Ice Age Hunter Gatherers and The Coloniz

OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF FIRST-PROOF, 04/17/12, NEWGEN
part ii
hunter-gatherers
and first farmers
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chapter 9
ICE AGE HUNTERGATHERERS AND THE

COLONIZATION OF
MESOAMERICA
Guillermo Acosta Ochoa
Over the past century, diverse theories regarding the peopling of the New World
have been presented. These models have examined northern Asia (Fladmark 1979;
Dixon 1999), the southern Pacific (Rivet 1964), and even the Iberian Peninsula
(Bradley and Stanford 2004) as the point of origin for the first Americans.
Data currently available indicate that the land bridge known as Beringia linked
Asia with the Americas when the sea level dropped during the Pleistocene. To date,
this appears to have been the most viable route for the first inhabitants of the New
World, who may have followed game that migrated to the new continent. However,
there is an ongoing debate regarding whether this migration occurred over land or
along the coast and how early the process began.
One group of investigators argues that the initial peopling occurred at the end
of the last glaciation (the Wisconsin Glacial Episode) and argues that it was not
possible for migration to occur until the large glacial blocks that covered North
America (the Laurentide and Cordilleran) melted between 11,000 and 12,000 ka bp.
(All dates are in uncalibrated radiocarbon years (ka bp) before ad 1950.) Known
as Clovis first, this model posits that the first people were Clovis hunters who used
fluted (Clovis) points and entered through the hypothetical ice-free corridor, a
narrow strip of exposed land between the glaciers that permitted passage through
part of present-day Alberta in Canada (Fiedel 1996: 72).
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Hunter-Gatherers and First Farmers
The Clovis first model assumes an accelerated migration wave composed

of groups hunting Pleistocene game. These groups would have rapidly populated
the southern part of the continent and would have been responsible for the extinction of megafauna (Martin 1967). Unfortunately, there are some problems with this
model. Paleoecological studies have indicated that the supposed corridor either was
not open until very late in the Pleistocene, when the continent was already populated, or that it was uninhabitable for humans and other mammals (Jackson and
Duk-Rodkin 1997: 6). The model also does not take into consideration the marked
differences between the localized ecosystems of North and South America, and it
does not explain the presence of widely accepted pre-Clovis sites like Monte Verde,
Chile (Dillehay 2000).
Another argument regarding the peopling of the New World via Beringia,
which would resolve the problems presented by the ice-free corridor, is that the
initial colonization occurred through coastal routes from the Pacific Northwest
(Fladmark 1979). This model allows for the possibility that the first Americans
gradually colonized coastal ice-free areas along the coast of Beringia and the
Pacific Northwest via boats. The model is supported by studies that indicate that
the coast of Beringia could have included ecosystems richer in resources than
inland areas, suggesting a habitable migratory corridor along the continental landmass (Josenhans et al. 1997).
This second model also has its difficulties. The scarcity of sites dated prior to
11,500 ka bp and also the impossibility of evaluating evidence for early coastal sites
lost to the rise in sea level at the end of the Pleistocene make it difficult to evaluate this proposal (Fiedel 2006). However, the coastal route model appears to be
the most parsimonious theory for explaining the technological diversity observed
toward the end of the Pleistocene, in both Middle America and the rest of the New
World (Figure 9.1).
The Problem of the Oldest Sites

and Artifacts
Researchers have argued for human occupation of Mexico and Central America
by 20,000 years ago, at sites including El Cedral, San Luis Potos (Lorenzo and
Mirambell 1986b); Tlapacoya, in the Basin of Mexico (Lorenzo and Mirambell
1986a); and El Bosque, Nicaragua (Page 1978). Unfortunately, these sites do not
appear to meet the strict criteria necessary to consider them valid (Dixon 1999:
108) because the artifacts are either of dubious human manufacture or their dating
is questionable, as discussed below.
Tlapacoya is located along the edge of the now-extinct Lake Chalco in the
southeast portion of the Basin of Mexico. A total of eighteen areas were excavated
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The Colonization of Mesoamerica
131
Figure 9.1 Paleo-Indian sites in Mesoamerica (drawn by Kristin Sullivan).
between 1965 and 1973 by the now-defunct Department of Prehistory of the

