amendments are needed
841

to make the deal effective. The present mood of all the stakeholders does
not appear to support this process.
Surely, it is an insult to the intelligence of the Bush Administration
and its western allies for us to believe that they are out of synch with ground
realities. The situation has dramatically changed in recent months. And
surely they do not believe by just putting a liberal cap to the next
government and putting legislative pressure on it the threat to integrity of the
nation will be removed.
It is meant neutralizing opposition to Musharraf it may be
understandable. But the PPP has been no significance opposition. Not an iota
of success towards compelling the military to restore democratic rule can be
claimed. In fact, the matter has been addressed with any seriousness. The
only goal, glaringly evident now, has been to settle the corruption cases
against its leader.
The quirk of late will be it, in settling these cases; Humpty cannot be
put together again. Rumours have alluded to serious discrepancies in
governance, highlighting instances of corruption at a high level. Corruption
that has gone unchecked, ignored, some say perhaps even encouraged
Musharraf has been told about this chief minister and several other
ministers hundreds of times, but no, he knows better unfortunately. If that
were the case, he would not be wallowing in the present quagmire. He would
have taken the steps necessary to rectify the damage. Dozens of petitions
are reportedly ready questioning various steps the government intends
to take to secure its power base. Things are in complete mess and are
getting worse.
Inayatullah opined: The regime was cut to size and the world
witnessed the majesty of the judiciary in Pakistan. The Chief Justice is
back and is busy dispensing Justice. The vicious circle has been broken. The
frustrated administration is striving hard to regain its balance.
A weakened and vulnerable Musharraf, keen to hold onto power,
is, these days, seen hobnobbing with a political leader in exile. And the
Daughter of the East, Madam Benazir keen to return to power and to get
rid of the cases pending against her, all too willing to enter into a bargain.
She has also been bending over backwards to seek American help to achieve
her none-too-worthy-objectives.

842

Now that Musharraf is hard put to find support to boost his sinking
fortunes, clever as she is, she can harden her stand and put forward stiff
conditions to make the best of the situation. Looking back it is clear that she
was holding talks with Nawaz Sharif and had even joined him in signing the
charter of democracy with the ulterior of putting pressure on Musharraf
Benazir the leader of a popular national party as she is needs to
step back and resist the temptation of securing personal benefits by joining
Musharraf at this critical time. She may gain something for herself but
lose a rare opportunity to emerge as a true leader of the people. Is she
willing to sacrifice the principles and dreams of her party at the altar of
personal greed?
Her bargaining with the military regime has already upset a lot of her
party leaders and workers. Even a loyal stalwart like Aitzaz Ahsan is having
second thoughts. How can she throw away the historic stand of PPP to
oppose the rule of the establishment and betray the peoples aspirations and
become a part of a dictators setup? In the long run both she and her party
will lose face and clout if she pursues the course chosen by her.
Does she really believe that she can successfully achieve these aims
with Musharraf remaining at the helm of affairs? She does not realize that
Pakistan today stands at the crossroads and that after restoration of the
CJP, a new wind is blowing in the land, that this is the time to take a stand
and vindicate the ideas which inspired the founders of her party. Her joining
the dictator at this juncture will substantially help the discredited military
regime. Her conduct will amount to a betrayal of the cause of democracy
and push back the prospects of civilian supremacy under the Constitution.
For Musharraf too, the wise thing to do would be to voluntarily
quit, handing over power to a consensus national government which can
hold free and fair elections. His standing is at very low ebb. His words sound
hollow and his capacity to deal with the formidable challenges facing the
country has vastly deteriorated.
Only a truly representative government can cope with the
pressures and problems internal and external which the country is beset
with. I doubt both Musharraf and Benazir will heed these words. Those who
suffer from myopia cannot see what is coming ahead. Much depends on the
pro-active role of the higher judiciary, the lawyers community and the
media. They can generate conditions conducive to creating a climate which
843

will help awaken the people and strengthen the political parties to bring
about the much desired change that heralds an authentic constitutional
democratic civil order committed to peoples real welfare and development
as also to the strengthening of the national institutions.
Raoof Hasan wrote: While the prospects of purported deal between
General Musharraf and Benazir had been ripe for a long time, a meeting
between the two was not among the possibilities visiting the purveyors of
the political landscape. This optimism emanated from the assumption that
the party had a proud legacy to flaunt when it came to dealing with
dictatorships.
Critics were quick to note the lukewarm support that she extended to
the heroic struggle spearheaded by the legal fraternity for the reinstatement
of the Chief Justice. The nation owes it to that illustrious son of the soil,
Barrister Aitzaz Ahsan, who transformed the battle into a politico-judicial
struggle for winning a favourable verdict from the full bench of the Supreme
Court. This historic judgment, with the prospect of far-reaching impact on
the judicial history of this country, irredeemably dented the hold on power of
General Musharraf.
Benazirs antics to stall the All Parties Conference in London, and
her ultimate refusal to participate in person, were also indicative of the path
she was treading Benazir was also convinced that she could come to
power in Pakistan only by riding the crest of US support.
The newly empowered judiciary in Pakistan was also wrongly
perceived as a threat to her all-consuming quest for power rather than a
custodian of the rule of law and the cause of democracy in the country.
Underlying all this was the lust for the unfreezing of accounts.
A combination of these interests finally propelled her to espouse
the undemocratic course to attain power in Pakistan. Instead of being the
usurper that she has been thundering to confront, General Musharraf became
the saviour who could elevate her to the seat of power. His staying in
uniform or not, his election by the current assemblies or the ones that may
be sworn in at a future date, are completely irrelevant in the changed
circumstances. She has chalked out a course for herself. She wants the cases
to be dropped. She wants her money back. She wants her right to be the
prime minister a third time.

844

There are few takers for this recipe that loaded with selfpreservation and self-promotion. While it has sent ripples down the
corridors of party stalwarts, the move is pregnant with a pre-meditated
endeavour to strike a deal with a dictator who lies mortally wounded in the
wake of the judicial struggle and the emerging status of the Supreme Court
as a genuine custodian of the supremacy of the Constitution. What
monumental fall for a party that has rendered sacrifices to protect and
promote laudatory ideals that it once espoused by a leader who is brazenly
trampling over this proud legacy by engaging a dictator who is nearing his
exit.
Notwithstanding Musharrafs anti-Benazir harangue stretching the
better part of eight torturous years, her surrender before the diktat of the
military ruler is complete. While she may feel that she has her agenda all
wrapped up, awaiting a nod to board the plane home, she seems to be
missing out on the final act: standing in the court of history, shell have
nothing to defend her undemocratic conduct in stalling the departure of a
military ruler.
Sarmad Bashir observed: Perhaps five years down the line General
Musharraf will hardly find a fool among ministers who will keep silent
just to be counted wise. There seems to have been some realization among
the cabinet members, including the PM being the first among equals that
they are only meant to rubberstamp the decisions taken elsewhere. They
must have got sick and tired of doing all the dirty work and still being
accused by pseudo-liberals of not standing firmly behind the President at the
time of crisis.
They might have had enough of hearing the rhetoric that no
important matter will be decided without taking them into confidence.
But they have always found themselves to be the victim of the policy of
exclusion with even the PM being informed about certain important
decisions on the need-to-know basis. And the ruling party chief was kept
uninformed about the real plan until he found out that the negotiations he
was holding with the Lal Masjid clerics was a mock exercise he was
supposed to conduct as a prelude to the blood saga.
No matter Ms Bhuttos readiness to strike a deal with General
Musharraf is like helping a drowning man clutch at a straw. But then her
move has dealt a severe blow to the quislings and their leadership now

845

desperately trying to keep intact the party that the backstage players had
carved out, collecting together turncoats from the mainstream parties.
Now the only saving grace for Ch Pervaiz is to say that we have no
objection to General Musharraf contacting BB as she is prepared to elect
him president in uniform. Is it a warming up exercise for working as a
junior partner of the PPP in the future political set-up? One may ask Ch
Moonis Elahi how would it feel to be serving as the Punjab Local
Government Minister in Makhdoom Shah Mehmood Qureshis cabinet. If
Mian Nawaz could be blamed for merging the PML-N with the PPP for
merely joining the ARD, the Q-League is surely going to lose its entity as a
result of the deal!
Humayun Gauhar talked about the incentives and consequences.
Whats in it for the two of them? Musharraf desperately wants to be reelected president from the present assemblies and preferably remain army
chief beyond December 31, 2007. Benazir desperately wants the cases
against her finished, her accounts unfrozen and her lockers unlocked and, if
she can, become prime minister a third time. Theres much more to steal
third time. Her party and the country come nowhere in the equation.
What pushed Musharraf to go with her? First, the Americans want a
pliable prime minister who will allow them to do in Pakistan what they will,
though the camouflage is moderate forces getting together. Second, a
Supreme Court that may have wrested its independence from the executive
but has lost it to the bar.
If the Supreme Court allows the Sharif brothers to return, saying that
their deal with the government is illegal, things will change dramatically. By
design or by default, the Q-Leaguers will join Nawaz Sharif whose approval
rating has risen sharply since The Deal. A reunited Muslim League under
Nawaz will bulldoze anyone and everyone, even if he is thrown into prison.
I can guess what the broad contours of the deal are: One, amend
the constitution to remove any ambiguities about a person contesting for the
office of the president more than once from the same assemblies. Two: give
another one-time waiver to Musharraf to contest election in uniform. Three:
lift the two-year bar on government servants. Four: and this is for Benazir
remove the two-term limit on the same person being prime minister.

846

Okay, Musharraf gets to remain president for another five years, in or

out of uniform. Then come the general elections. There will be rallies all
over Pakistan perfect places for suicide bombers. A few such incidents and
there is no way the campaign could go on. Elections will have to be called
off, a state of emergency imposed, the assemblies will stay for another
year and Benazir left to hang out and dry. So what if the cases against her
have been quashed?
Not that this plan isnt fraught with uncertainties. For example, lift
the two-year bar and who is to say that the chief justice wont resign and
contest the presidential elections against Musharraf? That would be
interesting. The CJP can serve the country better from his present position.
The question left abegging is: instead of going through this
credibility-destroying rigmarole, why couldnt the president just make up
with the chief justice? It is mind boggling that he can do no deal with
someone like Benazir for whom he has such contempt (just read his book)
yet he cannot make up with the chief justice who he says is still his friend
and will remain his friend. Benazir has equal contempt for Musharraf (just
read her book), but it is not mind boggling that she could not do a deal with
him, for patently obvious reasons.
Heres a bizarre suggestion for the president. A president without
uniform might just as well frame Article 58-2 (B) and hang up on his wall.
The days when presidents could dissolve the National Assembly on whim, or
at the behest of the army chief, are gone. There have to be cogent reasons to
do so, reasons that will stand in the Supreme Court. If the two-year ban on
government servants is removed, why does Musharraf not get elected to the
National Assembly and become prime minister and chief executive? Give it
a thought, Sir.
T K Sheikh was of the view that Musharraf was looking for a
strong political base. The unanimity of decision at apex level of our
judiciary over such high profile constitutional matters has been the most
astounding outcome of this nerve breaking four months long face-off
between executive and judiciary.
Musharrafs decision not to file review petition against the verdict
and desire to establish good working relationship with incumbent chief
justice and Mr Chaudhrys announcement of no further meetings with
political activists are the decisions with far reaching consequence. It is
847

believed that new lines of right to coexist are being drawn in Pakistani
society.
Pakistan is at the cross-roads of its history and in the process of
searching a definite direction for itself in fluidly changing world
environments. Musharraf-BB coalition is likely to carry out reconstruction
of Pakistans socio-eco-politico and religious fabric on new lines.
There are commonalities between both emerging leaguers on national
and international matters. The expected deal would surely provide
Musharraf with a strong political base that he desires to promote his
agenda of Enlightened Moderation a philosophy matching PPP in totality
but it would certainly, not be wrong to assume that PPP would ultimately be
a much bigger beneficiary since its a political force that needs immediate
way into the common public of Pakistan to profess its agendaelse it can
suffer break-ups that one suffered after the last general elections.
Dr Farooq Hassan saw it as abyss of political morality for expediency
and opportunism. While a few opportunists may think that it has some
merit, I regard the news of the Musharraf-BB meeting in Dubai recently
nothing short of a total abyss of political morality in Pakistan. This is
gauged in a classical manner by both the participants feeling embarrassed to
even admit that it had occurred.
Amongst those who are said to have facilitated this rapprochement
are many with diverse interests of varying reputations. Amongst these
helpers are well respected people of the caliber of Mark Lyall Grant, the
former British High Commissioner to Pakistan. He is reported to have been
largely instrumental in making this deal possible and was in Abu Dhabi at
the time of this meeting. Irrespective of his motivations, I cannot
comprehend why a retired British ambassador would do all this for
Pakistans benefit?
I also understand on good authority that Grants efforts were rejected
at the beginning of his efforts by Nawaz Sharif in his first meeting with him
in London. He told him that he would not strike a deal with Musharraf nor
allow the continuity of a military rule in the country. On the other end of
spectrum of facilitators are people who are really nobody and hail from the
entertainment industry; people of this category remain mostly successful in
Pakistan for their ultimate aim of making huge fortunes from such

848

assistance to dignitaries in the trouble as Musharraf or for seeking

opportunities for such leaders as BB.
People who are close to this latest act of manoeuvring on foreign
soils aimed to control the future of the countrys political setup maintain that
the meeting in Abu Dhabi was actually a kind of signing ceremony which
is conducted at the end of a long, tedious talks process. According to the
deal, Musharraf had agreed to leave the post of Chief of Army Staff by
the year-end. The uniform was not an issue for Benazir Bhutto when
participants of this rendezvous had arranged this meeting; she had given her
agreement to support Musharrafs re-election as president whilst he is still
COAS. After his re-election he was to rake off his uniform.
The quid pro quo for BB would be to allow her to be a third time
prime minister by striking down the current law that prohibits a third term.
Musharraf has already taken initial steps in this direction by complying
with Benazirs demand of the sacking of bureaucrat Waseem Afzal and
closure of the NAB wing dealing with Benazirs cases. Further downpayment in this deal by Musharraf includes the restoration of some
important personal bank accounts of Benazir.
Within weeks of the finalization of the deal with Benazir,
Musharraf moved against the Chief Justice. That was, in retrospect, the
beginning of the end of his unending manoeuvres to retain power at all cost
to the nation. As Wall Street Journal put it succinctly; endgame for
Musharraf had begun.
Sensing the mood of the masses she has now asked for more. her
main three newer demands being (1) that General to take off the uniform
before the elections, (2) appointment of a care-taker prime minister of her
choice, and (3) an election commissioner that she is comfortable with.
Hence, the General did an about-turn to Abu Dhabi to meet a person whom
he never wanted to return to Pakistan. This explains why the aides to both
parties even after several days of the meeting have not been able to give any
plausible reason about what actually happened in the meeting and why was
it held.
Why did Musharraf go to the Gulf and to Saudi Arabia? To convince
the rulers of the UAE and Saudi Arabia to block the return of Nawaz Sharif.
I understand that Musharraf failed to achieve this altogether. The UAE rulers
through a royal family emissary conveyed Musharrafs message to the
849

Sharifs who turned down the request, saying they have a role to play in
Pakistani politics. Hence they would return to Pakistan.
BBs gamble for coming into power is very understandable but does
exhibit a naivet that is as bereft of ethics of political wisdom and the real
politick of the situation. In any event in the present context it is certain to
damage her reputation and hardly likely to succeed.
Three most significant opposition leaders who are bound to gain in
public estimation and sympathy are Nawaz Sharif, Qazi Hussain Ahmad
and Imran Khan It is generally considered a reality that Benazir has lost
her following and even enraged many of her die-hard supporters after
meeting the top General of the ruling military junta.
General Musharraf and Benazir Bhutto would make strange
political partners. There is the projected honeymoon between a meeting of
the minds and thoughts of a joint rule of liberals and secularists and
enlightened moderates in Pakistan. But such thoughts are patently devoid
of even comprehending ordinary common sense norms of the dynamics of
regional or domestic politics.
Some of those wanting Musharraf to stay have even suggested that
this meeting as consequence of Washingtons diktat following Benazir
Bhuttos insistence that the US should act as a guarantor for the deal
that will secure her future as the Prime Minister of Pakistan under a
civilian Musharraf. According to US sources Benazir in her deal with
Musharraf also wanted her approval of the future Chief of Army Staff once
Musharraf doffs his uniform towards the end of this year.
There are psychological elements as well in the equation that cannot
be lightly disregarded. Some think that the Musharraf and Benazir
cannot get along smoothly for long, even if they agree to join hands. Their
track record shows that none of them could be ready for a secondary
position.
Whatever happens now in coming weeks, it is a tragedy for the
people of the country that their current military rulers or prospective ones
have little qualms for ethical propriety? They also do not think much of law.
Both law and ethics seem patently to be sacrificed by being swept
underneath the carpets of expediency and opportunism. Pakistan is
called a failed state by some not because of various traditional indicators for

850

such evaluation; it is so in my estimate since neither in public morality nor

in respect for constitutional supremacy, the leaders have scantiest respect.
Imran Husain opined that it would be unholy deal with deep mistrust.
We have been afflicted by leaders who have done little but fiddled
during their reign The fiddled with the Objectives, constitutions,
democracy, religion, elections, statistics and even the books. Nothing has
been considered sacred, except self perpetration. And ironically they all
placed their hands on the Quraan when they took oath to protect the land that
feeds them and their brethren.
Desperation there certainly is when arrogance dismisses the
thinking power of the masses and one believes one is that little extra bit
cleverer you follow the path of today. They shock hands, their deal is
done. One needs the other. The backslapping and snide, surreptitious
congratulations exchanged are known to all but pathetically not to the
authors.
Supreme arrogance has them feeling invisible. There is a huge dissent
within the ranks of their respective parties. Shaukat Aziz has been doing the
jig trying to convince irate Leaguers and Patriots that their interests are
protected. Benazir on the other hand is majestically dismissive. She believes
her minions will snivel and toe the line. Perhaps she turned a deaf ear to
Mustafa Khar
Patching together unholy alliances with deep mistrust is simply
another fiddle. In the long term it spells disaster and stymies the growth and
progress of the country. Sixty years is the age of superannuated leaders can
hang-on dragging an antiquated brand of leadership and thought, surely
Pakistan itself deserves to be granted an indefinite extension to pursue the
goals and objectives it was created for and fight what it has become. Fresh,
new leadership, not mere fiddlers on a collapsing roof, is the need of the
hour.
Amina Jilani opined: The joint desperation is such that apparently
both disregarded the fact that any such arrangement may be politically
fatal for both. Benazir does tend to use her party-people like doormats
and they go along with it as it suits their power-sharing agendas but surely
in this case there will be those with some sort of principles who will find her
tootsie playing with a military president indigestible.

851

She must surely realize that if it is not a uniformed Musharraf with

whom she will have to cope it will be another chief of army staff in a
starched and possibly unforgiving uniform. Her arrogance, even before she
has her foot in the door, may be horribly misplaced cold comfort.
Then there are the people in Pakistan. With love and affection for
the American government at such a low ebb, and even as pathetic as they
are, will they lie back and swallow a deal that smacks of blackmail
brokered and enforced by the United States and its ally the United
Kingdom? If indeed the deal is done, we can all kiss goodbye to any hope of
free and fair elections, because to bring both into their chosen positions the
elections will have to be massively rigged.
And the General once he takes off that contentious uniform
where does it leave him? Politically in wilderness, as he will be at the
mercy of his successor in GHQ. It is universally acknowledged that even if
there is a civilian dispensation, a clout of the army will not dissipate. It will
be very much there Musharraf and Benazir have moved way beyond the
boundaries constitutional and institutional equanimity. They have arrogated
unto themselves the role of makers and breakers of the country that is
Pakistan.
The Nation wrote on the talk of imposition of emergency rule.
Although the government had rejected the suggestion of imposing
emergency when the judicial crisis was in full cry, it seems that the idea has
not been altogether abandoned and some circles keep reviving it.
The President (perhaps Rice) has done well to turn it down again. Its
imposition would needlessly provoke the people, who have only recently
demonstrated their strong opposition to undemocratic measures, and could
be challenged in the courts, which are in no mood to put their stamp on such
moves. The emergency pitfall would irretrievably damage the cause of free
and fair polls.
Ghulam Asghar Khan advised: It is time for the government to
grasp the crisis its existence and magnitude and must find out how far
the current civil-military relations deviate from the ideal. So far it has not
been able to pay any attention to this very sensitive issue. In his recent visit
to Karachi; General Musharraf once again depended on his political allies
who made the biggest dent in his politico-military career during the CJs
visit to Karachi.
852

Unlike former military governments that had created large domestic

constituencies, the present government has not been able to create a
constituency and depend more on Bush rather than people of this
country. The ruling Pakistan Muslim League is falling apart because of the
hegemony of House of Gujrat, and is heading towards a disaster because it
has virtually become a plaything in the hands of the two illustrious Cousins
from Gujrat. The disgruntled heavyweights are frustrated and looking
around for some openings to rehabilitate their political careers.
The government must realize that the Constitution itself is
democracy, and if you have to go by the Constitution you have to work
within the constitutional circumscriptions. It simply is not the Constitution
of those who bear arms Now, it is time for Gen Musharraf to take a
decision in the wider national interest over and above his personal pride,
and it is he, who has always said, Pakistan comes first.
Roedad Khan tried to show Musharraf a graceful way out. Eight
years after General Musharraf assumed power, he is holding onto office.
Anyone who thinks elections will be free and fair or that General Musharraf
will transfer power to the elected representatives of the people must have his
head examined. He should go home, take a nap, wake up refreshed and think
again.
He wants the sitting parliament to elect him as President for
another five years before its term expires. He also wants to retain his office
as Army Chief at the time of election, despite constitutional obstacles. And
he wants a caretaker government of his choice to supervise the election. So
what are his options? He has no intention to exit. That is for sure.
Alternatively, he could impose martial law, cancel elections, shut down the
Supreme Court and hope to weather the storm at home and abroad. Or he
could strike a deal with Benazir who faces corruption charges at home and
abroad
Martial law is no option. The times have changed. It is a recipe for
disaster and will be resisted by the people and the courts. General Musharraf
has therefore opted for a deal with Benazir. The sinister news broke upon
Pakistan like an explosion. The French have a word for it: Cohabitation. It
can mean politicians of different persuasions tolerating each other.
One thing is clear. Both Musharraf and Benazir are driven by
purely selfish interests. If you have no moral or ethical scruples, it often
853

seems to gain great advantages and liberties of action, but all comes out even
at the end of the day and will come out yet more even when all the days are
ended.
Nobody in Pakistan has any doubt that, deal or no deal, people will
frustrate General Musharrafs desperate attempt to perpetuate his rule.
The combined Opposition, minus Benazir, will challenge General Musharraf
and fight him on the streets of Pakistan, in the hills of Frontier, the deserts of
Baluchistan and the plains of Punjab and Sindh.
The people, who seem to have no power, once they organize the
protest, acquire a voice no government can suppress They alter the course
of history. At certain points in history governments find that all their
powers are futile against an aroused citizenry.
If the deal is taken in some quarters to indicate that it will weaken the
resolve of the people to fight military rule, no greater mistake could be
made. Democracy does not flow from the barrel of the gun. That is for sure.
People power alone can restore democracy from dictatorship.
One thing is clear. Sooner or later, perhaps sooner than later,
General Musharraf will leave office. I have seen the rise and fall of
military rulers in Pakistan from a ringside seat. When I last met Ayub Khan,
the best of them all, his good star had finally deserted him. The Goddess of
Destiny had made up her mind. I saw his departure in tears from the
presidency he once bestrode like colossus. I saw
Why repeat the same mistakes? Why go against the current of
history? Why involve the army once again in dirty politics? It is our only
shield against foreign aggression; why weaken it? Without
demilitarization, Pakistan risks revolution. Why not break with past
tradition and follow the straight honest path back to parliamentary
democracy? The course Musharraf is on leads downhill. Why follow this
tortuous, circuitous road to the abyss and imperil the integrity of the
country
It is not too late for General Musharraf to spare the country of
another confrontation with the people and the Supreme Court. There is a
simple way out. He should announce that he will not be a candidate in the
upcoming Presidential election, seek forgiveness from the people and quit.

854

Fakir S Ayazuddin stressed upon the need just approach. Everybody

in Pakistan has been watching the unfolding saga of the deal rumoured to
have been brokered in Washington, London, Riyadh and Abu Dhabi,
finalized in a face-to-face meeting between Benazir and Musharraf in Abu
Dhabi last week.
For Musharraf it has been far more difficult. Having for eight
long years refused to accept the return of either Benazir or the Sharifs, he is
now prepared to allow her return to Pakistan, and the return of money
belonging to the Citizens of Pakistan to Benazir, and the withdrawal of some
cases, without closure of the trials.
With a judiciary newly emerged from a massive fight for its
independence, that will now want to show the world that this
independence shall be used judiciously, and for the protection of the
interests the people. What better than to return the stolen money to the
people it belonged to and was acknowledged by all as ill-gotten gains.
This is the time for the Supreme Court to show the world that they
can and will set forth a new roadmap for Pakistan, and as important as the
missing persons are to the Pakistan, so also are the missing millions, which
are about to take another walk. All decent Pakistanis that came out on the
streets of Pakistan in support of the CJ now would like to see the
plundered loot return to the citizens. And that no looter should be allowed
to enjoy the ill-gotten gains, of his criminality.
Their lordships are being looked upon as the saviors from the
political skullduggery that the politicians have long enjoyed. The political
codes are already in place, now we look forward to their enforcement by an
institution that has earned the right to bring about this discipline, and in
accordance with a conscience that had been long in a coma induced by the
same corrupt members of our society.
To give Benazir her due she has managed to keep her party intact,
and has succeeded in bringing the President to the table, and negotiated part
of her funds out of the governments hands. This in itself is remarkable, but
when she goes for the jugular as she will, Musharraf will be the third
President downed by her, making her the consummate politician of our
time.

855

In the meantime the Sharif brothers have been ignored, reinforcing

the perception of the anti-Punjabi bias in Musharraf. This reinforces the
conspiracy theory and is too obvious to enumerate, and a course too
dangerous to follow for long.
Nirupama Subramanian discussed the opportunities missed by the
politicians during the lawyers movement. The agitation was even more
extraordinary for the reluctance of Pakistans Opposition parties to
make use of this tailor-made vehicle at least to attempt a mass movement for
a return to full democracy.
Political scientists, historians and sociologists can mine these four
months for years, rich as this short period is for what it would say about
Pakistans political classes, its feudal elites, the armys entrenched role in the
governance of the country as much as in the minds of its political leaders,
and all the missed opportunities for change.
If ever there was a moment for a political exile to make a triumphant
return, it was then. In the 26 hours that it took Chaudhry to complete the
normally four-hour journey between the two cities, Nawaz Sharif could have
traveled from London to Lahore at least three times. Benazir Bhutto could
have made several more trips from Dubai in that time. But the two former
Prime Ministries chose not to seize the moment.
On May 12, a week later, 48 people died in Karachi. The death of so
many people mostly Opposition activists should have brought the
Opposition parties together in a mass protest. That did not happen either.
As the rumours swirled and left the Opposition suspicious and
confused, many of Benazir Bhuttos own supporters and sections of her
party wondered if their leader, eager for personal gain, was not out of
touch with Pakistans ground realities. In contrast, Nawaz Sharifs
strong statements against military rule and in support of doing away with
the role of the military in Pakistans politics and governance once and for all
won him many new followers.
But others saw a higher logic to a possible understanding between
Musharraf and Benazir Bhutto than mere personal gain for both. Sections of
Pakistani intelligentsia believe that an understanding between the two is
in the best interests of the country at the moment. Both represent moderate

856

forces, and together they can strengthen each others hands in the fight
against Islamic extremism.
Bush Administration, whose main priority is the war on terror and
the battle against Islamic extremism, is said to be especially interested in
the understanding between Musharraf and Benazir Bhutto. It is clear the
United States believes Musharraf in its best bet in Pakistan, and a deal with
Benazir Bhutto may enhance his democratic credentials in the eyes of
America taxpayers.
One result of these separate and disparate dynamics within the
Opposition parties was the virtual collapse of the ARD earlier in July.
Benazir Bhutto refused to attend an ARD conference in London on July 7
and 8 that was called by Nawaz Sharif to discuss Opposition strategies to
Musharrafs re-election plan.
Those who view the current political situation as a battle between
democracy and authoritarian rule said the PPP had isolated itself and that it
proved Benazir Bhutto was moving closer to Musharraf. Those who see the
battle between extremists and moderates as the more important challenge for
Pakistan were happy that Benazir Bhutto kept out of an alliance of
predominantly religious conservatives and right-wingers.

REVIEW
Makhdoum Javed Hashmi was the first beneficiary of judiciarys
regained independence. His release on bail caused some embarrassment to
the regime but it was not a matter of major concern as the National
Assembly was nearing the completion of its term.
Judicial activism, however, could not be ignored as being of no
consequence for the rulers. The regime worked out a strategy to counter or
neutralize the undesirable effects of the acts of independent judiciary.
Musharraf made his first move by dashing to Abu Dhabi to incorporate the
most corrupt politician in strengthening of his political base.
Had Musharraf shared some power with Q League, he would have
saved himself from begging Benazir for power-sharing. Some analysts
accused Musharraf of taking yet another U-turn. The fact is that U-turns had
never been a matter of shame for the power-hungry brave commando.
857

The meeting is a leap forward in which interests of Pakistan and its

people hopped over quite conveniently. This deal would serve the interests
of two individuals and more than that the interests of the US as was evident
from Bushys role in Mushy-Pinky affair.
The judicial activism, however, failed to make any significant impact
where it was required the most; reinvigoration of the political opposition to
the regime. The opposition remained indecisive, thereby allowing space to
the regime to wriggle out of a difficult situation.
When the deal materializes, the people of Pakistan will be blessed
with the most corrupt politician and the most oppressive dictator at the helm
of the affairs to pursue theirs and the interests of the United States. If it
happens, the leaders of the opposition parties would be guilty of allowing
this to happen.
Some supporters of the regime have been arguing that Musharraf is an
honest person who has not indulged in looting wealth in any way. This is not
correct; he is a looter of different kind. He has usurped the entire country
and now he demands property rights for President and Army houses.
10th August 2007

NO MORE PAMPERING
As Musharraf got embroiled with judiciary and his political
opponents, his US backers decided to stop pampering him and instead twist
his tail for dual purpose; for him to do more in war on terror and embrace
Benazir to form a strong pro-US government after next general elections.
The strategy seemed working on both counts.
Musharraf obliged by inducting additional troops into tribal areas,
including the areas north of Malakand Pass and resorted to indiscriminate
use of gunship helicopters in Waziristan, which the regime had been
resisting so far. Musharraf also made rapid advances towards Benazir to

858

establish working relationship. This aspect is covered in detail in relevant

articles.
The peace process with India also continued in accordance with the
wishes of the US. However, the regime was constrained to express its
reservations over the Indo-US nuclear deal and suggested that the US should
have provided similar facilities to Pakistan, as it was vital for maintaining
balance of power in South Asia.

WESTERN FRONT
The bloodletting for Afghan peace in Pakistans tribal belt in
particular and rest of the country in general continued unabated. An ASI was
killed and three policemen wounded in an ambush near Bannu on 9 th July.
Two days later, the militants in Waziristan threatened to end peace accord
and gave 4-day deadline for the removal of checkpoints.
Three pro-regime tribal chiefs were shot dead in Waziristan on 13 th
July. Next day, at least 25 people perished as two groups clashed in Tirah
Valley. Pakistan requested NATO to compensate for killing 65 Pakistanis;
preferably in dollars so that Forex reserves get some boost.
On 15th July, Taliban declared that Waziristan Accord has ceased to
exist and Sherpao said it was already dead, The US welcomed the demise of
the peace agreement and assured Musharraf regime of full support while
urging it to do more.
Two suicide attacks and a bomb blast in Swat killed 18 people
including 14 soldiers and wounded 54 including 40 soldiers. A beheaded
body of a spy was found near Bannu. Another suicide attack at recruiting
centre in D I Khan killed 29 serving and aspiring policemen; Waziristan
Taliban claimed responsibility.
By 16th July, thousands had fled Northern Waziristan as hectic efforts
were initiated to save the peace accord. Broadcasts of Radio Pakistan were
stopped. Next day, three soldiers and a civilian were killed in suicide attack
at Khajuri check post in North Waziristan. Beheaded body of a US spy was
found near Khar. A driver working with NGO was kidnapped near Karak.

859

On 18th July, 17 soldiers and 12 militants were killed when a convoy

returning from Lawara Mandi was ambushed in North Waziristan; five
militants were killed in a separate incident. US demanded more aggressive
steps. Musharraf while addressing the newspapers editors said Talibanization
would be contained FATA and NWFP for which the chief minister was
cooperating.
At least 18 people were killed in a suicide attack in a mosque of a
military training center in Kohat on 19th July. In another suicide bombing six
people were killed in police training center in Hangu. Next day, a suicide
bomber attacked a checkpoint in Boya area in North Waziristan killing four
people, including two soldiers.
On 21st July, 13 militants were killed and 7 captured when they
launched two separate attacks on check posts in Waziristan. Six abandoned
posts and a tube well were demolished by the militants. Missile was fired at
Miranshah civil colony. Jirga continued talks with the militants.
Fighting erupted near Mirali on 22nd July and six militants and
security personnel were reported killed. Five rockets fired from across the
Afghan border landed near FC post in northern Baluchistan. By next day, the
fighting in North Waziristan had claimed 37 lives including two soldiers.
Army used gunship helicopters. Four security personnel were wounded in
roadside bombing. Three persons were injured in firing by unknown gunmen
in D I Khan. Bomb exploded near police station in Mingora. Police defused
a bomb in Fazagul area of Swat. Taliban asked soldiers to quit fighting or
face suicide bombings. Efforts to revive peace agreement continued.
Abdullah Mehsud blew himself up when he was besieged in a Hujra
in Zhob on 24th July; his brother and two of the hosts were arrested. The
Hujra belonged to a local leader of JUI-F. ISPR denied involvement of
foreign forces in the operation. The pressure exerted by the Washington bore
results. Four troops were killed in North Waziristan. Two FC men were
beheaded. A 20-kg bomb was defused near Tank. The peace jirga failed in
making a breakthrough. Shaukat attended Zahir Shahs funeral and one-day
mourning was declared for a man who had refused to recognize Pakistan at
the time of its creation.
Nine people were killed and 40 wounded in missile fire on Bannu
town on 25th July. One Taliban commander was shot dead in Chaman.

860

Abdullah Mehsud was buried in his village. Barrister Baachaa paid tributes
to Abdullah Mehsud for showing Pashtun courage.
On 26th July, an FC soldier was killed and 14 policemen were
wounded in attacks in tribal areas. Hundreds protested rocket attack at
Bannu. Tribesmen threatened to scrap all pacts with the government if
operation continued. Tribal lashkar was formed for peace in North
Waziristan. Sheikh Alam Mandokhel said Abdullah Mehsud was shot dead
by security forces; he did not blow himself up.
On 27th July, seven people were wounded in incidents of violence in
Bajaur, Kurram, and Waziristan. A car with explosives was found in Bannu.
Jirga for peace in Swat faced deadlock due to mysterious disappearance of
Maulana Fazlullah. Next day, three policemen were killed in Lower Dir in
an ambush.
A police man was killed and another wounded in an attack on a post
near Kohat on 29th July. NATO said activities of Taliban were dangerous for
Afghanistan and Pakistan. Next day, at least three security personnel were
among seven killed in various incidents in North Waziristan.
At least 18 militants were killed in encounters in North Waziristan on
31 July. Six FC men were wounded in roadside bombing near Tank. Four
soldiers were abducted at gunpoint in Bannu. Five rockets were fired at
military camp near Miranshah.
st

A militant and a policeman died when a suicide attack on police

training center in Sargodha was foiled on 2 nd August. Eight people were
injured in a blast in Gujranwala. One person was killed and another
wounded in a blast in Peshawar. Three boys were killed in two incidents of
firing in Lakki Marwat. Political Moharar was kidnapped in Bajaur Agency;
a levys post was also attacked.
Two people were killed in suicide bombing in Swat on 3 rd August.
Four militants were killed in exchange of fire in Dosali area of North
Waziristan. One person was killed and two wounded in factional clash in
Tirah Valley. Next day, at least 23 persons including four security personnel
were killed while more than 40 were wounded in attack on a check post in
Dosali area of North Waziristan and a suicide attack in Parachinar.

861

Two PAF men were wounded in a blast in Kohat on 6 th August. Police

recovered 20kg explosives from an oil tanker in Darra Adam Khel. Political
Agent released five Taliban on the request of elders of Bajaur Agency. A
bomb was defused in Swat.
Troops bombarded a militant base in Deegan Area near Miranshah on
7 August and killed ten people. A soldier was shot dead near Landi Kotal.
Five persons were killed in a clash in Darra Adam Khel. Time bomb was
defused near FC Fort in Bagh Dherai. Six rockets were fired at Bannu town.
Taliban snatched rifles from Khasadars near Lakki Marwat on 8 th August.
Five missiles were recovered from Peshawar Airport. Fighting again erupted
in Darra Adam Khel.
th

Despite the death and destruction caused by the Musharraf regime and
its opponents; the Crusaders kept mounting pressure on the mercenary and
hurling threats of direct action inside Pakistan. The events of the period
made the nature and intensity of threats quite evident.
On 18th July, Pakistan rejected US report on al-Qaedas presence on its
territory. Next day, the US threatened direct action into the tribal areas of the
frontline state. Foreign Office termed US strike threat as irresponsible and
dangerous.
On 21st July, Bush said he was upset over al-Qaeda safe haven in
Pakistan. Next day, the US said, Osama was alive in Pakistan and did not
rule out military strike in FATA. Pakistan said Osama is not on its soil.
Kasuri said a US strike would be a mistake. Opposition parties slammed
Bushs statement about al-Qaeda. American spy chief warned against
mounting pressure against Musharraf as it could cause his ouster from power
and badly affect war on terror. Two days later, the US hailed Pakistans antiterror operations.
On 23rd July, Shaukat Aziz vowed that no other country would be
allowed military action inside Pakistan. Next day, the US experts suggested
that instead of troops the CIA should be tasked to operate against militants in
tribal areas of Pakistan. American Embassy in Islamabad denied threatening
Pakistan of direct attack.
On 26th July, Asfandyar said that national reconciliation was must to
fight terror. He vowed Pashtuns would fight back any foreign intervention
under the pretext of war on terror. Kasuri and David Miliband, UK Foreign

862

Secretary discussed matters of imperial interest in Islamabad. UK asked

US to support Musharraf regime for war on terror. The visitor said
Islamabad and others were facing shared challenges in tribal areas. The US
reiterated its right to strike al-Qaeda in Pakistan.
Next day, the US Congress tied aid to Pakistan to progress in fight
against terrorism. The draft bill asked Islamabad to show commitment to
eliminating terror groups. The US forces planned to deploy more Predator
planes in Afghanistan.
Senate committee took notice of the US threats on 28th July and
passed a resolution demanding that Pakistan should cease its cooperation in
the war against terrorism, in case of any unilateral, unprovoked US/NATO
military action across the countrys border.
Foreign Office expressed annoyance over the adoption of draft bill by
US Congress, which linked American aid to Islamabad with significant
progress in crackdown on al-Qaeda Taliban. The bill was equated with
Pressler Amendment. The bill also mentioned the existence of nuclear
proliferation network in Pakistan.
Congress bill will harm US interests, said Foreign Office on 30 th July.
Next day, new US Ambassador delivered Bushs message to Musharraf, who
sought review of the US bill. The US reiterated there would be no nuclear
deal with Pakistan.
On 1st August, Obama, Democratic presidential aspirant, said he
would order anti-terror strikes in Pakistan. Next day, Republican presidential
hopeful Tom Tancredo said that the best way he can think of to deter a
nuclear terrorist attack on the US is to threaten to retaliate by bombing
Makkah and Madina. There should be no point-scoring in US elections at
Pakistans expense, said Kasuri. British General visited Governor NWFP to
discuss law and order. He also called on the Corps Commander.
Bush signed the 9/11 Bill on 3rd August and then telephoned
Musharraf to reassure the buddy. US Envoy met Kasuri and dispelled threats
of attack. Two days later, US showed willingness to share information with
Pakistan on terror camps.
Foreign Office warned on 6th August that US transgression could
damage Pak-US ties. Fazl and Afgan warned US against attack inside

863

Pakistan. Bush, after meeting Karzai, said Pakistan must help quell deadly
violence inside Afghanistan.
Next day, Musharraf was dismayed by the talk of US strikes and
termed imposition of restrictions on US aid an irritant. Foreign policy came
under fire in the National Assembly. Parliamentary Secretary for Defence
said CIA, RAW and KHAD were behind killings of Chinese in Pakistan.
Another issue that caught the media attention was the forthcoming
Pak-Afghan joint jirga to be held in Kabul. On 4th August, the elders of
Waziristan showed reluctance to attend the jirga. Two days later, Asfandyar,
a Pakhtoon nationalist, decided to lead ANP members of the joint jirga.
As the delegates started arriving in Kabul on 8 th August, Musharraf
changed his mind and sent Shaukat Aziz to represent Pakistan. ANP said the
joint peace jirga would pass a clear message to the world that the Pakhtuns
remained united to raise collective voice for the protection of their rights and
interests.

US threats of strikes inside Pakistan remained the focus of media

and analysts. On 23rd July, The Nation wrote: That the two heads of state
and allies in the war against terrorism, President Musharraf and President
Bush, have sharply contrasting perceptions about the state al-Qaedas
strength in Pakistans tribal areas bordering Afghanistan calls for cool
calculation on the basis of circumstantial evidence and verifiable intelligence
to put the record straight.
Pakistan President had firmly maintained only a couple of days
earlier when he met senior editors at Islamabad that al-Qaeda was on the
run and the alleged movement of the Taliban into Afghanistan had come to
an end When reports quoting US officials about not ruling out attacks on
actionable targets within Pakistan were cited before him, he categorically
stated that it would suggest the two countries were on course to part
ways.
We must not lose sight of the fact that hardly had the ink on the peace
deal with North Waziristan tribesmen gone dry last September when reports
began appearing in the US media that it showed Pakistans indifferent
approach to stamping out the terrorist menace and would prove a failure It
is undeniable that acts of terrorism do not serve Pakistans interests, but

864

having recourse to military, rather than peaceful means would flare up

local sentiments.
Next day the paper added: The talk of US strikes inside Pakistan is a
wake-up call for the Musharraf government to decide whether the country
can bear the consequences of our blind cooperation in the so-called war on
terror. It is time the Bush Administration was told in no uncertain terms
to either trust us or leave us.
In another editorial the editor opined: From day one, the regime has
complied even with the most reckless of American directives. The army
got into a bloody war in the tribal areas at the behest of the US, a decision
that continues to have negative repercussions till this day. A US attack on
Pakistani soil would up the ante and perhaps even mess up our tribal areas
irredeemably. It is sincerely hoped that voices of reason within the US
military establishment have the good sense not to undertake this folly.
On fourth consecutive day the newspaper wrote: The peace in the
tribal areas has again become hostage to US interests. The demand for
military action has led the army to re-establish check posts despite local
opposition. The Grand Tribal Jirga has therefore been forced to abandon its
attempts at reconciliation.
Pursuing the policy dictated by Washington once again would
put the tribes on the warpath. Operations conducted by the army would
lead to reprisals not only in the tribal region but also the rest of the country.
Ambushes and suicide bombings are already taking toll of troops in North
Waziristan Incidents of the sort had never happened in the past.
The government must not follow the American directives blindly.
Washington bears responsibility for unleashing the genie of militancy in
pursuit of its strategic aims in the region The extremist tendencies created
in the process can be realistically contained only over time and through a
multi-pronged strategy involving integrating the region with the rest of the
country and economic and social development. Resort to quick-fixes like
military operation would cause more bloodshed, destabilize the entire region
and have highly negative consequences for the rest of the country.
On 28th July, The Nation wrote: It is quite evident that the Lal Masjid
operation has given Washington the idea that encouragement to Islamabad to
replicate the notion in the restive tribal region coupled with threats of attacks

865

by the US forces could lead to the desired results. Thus the news-conscious
public has been bombarded with a daily dose of reports of the amount of
money dished out to Pakistan armed forces to fight out the terrorist threat;
their key contribution towards that end, President Musharrafs realization
that extremism has to be met with force and, hence, the need for him to
continue in power and persist in aggressive tactics; and US strategists
decision not to stop short of launching attacks at suspect locations.
British Foreign Secretary David Miliband, on a visit to Islamabad,
told reporters on Thursday that he had discussed with his Pakistani
counterpart what the two countries could do together in dealing with alQaeda challenge and that the UK wanted President Musharrafs efforts in
this regard to receive international support.
Unless the US goes into the heart of the matter, it would be hard for it
to appreciate the difficulties that Pakistan has to face. Although President
Bush was quite circumspect the other day that the US would continue to
work with Islamabad, his officials are freely talking of hits in the Pakistan
territory, at times giving the impression that Islamabad is on board. Perhaps,
President Musharrafs public statement about our stand could clear the fog.
On 2nd August, the newspaper added: While Washington designates
Pakistan as a close ally in the war on terror, issues continue to crop up
indicating that the relations between the two countries are more of a
patron-client nature than those between friends. The bill to tie US aid to
Pakistan with progress over cracking down on al-Qaeda and other militants
passed by the Congress is another indicator of the type of relations.
One wonders if given the type of reliance on the US by Islamabad
the government can go beyond protestations. At the most it can nurse the
hope that the US administration will keep on certifying as long as it needs
Pakistans support and if need be grant a waiver.
What is needed to put relations between the United States and
Pakistan on a more acceptable basis is setting our own house in order. When
rulers both military and civilian depend on American support to retain their
offices or to come to power they are likely to be required to carry out orders
irrespective of whether these are in consonance with national interest or not.
Military rulers are considered all the more amenable to pressure for not
being accountable to the public.

866

Two days later, it added: The hue and cry provides an insight to
desperate state in which the Americans have landed themselves by invading
Iraq, with its unmanageable sectarian mix and defiant resistance, and
Afghanistan where indefatigable Pashtun fighters would not let them have
peace till they vacated their land. By maligning Pakistan, they are neither
likely to provide a cover to their disastrous venture nor gain
respectability.
The Foreign Office at Islamabad had rightly called Senator Obamas
remark point scoring. Congressman Tancredos utterances are
provocative and irresponsible showing an utter lack of understanding of
how outrageous his suggestion of attacking Makkah and Madina is for
Muslims in the world and the abiding enmity it would incur to them Such
parochial demagoguery in no way befits presidential candidate of the
superpower.
On 7th August, the newspaper talked about the impact of US threats.
These threats sparked outrage in the country especially in the backdrop of
reports that the government had abandoned the peace deal with tribal leaders
and the fresh military offensive on July 19 was launched on the US
insistence. It is time Islamabad changed its strategy and adopted a policy
of engagement now that it has been revealed that the Bush Administration
deliberately altered an intelligence document to show that Pakistan had
allowed al-Qaeda operatives to establish safe haven on its soil.
Next day it added: Bush Administration deliberately doctored the
National Intelligence Estimate, the intelligence report that has been
repeatedly cited by its officials, the media and presidential candidates, to
malign Pakistan for letting al-Qaeda regroup itself in the tribal region since
the conclusion of the agreement. The NIEs original text was altered in a
manner that it changed the complexion of the nearly finished report,
according to a senior intelligence official who told The Washington Post in
confidence.
This sensational revelation lays bare the administrations desperation
in finishing off the Afghan resistance by ruthlessly eliminating any possible
source of outside help in utter disregard of the consequences to the security
and stability of a key ally in the war on terror. Reflecting the same motive
are the NATO-led forces reckless bombings of suspected Taliban targets
within Afghanistan that have frequently resulted in heavy civilian casualties.
The idea is to create a climate of fear among the general public to
867

prevent them from showing sympathy for the resistance fighting to end
the foreign occupation in their country.
Once the doctored document was made public, US political circles
began fulminating against Islamabad for its failure to check the reemergence of al-Qaeda, providing it safe haven in its tribal territory. That
was accompanied by a campaign by administration officials, the media and
Congressmen daily pouring out suggestions that the US forces would
strike at actionable targets on the Pakistani soil, if the leadership here
failed to act.
The inevitable reaction among the tribal people to this episode could
easily be portrayed as a failure of the deal and resurgence of al-Qaeda to
justify the launching of a fresh military operation. Pressured, Islamabad
fell into the trap, sent more troops and lost nearly 200 of them. With the
show of blatant self-interest and disregard of the interests of Pakistan, it is
clear that the commitments of abiding friendship are nothing but hot air.
Howard Lafranchi opined: Continue to defer to the regime of
President Pervez Musharraf, which has done little in six years to root out
the havens Islamist extremists have established along the northern border
with Afghanistan, and Osama bin Ladens organization is likely to continue
strengthening and building the next generation of leadership.
But press President Musharraf too hard for swift action against the
Islamist strongholds especially as he faces the toughest political pressures
of his eight year rule and the key American ally could fall. From the
White Houses perspective, that would create a nightmare for the US-led war
on terror.
Militarily, the US has two options, says Mr Ridel, now at the
Brookings Institution. One would be to seize or kill Mr bin Laden and his
deputy, Aymen Zawahiri, in what military officials call a snatch and grab
operation. But Riedel says the intelligence for such a move must be reliable
and timely.
A second option, one Riedel says is getting an increased airing in
Washington, is for the US military to take out al-Qaeda and Taliban camps in
remote tribal areas with or without Musharrafs accord. But the US doesnt
have the forces for such an operation, especially after the surge of troops to

868

Iraq, says Riedel. He and other experts say such an action would probably
cause more problems than it solves.
The US should take advantage of an existing trilateral initiative
among NATO countries, Pakistan, and Afghanistan to address the threat of
terrorism from Pakistani territory, says Mr Inderfurth, now specializing in
international relations at George Washington University.
The problem for the US, Riedel says, will be finding a balance
between encouraging democratic forces and abetting Musharrafs regime.
Having backed Musharraf to the hilt for six years, the slightest hint of a
turn by the US could set off his collapse, Riedel says.
Dr Mazhar Qayyum Khan was of the view that the pride of power
has blinded the US from visualizing the limits of power and, unwisely, it
adopted policies that are clearly anti-Muslim and anti-Islam, setting the tone
for other Western nations to follow. And Muslims living their midst for
generations have become suspect in their eyes and suffered humiliation and
discrimination The irony is that the US expects to win the hearts and
minds of Muslims, but refuses to take their plaint seriously about the
grievances that are giving rise to the terrorist phenomenon among the
population.
As a result, the Pakistan government, which had made a wholehearted commitment to defeat terrorist forces (time and again it has also
asserted that their elimination is also in the countrys own interests) has to
conduct itself with great caution, lest its actions entail a destabilizing
backlash. The majority of Pakistanis, undoubtedly moderate and bitterly
against violence, understandably look askance at Washingtons real
intentions. And there is a groundswell of hatred of the US, as several
opinion polls have revealed.
The Taliban in Afghanistan are Pashtuns, who could not be
distinguished from ordinary citizens, who carry guns as a normal way of life.
Putting them to the sword indiscriminately rouses anger and resentment
among their co-ethnics on the Pakistani side of the border, who are united
with them through ties of family, religion, language and culture.
The US-engineered scenario puts the Pakistan government on the
horns of a dilemma, ranging it against a vast majority of people if it

869

adopted Washingtons line and falling foul of it, if it exercised restraint that
is essential not to further exacerbate the already flared up sentiments.
For Pakistan it is imperative to find a peaceful way to get over
the crisis, while the US has been insisting on the use of force as the only
remedy. This clash of interest, dogging the process since 9/11, has rendered
the US dissatisfied with Pakistans performance.
The perception has not changed over the years because the US has
failed to comprehend the compulsions of Pakistan, though the phrase do
more, rendered trite with over-use, appears to have gone out of fashion. It
has been replaced by either open acts of aggression directed against targets
on Pakistani soil, as instances in the past year or so would testify.
To firm up the basis for launching attacks, the US has started a
propaganda blitzkrieg alleging failure of the government-tribal elders peace
deal, regrouping of Taliban and al-Qaeda in the region and the presence of
Osama bin Laden in the area bordering Afghanistan A rash adventure
would cause further alienation of the people of Pakistan from the US
and its causes.
In a subsequent article the analyst added: Pakistans support to the
US in its war on terror has been a subject of intense debate in the country.
Marked, in the main, by emotional and political rhetoric, there has
occasionally been an attempt to analyze whether we should have been better
off saying no to the Americans or have done well to jump on their
bandwagon or whether the bitter taste of associating with the superpower
is compelling us to sever our cooperation.
The concerns of its ally Pakistan that recourse to arms in the Pashtuninhabited areas with marked sympathies for the fellow Pashtuns (Taliban)
and the country-wide fallout it would entail might prove too destabilizing for
it to sustain have no room in its thinking Hence, its studied opposition to
the peace deal. That callous disregard of Pakistans vital concerns leaves a
bitter taste in the mouth, reinforces the feeling that the US is singlemindedly pursuing its own objectives and recalls the memories of past
association when, its purpose achieved, it left Pakistan as well as
Afghanistan to bear the burnt of post-Soviet turmoil.
Another factor that evokes threats of incursion is that the US is chary
of sharing intelligence with Pakistani authorities for fear that the coveted

870

quarry might be tipped off before hand and allowed to escape The level of
trust between the two allies can be gauged from the fact that Islamabad
views Washingtons attitude as entirely self-serving even to the extent of
damaging its interests, while Washington suspects that Islamabad might
sabotage its anti-terrorist drive.
With these unpleasant outpourings of feelings from both sides, one is
tempted to view the cooperation in hindsight. The threat of bombing back to
the Stone Age was, indeed, too daunting to confront for a third world
country facing international isolation. The Godsend overture of alliance
with the superpower in such a situation was equally difficult to resist. The
rationale of time to think and consult in order to extract due quid pro
quo, perhaps, did not fit in with the scheme of a military government
not versed in political niceties.
The second school of thought that believes Pakistan had done well
to jump on the American bandwagon must be feeling uneasy about the
recent developments, though would cite the role played by the rescheduling
of loans and improvement of relations with powerful trading countries in
effecting economic development. The lopsided growth, the phenomenon of
increasing improvement and the widening gap in the distribution of wealth
these, they argue, are the result of wrong policies and their inept execution.
The last option: having involved ourselves so deep in the fight
against terrorism is it feasible for us to step back? But, certainly, a forceful
exposition of our sovereign rights and compulsions, rather than the use of
puerile and ineffective terminology like irresponsible, could convey our
resentment at the thought of any country, friend or foe, of launching an
attack on our territory. Pakistan remains the best judge how to deal with alQaeda on its soil The US would be ill advised to ignore Pakistans
strategic position and the indispensable need for its cooperation if the fight
against terrorism were to be effectively pursued.
M K Bhadrakumar observed: It is not Washingtons problem that is in
the medium term critically dependent on the restoration of democracy and
rule of law. For the present US administration, the priority will be to
salvage the war in Afghanistan. It doesnt want to leave a legacy of losing
two wars in a row. If the end justifies the means, Washington will not
hesitate to engineer a pretext for the imposition of emergency rule in
Pakistan.

871

This is not the first time the White House has invoked Osama bin
Ladens name4 at a critical juncture in its political calendar. President
George W Bush resorted to the politics of fear with stunning success during
his re-election campaign in 2004. Bush knows that the common American is
trapped by a fear of bin Laden and al-Qaeda. In the present context, alQaeda comes a dual-use fantasy.
A series of spectacular air strikes in Pakistans tribal areas, with their
brooding mountains, apparently hunting down the near-mythical bin Laden,
will surely brush up Bushs image as a man of action in safeguarding
homeland security. On the other hand, it is bound to trigger such
mayhem within Pakistan that it becomes eminently logical for the army
leadership there to impose emergency rule and postpone elections. And
the international community would have no choice but to accept such an
outcome.
Stratfor opined: The United States would not be looking for an army,
but instead a handful of individuals that would include Osama bin Laden.
That sort of operation would require thousands of troops and is not
something that could be done quickly and quietly. US forces would swiftly
find themselves in direct conflict with local tribes and perhaps even the
Pakistani military not to mention that any incursion into Pakistan would
also energize the Taliban in Afghanistan to attack from behind.
If the Pakistani government did start to totter, Washington would
have to make a very uncomfortable decision about what to do about the
Pakistani nuclear arsenal. Getting would be even worse. The troops that
would be used are all in south-east Afghanistan part of an operation that is
logistically possible without the go-ahead from Islamabad.
This is nothing the United States is champing at the bit to do.
Actually, the United States would much rather have Pakistan take care
of the issue itself. And there is nothing like the threat of invasion to slice
through a list of Pakistani problems and seize peoples attention.
But seize their attention the United States has done. Now the question
will be whether the chaos that is Pakistani politics can solidify for an
internal housecleaning that precludes the need for Washington to decide
whether this was an ultimatum or bluff.

872

Eric Margolis wrote: Any US attack on Pakistan would be

catastrophic mistake. First, air and ground assaults will succeed only in
widening the anti-US war and merging it with Afghanistans resistance to
western occupation. US forces are already too over-stretched to get involved
in yet another little war.
Second, Pakistans army officers may resist a US attack on their
homeland. A US attack would sharply raise the threat of anti-US extremists
seizing control of strategic Pakistan and marginalize those seeking return to
democratic government.
Third, a US attack on the tribal areas could reignite the old irredentist
movement to reunite Pashtun parts of Pakistan and Afghanistan into an
independent state, Pashtunistan. That could begin unraveling fragile
Pakistan, leaving its nuclear arsenal up for grabs, and India tempted to
intervene.
The US military has grown used to attacking small, weak nations like
Grenada, Panama, and Iraq. Pakistan, with 163 million people, and a poorly
equipped but very tough 550,000-man army, will offer no easy victories.
Those Bush Administration officials who foolishly advocate attacking
Pakistan are playing with fire.
Inayatullah wrote: Why has the US administration stepped up so
much pressure on Pakistan and started talking about direct action? Two
plausible explanations have been mentioned by analysts in Pakistan. One:
Musharrafs image and standing presently are at low ebb. The bloody
backlash of the operation against Lal Masjid The peace agreement in
North Waziristan has been revoked by the tribal maliks. The Supreme
Courts verdict against the government is hugely demoralizing for him
The second explanation is based on the idea that Bush adventures having
failed in Iraq and badly faltering in Afghanistan, he has to take to new
initiatives to close his second term with a success story elsewhere.
Another theory floating around is that as part of the new agenda
for the Middle East (Pakistan included)a number of Muslim countries are
to be divided and restructured. Pakistan too is a target A destabilized and
fragmented Pakistan, (it is considered) may not be able to put up a stout
resistance to American designs when translated into action.

873

What however is not being realized is that Pakistan is neither

Afghanistan nor Iraq. Any direct action will infuriate Pakistanis across the
spectrum. Already there is widespread resentment. Musharraf presently very
much worried because of domestic setbacks must be wondering at the way
Pakistan is being treated by the friendly Americans.
The people living in the tribal areas are as good Pakistanis as those
residing outside the tribal belt. They are brave and patriotic. We have to talk
to them, negotiate with them and make them realize the high stakes and the
grim complexities of the situation. Use of force alone will not achieve the
desired objectives. Strategy and tactics have to change keeping Pakistans
long term national interests.
S M Hali was of the view that the current predicament too is being
aggravated by the governments weak decision-making while the situation is
being exploited by both internal and external vested interests. The US-led
coalition for the war against terror finds the moment opportune for
demanding greater cooperation from an embattled government. Repeated
demands of do more have been placed by direct threats of attacking
suspected al-Qaeda sites within Pakistan.
A new law proposing fresh conditionalities on US assistance to
Pakistan was introduced over the weekend. The provisions of this
disparaging legislation calls for Pakistan to make demonstrated, significant
and sustained progress towards eliminating terrorist safe havens from
Pakistan.
Within Pakistan, certain elements find the situation ripe to accelerate
extremists and terrorists attacks against both military and civilian targets to
put the government under further pressure. Meanwhile, our eastern
neighbour, India has also found the situation favourable to draw mileage
from Pakistans misfortunes.
Bhadrakumar insinuates that Musharraf is essential to continued
US/NATO operations in Afghanistan, and if the deal with Benazir Bhutto
does not come about then a more macabre twist to the plot would be to
launch massive air strikes in Pakistans tribal areasbound to trigger such
mayhem in Pakistan that it becomes eminently logical for the army
leadership there to impose emergency rule and postpone elections. He
concludes that al-Qaeda would become a dual-use fantasy and benefit

874

President Bush both at home and abroad. If that is not fishing in troubled
waters, then what is?
Dr A H Khayal wrote: Pakistan has been betrayed more than once in
the past by America. Unfortunately, we have developed a special taste for
American betrayals. Another betrayal is in the offing. Pakistan has been
sincerely assisting Bush in his war against terrorists in Afghanistan. But
instead of being grateful, Bush is furious. He has accused Pakistan of
dragging its feet. The rate at which Bushs fury is growing is a sure sign that
Pakistan must be ready for a violent blow in its face by Bush.
Bushs thirst for blood is insatiable. His entire period of presidency
is a period of bloody wars. An octogenarian Iraqi was heard lamenting in a
dilapidated mosque: O God! Who are in heaven, Bush has made your world
a hell. Why? O God! Why have you let such a creature loose in this world?
Shamshad Ahmad opined: For General Musharraf, it was a new
strategic one-man alliance but for Pakistan it was the beginning of another
painful chapter in its turbulent history. In the blinking of an eye, Pakistan
was abandoning its sovereign independence and becoming a compliant
partner in a global war in which it had no decision making role. It was
recruited as a mercenary state for which we also willfully accepted a price.
But people of Pakistan are now paying a heavier price for this strategic
relationship.
We have brought the US anti-Taliban war in Afghanistan into
Pakistan. The Lal Masjid tragedy like Kargil debaclehad dual purpose to
serve: to distract domestic and external pressures prior to the next
presidential election, and to serve as a scare crow to the outside world for
indispensability of the present leadership.
This was a show case model of military operation that may have
brought those in authority their long-awaited great moment of glory which
they had been dreaming since after the Kargil debacle. But history alone
will judge the veracity of this victory. For now, the country is going
through a vicious cycle of suicidal bombings
But one thing is clear; Terrorism anywhere in the world will not
disappear through military campaigns. It is not all about killing or
nabbing few hundred individuals or bombing of mosques and madrassahs or
changing the leadership in one or two countries.

875

This regime has made Pakistan the pivotal battle-front of the war on
terror with a full-fledged military action in its tribal areas which puts his
government and the armed forces on the wrong side of the people. There has
been a huge collateral damage in this ongoing campaign. The biggest
casualty, however, is Pakistans own credibility. It has staked everything in
this proxy war, and has killed hundreds of its own people, yet it is being
blamed for not doing enough.
Our involvement in this botched-up campaign against terrorism
has only complicated things for us and limited our options. Our
sovereignty is being violated with impunity. Our freedom of action in our
own interest is being questioned and undermined. We are accepting
responsibility for crimes we have not committed. We even own
responsibility for the killing of our own people in military operations that we
have not carried out.
Despite all that this regime has done in fighting terrorism in our
country, we are now getting alarming signals from Washington Whatever
the real intent of these messages, the people of Pakistan are not impressed.
In their view, the governments policies have brought Pakistan to a stage
where it has lost its very raison detre and is left with no role or relevance
that it once claimed as a responsible nuclear-weapon state and a factor
regional and global stability.
Today, the world knows Pakistan only as the ground zero of the
war on terror and the sole breeding ground of religious extremism and
violence. Any act of terrorism anywhere in the world is traced back to his
Pakistan which under his enlightened leadership has become a global fall
guy and an easy whipping boy blamed for everything that goes wrong
anywhere in the world.
Proxy wars are being fought on our soil. Ours is the only Muslim
country with an on-going military operation against its own people.
Nowhere in the world have so many Muslims been killed by their fellow
brethrens as in Pakistan, a country that came into being in the name of Islam
and democracy. Woefully, it remains without the essence of both.
General Musharraf now walks a fine line. On the one hand, he
remains under pressure from the US, India and Afghanistan to deliver on
their terrorism-related agenda and on the other, he faces the twilight of his

876

power. He has had his time. The people now want an end to his era. He must
have heard them chanting in unison: Go Musharraf Go.
Ikramullah said: I have never heard of such a wild and savage
statement in the annals of human history. Such statements are shocking not
only for Pakistan or the Muslim world but also for the entire civilization.
The worst aspect of such pronouncements is that they do not emanate from
an ordinary and irresponsible US citizen.
Realizing the extent of the damage that such irresponsible
pronouncements could cause at this critical juncture of the war in
Afghanistan and the situation in the tribal belt Waziristan President Bush
has done well to act speedily in taking personal initiative in expressing
his concern over elements that reflected negatively on the Pakistan-US
bilateral cooperation and relations.
Sarmad Bashir wrote: General Musharraf faces a dilemma of being
accused by the West of half-heartedly cooperating in the ongoing war on
terror and at the same time being blamed by his adversaries at home for
acting as an American pawn rather than promoter of Pakistans national
interest.
Every time he reiterates his commitment to fight the extremists more
effectively, the Bush Administration doubts his assertion. It believes he
doesnt do what he says. And there are few takers among our western
allies for his view that Pakistans intelligence apparatus has helped control
terrorism in different parts of the world or that the US-provided information
led to the killing of a top al-Qaeda operative in Afghanistan.
General Musharraf has reasons to be upset. The Bush
Administration that he once found to be positively inclined towards him
has started unnerving him soon after he suffered serious setbacks one after
the other. Notwithstanding the apparent grace with which he accepted the
judicial verdict, the reinstatement of Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad
Chaudhry would have definitely come as a shock to him.
Musharraf went to see a politician who in governments earlier
scheme of things had no place in national politics; a sure shock for the
Gujrati operators. They may get many a sleepless night, thinking about
working as a junior partner with their arch-rivals in future power setup. The

877

Presidency however seemed determined to bring together the forces of

moderation to effectively combat the rising tide of Talibanization at home.
But Musharrafs American backers will have to realize a
genuinely elected civilian government can deliver far better than him in
the fight against terrorism. The question, however, remains: Why cant the
Bush Administration let Pakistan be governed democratically when it
doesnt tire of reiterating of its commitment to bringing democracy to the
war-ravaged Iraq and Afghanistan?
Syed Saleem Shahzad observed that Mushy-Pinky affair was aimed at
protecting American interests. A civilian president with the power to handle
national security and foreign affairs and a prime minister as chief executive
is the new Washington and London formula for regime change in
Pakistan The arrangement for the United States key ally in the war on
terror is intended to lead to a jacking up of the fight against terror with zero
tolerance.
Musharraf finally appears to have been convinced that the time has
come for him to shed his uniform and return the country to a semblance of
democratic normalcy. Several recent events have precipitated this. In July,
Musharraf ordered troops to storm the radical Lal Masjid in Islamabad to
root out militants. This set off a fierce reaction
On the political front, Musharraf suffered a setback when the
Supreme Court ordered the reinstatement of Chief Justice Iftikhar
Mohammad Chaudhry, whom the General had suspended in March on
allegations of abuse of authority. Musharrafs political opponents creating
a groundswell of support for change.
The US seized on this moment, as it has become increasingly
concerned over Pakistans performance in the war on terror. Washington
needs someone like Musharraf, but with him under fire from militants and
jihadis as well as politicians, a compromise with Bhutto and her Pakistan
Peoples Party seemed the best alternative.
The talks between Musharraf and Bhutto were the result of a
prolonged process in which Washington played a pivotal role. Nevertheless,
the direct involvement of a British Foreign Office official, who had served in
Pakistan, played an important role in resolving some of the terms of the
agreement The deal has been finalized at a critical juncture of the war

878

on terror as Pakistan is under immense pressure to carry out a powerful

military assault against al-Qaeda and Taliban bases in Pakistani territory.
This could happen any time, as Pakistans peace deals with the
Pakistani Taliban in the tribal areas have collapsed after the raid on the Lal
Masjid and Washington is tired of Islamabads excuses for not taking
action against Taliban and al-Qaeda bases.
Most recently, Mushahid held a Senate meeting attended by selected
military-anointed intellectuals to condemn possible US action inside
Pakistan. Some doubt, therefore, that the Musharraf-Bhutto tango will
work Pakistan might get its regime change but not exactly as
planned in the corridors of power in Washington.
The Nation commented on exertion of pressure through the bill. Mr
Bush might certify periodically that Islamabad was doing its best to counter
terrorism, but tying the aid to satisfactory performance does give successive
US administrations considerable leverage and hence put Pakistan at a
permanent disadvantage.
Considering the differing perceptions of the two countries at tackling
the issue the US advocating aggressive military action, while Pakistan
preferring to give peace moves a chance before resorting to the use of arms
there would unavoidably be a sharp air of pressure when certification
becomes due.
The scenario is reminiscent of the days of Pressler Amendment that
brought home to the Pakistani nation that Washingtons commitment of
friendship was only operative till the superpower stood in need of it.
Thus, the words of abiding friendship that one hears so often lose
significance in the eyes of the people, especially as political leaders of all
shades and hues and the media join the chorus of threats and blunders.
The Nation also commented on the much hyped joint jirga. The
refusal of tribal leaders from North and South Waziristan to be a part of the
upcoming Pak-Afghan grand peace jirga is a befitting start for the
proceedings of an idea that is wrong on many levels.
The primary flaw, as explained with typical tribal common sense by
one of the maliks leaving the Governors House in Peshawar, was: when our
own houses are not safe, how can we extinguish fire in others houses?

879

There is a considerable resentment against the military check-posts

and continued presence of the soldiers of Pakistan Army in tribal areas,
particularly Waziristan. By boycotting the briefing session at the Governor
House, we have actually lodged our protest over the prevailing situation
in the region, said one representative.
The situation in Afghanistan is bad. The insurgency in the southern
part of the country shows no signs of abating and the powers that be seem to
be hell bent on trying just about everything, including harebrained schemes
like that of a grand jirga. Granted, the Pashtun are the largest segmented
lineage group in the world; their unity builds up in segments, khels uniting
against khels, tribes uniting against other tribes and, on very few instances,
there have also been precedents of the race uniting in its entirety.
If the purpose of the cross-Durand Line jirga is to fashion some sort
of converging point of the entire race, both the American and the Pakistani
governments are mistaken. Such instances of unity have almost invariably
been against outsiders. In this case, it is being arranged by outsiders against
a group from within the race itself: the Taliban (Pashtuns). Resentment has
been expressed by many tribal leaders on the conspicuous absence of
Taliban leaders from the upcoming jirga. In the absence of genuine tribal
leadership, the jirga will be as ineffective as the rest of the NATO-led
alliances plan in Afghanistan.
Subsequently the newspaper added: Effective jirgas, they should
know by now, are never quite organized in the manner it is being organized
now. From the Pakistan side, the jirga has hardly been representative;
even from those selected, at least 80 from the list of 350 have refused to go.
Many others have been receiving threats from local Taliban.
On the Afghan side, many Taliban moderates, who also constitute
a significant part of the tribal dynamic north (and west) of Durand Line,
have been sidelined. The Taliban phenomenon (the one in Afghanistan, not
Pakistan) has always had an ethnic premise; chugging them out would lead
to an extremely ineffective body. Both sides are going to have a skewed
composition. The efficacy of jirgas stemmed from the fact that their
participants had genuine following in their respective areas. The only
effective jirga is a truly representative one, warts and all.
What also remains to be seen is how the decree passed by the jirga is
going to be enforced, whether it is going to have a waak, as they say in
880

Pushto, or not. If it relies on the government for enforcement, then what

were basically looking at on the 9th is a standard government meeting, a
cultural exchange at best.
To conclude, excerpts from analysis by Philip H Gordon are
reproduced. The key to war on terror lies not in Afghanistan, but next
door in Pakistan. Al-Qaeda is reorganizing in Pakistan Pakistan also
serves as a refuge, financial center and training ground for Taliban fighters
who seek to destabilize Afghanistan. Recognition of this reality is not to
suggest that the US and NATO ought to contemplate a military mission on
the Pakistani side of the border.
Military intervention in Pakistan would be a recipe for disaster
even if NATO had the 200,000 troops needed to do it on the scale of the
Afghanistan mission which it does not. Even covert actions or targeted
strikes on actionable targets, which the Bush Administration has not ruled
out, could backfire.
The problems in Pakistan may not have a military solution, but
there is no use pretending that the US has the luxury of focusing only on the
Afghan side of the border. Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf is in many
ways a US ally who has provided valuable cooperation in the war on terror.
But while he cooperates with the US by sending troops to hunt alQaeda in the mountains, other branches of Pakistani security
establishment keen to protect their Pashtun brethren and fearful of
Indian influence in Afghanistan actively support the Taliban.
Much of the discussion in Washington focuses on pressuring
Musharraf. The Bush Administration is already doing it and not getting far.
Indeed, excessive public pressure could backfire, making any Pakistani
cooperation against al-Qaeda and the Taliban appear to be the action of
an American stooge. This situation already exists.
Instead of tough public posturing, a more thoughtful American
approach would focus on efforts to help Pakistanis become more prosperous,
secure and democratic therefore less likely to support extremism in the
first place. A first step in such an approach would be for Washington to
complement military aid to Pakistan with more economic and
humanitarian assistance.

881

Some fear that democratically elected leaders in Pakistan would be

less ready to support the US. That fear is not entirely misplaced, but it
understates the leverage Washington would have over those leaders and
overlooks the fact that their actions would have more legitimacy in Pakistani
eyes than anything done by the current regime.
If we really want to address a major source of extremism emanating
from Pakistan, the US should use the current period of relative calm
between Pakistan and India and the leverage derived from its growing
partnership with India to launch a new diplomatic effort on the disputed
region of Kashmir. A deal in which the current line of control in Kashmir
becomes a recognized border between India and Pakistan and the Muslim
areas of Kashmir constitute a special zone within India could form the
basis for peace between the two nuclear neighbours. The solution
suggested by the analyst aims at perpetuation of the status quo which is
strictly in accordance with the wishes of the new-found strategic partner;
India.
So by all means, the US must continue to focus on Afghanistan and
devote the resources necessary to succeed there. But the US cannot neglect
Pakistan, which is ultimately the greater potential problem. Helping it
overcome its vast domestic challenges, and giving Pakistanis a more hopeful
future, would do more for the war on terror than any number of new troops
next door.

EASTERN FRONT
The composite dialogue with India, as part of the peace process, made
no significant progress during the period. In a meeting held in New Delhi on
1st August, Pakistan and India decided to work for increasing bilateral trade
to $10 billion by 2010 while continue fighting rice war.
The acts and statements negative to confidence building continued
unabated. A fisherman was killed in Indian Navy firing on 19 th July. A week
later, Pakistan successfully test fired Hataf VII missile. On 4th August, BJP

882

demanded disengagement of dialogue process because of unstable situation

in Pakistan. Following incidents of state terrorism and retaliatory actions
from freedom fighters were reported from IHK:
Indian troops shot dead five freedom fighters on 17 th July. Three days
later, two Kashmiris were killed and a soldier committed suicide.
On 21st July, 11 people were wounded in attack on Hindu pilgrims.
Four days later, three Kashmiris were killed.
Two freedom fighters were killed in an attack on Atomic Centre in
IHK on 26th July; two Kashmiri youths were also killed. Next day,
four Kashmiris were killed and five wounded.
Six people were killed and at least a dozen wounded in a blast in a
tourists bus in on 29th July. One Kashmiri was killed by Indian troops.
Indian troops killed 75 Kashmiris in the month of July. On 3 rd August,
24 people including 4 policemen were wounded in grenade attack in
Banihal town.
On 6th August, JKLF rejected Musharrafs peace proposal. Next day,
Indian troops killed four Kashmiris.
Abu Hamza from Rawalakot cautioned about Indian attitude. Reports
suggest India is up to something big in the next few months particularly
in the Occupied Kashmir area. Allegations of infiltration from the
Pakistani side are now frequently appearing in the Indian media. Indian
home ministry has gone to the extent of saying that al-Qaeda fighters are
now joining the militants in the Held Kashmir. It has warned the Indian
security agencies that those fighters were active in Jammu & Kashmir,
Bangalore, Mumbai, Lakhnow, Kerala and Gowhati.
This may be another attempt to put pressure on Pakistan to do
more. The Pakistani establishment must not rule out the possibility of being
entangled in such a cobweb. I am also surprised as to why the AJK Prime
Minister, Sardar Attiq, has to welcome Pakistan Armys presence on so
many occasions. It is encouraging to note that the Pakistan government on
June 11 announced it could not resort to unilateral troops withdrawal from
the Line of Control in Kashmir. Pakistan needs to be vigilant against any
Indian move.
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John Cherian observed: There are fears in some quarters that the
serious internal problems confronting Pakistan President General Pervez
Musharraf may have an adverse impact on the India-Pakistan peace
process Pakistan is not happy with the pace of negotiations between the
two countries. Pakistan Foreign Minister Khurshid Mehmood Kasuri, while
on a visit to Washington in June, stated that the time had come for both
countries to address substantive issues, especially the core issue of
Kashmir.
In the last week of July, a committee set up by the Indian government
recommended that Indian troops in Kashmir vacate State government
buildings, private homes and farms that were converted into military camps
and bases during the course of the 17-year-old insurgency. The committee
has, however, ruled out any major cuts in the massive Indian troop
presence in the Valley.
Recent statements by senior American and British officials have
been emphasizing the importance of the peace process for the
subcontinent. Nicholas Burns, the US Under Secretary of State, told US
Congress that the peace process needed to go much further. Incidents of
violence in the Valley in recent months have gone down considerably
Musharraf was in a hurry to clinch a peace deal with India since his
historic Agra visit. He was in a position to deliver on his promises until last
year. Now, with the political tide turning against him, India-Pakistan
relations could enter unchartered waters. Some people in India and
Pakistan are now asking whether the peace process will survive Musharraf.
Raja Mohan wrote on troop-cut. Reducing the numbers of the
security forces in J&K can only be one important part of the military redisposition in J&K. The perceived relationship between the size of
deployment and effectiveness has always been an exaggerated one. For the
military doctrine and political strategy are even more important for an
effective counter-insurgency.
Redefining the profile of the military in J&K should also involve the
withdrawal of forces from at least those urban centres where violence
has come down. Returning some troops to the barracks in J&K and ending
in-your-face patrolling and searches will feed positively into the dialogue
between New Delhi and Srinagar.

884

The long-overdue decision on troop cuts in J&K will reinforce the

prospects for peace with Pakistan. While the recent turmoil in Pakistan has
cast a shadow over the negotiations with Islamabad, the national security
adviser, M K Narayanan, has made it quite clear in a recent TV interview
that India considers Pakistan President Pervez Musharraf a credible
interlocutor and a man we can do business with.
Narayanan also confirmed that the peace talks with Pakistan have
moved forward in recent months. India and Pakistan might be on the verge
of a historic breakthrough in the negotiations for the settlement of the J&K
question. What holds it back now is Musharrafs preoccupation with the
internal situation of Pakistan.
The issue of troop cuts in Kashmir goes well beyond the debate on
Musharrafs future. Pakistan today faces one of the worst threats ever to
its security as the al-Qaeda and the Taliban, as well as the international
community, are threatening its territorial sovereignty.
A significant troop cut in J&K will signal Indias readiness to make it
easier for the Pakistani nation to cope with the unprecedented existential
threats to its western frontiers and lay the foundation for an enduring peace
on its eastern borders.

HOME FRONT
The major battles on home front were being fought on political and
judicial fronts, which have been covered in separate articles. The regimes
struggle for the soft image has been removed from the so-called burners.
Only two incidents were reported in this context. On 17 th July, ex-minister
was sent to jail on remand in Kafila case. Five days later, ten people were
killed as police opened fire on the mob in Karachi.
Nationalists in Baluchistan kept their struggle going at low key. Even
ANP and AMAP formed Democratic Alliance and demanded Pashtun
province including districts of Mianwali and Attock. Following incidents in
the context insurgency in Baluchistan were reported during the period:
Electricity pylon was blown up in Kohlu area on 9 th July. Five days
later, a cache of arms and ammunition was recovered in Dera Bugti.

885

 On 15th July, there were two blasts in Mastung and one each in
Khuzdar and Kohlu.
A suicide car bomber attacked the convoy of Chinese engineers in
Hub on 19th July; 30 people were killed and 25 wounded and the
targeted Chinese escaped unhurt.
Five rockets were fired on FC camp in Jandran area on 23 rd July. Two
days later, three surveyors were shot dead near Khuzdar.
Abdul Raziq Bugti, spokesman for the government of Baluchistan,
was shot dead in Quetta on 27th July by BLA gunmen. Eight days
later, a grenade was hurled at the gate of Central Jail, Quetta.
Relief efforts in flood affected areas continued. On 11th July, Shaukat
promised timely help for rehabilitation to flood victims. Next day, the
government claimed opening of 95 percent flood-damaged roads. On 17 th
July, the provincial government started giving relief package to flood victims
and Baluchistan was declared calamity-hit area. Flood affected people,
however, kept living in miserable conditions.
Senator Sanaullah Baloch sought justice for his people. He wrote: In
last five years the Baloch people have not been treated according to
national and international laws and neither constitutional guarantees nor
courts have helped them in protection of their fundamental rights. Even
courts response and actions to the legal appeals of Baloch victims was
unpredictable.
Akhtar Mengal and 500 senior Balochistan National Party activists
arrested in November 2006, before President Musharrafs visit to
Balochistan, to stop BNP from peaceful long march against military
operation, arrests, enforced disappearances, and demanding the
provincial control of natural wealth and sea ports.
Akhtars lawyer has moved three applications, one seeking the
provision of medical attention, a second asking that he be given B class
accommodation, and the third for his bail. The hearing of all the
applications was deferred. The reason given for the deferment of the B
class application was that no income tax certificate was available, but when
on January 10, a certificate was produced to the presiding officer, no order
was passed
886

Akhtar Mengal, as head of political party, four times elected

representative, former chief minister and leader of opposition of Baluchistan
Assembly and prominent politician is entitled to all basic legal rights and
facilities. However, he has been denied all basic legal and human rights
just because of his political standing and opposition to military rule and
operation in Baluchistan province. Repeated humiliation of Baloch people
and their political representatives will increase the animosity among the
troubled Baloch population and in smaller provinces.
Baloch people should not be discriminated, they are part of
federation and have equal rights according to social contract they must be
respected and treated as equal populace and their grievances must be heard
and resolved politically Misuse of power and use of force against a
distressed population, will breed detestation and broaden the gap between
province and central government.

CONCLUSION
The Crusaders found their ally under pressure on home front and
instinctively decided to avail the opportunity presented by his tragedy.
Their opportunism bore good results. Musharraf intensified anti-terror
operations and embraced the Daughter of the East and the Darling of the
West with complete disregard to interests of Pakistan.
Musharraf-Benazir union cannot and will not augur well for Pakistan.
The people of Pakistan should be prepared to suffer more on account of war
on terror being waged to serve the US interests. The joint jirga in Kabul is
being held for the same purpose.
The peace process with India is also being pursued under pressure of
the Crusaders with the sole aim of ultimately forcing Pakistan to accept
Indian hegemony in the region. The regime has already been forced to forget
about the core issue, yet it continues with composite dialogue, God knows
for what?
11th August 2007

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HELMET vs WIG
AFTERSHOCKS - II
The CJP episode did not affect the judicial activism of the apex court,
but instead the appeals to the Supreme Court begging suo moto notice
increased quite considerably. This trend reflected peoples high expectations
from the judiciary.
There were quite a few important events during the period of last ten
days. Naeem Bokhari was thrashed by lawyers in District Courts
Rawalpindi. Condoleezza Rice picked up the magic telephone and
Musharraf dropped the plan to impose emergency.
The petition of Sharif brothers was accepted by the Supreme Court to
be heard by a larger bench. Musharraf launched media campaign to improve

888

his image with a PTV programme; Aiwan-e-Sadr Say. He also started his
election campaign. Shaikh Rashid once again warned that anything could
happen if programme for presidential election was disrupted.

EVENTS
On 9th August, the Supreme Court accepted Sharif Brothers petitions
for hearing. The CJP during hearing of a case remarked that the fate of
government officers cant be decided on the basis of intelligence reports.
Contempt cases against Pervaiz Elahi and Shaikh Rashid were dismissed by
the Supreme Court. Naeem Bokhari was thrashed by lawyers in District
Courts Rawalpindi; an FIR was registered against 50 unnamed lawyers.
Share prices plunged over emergency rumours. Rice picked up her
telephone and Musharraf dropped the plan to impose emergency. Shaukat on
return from Kabul said the decision against emergency was taken after hectic
consultations. APDM vowed not to allow elections under Musharraf.
Next day, the CJP remarked that President is fair-minded and sincere
in holding transparent polls. The CJP directed the Election Commission to
update electoral rolls in 30 days while blaming it for using tactics to delay
general elections. Prime Minister said the government has no intention to
change polls date. A Supreme Court bench issued contempt notice to
Chairman FBR for defying court orders regarding reinstatement of a grade20 officer. Police raided lawyers houses over Naeem Bokharis thrashing.
Shujaat owned the suggestion for imposition of emergency and he
also disclosed that as per deal PPP would abstain from presidential election.
NAB sought reopening of cases against Sharifs. It shows confusion on
governments part, said Shahbaz. Opposition (Senate) demanded resignation
from government for creating mess between March 9 and July 19.
On 11th August, Musharraf addressed members of APNS and told
them that conducive atmosphere is must for general elections and the
return of exiled leaders would create chaos and instability. He claimed that
the deal with Benazir would bring stability and the Nawaz deal document
will be presented in the court.
Opposition termed Musharrafs statement about exiled leaders
unethical. Benazir said secret understanding on the uniform issue has
889

been reached. CEC said new voters lists would be ready by early October.
Musharraf was disappointed with the way the reference was handled. Larger
bench of the Supreme Court will hear the petitions of Sharif brothers.
On 13th August, Musharraf launched media campaign with a PTV
programme; Aiwan-e-Sadr Say, in which he admitted: his popularity is
down. Next day, APDM held a rally in Liaqat Bagh Rawalpindi and vowed
not to accept polls under Musharraf or any other General. PPP leaders met
Benazir in New York. The CJP skipped flag-hoisting ceremony. He laid
foundation stone of new blocks of Supreme Court building and said the
judiciary must strive to live up to the high expectations of the people.
On 15th August, a Supreme Court bench headed by the CJP ordered
arrest of 11 jirga members including Hazar Khan Bijarani for being part of
an unlawful jirga, which forced five minor girls to marry older men of a rival
tribe to settle a blood feud. Another bench ordered inquiry into torture of
prisoners in Kotdiji. The prisoners were forced to bite each other like beasts.
The court reserved the judgment over reopening of NAB cases against
Sharifs.
Musharraf must honour the commitment or face the move,
threatened Benazir. Opposition complained to Boucher about likely rigging
in polls under Musharraf. NAB cases only against those who do not cut deal,
said Nawaz Sharif.
Next day, the bench hearing Sharif brothers petitions remarked that
Shabaz Sharif could return to Pakistan as the judgment of 2004 was intact.
The court ordered both sides to exchange documents. Sharifs decided to
wait till final ruling of the apex court. Rice confirmed that the US was
involved in working out power-sharing formula.
During hearing of the Lal Masjid case on 17 th August, the CJP
remarked that Jamia Hafsa was demolished to wipe out evidence. He
rebuked the police for charging the students under terror laws and ordered
change of the judge of the ACT Rawalpindi. The court also ordered the
release of 21 students. The strength of the bench hearing Nawaz Sharifs
petition was raised to seven judges.
Musharraf arrived in Lahore on second leg of his election campaign.
Accountability Court Rawalpindi reopened three corruption cases against
Newaz Sharif and his family members on the request of the NAB. The

890

hearing of these cases was adjourned sine die on April 12, 2001. Khar vowed
to support PML-Ns anti-Musharraf movement. ANP activists blocked main
road in Malir after MQM government arrested five ANP men carrying
licenced weapons.
Next day, Musharraf met legislators in Garrison Officers Mess in
Multan and informed them his re-election would prove a source of political
stabilization. Nineteen legislators of Kings party were marked absent.
Musharraf also announced that local bodies wont be dissolved before
general elections.
Shaikh Rashid once again warned that anything could happen if plan
for elections is disrupted. Jatoi claimed that PPP boycotted APC on
instigation by the government. Pagara said the Musharraf-BB deal wont last
for long. Altaf vowed to field candidates across the country.
US interference in Pakistans internal affairs is a big threat to
democracy, said PML-N. The Punjab Education Department served final
notice of dismissal to two professors for taking part in lawyers rallies. PMLN condemned reopening of NAB cases against Nawaz Sharif.

VIEWS
The Supreme Courts decision to restore the CJP has been equated
with the independence of judiciary. This has markedly increased the
expectations for justice of those who have been on the receiving end of the
oppression perpetrated by the regime. Only time will tell as to how much of
their hopes are fulfilled.
Mashkoor A Khan from Karachi said: The big question is still
unresolved. Yes, the Chief Justice is restored but does that mean that
citizens in our country will get justice from now on? The system is
controlled by the feudal landlords who lord over us in the parliament.
Theres no civic body to help them out. They cannot hire lawyers
because they are unable to afford their fees. If lawyers agree to fight their
cases free, they still would not have the money to pay the court fees. Yes the
Chief Justice has been restored but has the justice been restored too?

891

M Jalal Awan from Sargodha was of the view that from October 12,
1999 to July 20, 2007 this hapless, distraught nation has had no one to look
up to, no one to approach for redress of their endless grievances, no one to
inform them about the whereabouts of their disappeared loved ones. We
only had the overwhelming shadows of doubt, dread and distrust. But the
Almighty has beautiful ways of showing His benevolence.
The fateful eve of July 20 and the joie de vivre that followed will
always remain etched in the memories of Pakistanis. We now look forward
to getting our due share of justice from the judiciary. We want the
judicature to rid us of the military dictatorship once and for all.
We have witnessed enough bloodshed of our countrymen in the spate
of suicide bombings that ensued the Lal Masjid tragedy. We no longer want
to see our army at daggers drawn with our own people and we dont
want to do more to please America.
Mohammad Asif from Canada urged: Now that he is back at his job,
the most honourable thing that he should do is to walk the talk by (a)
revamping the subordinate judiciary at the district and tehsil levels so that
justice is accessible and deliverable to the common man and (b) seek
resignation of his son The Chief Justice may like to set a personal
example of himself and his family and this is the opportunity to do so.
The Nation wrote about the suo moto notice taken by the SHC of the
Karachi carnage. Nearly three months after May 12 bloodshed in Karachi
that left more than 60 people dead and scores injured, the Sindh High Court
has issued notices to the federal and provincial governments to furnish
detailed information about the security arrangements made during Chief
Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhrys visit to the mega polis.
The court has done well by converting a report of the May 12
incident into a constitutional petition since the entire nation was aggrieved
at the tragedy. And what might have perturbed the people more than
anything else was General Musharrafs remark at a PML-Q rally in
Islamabad the same night that the Sindh ruling coalitions ally was well
within its rights to demonstrate its political strength. This was in marked
contrast to the governments policy of following the legal community to
stage peaceful rallies in protest against CJs suspension.

892

There were many other questions that might help the court determine
on whose orders the law enforcement agencies were disarmed and not
allowed to take action against the goons massacring the peaceful citizens and
attacking private television channels from covering the event the event live.
The federal and provincial governments would be well advised to extend
full support to punish those responsible rather than trading the path of
confrontation.
In another editorial the newspaper added: The Chief Justice
avoided answering questions when at the end of the ceremony journalists
asked him about his meeting with the Presidents Chief of Staff Lt Gen
Hamid Javed. I havent met anybody You should ask the person whom
the General met, he said when the newsmen repeatedly sought his
comments about the reported meeting.
It is good to see members of the superior judiciary decide against
participating in any function to be attended by the president, prime minister
and cabinet members. It will certainly go a long way towards reviving the
old tradition when judges would speak more often through their
decisions rather than directly interacting with the public. By keeping its
distance from the executive, judiciary can prevent itself from becoming
vulnerable to announce dictated verdicts.
Maliha Adil from Lahore desired that the judiciary should take steps
to ensure national interests are protected because that is how democratic
judiciaries look after their countries. The judiciary must work in harmony
with the legislature and executive, so that all the three organs of the state
should contribute for maintaining national integrity.
The judiciary must bring a revolutionary and progressive change in
the country by addressing serious issues and by giving landmark judgments.
Nevertheless, it also has to ensure that there are no political biases in its
decisions so that its independent image is not harmed.
Dr Faisal Bari observed: The state has become so used to the idea of
having its way that any protest or any disagreement is taken to be, almost by
definition, as an act of treason. The state reacted against the protests as if the
protestors were doing something against Pakistan itself. And if the protests
had not been sustained and by so many people and for so long and if the
Supreme Court had not vindicated what the mass of the people were saying,

893

the state would surely have come after key protesters and with a
vengeance that only the Pakistani state can muster.
In addition, to make matters worse, we have had, for the last decade
and in the 1980s, rather repressive and totally non-representative regimes in
power. This has added to the move and to the point that (a) state agencies
and agents have gotten used to a very docile and rather pathetic citizenry, (b)
they have taken to the right wing ideology to the point where they believe
that citizens do not have the right to protest as well, and (c) they have
internalized the belief to the point that they think that every protestor
should be punished for protesting as if he/she was a traitor to the country.
One could understand this attitude in the state agencies and army
personnel. Their experience of the last decade or so has been of a very docile
citizenry. And they do think, like their leader, that they are the royalty of the
country. But the attitude is quiet common in the middle-class as well.
There are number of students, faculty members and staff members in our
university who, though they felt that what was being done to the Chief
Justice was wrong, thought it was not up to students and especially faculty to
protest the move and especially not on the streets of the country. Such
conservatism and at such early age! One can only shake ones head at it.
How can a citizen give up his/her right to protest?
Prior to the Chief Justice issue, we had come to a point where it was
hard to even foresee how public action could happen in this country. The
Chief Justice movement caught many a people, especially the state and
its various agencies, by surprise. It is quite refreshing to see that Pakistani
society still has enough life to have put together such a wonderful protest
movement. But the conservatism is quite deeply entrenched by now.
We can only hope that this protest movement becomes a herald of
things to come and people start taking their basic rights more seriously.
It might take longer for state organs to internalize that. And if they do, it will
be contingent on the citizenry becoming a lot more active and vigilant from
now on.
Syed Ali Zafar opined: Given our past record, this decision has
brought in a new era of confidence in the people and what has been
achieved needs to be now protected and preserved with confidence and
cautionhaving said that the public now looks forward to an era of
important landmark judgments.
894

They certainly expect the Supreme Court to uphold and enforce

fundamental and human rights, to expand the scope of judicial review and
strike down the laws and actions wherever illegal. There is also no doubt
that in order to fulfill its role in the contemporary age the Supreme Court
will need to decide questions and issues of political and social nature, and it
is hoped that judgments will be given which would precipitate social
changes, wherever the parliament lags behind.
However, with greater authority comes more responsibility, and to
maker all this permanent there has to be three pronged strategy. First is the
issue of inner accountability. In his reply to the reference the CJ has
pointed out issues of corruption in judiciary including superior judiciary. The
people now expect that the judiciary will, once and for all carry out a self
cleansing exercise in which corruption, if any, within the judicial institutions
would be eliminated
Secondly, is the issue of self-restraint. While the judges do make
laws and must continue to do so wherever needed, in a democratic set up the
principal role of promulgating laws is by the peoples representative within
the parliament.
It is true that judges are like the Patriotic Guardians of Democracy
but unlike the real platonic guardians who took actual substantive control of
the Government, the Supreme Court has to continue to sit apart from the
physical political process.
The courts avoid deciding political, economic and social issues
directly and only doing so when they arise in a legal and constitutional
form. This enables the polity to comprehend and adjust to the new concept
and allows time to the parliamentarians to assess and decide if they would
like to take the issue back to parliament or go along with the trend set by the
judgment.
This takes us to the third equally important principle to be applied
which is the avoidance of inconsistency. It is essential for the apex court
that to recognize that whereas the Supreme Court judges are not above the
law but because their judgments are final, it is necessary that their decisions
must exhibit consistency.
The fruits of victory can only be availed of and yield permanent
results if the three pronged strategy of in-house cleaning, judicial restraint

895

and consistency is followed by the executive in abiding by the decision

handed over by the independent judges. The civil society, however, shall
have to remain ever vigilant.
Ahmed Rashid talked about the consequences of lack of justice.
What Pakistan has been witnessing in the past few months is emblematic of
a fundamental cause behind the instability and turmoil in many of the
worlds Islamic countries. The lack of justice permeates every aspect of
autocratic Muslim societies around the world and is an essential argument
used by Islamic extremists from Osama bin Laden to Talibans Mullah
Omar.
The lack of justice is a principal driver of the Talibanization now
taking place in Afghanistan and in the Pashtun tribal areas of Pakistan.
Where no social or political institutions exist or they have been totally
corrupted and subverted, the first thing the Taliban offer is justice. When
Islamist radicals occupy an area, they set up a sharia, or Islamic court of law
not because people necessarily demand sharia, but because such courts
dispense quick, cheap justice.
The fortunate aspect of the movement in Pakistan is that it is led
by educated middle-class professionals, determined to introduce justice
through democracy not religion. This could have a long-lasting effect in
helping win the wider struggle against extremism in the Muslim world.
However, the US administration retains tunnel vision in
supporting Musharraf and army rule. The Bush Administration failed to
plan for a post-Musharraf era and now ignores the justice-throughdemocracy movement. Influential presidential Democratic candidates point
out what Pakistanis have long known that the US dependency on
Musharraf and the US $10 billion aid money to the military since 2001 has
led to government double dealing the US on stopping al-Qaeda and the
Taliban.
With Musharraf hell-bent on preserving power, the risks
multiply. Al-Qaeda spreads its tentacles through several Pakistani proxies
across the country, and a wave of suicide bombings target the army and
police. In Baluchistan a separatist insurgency by secular rebels, possibly
backed by India and Iran, picks off Chinese workers thereby creating a
crisis with Pakistans closest ally.

896

A more reasonable policy for the US to pursue and one that would
help win back Pakistani hearts and minds would be to support the
immediate return of exiled politicians, early general elections monitored
by international observers followed by a free and fair election for the
presidency. Washington needs to help bring about a just political transition in
Islamabad before it again insists that the regime battle al-Qaeda. The US can
then help ensure that the new elected political leadership works closely with
the army to combat extremism. There cannot be a sustainable fight against
extremists who pretend to fight for justice if those called to join the battle
are not offered justice themselves.
Wajahat Latif observed that the executive was heading on collusion
course. The CJ had demonstrated his independence even before the
reference when he took notice of several critical cases including the steel
mills privatization and the disappeared persons. But after the judgment on
the reference, the Supreme Court has acquired an authority in the public eye
that no other institution enjoys.
This independence is fully supported by the lawyers. Since the
CJs reinstatement, they have declared that they shall not rest until
democracy is fully restored in the country. The Supreme Court Bar
Association, Pakistan Bar Council and Bar Associations are all unanimous in
this.
An independent judiciary is the first hurdle in the presidents
plan. Starting from the legality of his takeover to his being the COAS cum
president with executive powers, everything is questionable. Some of the
issues involved are already before the Supreme Court. The old nexus
between the judiciary and the army now gone, the government cannot expect
engineered justice.
The second hurdle is the Sharif brothers petition before the CJ to
return to the country. This is likely to be allowed as there is already a
Supreme Court decision on the issue given in 2004 in which Mian Shahbaz
Sharifs right to return was recognized. All that the Supreme Court has to do
now is reassert that order and provide relief.
Thirdly, the APDM is a formidable foe that includes PML-N,
MMA, Imran Khans Tehrik-e-Insaf, ANP and regional parties from the
smaller provinces who are led by people of extraordinary integrity and

897

commitment and share deep-seated grievances against the army the

opposition is in the ascendance.
By contrast, the president is in a nosedive. Firstly, he got a severe
rap on the knuckles on the reference against the CJ. Secondly, he had to
make a secret journey to meet Ms Bhutto he had banned from countrys
politics. Thirdly, Javed Hashmi, Acting President of PML-N has been
released on the orders of the Supreme Court. Fourthly, he was prevented by
the media and his friends abroad from imposing emergency in the country
that he tried to. And fifthly, he was forced to travel to Kabul to attend the
Peace Jirga, something he did not wish to do. This man is weaker by the
hour.
The cut out point for the different opposing forces is the Presidential
Election schedule. As soon as that happens, they will come together and take
him to court. Cases or no cases, Nawaz, Shahbaz and BB will all be back,
crying havoc. The APDM, lawyers and the civil society will all come out
on the streets, making his re-election from these assemblies impossible.
True to the habit of a bully, the regime resorted to intimidating its
opponents by talking about imposition of emergency rule. The Nation
commented: The authorities might have thought that by slapping emergency
they would not only be able to extend the tenure of the National Assembly
but also get an extra year in power. But then they must have ignored the fact
that since the two conditions provided in the Article 232 i.e. war or external
aggression and internal disturbance do not exist, the decision might have
serious political implications.
Emergency would not only have met with resistance but also
proved to be a recipe for disaster. Following rumours of its imposition, the
KSE lost 600 points in one day. The courts keen to assert their independence
could have either struck down the action or declared void the suspension of
fundamental rights as happened when the state of emergency was imposed in
the wake of the nuclear tests.
There is a perception that the government would not have even
considered the idea of imposing emergency had the opposition remained
united. Attempts made by a section to broker a deal with the government
encouraged it to do so. The bottom line is that the President thankfully rose
above the bad advice rendered by his incompetent legal advisers who
deserve to be sacked sooner rather than later.
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Raoof Hasan wrote: The critics are looking beneath this faade of
insinuations at the more credible reasons that may impel the government
to impose emergency. These reasons relate to the petitions pending before
the Supreme Court regarding the return to Pakistan of Nawaz Sharif and
Shahbaz Sharif and the right of General Musharraf to fight the election to be
President in uniform.
There seems no tangible cause that may justify the imposition of
emergency other than a distasteful proclivity of the government to stop the
return of Nawaz Sharif and Shahbaz Sharif to the country before the
forthcoming elections, and its resolve to resort to all means, fair and foul,
constitutional and unconstitutional, to thwart such an attempt.
This thinking is quite in sync with the self-destructive course that the
myopic proponents of the government have advocated during the course of
heaping misery upon misery for their masters. It is quite evident that such
a step, if and when taken, will be immediately challenged in the courts of
law and, given the current environment that pervades the landscape; it would
be difficult for the advocates of the government, including its recentlyhoisted attorney general, to defend it. They will be defeated, yet again!
Has the government lost that barest minimum of good sense to rule
by avoiding disasters, one after the other? Or, is it all part of a premeditated strategy to create a situation where governance, under the
provisions of the Constitution and in conformance with the rule of law, is
made to appear impossible which, subsequently, is made the pretext to resort
to extra-legal and extra-constitutional measures?
A mega change is needed. A paradigm shift is required. There is a
need to adopt an established concept of accountability replacing an allpervasive self-deceit that propels the ruling echelons. Constitutionality,
legality and rule of law should become the pillars of governance in place of
the perpetuity of command emanating from the barrel of the gun. Citizens
should continue to enjoy their freedom, as is their inalienable right, and they
should not be subjected to the brutality of any threat of emergency under one
guise or the other. There is knocking on the door. A new order beckons. It is
the wise who listens. The rest are consumed by the ferocity of the torrents.
Fakir S Ayazuddin was of the view that Musharraf is again being
manoeuvred into making mistakes that are completely unnecessary. And

899

what I fail to understand is why he is hanging on to his advisers, who have

brought him to the lowest point of his career.
Musharraf must now sit with the Sharif Brothers and BB,
whether he likes it or not Before there is another call from Washington he
should of his own accord sit with the enemy and strike a deal, only this
time in the open and transparent; for all of Pakistan to witness and rejoice.
Musharraf has walked a tightrope for a long time now, and to make
his task that much more difficult is senseless. It certainly will not garner any
victories for the firebrands, but is the source of trouble for Pakistan, here
in the Northern areas, and abroad as a marker showing our breeding grounds
for hatred.
The last and current mess is the emergency, a balloon that had the
country in a spin, and may yet not be over. Even though Chaudhry Shujaat
has stated, just now, that it is out of the question, while Mushahid has said
these are the same people who advised on the Chief Justices debacle. Such
a pity that these words were not spoken in March. Or if they were said, then
why they were not acted upon?
Sarmad Bashir opined: The President and the spineless quisling he is
surrounded by would now have us believe that there was no justification
in invoking Article 232 of the Constitution. But everyone of them keeps
mum on why they felt the need to toy with this idea at all. Prime Minister
Shaukat Aziz sounded too innocent when he told journalists emergency is
proclaimed by the President on the advice of the Prime Minister. And I
havent given him any such advice.
Quisling-in-Chief Ch Shujaat Hussain in the meanwhile pulled a fast
on the media by blaming it for spreading rumours of emergency. It took him
sometime to finally concede that he was behind the suggestion. Interestingly,
he was the first one to leak out to ministers, advisers and many treasury
members that the President had decided to issue a proclamation of
emergency because he believed that it was inevitable. One doesnt have to
tax ones memory to recall that the House of Gujrat was behind all the
absurdity.
No doubt postponement of polls suits the ruling coalition which cant
dream of returning to power on the record of its performance in office in the
last five years. But emergency or martial law cant be desired more by

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anyone than General Musharraf who wont mind taking any extreme
measure to perpetuate his rule, no matter what the consequences for the
country. Notwithstanding his claims of stabilizing the country, the fact
remains that nearly eight years of military rule have turned Pakistan into a
renter state being governed under foreign dictates.
Pakistan under Musharraf is in a greater mess than it had been
ever before. This regimes flawed foreign policy has landed us into a
position where we have become indifferent to the consequences of our deep
involvement in the so-called war on terror and continue to serve others
interests. But despite doing all the US bidding we are being blamed for
threatening the world peace by providing save havens to terrorists.
Paradoxically, those obsessed with making peace with the rest of
the world have yet to learn to live in peace with its own people. The two
western provinces have been facing naked state aggression, innocent citizens
are being kidnapped for their alleged involvement in anti-state activities,
judiciary is being intimidated, and a so-called democratic dispensation is
subservient to a President in uniform with military dominated National
Security Council undermining parliamentary democracy. It is disturbing to
find the country passing through a phase of foot-dragging transition from a
military rule to democracy.
Shamshad Ahmad observed: In May 1998, a US President made five
daytime telephone calls to an elected Prime Minister of Pakistan urging
him not to respond to Indias nuclear tests in kind. He even offered a
monetary package as a price for forgoing Pakistans nuclear option. Prime
Minister Nawaz Sharif listened to him every time patiently but took a
decision that his people wanted him to take in Pakistans supreme interest.
The story has been different with a military ruler.
Last week, another US Secretary of State made a late night
telephone call to our iron-willed generalissimo after which in a pre-dawn
jiffy the General decided not to go ahead with his plan of declaring a state of
emergency in his ill-fated country. Did she really tell him not to go ahead
with his plans of declaring a state of emergency in Pakistan?
We in Pakistan thought that she did. Perhaps the US was genuinely
concerned on the prospect of a deeper crisis that an emergency rule in
Pakistan would have precipitated leading to suspension of civil liberties and
postponement of elections in Pakistan. Any resultant political cataclysm or a
901

possible civil war was the last thing that Washington could afford at
this time in one of its most crucial allies in the war on terror.
Some of the loyalist sages in the Generals cabinet, however, had
different story to tell. They all denied that the Rice telephone call (some
people claim there were two calls) had anything to do with the revocation of
the emergency decision. Apparently, they all tried to say that it was only
after a revelation in his pre-dawn slumber that the president woke up to the
realization that the situation in Pakistan overnight had returned to normal
obviating the need for an emergency rule in the country.
The question is what else it was about if the late night call from
US Secretary of State was not related to the emergency issue Nobody
knows what the couple of things were and whose convenience it was to
select 2 am for a wake up call to the president after he had gone to sleep
having signed the emergency proclamation and dispatching Prime Minister
Shaukat Aziz to Kabul.
Whatever the truth, the President first refused and later agreed to
attend the Jirga in Kabul only shows the adhoc and arbitrary nature of
decision making in the current military-controlled governmental system.
There is no consultative or institutional process. He only relies on his own
dispassionate military style analyses. At the end of the day, every decision
has to be his alone. No wonder since coming into power. He has rolled
back Pakistans established policies in his own authority and wisdom. The
buck really stops with him.
The Nation wrote: The syndrome epitomized in the now well known
phrase, apres moi le deluge (after me the deluge), essentially denies the
evident reality that no one is indispensable. But, sadly, it too often takes
hold of the mind of the ruler that does not want to lose the reins of power
even though he senses an unmistakable upsurge of opposition against him. It
is an anti-thesis of democratic system of governance.
The Presidents criticism of the media and the opposition for creating
confusion about his re-election from the present assemblies is hardly
justified and instead reflects an attempt to pass off a leader in uniform as
heading what he would like to be known as a democratic country.
Political harmony and the introduction of real democracy that the
country badly needs would call for an entirely different approach. The talk

902

of emergency that the president thought was a constitutional step and could
be taken up in greater national interest only raises fears of instability and
chaos that must be avoided at all cost.
Mushy-Pinky affair, which is politically illegitimate by all norms,
remained the most talked about issue. Deal with any dictator is tantamount
to subverting the political culture. An army dictator, with or without the
uniform will make no difference, wrote Shaista Naz from Taxila.
Benazir is only trying to gain personal favours so that the cases of
fraud and corruption are dropped against her. Whatever deal Benazir may
cut with Musharraf it will not be appreciated by the people. She is making a
great political blunder in giving lease of life to a military ruler whom
people do not support.
Khuram Khan from Lahore was of the view that the deal is between
crooks not the new leaders. We the people of Pakistan have once again
been insulted by these crooks who call themselves leaders. In the
civilized world, even the deals are made in the open and within the
knowledge of those whose fate is being decided.
Only conspiracies are hatched in secret closed-door meetings. The
one between Benazir and Musharraf is no different. Do we deserve this?
Perhaps yes, because we are so used to such treatment. As always, the
conspirators are totally oblivious to the mood of the public.
This is happening in the time of total change. Media has thrown up
new and popular leadership who were never allowed to show their talent in
parties like the PPP and Nawaz League. The APC is a testimony of this fact.
So get on Chaudhry Aitzaz, Ahsan Iqbal, Khawja Asif and Imran Khan.
Show the world and that we cant be kicked around anymore. Mr Munir
A Malik, prepare yourself for the general elections. You and your brave
lawyers can bring sanity to this country.
M H Shah from Sukkur wrote: In politics one survives as long as one
has a finger on the pulse of ones constituency. The moment you allow
sycophants and corrupt opportunists to have access to your ear, it is a matter
of time before disgrace and defeat stares you in the face. Benazir has
disappointed her ardent supporters by her unprincipled politics, the way
she has cut a deal with a dictator.

903

M Atif Shuja from Multan opined: Abu Dhabi deal between General
Pervez Musharraf and PPP (Benazir Bhutto) heralds the death of democracy
in Pakistan the present deal, though, is death of all political ethics,
moralities, faith and principles. After this deal, Musharraf has closed the
doors of National Accountability Bureau for BB and also renewed her Swiss
and other accounts. In return, Musharraf expects a rejuvenation of his
political life. Politics, it seems, is a game of personal interests and
objectives. No one here is thinking of the best interests of the country.
Mehwash Ashraf from Dhok Ratta was of the view that Benazirs
double game of covertly making a deal with the President so that all
corruption charges against her are withdrawn and she gains important
portfolios for herself and her party members in the future government is
Machiavellian. But it is unlikely to pay in the long run for her.
Nawaz Sharif, if he has any political acumen, should never trust
her in future. She does not require any political support from anyone. The
legacy of her father is still very strong. But by declaring that she was
prepared to support a military dictator in uniform, she has already done a
great damage to that legacy and her own popularity. Being too clever can, at
times be risky.
There were some who thought the deal is OK. Yassir Rasheed from
Rawalpindi argued: Some say BB has sacrificed her partys interests for the
sake of her personal interests but the ground reality is to the contrary. She
knew that if she further delayed her arrival back into the country, it could
further marginalize the party. Being the head of the party having the largest
vote bank in Pakistan, she simply could not afford that.
The urgency with which the President dashed to Abu Dhabi to
meet the BB was, no doubt, necessitated by the historic decision of the
Supreme Court on July 20 and the spate of suicide attacks following the Lal
Masjid operation. If he has, at long last, sensed the gravity of the situation
and wants to hand over reins of power to civilians without any further
bloodshed, it is good omen for the future of Pakistan.
If the meeting has really envisaged termination of armys role in
political and civilian affairs from here onwards and if the president has
agreed to doff his uniform at the end of this year, to constitute an
independent Election Commission, to put in place a neutral caretaker setup

904

and to have a mechanism to ensure free, fair and transparent upcoming

elections in the country, then the deal can be described as positive.
Momina Bilal from Lahore wrote: The contacts must be continued at
the appropriate level. Such contacts are much better politics than
indulging in mud slinging and pulling each others leg and not making any
positive contributions towards the welfare of masses at large.
Farzana Raja, Secretary Information, PPP Punjab wrote what was
expected from her. The PPP always believes in democratic struggle and
never indulged in back door politics for taking power, and all the PPP
leaders have full confidence in the leadership of PPP Chairperson. If General
Pervez Musharraf doffs his uniform as a result of these negotiations, it
would be a great political achievement of the PPP. PPP is only answerable to
the people of Pakistan and they will speak through their vote.
Nayan Chanda quoted Pinkys viewpoint. Bhutto justifies her talking
with Musharraf as designed only to give peaceful transfer of power a
chance. For the sake of stability of Pakistan, putting it back on the path of
moderation, she urges exploitation of any political options for a peaceful
transfer, if Musharraf can be persuaded, could avoid the possibility of a
militant takeover.
She is leery of street protests because the outcome is certain and
could give advantage to armed extremists. She points out no one expected an
Ayatollah revolution in Iran. But thats what happened. And when the
Mensheviks took to the streets in Russia, no one expected the Bolshevik.
She added: I would do my best to do a peaceful transfer. But if that fails,
maybe I wont be able to stop the street agitation. And that would be
dangerous.
Bhutto agreed with many Musharraf policies, including his
approach to womens representation in the parliament and resolving the
Kashmir dispute. She seems ready to take a pragmatic approach in working
with him to steer Pakistan toward a moderate course. She said, her party
wants peace inside the country and to put an end to the attacks on NATO and
Afghan troops in Afghanistan.
Ahmed Rashid talked about the US interest in the deal. The United
States needs to help bring about a peaceful and fair political transition in
Islamabad before it again insists that the army battle al-Qaeda. Musharraf

905

needs to shed his uniform, hold elections and declare that he is not a
candidate for the presidency. Washington then needs to help ensure that
that the new elected leadership works with the army to mobilize public
support for the struggle against extremism.
Neither the army nor Bhutto can battle the extremists alone and save
Pakistan from meltdown. Bhutto understands this, but the army still does
not. Bush has to accept that his allys political days are over that it is
time to stop equating Musharraf with Pakistan.
Mark Mazzetti opined: The Bush Administration, struggling to
find a way to keep Gen Pervez Musharraf in power amid deepening
political crisis in Pakistan, is quietly prodding him to share authority with a
long-time rival as a way of broadening his base, according to American and
Pakistani officials.
After weeks of unrest in Pakistan, the American officials say a
power-sharing agreement that might install Ms Bhutto as prime
minister could help defuse a confrontation in which General Musharraf has
already flirted with invoking emergency powers. Administration officials
have said they fear that General Musharraf could eventually be toppled and
replaced by a leader who might be less reliable as a guardian of Pakistans
nuclear arsenal and as an ally against terrorism.
Even in supporting a power-sharing agreement, the American
officials say they worried that any diminution of General Musharrafs
power could only complicate American counter-terrorism efforts at a
time when al-Qaeda is believed to be rebuilding in Pakistans tribal areas.
They also say that Ms Bhuttos return could fuel Pakistani nationalism and
kindle new calls for Pakistan to distance itself from Washington.
American officials say that the complexity of Pakistani politics
makes it difficult to predict what shape a political deal could take. But a
first step could be a decision by General Musharraf to allow open
parliamentary elections next month, because Ms Bhuttos party now appears
poised to win the largest share of the vote.
A victory by her party could pave the way for Ms Bhutto to become
prime minister, but she would probably need General Musharrafs
support to overcome further obstacles, including a law prohibiting former
prime ministers from returning to that office. In turn, Ms Bhuttos support

906

could be crucial to helping General Musharraf to victory in subsequent

presidential elections that would allow him to stay in his current Job.
Both leaders have faced a backlash within their parties as they
explained the details to members. Members of the governing party, the
Pakistan Muslim League, which backs General Musharraf, are furious at the
possibility that, after attacking Ms Bhutto for nearly eight years, the General
is considering dropping court actions against her and offer her a share in
power.
Amina Jilani wrote: Exactly how General Musharraf intends
remaining in uniform and as head of state, in both roles according to
constitutional requirements, is a puzzle. One day he states that he intends to
remain in uniform as the national interest demands it, the next day he states
that whatever he does will be done constitutionally. This would seem to be a
contradiction.
For sure, any deal involving the President General amending his own
amendment to the constitution, shedding his uniform, handing over to a new
army chief, and handing back the prime ministerial mansion to Benazir
Bhutto dragging us back over a decade is, as far as he is concerned,
unrealistic. Whoever is the new army chief and whether he is beholden to
Musharraf or not, he will have the upper hand over a non-uniformed
president Why would Musharraf, having been all powerful, wish to
linger on shedding not only his uniform but 80 percent of his power? It
doesnt make sense.
From what we can gather he has no intentions of taking up the
plough, so he has a plan in mind to circumvent the constitutional and judicial
hurdles. If this be so, we should know what is what in less than four weeks
time if media reports be accurate.
As for Benazir, on the one hand she says there is a deal and on the
other she says there is none. As she put it in one reported clich-ridden
sentence: Theres many a slip between cup and lip, and I wont count my
chickens before they are hatched.
Musharraf and his men seem to have been playing footsy with
Benazir from day one. Whether one approves or not of Nawaz Sharifs
nabber-in-chief, Saifur Rahman, the fact is that he worked his guts out on the
Swiss money laundering issue and the case he prepared was cast-iron. If

907

pursued, Benazir would have been trapped. However, Musharrafs NAB

chose to put it aside for reasons unknown.
If there is a deal, what is sure is that the nations money is
involved, not Musharrafs money. One must ask him if it is ethically or
morally right, if it is in the national interest, for him to barter away money
that should rightly be in the national exchequer so that he can reinstate
himself on his military-presidential throne. His aim quite naturally is to
remain in charge of the most disciplined the largest and the most powerful
political party of this country the Pakistan Army. With that beneath his
belt, all is possible.
M J Iqbal opined: Historically speaking, power-sharing
arrangements in Pakistan have backfired in the past. Look at BBs dodge
to Ghulam Ishaq Khan. She promised to elect him the President and elected
Farooq Laghari instead. In turn he stabbed her in the back and dismissed her
government. Neither the President nor BB can regard the other as a trusted
partner. So fate of the present arrangement can, at best, be regarded as
doubtful.
One tragic aspect of this arrangement is that BB has accepted offer
by disregarding public opinion. Her position has been squarely opposite to
the present strand of opinion of US intervention in our tribal belt and the
attack on Lal Masjid.
While Mushy-Pinky affairs became folklore, in which other actors in
the political arena were rendered to be the villains and were treated as such.
According to Isambard Wilkinson the apex court has let lose another villain
into the arena.
Beleaguered President General Pervez Musharraf faces an array of
enemies but perhaps none is more tenacious than the man he jailed for
inciting mutiny. Javed Hashmi, a leader of the Opposition PML-N, was
released last week after serving almost four years in solitary confinement.
The decision of the Supreme Court to free Hashmi, a close ally of
PML-N Quaid and former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, has bolstered
political opposition to military rule The Generals plan to be re-elected
next month by the out-going parliament is also likely to be challenged in the
court.

908

If his appeal is granted, Nawazs return to Pakistan will skittle Gen

Musharrafs allies in the dominant province of Punjab. Hashmi a middleclass land-owner from Punjab claimed that 40 of Gen Musharrafs political
allies wanted to change loyalties.
As soon as the apex court accepted the petition of Sharifs for hearing
the NAB wasted no time in reopening of cases against them. The Nation
commented: NABs application seeking the reopening of corruption
references against members of Sharif family indicates that the government
desperately wants to keep the two PML-N leaders out of the country.
This also shows that with the judiciary asserting its independence the
government is no more sure that it has strong case to keep them in exile and
in fact fears that they might be allowed by the Supreme Court to return
against its wishes.
The reopening of the references might worry Mian Nawaz Sharif and
his family members. This, however, also provides them an opportunity to
prove their innocence. They should, therefore, return to the country to face
the cases. The presence of an independent judiciary ensures that no injustice
is likely to be done to them. Ms Bhutto too should end her self-exile and
volunteer to fight the cases in the courts rather than seek their withdrawal
through a deal. Any further delay to return is bound to have a negative
impact on the political fortunes of the PML-N and PPP leaders.
Subsequently the newspaper added: The government has reacted
sharply to the filing of a petition by Mian Nawaz Sharif seeking a Supreme
Court injunction to declare unconstitutional any obstruction to his return to
Pakistan. On a move by the NAB, Accountability Court has reopened
three corruption references pending against members of the Sharif family.
The Sharif Familys counsel maintains the Constitution does not
allow the government to stop any citizen from returning to his country and
the case is likely to be decided in Mian Nawaz Sharifs favour in a few
hearings. General Musharraf however remains opposed to their return.
In case the SC declares the exile illegal, Mian Nawaz Sharif should
take the earliest flight to Pakistan. And delay in return would be politically
harmful. What he urgently needs to do is to lead his party. He should also
simultaneously fight the accountability cases to prove his innocence It is
not easy for the government to put him behind bars on some flimsy

909

excuse. Any imprudent action of the sort would become an election issue
and benefit Mian Nawaz Sharif rather than the administration.
Imran Khan has emerged as new villain and earned the wrath of the
regime. S Tauqir Hussain from Lahore Cantt wrote: Those who know
Imran Khan will bear me out that he is a man of strong determination. By
dint of his sheer will power, he had excelled in the field of sports. Even in
politics, he says he is not ready to compromise his high ideals and valued
principles. That is why he turned down power not once but thrice during a
brief span of his political life. His current confrontation with the MQM is
also based on principles. He is out to prove that the leadership of the
MQM has turned their political party into a mafia.
He wants the open defiance to the law of the land by the MQM be
checked and corrected. There is no doubt that Imran Khan is the most
suitable person for getting justice on this case in England By initiating
legal proceedings against Altaf Hussain in the ground of Altafs own
choosing, Imran Khan seems to have won more than half the battle
already.
In addition to directly targeting of the opponents individually, the
regime also adopted means to outplay them collectively; one of those means
was publication of incomplete electoral rolls. The Nation wrote: Sher Afgan
Khan, who was answering a question in the National Assembly on Monday,
maintained that the time given by the Supreme Court to make sure that the
missing eligible voters were included in the electoral rolls was insufficient.
Registering a million voters a day is, no doubt, not an easy task, but
since the polling day is barely a few months away the authorities would have
to pool all possible resources to fulfill the fundamental requirement of
letting every eligible voter exercise his right.
Mir Zafarullah Khan Jamali cynically dismissed the debate by saying
that if the House could not purge itself of bogus degree holders, it was
improper to blame other institutions for preparing unreliable electoral
rolls. The people would like to know under what circumstances the omission
took place in the first instance and what action the authorities propose taking
against those responsible.
Aziz-ud-Din Ahmad wrote about agencies role in elections. Security
agencies have been widely used by the military establishment to
influence the elections since 1988. There are indications that they would
910

again interfere in the coming polls to achieve the results that suit the powers
that be.
The army high command believes it has the prerogative to decide
what kind of government is best for the people and that once it has made
up its mind it has a right to use the security agencies at its disposal to
manufacture the results of its choice.
Unless the Supreme Court takes up Air Marshal Asghar Khans
petition to curb the ISI, the agency is bound to be used against any one
opposing the government. Maybe some of those who benefited from the
ISIs support in 1988 and 1990 are its victims in the forthcoming elections.
Keeping in view the regimes design, The Nation urged the opposition
to unite. Maulana Fazlur Rahmans remark that if the opposition is too
fierce, martial law may be imposed, is to all intents and purposes, a
statement from the perspective of the government rather than that of the
opposition and underlines the point that the opposition is disunited.
Leaders need to be careful in their statements lest they could confuse the
public. Introducing the element of martial law seems to create a scare,
suggesting that the opposition has to be cautious rather than fierce.
On the other hand, PPP Chairperson Benazir Bhutto is saying that
General Musharraf can escape his dilemma by accepting her solutions.
She believes she has the way out for him. Holding negotiations with a
military ruler, much to the indignation of the ARD and Nawaz Sharif, she
has been trying to strike a deal apparently involving President Musharrafs
re-election in uniform.
For Pakistan to have free and fair elections, the opposition must get
its act together. The ARD needs to be rekindled and the opposition needs to
set aside their differences. Oppositions joint stand at this stage would be a
step forward for Pakistan.
Two days later, the editor commented on APDMs first public meeting
held at Liaqat Bagh. It was a success both on account of attendance and
because almost all opposition leaders were present on the stage, the only
major exception being Ms Bhutto. They came from all provinces and
represented practically the entire spectrum of political opinion The
success of the meeting is bound to provide encouragement to the APDM
which is scheduled to hold the next public meeting in Quetta.

911

The APDM has taken a clear position by refusing to accept

General Musharraf with or without uniform and threatening to start a
countrywide movement if he tries to get himself elected from the present
assemblies. The PPP on the other hand is still trying to broker a deal with
General Musharraf. With the PML-N becoming a part of the APDM, the
ARD is for all intents and purposes dead.
The PPPs conciliatory policy has created bickering among its rank
and file. It has also isolated it from the rest of the opposition. With elections
approaching the differences between the APDM and PPP are bound to
increase. One hopes the PPP would consider the consequences of its policy
when its central executive committee meets at the end of this month in
London. The APDM too has to consider the direction its policies are likely
to lead it to. For instance it has vowed to oppose elections under General
Musharraf. Will it boycott them in case he is still President when they are
announced?
The fact-focused media is also treated as an adversary by the regime.
But, on spite of the efforts to choke its voice, the regime has been trying to
win hearts and minds of this powerful pillar of the state. To this end,
Musharraf has been personally interacting with media men. The Nation
commented on his meeting with APNS.
Somehow, the Presidents belief that the return of exiled leaders, Ms
Benazir Bhutto, Mian Nawaz Sharif and his younger brother Shahbaz,
before the elections would lead to political and economic instability in the
country is in sharp contrast with the opinion of most Pakistan watchers
abroad and at home. In their view, their presence here and participation in
the polls would be in line with the wishes of a vast majority of politically
conscious people, make for an atmosphere of reconciliation among different
parties and prove conducive to the conduct of free, fair and transparent
elections that the President told members of the Executive Committee of the
All Pakistan Newspaper Society was his aim. Keeping them out of the
process would instead generate ill feeling, with the almost certain possibility
of agitational politics marring the prospects of peaceful holding of the
ballot.
One would hope that he would review his stand on the issue to
have a necessary legislation passed to rescind the restriction on becoming
prime minister for the third term in order to facilitate the return of the exiled

912

leaders. That is all the more required because while recounting the benefits
of the deal, he said that it was designed to bring stability, ensure free and fair
elections and purge extremism from society.
The President discounted reports that he had signed the proclamation
for the imposition of emergency in the country and maintained that PML
President Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain had verbally suggested to him to do so.
One really wonders how Chaudhry Shujaat had come to the conclusion
that emergency was in the nations interest when all signs point to the
contrary.
Despite the political upheaval, the regime remained focused on
trekking the presidential election trail. Ikramullah commented on this
issue. Various political forces opposed to the government have so far been
engaged in forming alliances under different labels to oust him from power
as their primary goal.
To this end, the energy of the anti-Musharraf elements focused,
instead of preparing for the next general elections, on other issues which
have consumed considerable time and effort but resulted in bearing no fruit
and ended up with frustration and disappointment.
Time is of essence in this game. And time is running short for the
opposition parties who are going to matter in the first round of the
presidential election. There is, no doubt, that due to various factors, the
graph of the presidents popularity has suffered a serious set-back in the past
few months which was the result of the lawyers movement for the
restoration of the CJ.
Glancing at the newspapers reports, all hopes of the opposition seem
to be focused on not the election strategy to defeat the government but the
judiciary to provide necessary legal and constitutional relief to Nawaz Sharif
to return safely to Pakistan. Even if the Sharif brothers get a clean chit from
the apex court to land anywhere in Pakistan as citizens of this country and
get a thundering reception in their hometown of Lahore on arrival, it will
remain a big question as to whether this event shall have a major dent in the
final outcome of the presidential elections unless the Supreme Court
disqualifies him from contesting the election. This, to my mind is the only
factor that can upset the presidential elections applecart.

913

The Nation talked about differences on uniform within the Kings

party. The contentious issue of uniform again figured in Faisalabad
where the president expressed confidence that he would be elected from the
current assemblies in uniform at any cost before Oct 15. There is a
perception that the 17th Amendment has created ambiguities in the
Constitution, which can only be removed by the Supreme Court. Under the
circumstances the issue of uniform is likely to be a subject of litigation. In
view of the independence being exhibited by the courts, it is hard to predict
the verdict.
As the elections approach, there is still no consensus on a number
of divisive issues like uniform and re-election from the present assemblies,
the nature of interim government, an independent Election Commission and
transfer of power from the military to the elected civilian government.
Unless the issues are resolved amicably, they are likely to give birth to a noholds-barred confrontation (that is) harmful for the country.
Raoof Hasan commented: Musharraf is reported to have told a
gathering of legislators belonging to the ruling Pakistan Muslim League at
Faisalabad that he would be re-elected from the current assemblies in
uniform at any cost before October 15 this year. He went on to say:
Everything will be done according to the Constitution and the presidential
election will be free and fair.
The two statements, mutually contradictory as they obviously are,
symbolize the mindset that dominates the ruling clique of the country at
this critical juncture of our history. The devious effort to make the no-holdsbarred assertion to be re-elected at any cost palatable by referring to the
constitutionality of the exercise is all but too obvious and smacks of mere
polemics as it does not reflect any genuine belief in the rule of law.
The foremost victim will be the hapless constitution itself. It
clearly forbids an army general from taking over by dismissing a
democratically elected government The unconstitutionality of such a
move cannot be constitutionalised by one person through taking a vote from
a hand-picked assembly, or by resorting to other methods.
The second victim will be the rule of law. The infatuation of
vesting all powers in one person and giving him the carte blanche to do as he
pleases is reminiscent of medieval times that is bound to boomerang. The
fallout will be further division of the society and a perpetuation of the
914

perception that the country is not home to things being done in accordance
with the provisions of prevalent law, and that one man has a holy right to
transcend all barriers to erect an extra-legal empire.
The penchant to get re-elected at any cost makes an ideal recipe
for bringing further disaster to the country. Without a reason to be there
in the first place, General Musharrafs quest for continuing in power is
without any shred of legality or constitutionality. His acquiescence to broker
a deal with Benazir Bhutto at the behest of the USA will not provide him
the crutches that he is seeking
Having forced his way in, General Musharraf is unwilling to leave.
This is the fate that awaits all rulers whose authority does not spring
from legitimacy as provided by the constitution. Thats why all he can
advocate is a proclamation to hang on to his seat of power irrespective! In
the changed circumstances since the historic July 20 and the consequent
empowerment of the judiciary, it does not appear to be a palatable prospect.
The lines of confrontation are clearly drawn. With the support of
the civil society, the democratic forces of the country have pledged to fight
the General in his bid to get re-elected in uniform from the current
assemblies. Musharrafs re-election at any cost, provocation
notwithstanding, the confrontation promises a critical unfolding of events in
the immediate future that may decide the shape of the country: whether it
will take the course to democratization, or it will remain the hotbed of
military rulers out of sync with the demands of contemporary times.
Dr Farooq Hassan observed that the regime was in trouble and
heading for more. The US sources maintain that the General had actually
signed the proclamation of emergency papers just before he received the
call from Rice. According to White House TV press reporter of NBC she
told Musharraf in clear terms that there will be tough response on the part of
the US administration and other main democratic institutions if he goes for
the proclamation of emergency. This phone call was followed by a direct
press briefing by President Bush himself in which his tough message to
Musharraf was clearly spelled out.
The Supreme Court decision against the reference filed by the
government matter was like a political 9/11 for him. The outgoing
Attorney-General admitted as much in his resignation that July 20 decision
was a big failure of the government. The president does not have the moral
915

courage even to admit that it was he who said that he will weep if falsehood
triumphs over truth in this CJP matter and tell the nation about the case of
the suspended CJP.
Musharraf is psychologically confused. Even appointing an
otherwise qualified person for any right job but at the wrong time shows
desperation in the decision-maker. He replaces Makhdoom Ali Khan with
Malik Qayyum, who defended the same action against the Chief Justice in
the Supreme Court! Even more interesting is the fact that Malik Qayyum
cannot appear in the High Court at Lahore, being constitutionally barred by
virtue of being an ex-judge of the court, making him the first Attorny
General in history of the world may be who cannot appear in a countrys
largest and most ancient High Court.
It would be manifest even to the humblest mind that now
Musharrafs future essentially depends upon the role that Supreme
Court can play in the legal tussles that may arise. Having an Attorney
General like Malik Qayyum (for whom I have personal respect) a question
naturally arises: has the General done himself any favour?
The nature of crisis that now threatens Pakistans future lies
embedded in an eventual strife in the civil-military relations with heavy
foundations of a public animosity against the present regime now in
dwindling control. Unacknowledged by those in power, Pakistan today
stands threatened by a ceaseless egocentric mania revolving around the
ambition of the incumbent regime to eternally rule the country. Like
lymphoma or termite infestation, the destruction of every established
institution of the state is going on by innumerable decisions. Virtually the
whims or friendships that Musharraf has for various personalities the
nations infrastructure is being systematically demolished
During his recent visit to Karachi; the president once again
depended on his one political ally who single-handedly destroyed his
social and political credentials during the CJs visit to Karachi in May. At
the same time another group from the Punjab was carrying out a fanfare in
Islamabad.
Unlike former military rulers who had created large domestic
constituencies, Musharraf has not been able to create any popular base and
depends entirely on the US and President Bush rather than people of this
country. The ruling Pakistan Muslim League is falling apart because of the
916

hegemony of Gujrat political elites, and is heading towards a disaster

because it has virtually become a plaything in their hands.
This poll, conducted by the Washington-based International
Republican Institute main findings are that opposition to his remaining in
power has dramatically risen from 40 percent in February to over 65 percent
in June. In other words, according to the interpretation of this think tank
two/thirds of the country does not want his re-election
This poll further found that dissatisfaction with Generals rule has
surged this year with 63 percent of respondents calling for him to quit
along with a strong rise in support for his political rivals. The poll also
showed a rising sense of insecurity in the country, and widespread concern
that religion is now perceived to have been misused by the General to
appease his Western allies and that it was not really a domestic issue.
Superior courts still remain the target of the Generals political
paranoia. Amongst the supporters of the former view is one Deputy
Information Minister Azeem who said on August 9 that the measure could be
warranted by the deteriorating security situation in tribal areas and North
West Frontier Province and suggestions by US politicians that America
should be prepared to strike inside Pakistani territory if it possessed
actionable intelligence on al-Qaeda or Taliban targets.
But it is clear to me that the president might resort to an
emergency or any other drastic measures because of constitutional
difficulties he faces getting re-elected by the sitting assemblies while still
army chief, and to stave off parliamentary elections due by the turn of the
year. This is the storm that visibly now threatens this country.
Telling Musharraf not to seize still more power is not enough,
according to IHT. Pakistans military ruler has worked himself and his
friends into a tight corner. The countrys geographic location, adjoining
Afghanistan, Iran, India and China, makes it one of Americas most
important allies. Musharrafs political trajectory is turning him into one of
the Bush Administrations most dangerous partners.
More than early-morning crisis management will be needed to keep
this very difficult situation from turning drastically worse. After eight years
of authoritarianism and broken promises. Musharraf has forfeited the

917

support he once enjoyed among ordinary Pakistanis; educated and

professionals.
While he regularly pleads that he is too weak to crush the Taliban and
al-Qaeda forces that find ready sanctuary inside his country, he has shown
no lack of enthusiasm for lashing out at Pakistans reawakening civil
society. Most Pakistanis now want a return to elected civilian government;
even if that means bringing back some of the flawed party leaders the
General has tried to banish from political life
If Musharraf tries to cling forcibly to power over growing protests,
the most likely beneficiaries are militant minorities, from armed Islamist
groups to conspiratorial nationalists. These extremists stand ready to exploit
the resulting tensions to their own advantage Telling Musharraf not to
seize still more power is not enough. Washington should tell him to
negotiate a rapid return to democracy, before it is too late.
Imran Husain commented: Musharraf, upset at the happenings in DC,
at the last moment refused the trip to the Bush-sponsored Jirga in Kabul. At
the same time, cleverly, the emergency drama was given wind. That got the
corridors in DC riled up pretty quickly. In the middle of the night the
president was disturbed by the wily Condi Rice. The call was obviously as
effective as Powells. This time sweetened with Ms Rices famous rice
cakes.
Somewhere along the line Musharraf suffered a GPS malfunction and
landed up on the pragmatic route. The entire character of his original mode
of governance changed. The high moral ground fell by the wayside and
those that attempted to remind him were first declared idealists and more
recently liberal extremists. A leader is expected to know the difference
between right and wrong. And when it is right, to keep it right. If after
eight years one has doubts about this ability, then you know he is derailed.
A weekly show starring him is, once again, the brainchild of the inept
that surrounded him. The very advice he acknowledges he must sift. His
track record is poor, a fact reinforced by this performance. I believe that
when a head of state speaks, it should be rare, crisp, short and precise with
humongous quantum of substance. The entire nation should stop in its track
and listen.

918

Now that it is done it should be made a credible forum. But for it to

successfully achieve that status he must agree to a format change. By this I
do not mean the content. It is a given that when a president or prime minister
appear on television that there are no co-guests. Also that decorum is
followed. That is all very well but the content must not be an abuse to
peoples intelligence. A vigorous debate must dominate. There must be an
acknowledgement of failures, an analysis thereof, the remedy and the plan
for resolution. If the attitude is dismissive then the objective will not be
achieved.
People believe that the rule of law has completely broken down in
Pakistan during this regime. The most elementary, governing traffic by
implementing the Highway Code and allied rules is a total failure. Consider
infrastructure; you are confronted by a collapse not by additional capacity.
Musharraf may deny this but the most important sector, education, despite
the commitment of resources, is in decline
On the other hand, simple return to democracy is not the answer.
Those that succeed the army in running the country need to focus on the
culture change required to cut extremism down. Imran Khan, rather naively
expressed, it will just go away through empowerment of the people, it wont,
let me assure him.
The Nation opined: After dropping the emergency plan, Gen
Musharraf needs to review his controversial policies regarding the
uniform and election from the current assemblies which continue to be a
source of possible confrontation. The government has to recognize that the
situation at home and abroad has undergone significant changes and it is no
more possible to undertake the type of political engineering that was
possible in 2002.
Gen Musharraf can ill afford to continue to depend on advisers
who are out of touch with the social reality and had earlier advised him to
file the reference against the CJ. They are apparently asking him now to
remain firm on the issue of uniform, seek elections from the present
assemblies and not allow the return of the exiled leaders. It would be highly
unwise on his part to create another crisis by remaining inflexible on the
controversial issues.
The way out of the crisis is for him to announce that he is doffing the
uniform and would not obstruct the return of the exiled leaders. This would
919

create grounds for dialogue with the opposition on the remaining issues
including the holding of free and fair elections. This would be good for Gen
Musharraf as well as for the country.
Danish Gul from Saray Kharbuza wrote: Every ruler who gets into
power through forceful intervention ultimately has to come to a point where
he is faced with the choice of continuing to rule through the power of the
gun or judiciously perceive what the nation wants. If he decides, like all
previous dictators, to remain glued to power, he ultimately has to face
his forcible ouster.
Should the ruler, however decide the other way he creates respect for
himself and history remembers him with gratitude. President Musharraf has
to make a historic judgment, either to continue with sham democracy or
take the demand of the people into consideration. He should relinquish his
post as the president and appoint a caretaker government to hold a fair and
free election He should act as a proud and patriotic Pakistani.
Roedad Khan was of the view that the people are getting fed up with
military ruler. The people of Pakistan have crossed the psychological
barrier and overcome fear. They will resist if General Musharraf tries to
perpetuate his rule through rigged elections or extra-constitutional measures.
Now that members of the Bar, civil society and political activists have taken
to the street in defence of our institutions, things will change.
With the reinstatement of Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad
Chaudhry, people have suddenly woken up as if from deep slumber, and are
demanding end to military rule and return to authentic, unadulterated
democracy. Democracy, which all these years was in limbo, stalled, waiting
for a strong breeze to carry it forward, is once again on the march in
Pakistan.
General Musharraf has painted into a corner. While he no longer has
many true believers, he still has plenty of enablers in key positions people
who understand the folly of his actions, but refuse to do anything to stop
him. It is not too late for Musharraf to spare the country the trauma and
himself the disgrace of another confrontation with the Supreme Court. There
is a simple way out: he should announce that he will not contest the
presidential election, seek forgiveness and depart.

920

The US factor has been the mainstay of Musharrafs strength and

survival as has been hinted in the foregoing comments. Bernard Gwertzman
opined: The issue of greatest concern to the United States is the terrorism
issue and the extremely difficult time the United States and its NATO allies
have had getting Afghanistan to stabilize and develop like a more normal
country following the end of the Taliban regime in 2001 and through the
turbulent fight that followed.
Musharraf has been the centerpiece of US policymaking in the
region Musharraf is now faced with an awakened political opposition,
albeit not a particularly united one, as well as the black eye administered by
the judicial system.
A second source of his trouble has to do with domestic extremism.
The people involved are the same as the people involved in Afghanistan
problem, but their dynamic is a little different. Here the problem started
with Musharrafs decision to send in the army to the Red Mosque in
Islamabad.
A third problem of course is the traditional feud between
Pakistan and India, the nuclear neighbours. Kashmir is the foster child for
this dispute but by no means the only part of it. I mention that third because
at the moment India and Pakistan do have a dialogue going.
There has also been talk about him trying to strike a deal with
Benazir Bhutto, the former prime minister who was exiled from the country
and who obviously leads a very moderate brand of Islam. Is that deal at all
possible?
Both these people have ample reasons to mistrust each other and
are very wary of whats happening. Benazir Bhutto also has to watch her
back; there are PPP people who have been in Pakistan throughout the time
she has been in exile, at least one of whom has received greater visibility in
the political protests that followed the Supreme Court issue, because he was
the chief justices lawyer. More dangerous from her point of view is that her
archival during the 1990s, former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif
Why has Musharraf been so insistent on remaining head of the
army, when he could be de facto head of the army anyway? His feeling
is that as long as he is head of the army he directly commands troops, and he
has very direct chain of command authority over all the senior officers. This

921

is a very hierarchal and disciplined army. Besides, hes more comfortable

this way and thats what he wants to do.
He concluded with his views on possible US strikes. It would not
only be unusual, it would be absolutely devastating both for Musharrafs
government and more generally for US relations with Pakistan. That
would unite Pakistanis in a ferocious nationalistic response. I dont think this
is something the United States is seriously considering at this time. But there
is no question the administration is very frustrated with the inadequate
results from whatever the Pakistanis have been doing to eliminate the
Taliban safe havens in the areas near the Afghan border.
The Daily Telegraph wrote: The possible re-emergence of Benazir
Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif inspires no enthusiasm; their corrupt and
incompetent administrations gave democracy a bad name in the 1990s. But
the only hope of stability is to broaden the political base of ruling coalition,
in the hope that the new army chief and a civilian prime minister can
work in tandem to neutralize the Islamist parties, and, in conjunction
with President Hamid Karzai of Afghanistan, defeat the insurgency. Creating
the framework for such a partnership would be a worthy legacy for the
General. But the first has to recognize that he is no longer the sole bulwark
against the deluge.
Mort Kondracke observed: President Bush seems to have decided
and rightly so that truly free and fair elections are the best way to
maintain crisis-plagued Pakistan as a stable ally in the war on terrorism.
Thats what Bush said last week in a press conference, and the
administration backed it up with a phone call from Secretary of State
Condoleezza Rice to Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf warning him off
a plan to stay in power by declaring a state of emergency.
They say Musharraf is not fulfilling promises he made to give up his
military uniform, allow Bhutto back into the country and set the stage for
fair elections. Also, his deteriorating political standing is likely to stiffen
Bhuttos demands, complicating a deal.
Despite a healthy economy, Musharraf has become deeply
unpopular partly because of his alliance with the United States and partly
for suppressing democratic opposition, often ruthlessly. Islamic
fundamentalism has emerged as the only available avenue for protest.
Musharraf made moves to keep himself in power by engineering elections,
922

insisting on retaining his position as a general and attempting to depose the

chief justice of Pakistans Supreme Court who declared his efforts
unconstitutional.
Last week Musharraf aides floated a trial balloon about the
possibility of a declaration of national emergency, which would have
postponed elections and permitted a crackdown on civil liberties. The
Pakistani press and public reacted with outrage.
The Bush Administration has been confronted with a dramatic
choice over the past several months stick with Musharraf as he struggled
to stay in power or encourage him to allow a democratic opening. The
evidence, from public statements is that Bush Administration has decided to
try for a delicate compromise, keeping Musharraf on as president and also
encouraging democracy.
Its a risky course. No one can be sure that a Bhutto government
effectively could fight terrorism or win the confidence of the army and
forestall coup. On the other hand, Pakistans population wants democracy.
US policy needs to encourage it and Bush, to his credit, seems to be doing
that.
Mark Schneider wrote: The people of Pakistan have registered
their desire for a democratic transition with street protests, which have
been met by guns and gas. This increasingly vocal opposition, spearheaded
by the bar associations, human rights groups, and the media, is channeling
public resentment to military rule.
The United States needs to use leverage financial and political to
insist upon free and fair parliamentary and provincial elections, monitored
by independent international observers. Anything short of that including
the call for a state of emergency, postponing elections, or permitting
Musharraf to stand for reflection by the current lame-duck assemblies
will de-legitimize the ballot box.
Exiled opposition leaders also must be allowed to return to
Pakistan. Pakistans two national-level partiesare pragmatic centrist forces
that will control fundamentalism not accommodate it. These moderates
would not ignore an opportunity to capture al-Qaeda operatives hiding out
on their turf, and their election could give US leaders confidence in
Pakistans partnership in the war on terror.

923

The choice before the United States in Pakistans election year,

with time fast running out, is stark. It can support a return to genuine
democracy and civilian rule, which offers the added bonus of containing
extremism, or it can sit on the sidelines as Pakistan slides into political
chaos, creating an environment in which militancy and radicalism will
continue to thrive.
Amir Taheri was of the view that as things heat up, Pakistan may
need Musharraf more than at any other time:
Faced with growing Islamist challenge, the last thing Pakistan needs is
a military coup or another dramatic regime change. Any institutional
crisis at the summit of the state would only undermine its legitimacy
and thus encourage elements that wish to replace the republic with
Taliban-style Islamic emirate.
No charismatic figure now exists to bring the nations disparate forces
together at a time of dangerous transition.
And Pakistan can ill-afford another military coup economically. Tanks
rolling in Islamabad could quickly undo Musharrafs success in
restoring the economy to growth and attracting unprecedented foreign
investment.
Pakistans best bet would be for Musharraf to stay at his post until
after the next general elections. Then, he should be asked to give up either
the presidency or command of the armed forces. This, however, doesnt
mean business as usual for the president. While Musharrafs overall
performance in office remains positive, he would be ill-advised not to
recognize his records negatives.
Recent weeks having brought signs that Musharraf may be toning
down his anti-political and anti-democratic prejudices. Notably, the General
swallowed his deep dislike of former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto and
met her for what seems to have been a useful encounter last month.
By excluding Pakistans traditional, people-based parties and leaders,
Musharraf left the field open for the very Taliban-style groups that are trying
to murder him. If my information is correct, Musharraf now knows that
hes closer to Bhutto and Sharif than to the demagogues who preach
mayhem in religions name.

924

To defeat terrorism, Pakistan needs unity. That can be achieved only

through free elections open to all parties and, preferably, under a neutral
caretaker government. Once the internal democratic front is in place,
Pakistan would also need to develop a united front with Afghanistan to
pursue the war on terror to ultimate victory, with or without NATO. On both
counts, Musharraf has a major role to play. News of his imminent
political demise may well prove premature.
Bret Stephens opined: Not without reason, Ms Bhutto sees herself
as the solution to Mr Musharrafs problems provided hes willing to
come to terms with her various demands. In Pakistan there are two fault
lines, she says. One is dictatorship versus democracy. And one is
moderation versus extremism. So while we are on opposite sides of the
spectrum on the one end we have something in common on the other end.
Ms Bhutto also offers a more subtle and cohesive analysis for what
she describes as Mr Musharrafs ambiguity of policies toward Islamic
extremism. The Musharraf regime, she argues, needs the threat of alQaeda and the militants to justify the rule, to justify the derailment of
democracyand also because it brings the money in.
Ms Bhutto is unimpressed with suggestions that the tribal areas
are simply too wild to govern or police: She claims she cleaned out drug
barons as violent and heavily armed then as the Taliban and al-Qaeda are
today from the area in the late 1980s. Its part of her larger complaint
against Mr Musharrafs government.
Ms Bhutto also raises hard questions about the long chain of
decisions leading up to the Red Mosque showdown. Three years ago
when Ghazi was arrested bringing weapons into Islamabad to store at the
Red Mosque, the minister of religious affairs had him freed. There is no
question of the Homeland Security officer in America, for example,
releasing terrorists who are caught with weapons. What does all this portend
for Pakistan? Ms Bhutto is by turns hopeful and despondent.
Ms Bhutto plans to return to Pakistan quite soon, perhaps within a
matter of weeks. She worries that Mr Musharraf could have her arrested, or
that he will declare a state of emergency, or that he will use brazen or subtle
methods to rig the elections. She is plainly confident that her party will
score big at the polls if given a fair chance, and that, either as prime

925

minister or from behind the scenes, she will be at its helm. In a life marked
by the sharpest reversals of fortune, its another turn of, and at, the wheel.
To conclude, the excerpts from views of Azmi Haq and Inayatullah
are reproduced. The former visualized that given his present ratings in
Pakistan, the General understands the pitfalls if the elections are held in
a fair, free and transparent manner. His PML-Q is not likely to return as
the majority party. This would mean an independent parliament, powerful
enough to strip him of his powers and the uniform.
As the game gets dangerous and the stakes rise, options for all
stakeholders become increasingly stark. Unless there is a strong emerging
consensus about the countrys ideological future it would be impossible for
its polity to settle into a governable groove. It is yet to be seen, if in future,
Pakistan will it be a theocracy led by religious parties or a modern
democracy guided by liberal, centrist political forces.
The president, judiciary, religious extremists, secular parties led by
Nawaz Sharif and Benazir, neighbours Afghanistan, India, Iran and China
and the big guy, America, are all overcrowding the arena with high stakes.
For now, Minister Rashids prediction of the game reaching its final
stage seems overly simplistic as it is yet to be seen how alignments will
shift and new power centres will emerge to shape the destiny of this South
Asian Islamic state.
The road to recovery, peace and institutional stability is always an
uphill journey. Any new set-up in Pakistan will have to be resilient enough
to negotiate some of the deadliest political minefields. With institutions
weakened by decades of directionless quasi democracies, the postMusharraf view of Pakistan seems at best murky.
Inayatullah wrote: Pakistan today is a veritable mess. The
incumbent regime has landed us into multiple crises. Time has unmasked its
true face. What have the eight long years of military/military-led
government given us? Are we better organized and more secured? Are our
institutions working better than before? Is our image abroad better and
widely respected? Is our federation stronger and is there more cooperation
and cohesion between the centre and the provinces? Have we been able to
resolve differences with our neighbours in the east and west, India and
Afghanistan?

926

Imagine a strategically located country of 160 million people, armed

with nuclear weapons and possessed with considerable human and natural
resources, reduced to vulnerable entity, beset with intractable problems.
It is not just low literacy, high unemployment, tens of millions eking out a
miserable existence, poor infrastructure, horrendous law and order, shabby
governance, rampant corruption and low grade productivity, Pakistan today
is also bedeviled with extremism and cultural confusion.
Despite tall claims of impressive achievements, serious vital
issues remain unresolved. In fact these have become more complicated and
difficult. Instead of unity and solidarity the society is divided and polarized.
Ethnic, sectarian and regional differences have increased. The federation has
been weakened.
The root of the sickness the state and society suffer from, is
military intervention in civil affairs and its increasing domination of the
polity. With the result that institutions stand stunted. Manipulation and
patchwork characterize the management of affairs. The Constitution
subverted and the rule of law undermined.
The lack of legitimacy is papered over by forging a client
relationship with a powerful state. Loyal services are rendered to the
masters and payments joyfully received. Agenda of the master is faithfully
followed even when it is at variance with national interests. Cosmetic
protests are aired. Security and defence become the highest priorities and a
large chunk of the national income is spent on these items. A sham
democracy is manufactured
With the passage of time absolute power blurs the vision and the
regime starts committing blunders. Unhesitatingly troublesome defiance
is summarily eliminated. An increasingly independent judge of the highest
court is suddenly suspended and humiliated. The display of over weaning
and excessive arbitrary authority evokes a sharp reaction. The oppressed and
depressed people of Pakistan protest The judge is restored to his high
office. The vicious circle is broken.
As if out of the blue, prospects of a new Pakistan begin to emerge.
A fresh breeze starts blowing. There is a stirring in the hearts. The man at the
helm is shaken. His plans to perpetuate his hold on the country are
threatened. He rallies his supporters and seeks to invoke manipulated clauses
of the Constitution to curtail civil liberties and secure another spell of
927

stewardship. He is deeply worried as his popularity ratings fall steeply. As

luck would have it, his foreign allies too start telling that he is not doing
well.
Publics subdued discontent begins to rise to the surface. Even the
office-holders in the kings party start criticizing the policies followed by the
boss. There is a call to reverse the foreign policy. How can some go on
serving others interests at countrys own expense particularly when it means
killing our own people howsoever misguided.
Will the Constitution and the rule of law remain subverted and
the rule of the gun remain supreme? The next few weeks will tell if the
politicians energized as they are, with the success achieved by the
mobilized lawyers community and the emerging independent judiciary
will be able to muster enough strength to block the road to an extended
military rule. Also if the rulers ambitions could be checked by the Supreme
Court in cases filed to stop him for keeping power in his own hands for the
next five years.
Another almost equally crucial question to be resolved is: will
Pakistan assert its independence and halt its slavish adherence to the
designs of the superpower and stoutly resist its physical intrusion in our
territories? Already there are strong anti-American feelings in the country. A
self-respecting government can galvanize the peoples power harnessing it to
ward off interference from outside.
Strategically, we are in a strong position. The Americans cannot win
their war in Afghanistan without our operation. An estranged and unhappy
Pakistan can tremendously add to their troubles in this part of the world.
Hopefully, the people and our political leaders would win back power
from the present rulers and undertake a thorough review of our foreign
relations with a view to protecting our sovereignty and our national
interests.

REVIEW
With a view to unconstitutionally electing Musharraf in uniform, it
was imperative that the opposition was not only kept divided but also denied
the space to manoeuvre politically. To this end, the regime has been using

928

various means and throwing of the spanner of emergency rule was the
latest.
It was basically a pre-emptive move; cautioning the opponents not go
beyond certain limits. It is to the credit of the regime that it used not so
concealed threats of emergency and martial law quite effectively to
intimidate the civil society away from supporting the opposition.
A lot has been said and written about Mushy-Pinky affairs, but the
reason behind this new-found Musharrafs fondness for Benazir. Why did
Musharraf go for the Daughter of the East, whom he had been cursing day
in and day out for indulging in corruption?
During the crisis that was triggered by the presidential reference
against the Chief Justice, Musharraf was not satisfied with the performance
of the PML-Q and he did not keep his annoyance a secret. Perhaps, he
expected them to perform as MQM had performed on the streets on Karachi
on May 12.
In the eyes of Musharraf the performance of MQM was quite
commendable, but this fascist party being a small entity could not provide
popular political base sought after by the General. And, having lost faith in
the PML-Q to deliver, he was forced to explore other avenues for which he
had already been on the look-out.
Benazir presented a perfect match for the enlightened moderate
General. He found her responsive as she too has the lust for power and
wanted the charges of corruption to be quashed. Musharraf made earnest
moves to secure a working relationship with her.
The US rendered its services as facilitator in Mushy-Pinky affair.
This offer was not out of the love for any of the two, but for achieving its
hegemonic goals in the region and more so in the context of Pakistan, which
include to ultimate objective related to nuclear proliferation.
The US sponsored deal will be the first step towards regime change by
inducting Benazir. Subsequently, Musharraf will be sidelined to complete the
regime change. Thus the stage will be set for capitalizing on Benazirs
cooperation to roll back Pakistans nuclear programme.
Musharraf, who is very fond of acquiring soft image for Pakistan,
realized that his own image has been considerably tarnished. His advisers,
929

particularly the media beauticians, offered their expertise for his face-lifting;
thus the PTV established a beauty parlor called Aiwan-e-Sadr Sey.
19th August 2007

HELMET vs WIG
AFTERSHOCKS - III
There were no signs of dissipation of judicial activism. The CJP
advised the authorities not to drag the issue of missing persons to the extent
that it becomes obligatory for the apex court to summon bosses of
intelligence agencies. On next hearing Alim Nasir Dar, Hafiz Basit and some
others were released.
On 23rd August, seven-member Supreme Court bench unanimously
ruled that Nawaz and Shahbaz can come back under Article 15 of the
Constitution which says no Pakistani can be exiled. This just decision of the
apex court was no less than a shock for military-led regime.

930

Sher Afgan reacted instantly and said the judges were taking decisions
under pressure and advised them to form a political party. Minister Durrani
threatened that all options were open to tackle Nawaz return issue.
Musharraf said Saudi government would be contacted on Sharifs return.
The efforts for striking a deal with Benazir continued. Musharraf
asked Shaukat to stop ministers from giving anti-Benazir statements. Couple
of days later, Musharrafs team handed over the package to Benazir in
London and she offered some alternative proposals.

EVENTS
Two workers of PML-N were injured when procession of Javed
Hashmi was attacked in Lahore on 19th August. The US conveyed concern
over delay in Musharraf-Benazir deal. Next day, PPP accused ministers of
sabotaging the deal with Musharraf.
The CJP advised the authorities not to drag the issue of missing
persons and warned of the possibility of summoning the bosses of
intelligence agencies. The court asked DG FIA to produce Hafiz Abdul Basit
or stay behind the bars until his recovery. Sindh High Court asked Chief
Minister to submit statement during hearing of the May 12 case.
On 21st August, Musharraf ruled out the extension of tenure of
assemblies. Shujaat met Fazlur Rahman to woo him for re-election of
Musharraf while threatening him with possibility of martial law and
imposition of emergency. Qazi asked Shujaat to follow Fazl or Musharraf.
Alim Nasir Dar and Hafiz Basit were released on orders of the
Supreme Court which brought down the number of missing persons from to
172 to 91. The Supreme Court stopped land acquisition for Golf City in
Murree. Another bench extended the stay-order against privatization of PSO.
Next day, Benazir gave deadline on the deal and a six-point formula
for support to Musharraf. APDM held an impressive rally in Quetta. The
regime submitted copies of exile deal in the court and sought three-week
adjournment. Nawaz denied any deal with the government.
On 23rd August, seven-member Supreme Court bench unanimously
ruled that Nawaz and Shahbaz can come back in exercise of their right
931

granted under Article 15 of the Constitution. The court also ruled that entry
of two brothers cannot be restrained, hampered or obstructed by federal or
provincial governments. The deal document produced by the government
was termed an undertaking not an agreement.
The government members accepted the decision in its true spirit.
Sher Afgan said the judges were taking decisions under pressure and advised
them to form a political party. Musharraf in his TV show from Aiwan-e-Sadr
talked about political reconciliation. Some of his team-mates including the
AG, however, talked of reviving the pardoned punishments of Nawaz. The
US showed cautious reaction to the court verdict.
Sharif brothers termed it victory for democracy and the Opposition
saw in it an end to dictatorship. PML-N leaders hoped that Sharif brothers
would return soon. Party workers across Punjab hailed the decision; said
thanks-giving prayers and distributed sweets. Benazir met Israeli UN Envoy
to further cement her loyalties to the US.
Next day, the Supreme Court issued contempt notice to Afgan, who
vowed to ask few questions from the court when he would appear before it.
A bench of Supreme Court issued stay order against the shifting of District
Courts of the capital from F-8 to G-10. Law Secretary was forced to resign.
Senior lawyers warned the government against scandalizing the
judiciary or attempting to curb rights of the people through any means; they
said it after seeing the reaction of some ministers over the verdict on return
of Nawaz. The present rulers, they said had badly failed to deliver and their
any further stay in power would invite more and more trouble and problems
to the country and the nation.
Durrani threatened that all options were open to tackle Nawaz return
issue. Attorney General said Nawaz could be arrested on return. Rafiq Tarar
accused the AG of telling lies about the pardon of Nawazs sentence. He said
the jackals were howling before the arrival of the lion.
Musharraf and his aides discussed the issue of deal with Benazir. She
alleged that another IJI was brewing up to block PPP. Jehangir Badr said
Khar has been expelled from the party. The verdict on return of Sharif
brothers was seen by the western media as a threat to US plan to keep
Musharraf in power.

932

Wasi Zafar became casualty of the reference against the CJP as he

changed portfolio with Privatization Minister Zahid Hamid on 25 th August.
Encroachments in one anothers area create problems, said the CJP. Sharif
brothers will get notices on return over hearing of NAB cases.
Musharraf said Saudi government would be contacted on Sharifs
return. The AG left to perform Umra in this connection. Shaikh Rashid and
some others urged Musharraf to take action against MPs giving statements
desecrating uniform. Shujaat went to Multan to condole with Hashmi
where he told media men that alliance with PML-N would be natural.
Liaqat Baloch told a press conference that Musharraf has bought a house in
Istanbul and urged Nawaz to return without delay. PML-N leadership in
Pakistan wanted Nawaz to return before 10th September.
Next day, Azal Khan of the Nation reported that the presidential
emissaries have begun direct negotiations with exiled leaders, Benazir and
Nawaz Sharif and inside Pakistan with Fazlur Rehman. Reportedly,
Musharraf was willing to doff uniform; not to insist on election from present
assemblies; give the power to dissolve assemblies; and grant general
amnesty to all leaders.
The regime approached Saad Hariri to stop Nawaz from returning to
Pakistan, who talked to Nawaz and urged him to abide by the deal.
Presidency rejected Liaqat Balochs statement about purchase of a house by
Musharraf in Istanbul. Asghar Khan accused PPP of conspiring to
dismember Pakistan.
On 27th August, a petitioner sought pardon for Sher Afgan in contempt
case on the ground that the accused is insane and mentally imbalanced.
The Sindh High Court was told that no orders were issued for disarming
Police on 12th May. Babar Ghori, Wasim Akhtar and Chairman Karachi Port
appeared before the court. Arabab Rahim submitted in writing that he was
not answerable to court about actions taken in performance of functions of
his office under Article 248 (1) of the Constitution. The hearing was
postponed till 3rd September.
Musharraf vowed not to let his eight years efforts for political stability
go waste. He asked Shaukat to stop ministers from giving anti-Benazir
statements; a new darling found in his lust for power. Shaukat said Saudi
government would fulfill its responsibility to keep Nawaz at bay in contempt
of the apex courts decision.
933

Aitzaz met Sharif brothers in London. Nawaz planned to return before

Ramazan. Benazir wanted to return before Nawaz. Tariq Aziz met Benazir to
finalize the deal. Women legislatures of Sindh protested Arbab Rahims
statement in which he had said: A womans rule is a curse from which one
should protect oneself. Ishaq Khakwani resigned from ministerial post to
register his protest against Musharrafs plan to get elected in uniform.
On 28th August, the CJP constituted seven-member bench to review a
five-judge verdict which had validated 17th Amendment, LFO and holding of
two offices by Musharraf. The Supreme Court directed the government not
to construct any building at the site of Jamia Hafsa without consultation with
Wafaqul Madaris and Ulema. A petition was filed against re-election of
Musharraf. SCBA vowed to resist re-election. MQM rejected HRCP report
in which MQM was held responsible for Karachi carnage of May 12.
Musharrafs team handed over the package to Benazir in London
and she offered some alternative proposals. Two members of the team
returned to Islamabad for further consultation. Reportedly, Benazir gave 31 st
August as deadline as she wanted to come to Pakistan before Nawaz Sharif.
The deal will strengthen dictatorship, said Imran Khan.
Kabir Ali Wasti was removed from Q League and he joined PML-N.
Battle lines have been drawn clearly, said Nawaz Sharif. He asked the US
not to equate Musharraf with Pakistan. The nation will soon have new
leadership in the form of Nawaz Sharif, predicted Khar. The government
was working on delaying return of Nawaz till general elections. Shujaat
informed Musharraf that at least 12 MNAs of PML-N will not vote for him
in his re-election.

VIEWS
The analysts kept commenting on various aspects of judicial
activism. Raoof Hasan looked at the expectations of the people in the
context of the case of missing persons and others, decided or pending before
the apex court. He wrote: The revolution that began with the unseating of
the Chief Justice has moved on relentlessly, already counting among its
casualties innumerable crumbling pillars of the establishment.

934

Who could have imagined, just a few months ago, that the high and
the mighty of the intelligence agencies will have to bear the threat of
judicial lock up if they failed to produce the illegally detained missing
persons within a stipulated time? These missing persons, that the
intelligence agencies had been claiming all along to have no knowledge
about, did appear after all as directed by the court! What is more critical than
even their mysterious reappearance is why were they kept in illegal
confinement in the first place, without any information to their families or
the courts? Who is to be held accountable and punished for this gross
unconstitutional, illegal and inhuman conduct?
The Supreme Court ruling of August 23 that Nawaz Sharif and
Shahbaz Sharif should not be restrained, hampered or obstructed by the
federal or provincial government agencies an any manner in their bid to
return to the country and freely take part in the next general elections is
another massive blow to the much-trumpeted ego of the government
brazenly on display through the likes of Wasi Zafars, Sher Afgans and
Durranis. In an historic judgment, the apex court upheld the inalienable
fundamental right of the petitioners to return to their country as enshrined in
Article 15 of the Constitution of Pakistan. The so-called undertaking,
submitted earlier by the government in support of its contention to deny the
petitioners the right to return to Pakistan, was thrown out as bearing no legal
relevance.
With the gradual ascendancy of the rule of law, the threats of
imposing the dreaded emergency, even martial law, are receding to the
background. It is as if these were echoes from a distant past that were
barely audible! What a refreshing change from a situation when, not long
ago, through repeated threats of recourse to unconstitutional measures, the
establishment was able to subvert every constructive move for relief in
consonance with the provisions of the Constitution. All of a sudden, the
traditional proponents of the establishment seem to have lost their voice, and
their verve!
The political landscape of the country has few demons to hide.
Nawaz Sharif stands out as a leader who preserved in his principled
stand not to negotiate or compromise with a General in uniform. He
repeatedly urged the army to recede to the barracks and let the political
leadership, emerging as a consequence of the holding of free, fair and
transparent elections under an independent and fully empowered election

935

commission, play its due role in managing the country in accordance with
the provisions of law.
In the coming months, Pakistan needs all-inclusive politics of
convergence through exclusion of none. The apex court has paved the way.
It is now up to the political leadership of the country to carry it through to its
long-awaited and logical conclusion. The erstwhile group of leadership has
Nawaz Sharif in the front on whose shoulders rests the unprecedented
responsibility of echoing the new-found moral ascendancy of the political
hierarchy in times that are ripe with hope and expectation for the future of a
people that, till just a few months ago, were resigned to an unending rule of
the despot. Let no one be given the right to take out any invisible demons
from the closets to impede this inexorable surge to freedom!
Aziz-ud-Din Ahmad opined: While this has annoyed individuals and
institutions which have been used over decades to act arbitrarily, judicial
activism has nevertheless strengthened the system. Many people who had
been thoroughly disillusioned with the state of affairs and yearned for a
Khomenei like revolution started hoping that things could be improved
peacefully by enforcing the existing laws. The decision reinforced the
common mans confidence in the courts which had over the years been
continuously eroded.
Bureaucracy and security agencies which are used to blindly
carrying out the directives of those in power unmindful of whether they are
legally valid have been unhappy. CJ Iftikhar Chaudhry has called high
police officials to the court, reprimanded them for failure to arrest crime,
given them clear cut time-frames to smash gangs of criminals or provide
justice to supplicants. He has pulled up shift bureaucrats for not conforming
to rules.
What has made the security agencies unhappy is the dogged pursuit
by the apex court to recover hundreds of missing persons some of whom
were kept in illegal custody for up to five years without the victims being
produced before a court. As it turned out subsequently the agencies could not
make out any case against most of the people picked up by them. The
agencies have used all types of dilatory tactics to dodge the courts from
plain denials to pleas that some of these persons might have left the country.
Tired of these dilatory tactics the SC on Monday took the extreme
measure of telling the DG FIA to produce a missing person he had handed
936

over to a security agency or be prepared for imprisonment. The stand taken

by the court produced the desired results. The man kept in illegal
confinement was produced the next day. Another person in the custody of
ISI was also brought before the court and was set free. A third While this
reassured those fighting the case of the missing persons, scores of whom are
still to be traced, this must have come as a shock to the agencies.
The independence being shown by the courts has encouraged
political parties to take their grievances to the SC. While opposition leaders
are currently all praise for the courage displayed by the court, they too
entertain fears and suspicions about the long term implications of the
judiciarys independence for the type of governance they aspire for. They
have a hunch for accumulation of power and for taking arbitrary actions in
fulfillment of their ambitions.
The common man is happy with the independence being exerted
by the SC. Many expect that if the apex court was to continue to act like this
a number of years, it would help develop good governance which would
gradually reduce the intervention of the courts in administrative matters.
There are however fears that an unholy alliance might be formed
between the corrupt and power hungry sections of the elite to clip the wings
of the SC. This has to be resisted by a broad alliance of the civil society.
One hopes the legal community and rights organizations are still vigilant and
ready to put up a fight for the independence of judiciary.
The Nation looked at it from a different angle. It is unfortunate that
the authorities have not apparently accepted certain recent decisions of
the Supreme Court with good grace. Their uneasiness is, to an extent,
understandable; they have not been used to hearing dissenting voices from
the judiciary and do not realize that it has come out of the shadow of
executives constricting influence that led it to pronounce some controversial
verdicts The executive ought to come to terms with independent judiciary
and free media, which are sine qua non for a flourishing democratic order
that it purports to promote and not regard the courts decisions as hostile
acts.
In the recent past, the Supreme Court has adopted an attitude of
what has been rather inappropriately called judicial activism, which is
a normal feature of a functioning democracy where executive decisions are

937

overturned on legal and constitutional grounds without any adverse reaction

from the executive.
The verdicts against the presidential reference and the continued
exile of Sharif brothers came since they were not sustainable. What is
needed, therefore, is the acceptance of reality by the government without
any reservation whatsoever. That attitude is absolutely necessary if it wished
to convince the public and international community of its seriousness to let
democratic traditions prevail in the country.
Humayun Khan from Lahore wrote: I know President Pervez
Musharraf is a fair-minded person and sincere in holding the general election
in a free, fair and transparent manner but the Election Commission of
Pakistan is resorting to delaying tactics. These tributes to General Pervez
Musharraf carry a lot of weight as they were paid by Chief Justice Iftikhar
Mohammad Chaudhry during the hearing of a petition on electoral rolls.
This, indeed, augurs well for Pakistan if the two important pillars of
the state, i.e. executive and the judiciary, are maintaining cordial working
relations and mutual respect for each other. The spirit of goodwill and
cordiality should not only be continued but strengthened and made more
visible in future also.
Sh Abdul Haq from Lahore appreciated Musharrafs stated stance.
By reiterating his stance on judiciary, the President is addressing his critics
in lawyers and politicians. In all fairness, the lawyers and politicians
should also give the President some allowance and wait for the court
verdicts on Presidential election in uniform before making a judgment about
him.
Ahmad Sadik opined: To our common man, our politicians and those
claiming to be the exponents of statecraft appear to be more concerned with
pandering to shades of foreign agendas rather than a home grown
Pakistani agenda. The net result of all these happenings and dithering is
that in effect it has fallen to the lot of the Pakistani superior judiciary to fill
up the leadership vacuum by providing a breath of fresh air in the domestic
environment of the country.
The judiciary has its own limitations and cannot become a whole
time substitute for institutional civilian government. The judiciary has in
recent months, no doubt, risen to great heights and done a tremendous job in

938

adjudicating on complicated and difficult issues which otherwise ought to

have been settled peacefully and amicably by the political sector of our
country.
All over the world the judiciary is not on a regular basis expected to
indefinitely perform the role of a regulator of a political system. But there
can be occasions when there is no other domestic recourse that can be
resorted to in a highly disputed issue affecting the nations vital interests.
Essentially, however, it is for the politicians and statesmen to provide
leadership to the country though a variety of political parties that are
available to the people as options through which they can exercise their
choice as to which party will have the legal right to provide the required
leadership to the country for a stipulated period of time.
Huda al-Husseini discussed the emergency option. In early hours
of August 8, 2007, rather than declaring emergency, which was expected to
be announced at 3 a.m., Musharraf cancelled everything. The official
explanation was that the president rejected the advice of his legal advisers
who encouraged him to impose the state of emergency. However, this
explanation was unconvincing.
The cause of Musharrafs confusing crisis may be due to the fact that
the leaders the international community, the US in particular, have started
questioning Musharrafs significance as a key ally in the war on
terrorism. Although they continue to praise him publicly, they have begun to
reconsider the options available to them in the event of his departure.
The confusion surrounding Musharrafs conduct is due to the
continuous challenging of his authority and credibility at the hands of the
Supreme Court. After reinstating the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court
with a majority of 10 vote to three, on August 3 it decided to release Javed
Hashmi on bail, who is close to the former Pakistan Prime Minister Nawaz
Sharif.
The other warning that worried Musharraf was the decision of the
Supreme Court to entertain the petition submitted by Nawaz Sharif himself
questioning the legality of various executive orders passed by Musharraf
against Sharif since Musharraf seized power
His advisers felt that he needed a period of emergency laws in
order to destroy the existing political situation in Pakistan which constrains

939

him and suspends the work of judicial authorities in matters related to

national security, including re-election as president by the current House of
Representatives and getting rid of hard-line members of the judiciary.
Perhaps after Musharraf had realized that the idea of declaring a
state of emergency would not guarantee him the presidency, as he wants
both its two civilian and military sides, and it may intensify and turn into a
major crisis that would force him to step down, he backed out because it
would not be the successful option. In fact, it can be said that any plan that
does not include all opposition parties to participate in power will not save
Musharrafs rule in the short run.
Pir Shabbir Ahmad from Islamabad wrote: May I also take this
opportunity to thank Ms Condoleezza Rice for her intervention which
brought the rulers to their senses and saved us from an even greater mess
than we are already in. The fact is that the popularity of the present
government, President included, is at its lowest ebb. Sane advice for them is
to go for a long, long holiday rather than continue to torment the nation with
their thoughtless moves and retarded follow-ups.

Mushy-Pinky affair remained the hot topic for media and

analysts. Ahmed observed: Former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto is known
for changing her stance. She says one thing when in some western country
and says just the opposite when speaking to her own people.
At present, she seems so desperate to come into power that she will
have a deal with the devil if she has to. President Musharraf, on the other
hand, is quite adept at going back on his words and breaks promises in a
second if it suits him. He is desperate to remain in power even if he has to
compromise with the devil. They deserve each other.
Dr Ghayur Ayub from London wrote: We know she is not a weak
person and intelligent enough. So how could she not read the writing on
the wall about the expected verdict on CJP? Was she too upset with Aitzaz
Ahsan not to have a quiet word with him regarding the legal strength of the
case?
Has her present state of mind anything to do with the expected
adverse verdict in Swiss Court? It is said that such a verdict will spoil her
political, social and scholarly activities in the West; cause a huge financial
loss of terms of a fine; and could also result in a possible jail term. The legal

940

experts say that the key is in the hand of General Musharraf up until October
2007; a month in which she would surpass the legal bar of five years
required in Swiss Law and become free from prosecution.
A few days later, he added: Before 9/11, Benazir Bhutto was seldom
seen without a rosary (Tasbeeh) in her hand. It seems she threw it away the
day she heard George Bush uttering, you are either with us or against us.
She was rather hasty in her decision not anticipating that Sufism was
going to become a potent link between Islam and the West. And, Tasbeeh
is an essential tool in Sufi fikr. I would suggest it is not too late even now for
her to pick it up from where she had left off. She can start rolling the beads
in front of the media from now.
Dr Haider Mehdi observed: Bhuttos game-plan is vividly clear to
everyone, including her partys die-hard followers: (a) to appease the US
and win their support for her third-time prime-minister-ship, and (b) to share
power with General Musharraf and have him elected as the president for
another five years.
How far would you go, Madam? Indeed, there are clear constitutional
violations in this kind of political plan. Several constitutional amendments
will have to be made to accommodate you and the General. But above
and beyond these very serious problematic is the basic issue: how do you
intend to serve and restore democracy by collaborating with a military
regime? Democracy is not only about manipulatively voting you and the
General into power. In Pakistan now it is about restoring public trust in
political management.
The problem is that BB is out of touch with the Pakistani public.
On top of that, her intellectual mindset and political ideology are influenced
by Western views. Let me offer her some political insight from a brilliant
Islamic scholar and political thinker: Stay in touch with the people, wrote
Imam Ali Bin Abi Talib, must take care not to cut yourself off from the
public. The result of such an attitude is that you remain ignorant of the
conditions (of the public) and of actual cases of the events occurring in the
State.
How far would you go, Madam? No matter how and whichever way
one may define enlightened moderation; the current political establishment
cannot be described as either enlightened or moderate. This political
establishment has waged war against its own citizens and has
941

undermined national institutions. On the economic front, this

administration has pursued special interest policies detrimental to general
public interests
The crazies in Washington have already jeopardized world peace by
instigating the so-called war on terror and extremism by a brutal and
inhumane military force. In another 18 months, you may have someone in
the White House that could make Bush look like an angel of peace.
Benazir, it seems, shares a common misconception with the rest of
the traditional ruling elite in Pakistan: the masses in the country are illiterate
and consequently foolish. The fact of the matter is that common people are
bright, well informed, and perceptive they are not foolish; they are simply
powerless. Mark my words: this time around the masses are determined
to show their resilience, prove their democratic convictions and prevail at
the polls! How far would you go, Madam, to attempt to fool all the people
all of the time?
Asif Haroon wrote: It is ironic that despite holding all the levers of
power, he finds himself so helpless and clueless to tide over the building
storm. By committing one mistake after another, this regime has
strengthened its opponents. Threat of emergency or martial law would be
hurled off and on in the coming weeks to intimidate political adversaries and
to force them to mend their ways and let current Assemblies re-elect General
Musharraf president in uniform or face the consequences.
But this time the trio of lawyers fraternity-judiciary-political
opponents would give the government a tough battle in the coming
presidential poll. Unless the President overcomes many hurdles
successfully, chances for elections are bleak. He also knows that clamping of
emergency will not only evoke sharp censure of USA but also unite all
political forces and civil society to resist the move fiercely.
While he has succeeded in removing the fears of the PML-Q that
acceptance of PPP into the corridors of power will not be at their cost, he as
well as Chaudhry brothers well know that their survival rest in uniform.
BBs doggedness that the president will not be accepted in uniform for the
second term is another political gimmick to mellow down the negative
effects of the deal and to keep her workers united. She is prepared to go to
any extent to come to power. Uniform has, however, become a sticking point
which in all likelihood would ruin the chances of fair elections and will
942

create greater confusion in the coming weeks. More he clings to his uniform;
more will be resistance offered.
Given the mood of the public and rejuvenation of Bar and the Bench,
if Musharraf is unable to get himself re-elected, either general elections
will be postponed and emergency clamped, or a cover candidate will get
elected. Minus emergency, it will be acceptable to PPP whether the president
or covering candidate gets elected. In case of the president, it would abstain
from voting and in case of the other it might vote for him thus ensuring dear
victory of any of the contender. The executive would oblige the party by
ensuring the victory of PPP-PML-Q and other liberal allied parties to be able
to form a coalition government and electing BB as PM for the third time. In
case, the re-election of Musharraf the BB-led government would again reelect him for five years with or without uniform depending upon the
situation. This arrangement is not possible in a fair and free election but
through undemocratic means.
Under the circumstances, elections on which lots of hopes are
pinned are not likely to bring any revolutionary change. Same set of
opportunist political leaders and self serving politicians will enter the
legislative assemblies after misleading the gullible people with rosy slogans
of changing their destiny. Deep-seated animosity between the two
mainstream parties would like its toll and sooner than later things would go
haywire.
After lying low for a year or so, ambitious BB would try her best to
tilt balance of power in her favour evoking executive-legislative tussle.
Whatever political stability and socio-economic gains made will evaporate
in thin air because of bad governance, unchecked corruption and financial
scams. The on-going development projects including projected water dams
will come to a grinding halt. Within two years or so, the country would be
found tottering at the brink of collapse and voices of failed state would be
heard once again.
The people have one of the two choices to make. One, accept the
duo with the president who in return would give some semblance of order
and prosperity to the country. In this, the ill-effects of US domineering role
in our internal politics will have to be accepted. Two, accept BB in the
driving seat with Musharraf without uniform as president. She will keep
singing melodious tune of democracy and rights of people, but the country
will be bled white, making a mess of everything.
943

Both choices are unpleasant and unworkable in long-term

perspective. The best way for the president is to face the challenge boldly by
scrapping the deal, setting up an interim government acceptable to all,
having an independent judiciary and election commission, allowing the two
mainstream leaders to participate in elections, holding fair and transparent
elections without any manipulation or coercion, and giving an open chance
to the people to exercise their choice freely. Let the new legislature elect the
president, and as a goodwill gesture, the president should be allowed to
contest the presidential election. In this he will have to display largeheartedness; the politicians sense of maturity and responsibility to accept
election results gracefully, otherwise they would again miss the bus and pave
the way for military in politics for times to come.
The Nation commented: Now for the first time Ms Bhutto has given
the details of the six-point deal that she says she is trying to broker to end
the militarys role in politics. Her demands include the doffing of uniform,
lifting of a ban on prime ministers to seek a third tenure, withdrawal of
corruption charges, scrapping the graduation condition for parliamentarians,
a commonly agreed mechanism for free elections, deletion of Article 58-2
(b) from the Constitution and quashing the NSC, so far, General Musharraf
has not shown willingness to yield on any of these points
Ms Bhuttos performance is going to be judged mainly from the
success or failure on three issues i.e. repeal of 58-2 (B), rescinding of the
NSC and the doffing of uniform as these are crucial to a genuine transfer of
power to civilian government. In case, she agrees to get Gen Musharraf
elected or shares power with him in the presence of three monstrosities, she
is liable to be accused of collaboration with the military government.
Similarly support to a possible government move to clip the wings of the
higher judiciary would be widely criticized. What she has chosen to do is a
tight ropewalk with equal possibilities of reward and punishment.
Amina Jilani said: Never believe anything until it is officially
denied this old journalistic yardstick normally holds true, but not in the
Republic of Pakistan. We have denials every day, followed the next day by
denials of the denials, so it becomes very tricky to pin anything together.
Take the alarming news about the imposition of an emergency.
Then we are given the explanation of a post-midnight call from US
Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice which warned against any such move
Indeed, the US has every right to expect a return from Pakistan after all
944

the billions it has poured in to the exchequer, and undoubtedly into

individual pockets. When payments are made for services rendered there
must be quid pro quo. It is unrealistic of a vassal state to expect otherwise.
In the context of being paid employee, Pakistan should not be
surprised that the US, for its own short-term reasons, is brokering a
deal, not between two political parties, but between two individuals,
neither of whom at the moment are a gift to the Pakistani nation. Sadly, the
General has had his day; he has outplayed, or in many cases underplayed,
his hand. He has willingly succumbed to flattery, and has lapped up advice
which has been highly damaging and has brought him to where he is today.
What is democratic about a deal brokered by an external power,
between two individuals, both of whom have profit in mind? If it were a
deal between two political parties, the Q League and the PPP, it could
perhaps be loosely termed as a democratic move. The Q League, it is
nothing but Musharraf, and likewise the PPP is not a party in its own right
but a mere fiefdom of Benazir Bhutto. The same applies to the PML-N,
Nawaz Sharifs personal political mill.
As for General Musharraf, well, unless he can pull some rabbits out
of his peaked cap, or unless there is an act of God or Man, an upheaval, it is
difficult to see how he can save himself. Going by all signs, by reports and
denials, it would seem that he needs an emergency of sorts to fulfill his
ambition of remaining in uniform.
He failed, when the time was ripe, to deal with this constitution that
is now a weight around his neck. He had time and occasions enough, with
astute legal assistance, to change the face of the constitution, do away
with the ruling hypocrisy, and give himself and the country a presidential
form of government. Had he managed to do so, he might today be flying.
Husain Haqqani doubted the intentions of Musharraf. Ms Bhutto
continues to refuse to accept General Musharrafs right to rule in uniform
and appears willing only to work out a settlement that reverts Pakistan to
democracy. Transition to democracy in an orderly manner requires some
personal concessions to General Musharraf, who would lead Pakistan into a
deeper political quagmire if he sees the immediate future as the end of the
road for himself. But even at this stage of widespread unpopularity and lack
of domestic legitimacy; the President does not seem to be negotiating with
the opposition in good faith. Not only has the regimes negotiating position
945

with Ms Bhutto changed several times, settled issues have been regularly
reopened and promises not kept.
Once again, the General seems to be trying to buy time and to
confuse and divide his opponents. Instead of treating his critics as enemies,
Musharraf should look upon them as Pakistanis deserving of respect in view
of their popular support. Mr Sharif deserves regard not because of some
foreign potentate speaking up for him, but because of his status as a twice
elected politician whom the establishment once backed as an alternative to
Ms Bhutto. On the other hand, Ms Bhutto must be given deference not only
because of her international acceptability but because of her stature as a
national leader of a national political party that has managed to secure more
votes than others even in establishment-managed elections.
Their claims to monopoly over patriotism notwithstanding, each one
of Pakistans military rulers has shown greater willingness to listen to
foreign voices of influence than to heed the opinions of Pakistans own
thinkers or politicians.
Pakistans international friends have an interest in Pakistans stability
and their support is of value to Pakistan. But Pakistans internal issues can
best be resolved through national discourse that takes into account
international opinion but does not let external players lead the way. The
Pakistani establishments willingness to negotiate with foreigners while
refusing to compromise with the countrys own leaders diminishes
Pakistans sovereignty. Pakistans establishment needs to rethink its
inability to maintain dialogue with the countrys key political actors
while allowing foreigners to negotiate domestic political issues.
From across the border Kuldip Nayar wrote: How can Benazir bring
in the word understanding when she is talking to a person in uniform?
Such people, however high, have no independent entity in a democratic
setup. To arrogate men in uniform to the place of authority first and then
treat them as the dispenser of power has been Pakistans tragedy. Benazir has
only aggravated the problem by reaching a settlement with them.
The age-old pattern of having a settlement with the fauji for
coming to power has been the bane of Pakistan. It should have changed
after the unprecedented victory of lawyers on the reinstatement of Chief
Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry.

946

Benazir made sense when she said that fundamentalism might

come to prevail if the elected representatives were kept out for a long
time. But her formula to share power with the military would create two
parallel lines of authority as has happened in the past. It would be a matter of
time when the line, backed by force, took over. What is the guarantee that it
would not be repeated? That Benazir should be oblivious of the danger
means an undue haste to come to power.
The settlement that Benazir has reached is not to the liking of the
radicals in the party. There are rumours that she has made many
compromises in her anxiety to become the prime minister. How do those
who led the lawyers agitation reconcile their uncompromising stand against
Musharraf to Benazirs acceptance of him as president? It is obvious that
they do not want to raise the standard of revolt. There is one lesson: it is easy
to take part in agitations but difficult to fight against the political leadership.
In contrast, Nawaz Sharifs Muslim League looks firm not to have
any truck with the military. The League may not come to power in the near
future but its credentials for a democratic setup will gain support as the days
go by. Nawaz Sharif has stuck to the Charter of Democracy while Benazir
has not. The analyst, being an Indian welcomed the deal by saying: her
entry into the government gives one positive message: relations between
India and Pakistan would normalize.
Nirupama Subramanian opined: The lesson from Chief Justice
Iftikhar Chaudhrys dismissal and reinstatement is: anyone defying General
Musharraf is an instant hero. This is why Mr Sharif emerged as champion
of democracy, while Ms Bhutto, identified closely with the regime, will need
to swiftly consider in the interests of her political future if she can afford to
surrender the opposition space entirely to him.
As Aitzaz Ahsanput it some time ago, a sea-change has come
over the people of Pakistan since March 9those who ignore it and
negotiate with a military ruler would be committing political suicide; the
first leader to return from exile would ride a wave to storm the fortes of
military rule.
Not surprisingly, the PPP is jittery of a possible wave in favour of
the PML-N leader. His party is already galvanized by the ruling and is
preparing for an all out mobilization drive in prepare for his return.

947

With Bhutto-Musharraf deal seen as blessed by Washington, the

PML-N leader also stands to reap the anti-Americanism sweeping through
Pakistan. There have already been questions about how free and fair
general elections can be if the US has already decided what sort of
government they want next in Pakistan.
Aware she is dealing with a much weakened and unpopular opponent,
Ms Bhutto has been pushing a harder bargain with General Musharraf. In
recent interviews, the PPP leader has said she wants him to take several
immediate steps in return for her support
In order to be re-elected, he needs the ruling PML-Q to stay together
and stay happy. But prospects of a deal with the PPP has caused
heartburn in the Kings party, with many Q Leaguers fearing that after
his re-election, President Musharraf would dump them in favour of the PPP.
They do not want Ms Bhutto to return to the country to campaign for
her party, as that could truly wipe them out. Not natural vote-winners in the
best of times, they have seen their re-election prospects go dim as
President Musharrafs ratings plummet. Now, the return of Mr Sharif could
see many go scurrying back to his camp, from where they originally
defected to form the PML-Q.
Time is running out for President Musharraf, so are the options. His
main hope now is to thwart Mr Sharifs comeback with threats of
throwing him in jail and reopening corruption cases against him. Declaring
emergency or resorting to martial law are also options in the background.
But even commentators sympathetic to him are now urging him to call
parliamentary elections under a neutral caretaker government and an
independent election commission, seek re-election only from the new
parliament, as a civilian, and accept the result this brings.
It was evident the US factor remained integral to the discussions on
the deal. Fauzia Qureshi observed: The problem the US now faces is that
the security relationship with Pakistan is grounded in profound illegality.
Pakistans constitution forbids the General from holding concurrently the
offices of president and the army chief.
So the current US-Pakistan alliance is outright against Pakistans
constitution. The reality is that US has realized that its allys political days
are over. They are definitely looking for a substitution where rule of law

948

could be justified as it is in their long-term interest and to prove yet again

that the US alliance is with Pakistan and not an individual.
The Bush Administration has implicitly contributed to the
radicalization of the Pakistani society through its policies. Virtually, all
segments of the Pakistani opinion have turned anti-American. The
government has failed to restore real democracy in our country: When rulers
depend on American support to retain their offices or to cling to power they
are likely to carry out orders irrespective of whether these are in consonance
with national interest or not. It is time to put our own house in order and
only greater transparency and clearer articulation is the key to confidence
building between the masses and the state.
The Nation wrote: The Bush Administrations interest in bringing
together moderate forces in Pakistan is not hard to fathom in the backdrop of
the resurgence of extremism now spilling over from the tribal belt into the
countrys settled areas. But it appears to be too intrusive in the domestic
politics when it is facing widespread resentment for forcing the Musharraf
government to launch fresh offensives on the alleged foreign militants in the
tribal region. This has already resulted in the tribal leaders calling off their
peace deals with the authorities in North and South Waziristan.
Ms Bhutto has to do a lot of explaining as to why she is so keen to
cut a deal with General Musharraf in the face of her claim that the country
can never get rid of the dual menace of extremism and terrorism as long as
the military regime stays in power. It is equally difficult to understand why
she signed a charter of democracy with Mian Nawaz Sharif and pledged to
continue struggling for the restoration of democracy in the country when
she had already been negotiating with the government through back
channels But while any such deal may personally benefit Ms Bhutto the
challenges facing the country can only be met through greater
reconciliation.
Mazhar Qayyum Khan pondered: Why should Washington be
striving for a patch-up between President Musharraf and PPP Chairperson
Ms Benazir Bhutto, the two leaders who not only have been sworn enemies
in the past but also do not look like going along happily together in the
future? They continue to have sharp dislike of each other and have strong
personalities with conflicting political ideas that should make it difficult for
a lasting, or even trouble-free, coalition government to emerge.

949

We have to see Americas keenness for a workable understanding

between them in the backdrop of their prime concern in this region since
9/11 (to put an end to the menace of terrorism) and precipitous decline in
President Musharrafs rating, as witnessed in the recent judicial crisis.
The loss of his popularity, with no viable alternative in sight, has
occasioned serious thinking among political circles across the board in the
US: media analysts and the administration; for the war on terror would
call for a firm ally in full control of affairs in Pakistan.
The myth of fighting the extremists in Pakistans national
interests no longer holds good with a vast majority of the people, who
undoubtedly moderate in religious persuasion, feel aghast at the loss of their
innocent co-faithful in Afghanistan and Iraq and their fellow citizens on their
own soil.
Recent events in Pakistan, especially the judicial crisis and Lal
Masjid tragic episode, have put the Bush Administration on notice. Mere
lip service to a democratic order in the country would not do. The peoples
concern will have to be addressed. Yet the anti-terrorist strategy could not be
lost sight of. It, therefore, realized that unless political parties holding strong
views against religious militancy joined hands with the president it had
become apparent that he could not hold on to power. And whom else would
it find the bill fitting than Ms Benazir Bhutto.
The Bush Administration would very much like President
Musharraf to remain powerful enough to decide on handling its antiterrorist crusade, but considering that both players have strong personalities
would like to watch the developments about their contacts watching from
the sidelines with trepidation, only entering the fray when called upon to do
so and exercising its influence. Meanwhile, the battle of nerves goes on,
with little probability of a deal coming off.
Imran Husain dwelled on the issue. There have been ridiculous and
preposterous utterances filling newspapers pages for the last so many weeks;
contradictory and bent upon creating confusion attempting to conceal facts
while treacherous plans to circumvent the peoples rights are afoot. In
this apparently limitless storehouse of embarrassments there are no
anguished lessons learnt. It is all about plain-faced brazenness and utter
contempt for peoples intelligence and aspirations.

950

In the same breath and literally within a matter of a few minutes,

Benazir, cuddled in the US, parlaying in her newly rediscovered twang,
has contradicted herself. She justifies engaging Musharraf because he has
committed himself to following the moderate path A few seconds later
she is astonished that, the international community back the present regime
while under the tutelage of her rediscovered American friends she is
hankering, yearning to fall in with the very same regime with the noble
intention of, dialogue open with the military regime to facilitate transfer of
democracy.
Very quickly, who is out there fighting for democracy; Musharraf,
America or Benazir; certainly not. The Americans want a strategic alliance
to overcome the quagmire in Afghanistan. Musharraf, perpetuity as long as
he can have it. Benazir, a clear field, access to her innumerable assets, and of
course another go at making a mess in Pakistan. Noble intentions have no
role in this fray, forget implementing them.
The unashamed US expression of interest in seeing moderate forces
combine to bring stability to the country, while denying the people the right
to select their leadership or even providing a level playing field to another
equally important political party in the country, is an expression of the
complete disregard for democratic norms. It is mockery of and a joke at
the expense of democracy.
She is perfectly willing to join his bandwagon regardless of it being
an unpopular move. She calls it reality, Musharraf calls it pragmatism,
whatever it may be, it is an alliance based on US as catalyst (read super
boss) to keep real democracy in check because it suits none (of the three)
at this time.
Benazir has no answers as to how she intends to proceed to control
extremist forces without the army. Nor has she attempted to explain that
eleven years out of office and eight years out of the country may, perhaps,
have seen a culture change in the country which she is not in tune with it.
Right now all she is concerned with is US TLC (tender, loving, care) and
to be flown home on the wings of Bald Eagle!
The new energy in the pro-active, newly independent judiciary is
not something that Benazirs autocracy will digest easily, just as
Musharraf is unable to. For that matter, neither was Nawaz. How would the
Musharraf-Benazir duo deal with this scenario? She already has reservations
951

its too early to say whether it will be a lasting phenomenon. Instead of

saying she will ensure that it remains independent
What America wants and what it gets in Pakistan may turn out
to be as much of a surprise as it is experiencing in its other ill-advised
incursions. Without rigged elections the PPP will not win an outright
national victory. With Musharrafs popularity waning, to win an absolutely
transparent exercise is not an easy task. It is clear therefore that the US will
not be turning their noses up at him, this potentially unholy alliance or even,
if push comes to shove, martial law.
There is one clear fact. Among many things deliberated at a
PILDAT think-tank, one is absolutely without doubt-clear. Musharraf cannot
escape the two-year bar on standing for office. This applies whether he doffs
or does not doff the uniform. His waiver was for one five-year term. That
term is at the end.
As is the question as to whether without the deal BB would
decide to file against him? And why should she not? With the 17 th
Amendment as it is, forget the Bills tabled in the Senate yesterday, he would
be an all-powerful president, if elected. Failing of course is the ultimate
recourse, martial law
One thing is certain; democracy will not come to Pakistan without
many sacrifices. If Z A Bhuttos death, the ultimate sacrifice, has been
followed by more than twenty years of military rule then we have not even
begun. We hope that some how credible elections are forced upon this
regime and that person-specific amendments are declared ultra vires of the
Constitution by the apex court.
Ayaz Ahmed Pirzada wrote: The PPP leader has been holding talks
in recent weeks with senior Bush Administration officials, including
Zalmay Khalilzad, the US Ambassador to the UN with whom she met
privately late last week. According to media reports, in America the US
administration officials have taken pains not to endorse a power-sharing
agreement publicly, so as not to seem as if the United States is trying to
influence Pakistani politics.
The US administration is busy finding a way to keep the
president in power amid a deepening political crisis in Pakistan but it is
quietly prodding him to share authority with a longtime rival as a way of

952

broadening his base. US officials say that sharing power could bring a more
democratic spirit to Pakistan. They say they fear that General Musharraf
could eventually be toppled and replaced by a leader who might be less
reliable as a guardian of Pakistans nuclear arsenal and as an ally against
terrorism.
In fact, one of the biggest obstacles to any possible deal would be
her demand that the General relinquish his post as COAS before agreeing to
a power-sharing deal. There have been suggestions in Pakistan in recent days
that in order to salvage a deal, she may be willing to concede that point. In
an interview with Eric Margolis of Toronto Sun she said sharing power with
Musharraf would not dismay her followers and sully her reputation because
we must deal with reality.
Members of the ruling PML-Q are uncomfortable about the deal
and are furious at the possibility that, after attacking Benazir for nearly eight
years, the General is considering dropping court actions against her and
offered her a share in power.
Opposition parties have raised at least five objections to the
presidents nomination, and since most of them touch on the Constitution,
the objections are likely to go to the Supreme Court for decisions
Politically and morally I do not think he should be re-elected by the
sitting assembly. But some experts say that even resigning from the Army
might not be enough. Among the thorniest of problems is whether General
Musharraf, 64 who was made president by referendum in 2002, can be
considered to have already served the maximum two consecutive terms in
office.
State Department officials have told General Musharraf for
months that he needed to broaden his political base and become less
beholden to the Islamic groups that he has courted to shore up his power in
the western part of the country.
The arrangement the Americans are believed to be discussing with
Gen Musharraf and Ms Bhutto has three key points: the president fulfilling
his pledge to settle the uniform dispute before the elections, hold free and
fair elections and ensure peaceful transfer of power to the winner. But to
reach an agreement acceptable to both, they need a middle ground.

953

Faced with these difficult issues, the Americans are not trying to
tell them what to do. Instead, they want them to evolve an arrangement
which would allow the one to work with the other without impinging on
each others powers. What would that system be and how it would work; the
Americans do not seem to know.
Also not know is that whether or not the deal would finally go
through. Or is it a game of the president and Benazir trying to outwit each
other? Some people are of view that once Musharraf is elected he would
be a different person to deal with.
Inayatullah was of the view that uncertainty and instability mark the
political scene in Pakistan today. Eight years of unchecked rule and where
do we stand? A murky future stares us in the face. There are tall claims of
great progress but politically we remain mired in contradictions making do
with an adulterated constitution.
Imagine a military officer trumpeting that he had given real
democracy to the people and that he needed another term to extend his
mission Musharraf is the fourth General to have piloted the ship of the
state. In a recent meeting in Lahore he met journalists and writers and sought
to highlight his achievements To sustain economic growth, he pleaded
for continuity.
The present military-led government may have taken successful
economic initiatives but look at the conditions prevailing The country
today faces a number of formidable challenges. There is the polarization
between the ultra liberal and extremists. Another unresolved issue is the lack
of consensus on the role of Islam in the state and society. Even the political
system and its guiding principles are being questioned.
Add to it the impact of multi pronged globalization which
impinges on the economy and culture, channeled through multinationals and
media, upsetting the traditional ways of life and disrupting values and
loyalties There are also questions relating to the governments
performance. Service delivery is poor. Officers are inaccessible to the public.
Corruption is rampant. The administration barring a few exceptions is
inefficient. And there is a general sense of insecurity.
A major area of crises relates to the external factor our relations
with USA and how we serve its interests and how our military is fighting its

954

own people. How we have become subservient to Washingtons designs

and strategies. There is little serious debate or discussion of the military
operations long-term adverse effects on the stability and future of the
country. We have uneasy relations with our neighbours except for China
which also is not too happy with the way we look after its nationals.
Thanks to the lawyers of the country, our judiciary is fast emerging as
an independent entity. The restoration of the defiant Chief Justice has
given a new lease of life, not only to the courts, but has also stirred up the
people at large. Some of the recent judgments have shaken the government.
Number of missing persons has been found and freed. Intelligence
agencies are under fire. Javed Hashmi is out of the jail released on bail.
Nawaz Sharifs return to Pakistan is now a matter of days. He is bound to
infuse a new spirit in the opposition.
The next few weeks will show how Nawaz Sharif and the opposition
launch a country-wide movement against the Generals re-election. A lot also
depends on the verdict of the Supreme Court in the cases relating to
Musharrafs future.
The president will do a lot of good to himself and the country, if
he resists the temptation of securing another term for himself, seeing the
signs of the times and the way of the wind is blowing, bows out quietly
instead of persisting in imposing himself on the nation which deserves a
government of the people, and above all by the people.
The alternative is another spell of confrontation and conflict pushing
back Pakistans emergence as a progressive democratic country. Democracy
alone will be able to cope with the myriad internal and external pressure and
successfully meet the challenges mentioned above. Democracy alone can
bring people together from different parts of the country, reflect and project
their feelings and aspirations and strengthen mutual bonds.
Fakir S Ayazuddin wrote: The president should now change away
from the mantra so oft repeated that the government should serve out its
term. Has no one told him; that the prime minister can dissolve the House
and often does in a Parliamentary form, whenever he thinks it is required. It
is unfortunate that the Parliament in our case has been a rubber stamp.
So why prolong its agony.

955

Also I think the government should tell the US to stop nudging

him in the direction of the people who have much to answer for their past
behaviour and should be facing long prison sentences. Surely, the Americans
have no right to impose corrupt politicians back on us, after having the
myriad financial scams being formally presented to them in hearings on the
Senate floor (theirs not ours).
If indeed the US wants to help, it should ensure that we start
moving in the right direction and away from corruptibility. After all it is the
upright puritanical spirit of the Americans so valued around the world and
now put on the back burner to suit the American interest.
This is extremely short-term, something the average Pakistani
understands and does not like. This coupled with the unfair nature of the
deal will serve to reinforce the anti-US bias. It is far better for the
Americans to profess their inability to broker such politicians. However, it
does seem that Benazir has convinced Washington that she can and will do
their bidding the cost of democracy notwithstanding, or to Pakistans
interest. It is indeed pity that our fledgling democracy is being derailed even
before the elections. This is the ultimate rigging!
Other aspects of prevalent political turmoil, particularly the return of
Nawaz Sharif, were widely commented upon. A former civil servant from
Canada wrote about armys involvement in politics. Maybe it will help
promote greater respect for domestic civilian government among army
officers if a concerted effort is made in our military academies to educate the
cadets on the hazards of authoritarian rules. They need to understand that
there is no such thing as a democratic President in uniform.
Shazia Saleemi from Sweden said: I used to proudly (and naively)
believe that PMA Kakul grooms gentlemen cadets. Before becoming an
officer, a cadet had to be a gentleman and a gentleman, I had always
assumed, did not lie or cheat. I heard that in military honest mistakes,
however serious, could always be forgiven, particularly when someone
owned up to the, but no forgiveness, none whatsoever, is for these two
things: lying and cheating.
Listening to current serving Generals in general and ISPR/President
spokesman in particular, telling blatant lies is an extremely painful
experience. It hurts to see these shameful creatures mocking everyones
intelligence and exhibiting such a decadent character. They are doing
956

exactly the opposite what Pak Army once stood for. To be honest, I expect
more, much more, out of our senior officers than to be mere poodles of one
unconstitutional head of state. Watching them licking the shoes of yet
another army chief was the last thing I wanted to witness in my lifetime.
The Nation regularly commented on the subject. On 20th August it
wrote: The intentions of the regime that have been crystallized from his
recent statement all point to sustenance of his previous paradigm. He has
been showing little or no flexibility on almost all the leading issues of the
day. Despite his talks with the PPP and his suggestion in Lahore of being
open to talks with the PML-N, he has been reiterating his intention to
continue with the same strategy envisaged before the recent crises
erupted
Though the democratic credentials of many of the treasury members
are dubious, they do, in their ranks, contain some very seasoned politicians.
Having spent their entire lives assessing the pulse of the people, they would
know by now that this government has become irredeemably entrenched
in an unpopular position. At this stage, almost nothing the government will
do will resonate positively with the general public. The need of the hour,
therefore, is to make real and effective concessions with the major political
parties, prepare an exit strategy and pave the way for genuine democracy.
Anything short of that would not suffice to well the tide of disaffection that
threatens to further destabilize the nation.
Next day, it talked about Musharrafs woes. Never in the past have
had members of a ruling party displayed such a lack of interest in party
tickets in an election year. On August 4, the partys central working
committee decided to invite applications from candidates by August 25.
After waiting for two weeks it has reportedly received only 275 applications
against 342 NA seats. It has now extended the date till August 31. Party
leaders who merged their factions in the PML but have not applied for
tickets because they are at loggerheads with PML leadership are waiting for
General Musharraf to arbitrate.
The conjectures that the Supreme Court might allow Mian Nawaz
Sharif to return have also demoralized the PML rank and file. Ruling
party vice president Kabir Ali Wasti has called on General Musharraf to doff
the uniform, allow the exiled leaders to return and hold transparent elections.
According to him the party stands divided over the issue of uniform and
insistence on retaining it can harm it.
957

The president would do well to see the writing on the wall. The
resentment against combining two offices is no longer confined to his
political opponents. Even some PML legislators consider that uniform does
not go well with democracy. Further, there is across the board realization
that it is no more politically feasible to stop the exiled leaders from coming
back. As Mr Wasti put it no election held in the absence of Ms Bhutto and
Mian Nawaz would enjoy credibility. General Musharraf needs to act
promptly to doff the uniform before seeking election from the next
assemblies and allow the exiled leaders to return.
On 26th August, the newspaper urged reconciliation. One of the
reasons why General Musharraf is facing difficulties is the trust deficit
caused by broken promises and unending double talk by his ministers. This
explains why people in general and the administrations critics in particular
tend to take whatever government functionaries say with a pinch of salt. The
President talked about national reconciliation on Thursday which was widely
appreciated.
Threats, be they open or veiled, do not help when the idea is to
create mutual confidence. Mr Durrani has reiterated what the President
said the other day regarding their being no possibility of a state of
emergency and martial law. Sh Rashid however continues to indulge in
innuendoes that darkly suggest if General Musharraf faced hurdles in his
election from politicians or judiciary something undefined might happen
This to the critics is a rather gross mixture of promises and threats that
breeds suspicions instead of understanding.
The realization that national reconciliation is the need of the day is
therefore no more than skin deep. In a situation characterized by
polarization, each side has to show accommodation which the government is
unwilling to do. During talks with India, it has gone an extra mile to prove
that it sincerely wanted to resolve the outstanding issues. On the other hand
while it seeks cooperation from the opposition it is not willing to meet it half
way. General Musharrafs position regarding the uniform and elections from
the present assemblies remains as inflexible as ever. National reconciliation
is no doubt the need of the day. What is required on the part of the
government is to walk the talk.
Next day, it discussed the issue of morality, fondly talked about by
Musharraf. When General Musharraf utters these golden thoughts
about moral obligation in the context of the Sharif familys exile under
958

commitment to the Saudi authorities, he seems to open a Pandoras box that

brings into sharp focus the circumstances under which the Sharifs left
Pakistan, a citizens legal right to live in the country of his nationality and
the governments moral compulsion to let him stay and, if he is abroad,
come back to live like the rest of his countrymen.
The issue is basically internal and it would amount to causing
undue embarrassment to our friends at Riyadh. It had better be resolved
by ourselves and the Supreme Court has already pointed towards the way. In
any case, agreements with foreign countries are not above the law of the
land. Embroiling the Saudis with whom Pakistan has special relationship
would be highly uncalled for and amount to deliberately creating hurdles in
the execution of the apex courts verdict that reaffirms their constitutional
right to come back.
Sundry reports about NAB serving notices on Mian Nawaz and his
younger brother Mian Shahbaz and the possibility of their arrest on their
arrival here smack of mala fide intentions. In any case, these ill conceived
moves would work against the attempts at evolving national consensus
and reconciliation that President Musharraf wants the country to have
before and after the completion of the coming election process. It would
also be difficult to imagine that by keeping leaders of a mainstream party at
bay he would be able to elicit cooperation of political parties to meet the
countrys challenges. The reality that the people want a truly democratic
order must be grasped.
On 28th August it added: The latest opinion survey has indicated
further decline in the popularity graph of General Musharraf with two thirds
of Pakistanis wanting him to hand over power. Meanwhile, the
demoralization in the ruling coalition continues to express itself in several
ways making it necessary for General Musharraf to urgently reach a
compromise with the opposition.
He has done well not to listen to those advising him to impose
emergency or proclaim martial law. Any move in the direction is likely to
be challenged in the SC while it will bring the people into confrontation
with the army which has to be avoided. The only way out under the
circumstances is national reconciliation which requires maximum
concessions including allowing a third tenure to the former prime ministers,
withdrawal of cases against them, rescinding 58-2 (B) and quashing the
NSC.
959

Next day, it wrote: The President continues to insist that he will take
the decision on uniform in accordance with the Constitution, which allows
him to keep it till the end of the year. But he must have realized that on this
particular issue he is not only facing criticism from his political opponents
but also from his handpicked politicos. The ruling coalition is more
divided than it was ever in the past. The self-seeking voices earlier
expressing their readiness to elect General Musharraf in uniform over and
over again will now find it difficult to push through the Punjab Assembly
any resolution in support of uniform.
It is difficult to understand what makes him think that his staying
in uniform is important to effectively meet the challenges facing the
country. The rhetoric that well cross the bridge when it comes does not
seem to impress even the ruling coalition. Some of its members sound very
vocal against his plan to retain the office of Army Chief until after his reelection. Their public statements on this issue certainly perturb General
Musharraf but then Chaudhry Shujaat would not be able to calm down his
agitating colleagues or forge unity in the part.
Wajahat Latif was of the view that the important point here is that in
both military interventions after the provision of Article 6 in the 73
Constitution, a judicial cover was necessary. This was no problem as Ayub
had already left behind a nexus between the army and the courts in the shape
of the doctrine of necessity.
But General Musharraf is beginning to see that the nexus is
finished and it is a new judiciary that is independent and activist. But he has
still not reached a point where he should take Article 6 seriously, for the time
being he is focused on a second term as President Now, two critical
questions will emerge as soon as he files his nomination papers. One, is he
qualified to be a candidate for the post of President? And two, are the present
assemblies competent to elect him?
There seems no way that General Musharraf can enter the contest of
the Presidents election constitutionally, whatever he might say. We can all
read the Constitution, but the final word on its interpretation will come
from the courts, for which, mercifully, we do not have long to wait. Let us
hope the present dispensation does not push us any further towards the
abyss.

960

Dr Ijaz Ahsan wrote: The meeting between Ch Shujaat Hussain and

Maulana Fazlur Rehman, in which the former tried to get the Maulana in
line, could indicate the changing of partners on behalf of the government. It
seems that the PPP and the MMA together may pull most of chestnuts
out of the fire for Musharraf, the latter for the sake of their governments in
NWFP and Baluchistan, the former to get rid her criminal cases.
If it was not for the role that the Supreme Court could play in the
matter, the PPP and MMA, with the help of the PML-Q, would have got
Musharraf out of the woods by now. But if the court rules against
Musharrafs election in uniform and against his re-election from the
present assemblies, the situation will be different.
In that case Musharraf will have the option of either abiding by the
courts ruling or imposing emergency or martial law. Neither of the last two
possibilities will be easy: the emergency could be resisted by the lawyers
and the civil society; in martial law the ruler is normally himself the first
casualty. Musharraf has been reported as having consulted his closest
advisors about the best course of action for him, when they advised him to
doff his uniform and then run for president. It is up to him to heed or reject
the advice.
Kabir Ali Wasti has given an entirely different statement. He has said,
General Musharraf may allow Nawaz Sharif and Benazir to return to the
country, and the nation will hear good news soon in this connection. He
added that Musharraf has started considering the possibility of doffing his
uniform. In case of his contesting elections in uniform, the situation can
become critical and martial law can be imposed. However, martial law could
be defied by the people, and this would create difficulties for the Army. All
this sounds too good to be true. Could it be that Wasti Sahib has been
asked to give such a statement in order to confuse the people?
Shamshad Ahmad observed: The time for recriminations and
bitterness is over and we now need to build national reconciliation and
restore our countrys democratic institutions. The government has done
the right thing by accepting the judgment of the apex court But what
about accountability for acts committed beyond the scope or in excess of
legal power when ruled ultra vires by a court of law?
President General Musharraf surely did not order the killings but his
government and those responsible for the law and order in Karachi could not
961

evade the responsibility. This sordid episode reminds us of the dilemmas of

obedience inherent in blind actions carried out on command for political
purpose.
In this fateful period of the election year, the Judiciary will now be
called upon to sit in judgment on two crucial issues: the question of
presidents uniform and his intention to seek re-election through the current
assemblies. Both issues will have to be decided in keeping with democratic
norms and strictly in accordance with the rule of law as stipulated in our
Constitution.
But in order to enforce the rule of law, our Judiciary will first have
to relocate its roots in our Constitution as it stood before October, 12,
1999 and undo all the wrongs that were committed to legitimize the military
takeover, including the notorious Seventeenth Amendment This mala fide
law was meant only to bar the two former prime ministers from their
democratic right to lead any new elected political dispensation.
This constitutional redress, however, must not be dependent on
any expediency-based political deals being contemplated between
General Musharraf and PPP Chairperson Benazir Bhutto or any powersharing arrangement that may be brokered by outside powers for giving a
fresh lease of uniformed life to General Musharraf.
General Musharrafs continuation both as president and the army
chief would seriously undermine the distinction between military and
civilian authority which is fundamental to a democratic system as enshrined
in the pre-October 1999 Constitution. Likewise, his re-election through the
present assemblies would also not be a democratic option.
For our people, what matters now is not his own future but the
impact of his staying in power, in continued violation of the Constitution,
on the future of Pakistan as an independent and sovereign state. The
judiciary as its custodian must protect the Constitution against any future
usurpation. Article 6 of the Constitution must now be taken in its real sense
and should be allowed to run its course.
Musharraf must listen to the people. They want him to go. Those
telling him otherwise are no friends of his. They are sycophants or selfseekers and are merely securing their own future. Musharrafs future in any
case must not be confused with that of the state.

962

There is no eternity in life, not even politically or as an army chief

in uniform who in any case, like all public servants, always has a fixed
tenure unless we now decide to have an elected army chief every five
years. That could at least qualify some of our militarist politician ministers
to run for this office. They might enjoy being in uniform themselves. As for
our alien prime minister, with no constituency of his own, his ineligibility
would of course be a national loss.
Ikramullah discussed the possibilities, particularly in the context of
verdict in favour of Nawaz Sharif. To the best of my information,
Musharraf is busy at the moment giving final touches to the various
contingency plans to meet the worst and the most dangerous hypothesis. He
knows that the only chance of his winning the presidential election is fraught
with unpredictable events.
Personally I see no serious problem in Musharrafs acceptance of
BBs proposal except that both sides are making their best efforts to gain
maximum in this dramatic deal from the other side. The next unpredictable
major alliance is the MMA, whose final strategy remains unpredictable
because of the last minute decision that Maulana Fazlur Rehman may
choose to make in this great game.
Reading in between the lines, my personal assessment is that Mian
Nawaz is more inclined towards leading a mass movement against the
undemocratic and oppressive regime. Under the circumstances when the
APDM has not even bothered so far to even nominate their presidential
candidate. It seems that the opposition is not interested in the participation of
the presidential or the next general elections.
If that happens, I am not too sure of the consequences but I have little
doubt that it would be a defining moment for our political leadership in
the long and arduous journey towards the achievement of Iqbal and Quaid-iAzams goal towards the establishment of a democratic Islamic and social
welfare state in this region.
Dr Faisal Bari wrote: Politically, we know what is at stake. Here is a
man in uniform, a government servant, who is insisting that he can run for
re-election and that it is legal because the courts and the Constitution of the
country allow him to do so. Maybe it is legal. I am not a lawyer and I do not
know the intricacies of the Constitution, the recent changes and so on to say
whether it is indeed legal or not for the General, in uniform or not, to contest
963

presidential elections. But what we do know is this. Democrats do not have

men in uniforms running the affairs of the country, rule bound societies do
not make laws for individuals, democracies do not allow individuals to say
that they are the best judge of when to doff off the uniform or not,
democracies do not alter constitutions to suit the whims and
requirements of one person, democracies do not have one institution
dominating all walks of life and so radically. So the question of whether it is
legal or not for the General to run is almost academic. What is more
important is whether we are on the path to democratic rule or not.
If democratic norms have to become the grundnorms of our society,
the General and his uniformed and/or civilian backers have to acknowledge
that whether he has been given the legal sanction to contest the presidential
election or not, he has no moral, ethical or social validity for the claim.
He can believe that he is indispensable and he can believe that people want
him, but he can have no moral grounds for contesting presidential elections.
He never had such grounds and he never can. He can invent as many
doctrines of necessities or other legal lacunas that he and his spin doctors
like, but he can have no moral stand, if this stand is to be based on
grundnorms of democracy and rule of law.
There is a much larger question involved here though. Are
grundnorms related to democracy and rule of law really the
grundnorms of this society or not? When people, and especially ministers
and those close to General Musharraf, insist that the Constitution gives the
General the right to contest presidential elections again and in uniform,
when they insist that keeping popular leaders out of the country is
compatible with ideas of democracy and rule of law, and when they insist
that while this happens we are still on the road to entrenching democracy in
the system, can we still say that democratic ground rules are not only valid,
they form the basis for our political thinking and there is a consensus on the
issue? I have heard the argument, from some jurists, that the Pakistani
Constitution lacks the structure needed to ground it fully. There are
features of the Constitution that are available from various higher court
judgments that give some prominence to certain aspects of the Constitution,
but these are not enough to provide a structure. Though I am not too sure
of the full implication of the distinction between features and structure, the
argument that is being made here is worth considering in detail.

964

Whether the General has the legal right to contest elections or not is
not really a legal issue. It is a political issue. Are we, the people of the
country, interested in establishing a democratic order in a country or not.
This is what could be debated on. If we are, Generals cannot run for
public offices, army cannot dictate the basics to us and politicians cannot
undermine democracy by collaboration. This has to be clearly
communicated to all players in the game. The courts can be relied on to
pass on the message to any who contest this, but that can only happen once
a larger political consensus has been established.
M A Niazi observed: The army is confirmed in its obedience to the
chief, and will not violate of its own accord, the bonds of obedience
therefore, it is valid for the COAS to speculate about or even a state of
emergency, which he may impose, but it is not proper for a COAS to talk
about an emergency if he is not going to impose one. It should be noted that
Musharraf is coming up against constitutional provisions when he says
that the Sharifs returning, the emergency not being imposed, or him needing
re-election.
In the first case which is, the Sharifs return, he is guaranteed the
permanent situation of their presence here. In the second, he is guaranteed
the permanent absence of emergency. In the third he has to fit himself within
the timeframe set by the constitution, which is just over five years. He does
not have the room to escape this, and he must have himself elected by the
present assembly. This means that he must face elections when this
assembly is about to come to an end. This is an anathema to the
opposition, which has hinted at resignation, or a movement against the
government.
With Sharifs now almost sure to return to Pakistan a number of
consequences are likely: (i) Mian Nawaz Sharif will dominate within the
party. The attempt by Mian Shahbaz Sharif and his supporters to lead the
party will fail. (ii) The PML-Q will be lining up at the doors of the PML-N.
Those who originally belong to the PPP will be searching for some means to
return. Left with Pervez Musharraf will be those who have associated too
closely with this regime. They should all find some relief in the Punjab
Senate seats This is a time when the people of Pakistan see whether their
leaders are ready to suffer. They demand the restoration of civilian rule all
the time, but are they willing to pay some of the price for this?

965

The apex courts verdict dated 23rd August added another dimension to
ongoing political turmoil. The Nation wrote: Sharif brothers do not have a
choice except to return at the earliest. They should also not ignore that
leaving it to the party to decide the matter will be perceived to be as lame an
excuse as their own decision to proceed abroad in the dead of night.
Delay in their return will leave the party workers even more
disenchanted. No argument will convince them when they kept hearing
from both Mian Nawaz and Mian Shahbaz that they had not signed any
agreement and were desperate to return home.
Fakir S Ayazuddin was of the view that the Sharif Brothers are
indeed lucky that the SC decision has come so strongly in their favour.
Even their detractors will have to admit that it was a victory for Justice, the
Courts, and the Sharifs.
The Sharifs inherent strength is their management skill. After
years of tutelage of their late tough Patriarch, these talents, and a very strong
sense of discipline has cemented a close bond between the two brothers and
has survived many attempts to split them. Offers of Prime Minister-ship
were rejected by Shahbaz many times, and show how close the brothers are.
The brothers must now return as quickly as possible, as they say
seize the moment and start the preparation for the election for everything
has been left very late, and it is amazing that none of the candidates is quite
ready. Plus they should assure the financial sector that they would like no
upheavals, and the status quo should be maintained. This is a financially
strong country, and we cannot allow any hiccups.
The other factor is that with every day that passes, the joy will die
down, and the Partys workers will be confused, for they see nothing
holding them back, with the Supreme Court having guaranteed their freedom
I would say next week, this would give them enough time to organize a
huge reception in Lahore. Also with the others in disarray, the return should
be sooner than later.
Sarmad Bashir wrote an open letter to Sharif brothers after the courts
verdict. Dear Mian Nawaz Sharif sahib, This was indeed a landmark
judgment that brought to an end the seven-year-long exile of the nations
most beloved leader, who was unceremoniously dismissed and banished

966

from the country for 10 years just because he had dared replace a bit too
intrusive COAS.
All praise for their lordships whose verdict indicated a marked
departure from our chequered judicial history when judges would happily
legitimize military takeovers and provide legal alibis to authoritarian
regimes for perpetuating themselves. Not just in this case but for a series of
their bold decisions that first led to the judicial reinstatement of Chief Justice
Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry and then to the release of missing persons. It
was all just unprecedented!
But you being my beloved leader understand my intrinsic feelings
and have always been very receptive to my wordless ideas and advices. As
your ardent admirer Ive always tried to propagate your vision among the
quislings while you were half the world away from them all these years.
Rest assure they are desperate to join the PML-N with the House of Gujrat
in the lead if you and kid brother ever decide to return home and announce
general amnesty for all of us. And we can together write the epitaph of the
Q-League.
Nadeem Sayed observed: The Supreme Court has once again
paved the way for Nawaz Sharif to return home whenever he likes to.
This is a frightening prospect for President Musharraf and his PML
government. So he and his aides are doing everything under the sun to stop
the return of Nawaz Sharif till the time they deem fit.
Musharraf is even ready to talk to the Saudi Government. His
Attorney General is day in and day out reminding the Sharifs the
consequences of their early return. The joining of political arena back
home by Nawaz is a veritable threat to Musharrafs authority and future
survival; hence all the opposition in this respect. Nawaz Sharif has a pretty
black and white view about President Musharraf. He is not acceptable to him
with or without uniform. Nawaz is also averse to any military role in
Pakistans future politics. He is also busy aligning himself with the political
forces, which are dead against Musharraf and military rule in Pakistan. The
way the government reacted to the return of Nawaz Sharif also indicates that
he is also unacceptable to President Musharraf.
No wonder the SC decision allowing Nawaz to return to Pakistan
unhindered was nothing short of a bombshell for the present government.
His return means the unraveling of Musharrafs main political strategy
967

vis--vis Nawaz and Benazir. This strategy was woven around keeping both
Benazir and Nawaz out of the country and its politics. This strategy served
Musharraf very well in the past, as there was nobody in Pakistan to pose a
real challenge to him. With Benazir and especially Nawaz back in the
country, political survival of President Musharraf will be at stake.
Meanwhile, a roaring debate is going on in the political circles as to
when Nawaz Sharif would return after the SC verdict. Most Leaguers
believe that he would not come that soon. Nawaz Sharif too is unsure when
should he return though everybody is saying who is stopping him now. Nor
his party has any concrete answer to this question. Nawaz has no choice but
to return home after the SC verdict now. Any prolonged delay would dent
his credibility back home.
The prospects of Nawazs early return, however, will work wonder
for the PPP and future realignment of political forces in the country. The
reports of his return will definitely push President Musharraf closer
towards the PPP. The confidence building measures, which Benazir Bhutto
has been referring to recently, include removal of constitutional bar that
stops her from becoming prime minister for the third time and, more
importantly, withdrawal of all cases against her as a part of general
indemnity power corridors are abuzz with the rumour that next 10 to 15 days
are very important in which important political changes in the country could
take place.
Humayun Gauhar wrote: It was a judgment foretold. No one except
parliamentarians argue with the Supreme Court. It has spoken: the Sharif
brothers can return to Pakistan. I have to give it to Nawaz Sharif, though.
Like a true Pakistani, he is returning home via Islamabad, unlike Benazir
who is trying to return home via Washington. For all Nawaz Sharifs
follies and foibles, and there are many, this should tell you a lot about the
difference between these two politicians.
By the time President Musharraf files his nomination papers for the
forthcoming presidential contest, the Supreme Court is expected to
declare that he cannot contest elections, for one reason or another. Then,
whether the Sharifs return or not, or whether the deal with Benazir goes
through or doesnt, will become irrelevant. The muck will really hit the fan.
Fur will start flying. The immediate question will then be: what will the
president do? Pakistan is being pushed to the brink; down below lies
extremism of another kind.
968

Emergency is no longer an option: it would be going off at half cock.

It is neither one thing nor another. The Supreme Court would strike it down
any way. The president could simply resign and hand over to the Senate
chairman. Let him hold elections and let the devil take hindmost.
The problem is that the devil will not only take the hindmost but the
foremost as well everything else in between. Just as it was disastrous for
America to invade Iraq, leaving it now would make for a bigger disaster, for
it would leave Iraq in greater turmoil and cause terrible destabilization in the
region. That is exactly what will happen to Pakistan if Musharraf just ups
and leaves. It will be back to the past and the return of the most corrupt
and incompetent rulers in our history.
The only option left is martial law. Sad, because Musharraf would
have gone down in history as the first military ruler not to impose martial
law. We have been there before. The lesson is that no matter how
benevolent or visionary a military rule, he leaves behind a wasteland in
a vacuum into which the worst civilian rulers step in; why? Because martial
law is not revolution.
The people will remain, though, that no matter how fair the elections,
the losers and potential losers will never accept them as fair. They will bring
all sorts of western pressure to bear. But this is not perfect world and we
only have a set of evil options before us to choose from. If the Supreme
Courts judgment goes according to the betting, I dont see what other
alternative there could be.
As to Nawaz Sharif, if he plays his cards right he could ride into
Pakistan on the crest of a wave. He should make much of the fact that he is
coming home via Islamabad, not in the dark of the night via Washington to
do the superpowers work. Then people will forget the truth that he went to
Saudi Arabia at his own pleading, through the good offices of the Crown
Prince Abdullah and the late prime minister of another Arab country.
Earlier he could make the excuse that he was not allowed to return;
no longer. If he does not return, and fast, it will go against him, as people
will say he is a coward. Frankly, even if he is imprisoned, it will only be for
a few days, for the Supreme Court will soon shift him to a five-star hospital
suite, like Zardari. If he cant stand even that, then he is hopeless.

969

This is Nawaz Sharifs great chance to pull the rug out from under
the feet of his opponents and hold Pakistan to his hands if he plays his
cards right. If he does not and chooses to remain abroad on one pretext or
another, he will be woefully diminished.
It will give Shahbaz Sharif a great chance to return alone and take
over his brothers support base. If even one of the Sharif brothers returns,
Benazir Bhutto will come under great pressure to come home too or risk
loosing whatever little political mileage she has left. She could become
irrelevant.
Syed Saleem Shahzad was of the view that Shahbaz, a leading
official in Sharifs Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz), is expected to return
to Pakistan first and stage large street rallies in Punjab province as part of a
muscle-flexing exercise. Sharif will return to launch what many expect to
be a challenge to Musharrafs military regime. Musharraf and his
Western backers, however, view things rather differently. It is envisaged that
the General remains the central figure in politics around which a national
cohesive government will then be established.
The central issue revolves around Musharrafs position as chief
of army staff he has not many occasions said he would abandon the
uniform, but he still wears it. There is even unrest in Musharrafs ruling
Pakistan Muslim League over his being re-elected in his uniform, with
several members of Parliament openly airing their disapproval.
Street politics in the near term will grab most of the headlines in
Pakistan, but the US and its allies are unlikely to change horses in
midstream. They are banking on Musharraf to keep hold of the reins, at
least until an orderly return to a strong civilian government can be
guaranteed. The US, the leader of the Crusaders, would never like to see a
strong civilian government in any Islamic state.
Rafi Nasim from Lahore wrote: The cases against Nawaz Sharif
have been re-opened while those against Benazir Bhutto remain closed
because she has been proposed by the USA as Pervez Musharrafs partner.
The purchase of Surrey Palace, the establishment of off-shore companies
and the foreign accounts worth billions have all been pardoned. What a fool
we have made of the Swiss courts and the world at large?

970

REVIEW
Benazir is the right person for a deal with Musharraf. She matches
him in cunningness. Both hold distinction in belying their own words. He
lied to the nation about his uniform and recently, she cheated Nawaz Sharif
by signing Charter of Democracy.
Mushy-Pinky affair may end up in marriage of convenience but
separation will be in-built. This could happen earlier than apprehended, e.g.
even before the two can proceed on honeymoon after the next general
election. A dictator cannot be saviour of another dictator while trying to rule
the same domain.
The noblest aspect of the judicial activism has been the regular
hearing of the petition of the families on the missing persons by a bench
headed personally by the Chief Justice. During the period, Alim Nasir Dar
and Hafiz Basit and few others were released on orders of the court.
The number of missing persons has come down from 172 to 91. Only
brave commando can explain how he retrieved 81 people who according to
him had left their homes on their own accord to wage jihad. Could he muster
the courage to inform the nation that how did he retrieve them and from
which jihadi groups?
Weekly telecast of Musharrafs solo Drama continued on PTV,
despite the harsh criticism. The critics were not merciful in ignoring the fact
that when a dictator realizes that majority of the people is no more interested
in listening to him, what to talk of approvingly; he tends to collect some who
would not only listen but also pretend to be applauding.
The verdict of the Supreme Court, which allowed Nawaz Sharif to
return to Pakistan, a right granted by the Constitution, added to the woes of
the regime. However, the statements of Musharraf and his cronies clearly
indicated that they intended to defy courts decision.
29th August 2007

971

CONTENTS
CURRENT SCENARIO..3
CLASH WITHIN.7
HELMET vs WIG: ROUND-V.41
CLASH WITHIN II58
OLD ISSUES NEW STARTS...81
HELMET vs WIG: ROUND-VI..102
HELMET vs WIG: ROUND VII.139
HELMET vs WIG: ROUND VIII163
FOR BLOODSHED ONLY.200
HELMET vs WIG: ECHOES OF ROUND VIII...218
CLASH WITHIN III.253
HELMET vs WIG: ROUND VIII KEPT ECHOING...279
HELMET vs WIG: ROUND IX...312
972

HELMET vs WIG: ROUND IX PART II.......337

ALWAYS AT SERVICE..370
HELMET vs WIG: ROUND IX PART III.....389
MIDDLE EAST MESS.....424
HELMET vs WIG: ROUND X........455
HELMET vs WIG: ROUND X PART II480
MAJOR VICTORY......507
FORGOTTEN FRONTS..................................530
CLASH WITHIN IV......552
CLASH WITHIN V...601
TALIBAN OR PASHTUNS.................................644
HELMET vs WIG: ROUND X PART III......663
CLASH WITHIN VI.....706

HELMET vs WIG: ECSTASY AND AGONY..................................766

CLASH WITHIN VII ...798
HELMET vs WIG: AFTERSHOCKS........820
NO MORE PAMPERING858
HELMET vs WIG: AFTERSHOCKS II.....................................888
HELMET vs WIG: AFTERSHOCKS III....930
SLAUGHTER HOUSE.........972

973

SLAUGHTER HOUSE
The land of two rivers, the Mesopotamia, has been turned into a
slaughter house under the garb of war on terror. Here the human beings are
slaughtered, irrespective of the age and gender, under the direct supervision
of nearly 200,000 soldiers of the Crusaders and equal number of contractors.
The acts of slaughtering in butchery make no big news for the media
and the media audience; therefore, the events therein are treated accordingly.
The slaughtering of the human beings is reported in full exercise of brevity
using words like dozens and scores were killed at so and so and corner of
the butchery.
Certainly, this is the part of the strategy of the occupation forces that
have come from a land far, far away. They now plan to divide the butchery
into three independent units in view of the workload. Slaughtering in the old
butchery, called Gaza Strip, also continued unabated and at the same time
the Crusaders were keen to open yet another slaughter house in Iran. The

974

most shameful part of this tragedy has been the complacence of the rulers of
the Islamic World.

IRAQ
Bloodshed in Iraq continued with monotonous routine. More than
150 Iraqis were killed and more than 200 wounded in bombings and other
attacks across the country on 7th July; a British and nine US soldiers were
also killed in last two days. Next day, at least 57 people, including two US
soldiers, were killed in different incidents.
On 9th July, 24 people were killed in the violence. Iraqi Foreign
Minister warned against pullout of US forces. Two days later, 31 people
were killed in various incidents. At least 38 people, including a US soldier,
were killed on 14th July.
On 15th July, 58 people, including a US soldier, were killed in
violence. Next day, at least 85 people, including two US soldiers, were killed
in various incidents. Most of them were killed in two bombings in Kirkuk.
At least 90 people were killed on 17 th July in various acts of violence.
Next day, at least 12 people were killed in violence. On 19 th July, two US
soldiers were charged with murdering an Iraqi last month near Kirkuk.
On 20th July, three British and two American soldiers were killed in
various attacks; six militants were also killed and five wounded. Next day,
US forces claimed arresting 18 suspected militants from a Sunni mosque.
Seven Iraqis were killed in a blast in a minibus and bombing by US plane.
Six Iraqis, including a Sunni leader, were killed on 22 nd July. Next
day, 26 people including one US soldier were killed in carious incidents. On
24th July, 46 Iraqis were killed and 66 wounded.
At least fifty people were killed in a bomb blast in Baghdad on 25 th
July. Next day, 79 people, including six US soldiers, were killed in acts of
violence. On 27th July, 17 Moqtada Sadr men were killed by the US forces.
Nine people were killed in the violence on 28th July. Two days later,
nineteen people, including three US soldiers were killed in various incidents.

975

On 1st August, at least 74 people, including four US soldiers, were killed in

various incidents.
On 8th August, 32 people mostly women and children were killed in
air strike in Baghdad and 7 more were killed in Samara. Two days later, at
least 15 Iraqis were killed and 45 wounded in various incidents and two US
soldiers were wounded in hard landing of a helicopter.
At least 27 people were killed on 11th August, including a governor, a
police chief and a US soldier. Next day, two persons were killed and ten
arrested in a raid conducted by US troops in Sadr City. In a roadside blast,
five US soldiers were killed and four wounded.
On 13th August, 18 Iraqis were killed and 45 arrested in US-led
operation. Next day, at least 175 people were killed in violence including
three truck bomb blasts in three different towns. Ten US soldiers were killed
in helicopter crash and roadside bombings. Oil Minister along with three
persons was kidnapped.
On 15th August, the bombing toll rose to 250 more than two hundred.
Two Iraqis were killed in Hilla. Two days later, three US soldiers were
killed. At least 17 people, including a US soldier, were killed in various
incidents on 18th August.
At least 12 people were killed and 21 wounded in mortar attack on
19 August. Next day, a governor and three others were killed in bomb blast.
About one hundred Iraqis were killed on 22nd August; 14 US soldiers
perished in helicopter crash.
th

On 23rd August, at least 34 people were killed in various incidents of

violence. Next day, 27 people were killed in various incidents. At least 23
people including four US soldiers were killed on 27 th August; 22 Iraqis were
also arrested.
On 28th August, 27 people were killed and 150 wounded in a clash
between police and fighters in Karbala; 43 people were killed in other
incidents across the country. Next day, the death toll in Karbala rose to 60 as
fighting continued despite the curfew; more than 300 people were also
wounded. Thirteen people were killed elsewhere. The US forces arrested
seven Iranians and then released them.

976

At least 45 people were killed on 30 th August across the country and

Karbala remained under curfew. Next day, at least 30 people, including two
US soldiers, were killed in various incidents of violence. More than 1,800
Iraqis were killed in August.
On 2nd September, 40 people were killed across the country; 12 dead
bodies were found and 10 suspects were arrested. A court sentenced ten
people to death on charges of terror and freed 54 others. Sadr warned
government to probe Karbala killings.
At least 35 people, including one US soldier, were killed in various
incidents on 3rd September. Two days later, six US soldiers were killed.
Thirteen people were killed in a bomb blast in Baghdad. Next day, 46
people, including four US soldiers, were killed in various incidents.
Out of other aspects of the bloody occupation of Iraq, the calls for
ending the aimless war were the most significant. On 10th July, Democrats
called for Iraq combat to end by 2008; Bush Administration opposed troops
pullout. Bush claimed that the US can still win in Iraq, though the victory
had been claimed by him four years back.
On 13th July, the US House of Representatives passed a bill requiring
a withdrawal of most combat troops from Iraq starting within four months,
to be completed by April 1, 2008. Six weeks later, France also demanded
schedule of pull out of troops from Iraq. Bush arrived in Iraq at a base in alAnbar province on a surprise visit on 3rd September and hinted at reduction
of troops. The same day, Britain completed pullout of troops from Basra.
Other events worth mention were that on 24th July the ambassadors of
the US and Iran met in Baghdad to exchange hot words. On 1st August,
Sunni groups pulled out of the government and a week later, Maliki visited
Tehran to review bilateral ties. On 4th September, the Supreme Court
confirmed the death sentence of Chemical Ali.
While commenting on the Iraq war, The News wrote: Despite the
failure of this years surge involving an additional 21,000 US troops to
stem the political and sectarian civil war in Iraq and the admitted collapse of
the government there, the secretary of state said congressional critics ought
to wait until September to enable Mr Bush to make a coherent
judgment of where we are. She was speaking in television interviews a day

977

after the House of Representatives voted 223-201 for a Democratic proposal

to force an American withdrawal by spring next year.
While the government of Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki hadnt
achieved as much progress as America would like as she put it in an
understatement thats hard to defend, we shouldnt just dismiss as
inconsequential the progress that they have made. She gently chided the
impatience of the critics, an increasing number of who are Republicans,
among them former Bush stalwarts.
But there is telling evidence that US policy in the three years since
the optimistic exchange of notes hasnt been coherent, that the Bush
Administration doesnt deserve any more chances in Iraq and that the
number of American troops and Marines killed in Iraq since that date has
gone from 858 to 3,615 on July 15.
Timothy Gorton Ash observed: So Iraq is over. But Iraq has not yet
begun. Not yet begun in terms of the consequences for Iraq itself, the
Middle East, the United States own foreign policy and its reputation in the
world. The most probable consequence of rapid US withdrawal from Iraq in
its present condition is a further bloodbath, with even larger refugees flows
and the effective dismemberment of the country.
Now a pained and painstaking study from Brookings Institution
argues that what its authors call soft partition the peaceful, voluntary
transfer of an estimated two million to five million Iraqis into distinct
Kurdish, Sunni and Shia regions, under close US military supervision
would be the lesser evil. The lesser evil that is, assuming that all goes
according to plan and that Americans are prepared to allow their troops to
stay in sufficient numbers to accomplish that thankless job two implausible
assumptions. A greater evil is more likely.
For the United States, the world is now, as result of Iraq War, a more
dangerous place. At the end of 2002, what is sometimes tagged Al-Qaeda
Central in Afghanistan had been virtually destroyed, and there was no alQaeda in Iraq. In 2007, there is an al-Qaeda in Iraq, parts of old al-Qaeda are
creeping back into Afghanistan and there are al-Qaeda emulators spawning
elsewhere, notably in Europe. Osama bin Ladens plan was to get the US
to overact and overreach itself. With the invasion of Iraq, Bush fell
slapping into the trap.

978

The US has probably not yet fully woken up to the appalling fact
that, after a long period in which first motto of its military was no more
Vietnams it faces another Vietnam. There are many important differences,
but the basic result is similar: The mightiest military in world fails to achieve
its strategic goals and is, in the end, politically defeated by an
economically and technologically inferior adversary.
Even if there are no scenes of helicopters evacuating Americans from
the roof of the US Embassy in Baghdad, there will surely be some totemic
photographic image of national humiliation as the US struggles to extract its
troops.
In history, the most important consequences are often the unintended
ones. We do not yet know the longer-term unintended consequences of Iraq.
Maybe there is a silver lining hidden somewhere in this cloud. But as far as
the human eye can see, the likely consequences of Iraq range from bad to
the catastrophic. Looking back over a quarter of a century of chronicling
current affairs, I cannot recall a more comprehensive and avoidable manmade disaster.
Steve Huntley wrote: The Iraq war critics seized upon a new
intelligence report that al-Qaeda has been rejuvenated by the Iraq War as
proof that the invasion of Iraq was a distraction from the war on terror. OK,
that should be good for a few minutes of bashing President Bush, but it
doesnt change the reality that al-Qaeda is in Iraq and is our enemy.
Heres another thought: What would be the reaction of the quit-Iraq
advocates should al-Qaeda in Iraqs fingerprints be found in a terrorist attack
in America? This is not an idle question. After all, the National Intelligence
Estimate released last week also said Osama bin Ladens organization will
probably seek to leverage the contacts and capabilities of al-Qaeda in Iraq,
its most visible and capable affiliate and the only one known to have
expressed a desire to attack the Homeland.
There are those who dismiss the latest intelligence estimate as a Bush
scare tactic to bolster support for his Iraq policy. But no one disputes the
central thrust of the report al-Qaeda remains determined to strike at the
heart of America again, maybe through its Iraqi affiliate. That last part
certainly complicates arguments that we should get out of Iraq.

979

Rami G Khouri commented: The riddle of American foreign policy

in the Middle East this week became even more puzzling, following the
announcement of major new military aid and sales packages to Israel, Saudi
Arabia, Egypt and smaller Arab countries. The totals will approximate $70
billion over the coming 10 years. The United States justifies this as part of
its policy of fighting radicalism and terrorism, supporting moderates and
promoting an Arab-Israel peace process.
American foreign policy in the Middle East combines impressive
persistence with wildly erratic swings. It changes with the season and the
political climate: promote and then ignore Arab democratization; boycott
and then speak with Syria and Iraq; disregard and then actively engage in
Pakistan-Israeli peace negotiations. Simultaneously, Washington adheres to
several sacred principles: Israeli military superiority over all the Arabs; sure
access to oil; protection of friendly Arab regimes.
Such diplomacy that is at once consistent and jaleoscopic generates a
mishmash of contradictions that only reinforces the low-quality policies
of Arabs, Israelis and Iranians. The combination has resulted in frightening
trends in the Middle East in the past generation: continued militarization,
polarization, radicalization and frequent destabilization.
This weeks latest American approach to the Middle East perpetuates
this legacy, which is closely linked to several new factors in recent years:
the messy war in Iraq, the increased regional clout of a nuclearized Iran, and
the growing strength of Arab mainstream Islamist political movements.
Also, some Arab governments remain vulnerable to economic and political
stresses, ethnic and religious challenges to centralized state identities,
widespread Arab skepticism with democracy promotion attempts, and the
continued expansion of small but violent terrorist groups
Every one of these trends is exacerbated, not diminished, by the
pro-military, pro-Israel and pro-Arab autocracy policy constants the US
now reaffirms and intensifies. As if to ensure that its policies will backfire
and heighten popular Arab, Iranian and even Turkish resistance to US, rather
than acquiescence, Washington also routinely lumps together very different
movements and sentiments in the region
Back in the last century, this sort of thing was called adding fuel to
the fire. Today Washington calls it promoting moderate Sunni Arab
regimes , or, as US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice said on Monday en
980

route to the Middle East: we are working with these states to give a chance
to the forces of moderation and reform.
Raising the intensity of American policies anchored in militarism,
threats, sanctions and political bias will only make matters worse.
Trying to do this as a backhanded way of trying to stabilize Iraq, so that the
US forces can leave, adds an element of shamelessness to a strong
foundation of dysfunction. Couching this in terms of repelling Iranian
ambitions may further more trigger two trends the US says it is trying to
dampen greater popular support for the Iranian regime, and the regimes
accelerated quest for serious defence capabilities, perhaps including nuclear
arms.
The US-led global war on terror has played into the terrorists
hands and expanded actual global terror networks and threats. The
American plan to counter the influence of Iran, Syria and Arab Islamist and
resistance groups is similarly likely to bolster the latters popular support,
technical capabilities, political determination and policy coordination.
Rannie Amiri opined: Sometimes a foreign policy gambit is
anticipated to be so successful there is no need to keep it secret, in fact, it
can be made public. Such was the case when the United States announced
multi-billion dollar military assistance packages to Saudi Arabia, Israel and
Egypt last week. Lest anyone think the United States plan for the greater
Middle East has failed, this arms deal makes it clear just how much of
the region is firmly under their control. And thanks to several Arab regimes,
it has been a task made easier.
According to the Secretaries Rice and Gates, one reason for the aid
packages will be to bolster Sunni Arab governments to counter Irans
perceived expanding influence. Before embarking on a tour to the area,
they claimed mobilizing support for the current Iraqi leadership among these
countries will be an additional priority. Except these two objectives are in
complete contradiction to one another.
Among all Mideast nations, Saudi Arabia has done the most to
undermine Iraqs security. Although al-Qaedas influence and numbers in
the country are overblown, American intelligence estimates that half of the
60 to 80 foreign fighters who enter Iraq each month come from Saudi
Arabia. More significant though is the financial support they provide to
extremist Iraqi Sunni factions seeking to topple the Maliki government.
981

If that is the case, why would the United States reward a country,
whose king happens to be the only Mideast ruler who refuses to meet with
Maliki, with a $20 billion arms deal? Because they share a common goal:
to see his government fall.
Saudi Arabia, under heavy pressure from the virulently anti-Shia
Wahabi sect dominant there, regards another neighbouring country under
their control abhorrent. The United States meanwhile is being goaded by
Israel and their apologists to attack Iran. Both then see merit in supporting
groups inimical to Maliki and those sympathetic to Iran. The arms package
facilitates this and strategically puts additional weapons at Irans
backdoor.
Egypts Hosni Mubarak will similarly be the recipient of a hefty
supply of weaponry despite the domestic nature of his regime Ironically it
was Saddam Hussein who once said: Hosni Mubarak is like a payphone.
You deposit your money, and you get what you want in return.
King Abdullah of Jordan is likely to get a slice of the pie as he
serves many of the same functions as Mubarak. It is common knowledge
that his father, the late King Hussein, was on the CIA payroll for decades.
The latest leaders to fall victim to the lure of money and power
dispensed by the United States are Fatah leader Mahmoud Abbas and
Lebanese Prime Minister Faud Siniora. The most telling sign that the
unelected government of President Abbas and Prime Minister Salam
Fayyad has been effectively bought and now takes its orders from George
Bush and Ehud Olmert has been of the phrase armed resistance from
Fatahs platform.
Lebanese Prime Minister Fouad Sinioras administration has likewise
been hired by the United States, in this case to act against Hezbollah through
extremist Sunni proxies as described in previous articles. Both Abbas and
Siniora are being used to divide their people, rendering Palestine and
Lebanon weak states.
The gains being made in the Middle East by the United States
and Israel are staggering. With few exceptions, the conquest of the region
proceeds unabated thanks to the complicity of its servile rulers. The kings,
emirs, princes, dictators and despots that constitute the Arab kleptocracies
are selling themselves and their people for a measly price.

982

Gone is Iraq, the cradle of civilization, whose citizens are starving

while billions of dollars in US weapons pour into neighbouring countries
actively, abetting its collapse. Gone soon too will be Palestine, already
divided between itself, and the right of its people to resist a cruel occupation.
To the north, civil war has again entered the Lebanese lexicon. Awaken oh
Arabs, for your future is being pawned before your eyes. Awaken from
your slumber before there will be nothing left to salvage.
Ayad Allawi spelled out his plan for Iraq. We need a regional
diplomatic strategy that increasingly invests the United Nations and the
Arab world in Iraqi security and reconstruction. Washington should not
shoulder this diplomatic burden alone, as it largely has until now.
In addition, Iraq needs to be more assertive in telling Iran to end
its interference in Iraqi affairs and in persuading Syria to play a more
constructive role in Iraq. Iraq must be a single, independent federal state
Religion should be a unifying not divisive force in my country.
But when religious sectarianism dominates politics, terrorists and
extremists emerge as the sole winners. National reconciliation requires an
urgent commitment to moderation and ending sectarian violence by
integrating all Iraqis into the political process
Reconciliation requires the active engagement of prominent Iraqi
Shia and Sunni political and religious leaders. Maliki has stalled the
passage of legislation, proposed in March, to reverse de-Baathification. That
proposal should be passed immediately.
The Iraqi economy has been handicapped by corruption and
inadequate security. We must emphasize restoration of the most basic
infrastructure. There can be no sustainable economic development and
growth without reliable electricity, running and potable water, and basic
health care. Overtime, Iraq needs to build a free-market economy with a
prominent role for the private sector.
The Independent wrote: For months, even years, the news from Iraq
has only been dispiriting. Each time it looked as though things could not
become bleaker, another atrocity, another round of killings, ensured that they
did. In the recent days, however, flickers of hope have appeared, at least one
of which might prove longer lasting.

983

The first was the announcement by the Shia leader, Muqtada al-Sadr,
that he was ordering his Mehdi Army to suspend military operations for six
months. This move may have facilitated the peaceful withdrawal from
central Basra, but it must be doubtful how long such ceasefire can survive.
The next was a US report that last week had seen the lowest number
of attacks on civilians and military forces for 15 months. This might be the
first evidence that the US military surge has exerted a positive effect on
security. Realistically, the lull may prove short-lived.
The third piece of hopeful news is at once the most modest and the
most surprising. But it is also the one that could, potentially, prove the most
durable. It is that representatives of Iraqs Sunni and Shia groups have taken
part in secret talks in Finland and agreed on principles designed to end
sectarian violence. Politicians from South Africa and Northern Ireland also
attended, telling of their first-hand experience of peacemaking across
seemingly unbridgeable divides.
Undue optimism, of course, would be unwise. The talks held
under the auspices of a conflict-prevention group based in Finland and a US
university inevitably recall not only the first moves in the successful
reconciliation processes in South Africa and Northern Ireland, but the Oslo
talks in 1993, which led to high-profile accords that slowly, but irretrievably,
unraveled.
The invasion of Iraq was, as is increasingly acknowledged even by
some of its staunchest erstwhile supporters, a misguided and mismanaged
enterprise, undertaken on a false premise. Increasingly, though, it is not the
foreign troops who are bearing the brunt of the violence, but Iraqi civilians.
A war against foreign occupation has turned into a sectarian conflict, if not
yet outright civil war.
This means that even an early withdrawal of foreign troops will not,
of itself, bring peace. And with no single Iraqi grouping strong enough to
prevail alone, the warring factions will one day have to negotiate a
settlement. If Iraq is to remain a unitary state as a majority of Iraqis
appear to want the sooner this can happen, the better.
Stratfor commented on Iran-US talks. Iranian, Iraqi and US security
officials Aug 6 held the first meeting of a tripartite security committee
looking to ease the insurgency in Iraq The United States and Iran are

984

making significant progress in their strategic dialogue, as evidenced by

the speed of their follow-up meetings since they first participated in the
multilateral regional meeting on Iraqs future in Baghdad on March 10.
But when it comes to actually implementing their agreed-upon plans,
Iran and the United States continue to face multiple obstacles The
Iranians face difficulties in getting the Iraqi Shia to agree to a deal with the
United States, because the Iraqi Shias are the most divided communal group
in the country.
The challenges Washington faces from within the Sunni community
are not so severe that the Bush Administration is forced to pause in its
dealings with Iran to address the Sunni concerns. This is because a sufficient
number of Sunni players support the United States efforts despite the
politicians resigning from the al-Maliki administration.
Iraqi Sunnis and allies among the Sunni Arab states are not
completely comfortable with the United States taking the lead on dealing
with Iran (and, by extension, the Iraqi Shia) on their behalf. Indeed, the
Sunnis would like to play a greater role in the tripartite US-Iranian-Iraqi
security committee talks to ensure their interests are being addressed. This is
why different Sunni actors are reacting differently to Washington and
Tehrans progress.
For now, the United States can afford to move ahead with the
Iranians regarding the security talks. Soon, however, Washington will have
to attend to the Sunni political principals grievances. Iran and its Arab Shiite
allies in Iraq will change the political situation in Iraq in a bid to limit the
political concessions being given to the Sunnis, especially regarding the
Sunni demand for a reversal of the de-Baathification policy.
Many Sunni insurgents will not want to silence their guns until
they see some progress on the de-Baathification issue. This means
Washington will have to get Tehran and its Iraqi Shiite allies to agree to
concessions a move that is expected to slow the current pace of US-Iranian
talks.

PALESTINE

985

Perpetration of Israeli terrorism on Palestinians in the form of forays

into Gaza Strip, considered to a strong-hold of Hamas, and retaliations by
the Hamas fighters continued:
Israel attacked Gaza on 12th July during which a Jewish soldier was
killed. Fatah vowed to renounce attacks on Israel.
Rockets were fired at Israeli town of Sadon on 16 th July. Olmert and
Abbas met to discuss further plans against Hamas.
Four Hamas men were killed by Israelis on 22nd July. Six days later,
Israeli forces killed three more Palestinians.
On 8th August, Israeli troops killed three Palestinians in Gaza. Three
days later, 25 Palestinians were wounded in factional fighting.
Israeli navy and air force attacked Gaza killing four and wounding 17
Palestinians on 14th August.
Six more Palestinians were killed on 15th August in a strike by Israeli
air force and navy. Five days later, six Hamas men were killed in
Israeli air strike.
Four Palestinians were killed and 20 arrested on 21 st August in Israeli
raids in Gaza Strip and West Bank.
Two Palestinians were killed and six persons, including three Israeli
soldiers, were wounded on 23rd August. Next day, five more
Palestinians were killed in Israeli attacks.
On 29th August, Hamas agreed to release Israeli soldier in exchange of
Palestinian prisoners. Ten Palestinians were killed in Israeli strike on
6th September.
Fatah-Hamas confrontation continued even after the ousting of
democratically elected government of Hamas. On 12 th July, Hamass
paramilitary force fired at protesters in Gaza. A week later, a Hamas leader
said that Abbas has lost all credibility as president of the Palestinian people.
On 15th August, Abbas banned Hamas from taking part in next elections. On
2nd September, Abbas overhauled election law to marginalize Hamas.

986

The West and Zionist regime continued rewarding Abbas for his feat
of dissolving Hamas government. On 8th July, Israeli cabinet agreed to
release 250 Fatah men for Abbass good services. Two days later, Olmert
talked of reconciliation.
On 16th July, the United States agreed to release $190 million aid to
PLO. Four days later, Israel released 250 Palestinian prisoners as reward. On
6th September, Blair met Abbas in Ramallah to discus peace process and
consolidation of the gains accrued from ousting of Hamas government.
Commenting on Blairs role as peace broker, Robert E Hunter opined
that four basic facts govern Blairs role:
No peace is possible unless the Palestinian government becomes
master in its own house.
Nothing is possible if Gaza remains a virtual charnel house.
Abbas cannot succeed and Hamas cannot be politically weakened
without massive external economic assistance.
It is imperative to limit the damage caused by the Israeli-Palestinian
conflict to everything else that has to be done in the Middle East.
All this requires clear thinking. But even if Blair can get the
economic development issues right, he cant stop there if Abbas is to have a
chance to succeed. Blair will need to press Israel to prove its intentions
by stopping all settlement activity in the West Bank no new settlements, no
expansion of existing ones.
By the same token, Blair will need to press the Palestinians to deliver
a virtual cessation of attacks on Israel from Palestinian territories, including
by Hamas, lest all peace efforts be blown apart by new fighting. In the
process, Blair will have to talk to all parties, including Hamas.
Ghada Karmi wrote: Tony Blairs recent appointment as Middle East
peace envoy is indicative. Rather than face the basic contradictions fuelling
the conflict, the Quartet preferred another pointless gesture that
substitutes process for substance, hoping to convince the Arabs that
something is being done, but in reality postponing the moment of reckoning.

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Palestinians, who will pay the price for this prevarication, must
expose the basic contradiction in the western position that perpetuates the
conflict. They must confront the West with the inconvenient truth: that trying
to meet Palestinian demands and indulging Israel are incompatible, doomed
objectives. Only by shedding their differences and regrouping to fight their
real enemy and not each other, will the Palestinians have finally learned the
lessons of history.
Ramzy Baroud analyzed the damages caused to Palestinian cause by
Abbas. The rash and self-defeatist behaviour emanating from
Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas and his close circle in the
West Bank cannot possibly intended for the benefit of the Palestinian people
or for their internationally sanctioned struggle for human rights, freedom and
equality. Abbas and his self-serving Palestinian elite seem hell-bent on
exploiting the unfolding Palestinian drama to further cement their status and
position, even if such an attitude will lead to the total decimation of any
little hope of recovering Palestinian rights.
If true democracy is intended to prevail over all threats and
challenges, Abbas has failed miserably. Like every autocratic ruler, he
understands that any practical application of democracy in the Middle East
as in other parts of the world must pass the American test, an old lesson that
the region was forced to learn time and again. Whatever serves American
interests represents true democracy; anyone who dares to challenge these
interests is duly ostracized and removed. However, friendly regimes (from
the US point of view) that fail to exhibit even a token of a democratic
governance are viewed as moderate, as opposed to the extremist others
who could be very democratic, such as Hamas. Indeed, Abbas understands
the rules of the democratic game very well
While Abbas has the right to deduce his own view of the world, he
has no right to apply such deductions to eradicate the historic struggle of an
entire nation. His actions are both unethical and unjustified, to say the
least. The aging leader and the shady characters surrounding him will go
down in history books alongside all the rulers and elite that sided with their
occupier and tormentor of their own people in exchange for worldly profits
and shallow status.
Israeli politicians, policy advisors and commentators are hardly
discreet about the role they expect Abbas to play: his security forces must
crack down on any dissent among Palestinians. His militants will carry out
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the dirty business of kidnappings and assassinations, in line with Israeli

and American policy objectives.
In fact, Abbass apparatus has proved exemplary in meeting these
objectives. Thus, the Palestinian leader and his Prime Minister Salam
Fayyad are being rewarded generously: tens of millions of US taxpayers
dollars, tax funds that Israel has illegally held from the elected Hamas
government, military training for his weak security forces and, finally, an
international platform to provide Abbas with the political validation he
needs. Abbas, in turn, is throwing in a few extras, beyond the measures
expected from him. A few of his governments mouthpieces are
disseminating inaccurate information to international media equating
Hamas to al-Qaeda terrorists and Taliban militants; some have gone so far as
alleging an actual link between Hamas and al-Qaeda, a charge that can only
contribute further to the misery and isolation of the Palestinians.
As a reward for Abbass active involvement in deepening the
desperation in Gaza and widening disunity among Palestinians, he has been
granted the privilege of meeting Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert
once every two weeks, and also the trust and confidence of US Secretary of
State Condoleezza Rice and her boss. Any attempt at reconciliation with
Hamas, which is supported by the majority of Palestinians, at least in the
occupied territories, would most definitely lead to the withdrawal of some, if
not of all of these advantages, a risk Abbas will not take.
But Palestinian disunity is disastrous, not only because its a
diversion from the struggle for freedom and sovereignty and because it
distracts the international community from Israels illegal occupations, it
also presents Hamas and Fatah with very limited options: Hamass isolation
will likely strengthen the more radical view among its members, which will
make it difficult to find a common ground in the future; Fatah, which is
losing its popular support by the day, would have to continue to rely on
outside help and initiatives, notwithstanding the hardly promising
international Middle East peace conference aimed at solidifying the support
for Abbas against Hamas, or at the revival of the Jordan option, linking the
West Bank to Jordan through a confederation.
In the months leading to the November peace conference, Abbas is
expected to further demonstrate his trustworthiness to Israel and the US,
at the expense of the Palestinian people, who are now denied the only strong
card in their six-decade struggle for freedom: their sense of collectivity,
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which, despite occasional fragmentations, always managed to survive

against all odds. The day this is no longer possible, Israels victory will be
complete.

OTHERS
In Lebanon, the army operation against militant group holed up in
Palestinian refugee camp of Nahr al-Bared continued. Following incidents
were reported:
Lebanese troops geared up for assault on 11th July and one soldier was
killed by sniper fire. Refugees kept fleeing the camp. Next day,
Lebanese Army pounded the refugee camp; four people were killed.
On 13th July, the Lebanese troops claimed recovering arms and
ammunition from the refugee camp. Next day, two Lebanese soldiers
were killed in clashes with militants.
Battle around refugee camp continued and Lebanese army captured
more buildings on 15th July. Next day, UN forces came under bomb
attack in southern Lebanon.
Three people were killed in the refugee camp standoff on 22 nd July.
Four days later, two Lebanese soldiers and eight militants were killed
in the fighting.
Two Lebanese soldiers were killed near the refugee camp on 19 th
August.
Lebanese Army captured Nahr el-Bared Palestinian refugee camp on
2nd September. Three soldiers, 39 militants were killed in the battle
and 20 militants were arrested. Siniora rejoiced over a major victory.
Lebanese army lost 163 soldiers in al-Bared battle. On 6 th September,
Syrian air defence opened fire on an intruding Israeli warplane.
Pressure on Iran on account of its nuclear programme was
maintained by the Crusaders, but Iran held its ground. On 13 th July, Iran
agreed to allow UN monitors to inspect nuclear reactor. On 5 th August, the

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second day of three-day manoeuvres, Iran tested combat readiness in which

submarines and pilot-less plane participated.
On 2nd September, Ahmadinejad announced that Iran has reached the
milestone of putting into operation 3,000 centrifuges. Nejad was convinced
that Western powers wont attack. On 4th September, Iran warned US over
risks on military action. Brown threatened Iran of new UN resolution.
Meanwhile, the US was reported considering declaring Irans Revolutionary
Guards as terrorists.
The Economist wrote: If Iran really is more than the messianic cult
of Mr Netanyahus imagination, it would be worth running almost any risk
to stop it acquiring nuclear weapons. But as our special report argues, Iran
is not that easy to read.
Iran is obstinate, paranoid and ambitious. But it is also vulnerable. A
young population with no memory of the revolution is desperate for jobs its
leaders have failed to provide. Sanctions that cut off equipment for its
decrypt oilfields or struck hard at the financial interests of the regime and its
protectors in the Revolutionary Guards would have an immediate impact on
its own assessment of the cost of its nuclear programme. That on its own is
unlikely to change the regimes mind. If at the same time Iran was offered a
dignified ladder to climb down above all a credible promise of an historic
reconciliation with the United States the troubled leadership of a tired
revolution might just grab it. But time is short.
Stephen Zunes analysed the prospects of regime change in Iran.
There is little question about the goal of toppling the Islamist government,
with the Bush Administration threatening war, arming ethnic minorities,
and funding opposition groups. These reports come in spite of the 1981
Algiers Accords, which led to the release of American hostages seized from
the US Embassy in Tehran, in which the United States pledged never again
to attempt to overthrow the Iranian government.
Despite claims by the Bush Administration that the US has always
supported liberty and democracy in Iran, the history of US-Iranian
relations during both Republican and Democratic administrations has
demonstrated very little support for a democratic Iran.
The possibility of US-sponsored regime change in Iran through
invasion and occupation, as took place in Iraq in 2003, is not even being

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considered anymore in Washington. The US Armed Forces are already

stretched for another major land war.
The widely reported clandestine US support for Kurdish, Baloch
and other Iranian national minorities runs the risk of igniting violent
ethnic conflict and increased political repression minorities runs the risk of
igniting violent ethnic conflict and increased political repression in parts of
the country, but these efforts are not likely to pose much of a threat to the
survival of the regime.
What recent history has repeatedly shown is that the most effective
means for democratic change come from broadly based non-violent
movements, such as those that have toppled dictatorships In apparent
recognition of this trend, the US Congress last year approved US$75
million in funding for a Bush Administration request to support various
Iranian opposition groups.
In an effort to head off such a popular uprising and discredit prodemocracy leaders and their supporters, Irans reactionary leadership has
been making false claims, aired in detail in a series of television broadcasts
during the third week of July, that certain Western non-governmental
organizations that have given workshops and offered seminars for Iranian
pro-democracy activists on the theory and history of strategic non-violent
struggle are actually plotting with the Bush Administration in offering
specific instructions on how to overthrow the regime.
These conspiracy theories have in turn been picked up by some
progressive websites and periodicals, which repeat them as fact. The result
has been to strengthen the hand of Irans repressive regime, weaken
democratic forces in Iran, and strengthen the argument of US neoconservatives that only military force from the outside and not non-violent
struggle by the Iranian people themselves is capable of freeing Iran from
repressive clerical rule.
However, the best hope for Iran comes from Iranian civil society,
which, despite the repression from its government and the negative
consequences of sanctions and threats against its country from Washington,
is quite capable of eventually bringing down the regime and establishing a
more just and democratic society. Freedom will some day come to Iran.
When it does, however, it will be in spite of rather than because of the
policies of the United States.
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The News commented on Ahmadinejads statement and the US plans.

President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad has declared that Iran has put 3,000
uranium-enrichment centrifuges into operation in pursuance of its nuclear
programme, in defiance of Western powers demand that it stop the
enrichment. Perhaps the timing of the announcement on Sunday was a
little provocative, since it closely follows last weeks report by the IAEA
that there has been significant progress in its dialogue with Iran.
The EU, America and the rest of Irans critics are almost certain to
use Dr Ahmadinejads speech to justify their hostility towards the country.
However, regardless of whether Tehran is truthful about its real nuclear
intentions (and there is little reason to believe it is not), Irans alleged
hawkish-ness is emphasized by Western governments while its
accommodating moves are seldom even acknowledged.
A British newspaper this week quoted a US-based nuclear security
expert as saying that the US Defence Department was considering a plan to
annihilate Irans entire military in a quick surgical. The plan drawn up by
the Pentagon envisaged not just pin-prick strikes against Iranian nuclear
facilities but a three-day blitz on 1,200 military targets in Iran.

CONCLUSION
There is no indicator that the bloodshed in Iraq, arranged and
intimately supervised by the Crusaders, is not likely to continue as hither-tofore. The US administration is least concerned over the spilling of Iraqi
blood as was evident from Bushs statement that war in Iraq could still be
won.
As regards the role of the rulers in Islamic countries, they even lack
the courage complain about or cry over the spilling of their brethrens blood.
In this part of the Muslim World, Pakistan, the entire nation has almost
forgotten about Iraq as the war on terror has reached their backyard with all
its ugliness.
The Palestinian Territories of Gaza Strip and West Bank have been
virtually alienated from each other by the Zionist-Neocon strategists and
treated as Hamasistan and Fatahland. While Fatah would be rewarded for

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collaborating with Israel, Hamas would continue to be punished for its crime
of talking about Palestinians rights.
7th September 2007

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