National Anthropology and History Institute of Mexico (INAH, Instituto Nacional
de Antropologa e Historia). Two trenches were excavated to explore the oldest site,
Tlapacoya I. The site is located on a Pleistocene beach composed of a bed of volcanic boulders and cobbles associated with a possible fire pit dating to 21,700500
ka bp and two piles of Pleistocene animal bones, as well as another fire pit dated to
24,0001000 ka bp and associated with possible flakes made of volcanic rock and
an obsidian blade (Mirambell 1978; Lorenzo and Mirambell 1986a). However, other
researchers have questioned whether the stone artifacts were made by humans, and
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132
some have argued that the concentrations of extinct fauna bones could have been
produced by natural processes. Investigators have also pointed out that the prismatic obsidian blade was, in fact, recovered during the screening process rather
than directly in situ (Waters 1985). Similar difficulties have been identified for the
sites of Valsequillo reservoir, to the south of Puebla, where Cynthia Irwin-Williams
(1967) recovered a scraper associated with a shell dated to ca. 20,000 ka bp.
Fluted-Point Hunters and Megafauna

As mentioned previously, many researchers argue that fluted-point hunters were
the first inhabitants of the New World because of the abundance of Clovis points
in North America from sites dating between 11,200 and 10,800 ka bp.
In Mexico, most fluted points have been recovered from northwest Mexico.
Most Clovis points have been recovered in Sonora, all from the surface (Robles
1974; Montan 1988 : 96; Gaines et al. 2009).
To the south, fluted points have been recovered from the Sierra Gorda of
Queretaro (Martz et al. 2000); Chapala, Jalisco (Lorenzo 1964); Metztitln, Hidalgo
(Casiano and Vzquez 1990); Oaxaca (Marcus and Flannery 2001); and Chiapas
(Santamara and Garca-Brcena 1989; Acosta 2010). In Central America, fluted
points have been identified in the Guatemala highlands (Coe 1960; Brown 1980),
Belize (Kelly 1982: 93, Lohse et al. 2006), Honduras (Bullen and Plowden 1968),
Costa Rica (Snarskis 1979; Pearson 2004), and Panama (Ranere and Cooke 1991).
The fluted points recovered from southern Mexico and Central America stand
out because of their morphology, which is not typically Clovis. Rather, they have
slightly concave lateral edges and are smaller in size (Snarskis 1979; Garca-Brcena
1980). Thus, they are more similar to late Paleo-Indian fluted points from North
America. They occasionally occur with fishtail points, as was the case at Los
Grifos, Chiapas, and Belize (Lohse et al. 2006), and they generally are fluted (Cooke
1998). Points that Ranere and Cooke (1991) refer to as waisted Clovis appear to be a
variant that falls somewhere between traditional Clovis points and fishtail points.
As a result, some investigators (i.e., Santamara and Garca-Brcena 1989: 101) have
argued that Central America was the point of contact between the two technologies originating in North (Clovis points) and South America (fishtail points).
The lithic toolkits associated with fluted points at sites like Los Tapiales, Los
Grifos, and the Honduran highlands indicate that the subsistence system was
highly dependent upon hunting, with specialized tools for defleshing game and
preparing skin, like slug-like scrapers (limace), gravers, burins, and scrapers with
lateral spurs. At Los Grifos, Chiapas (Acosta 2010), the faunal remains associated
with the Clovis occupation are derived from medium-sized game like white-tail
deer (Odocoileus sp.), peccary (Tayassu sp.), and Pleistocene horse (Equus sp.).
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Some researchers argue that Clovis hunters were the first inhabitants of Central
America (Morrow and Morrow 1999). However, associated dates are rare and relatively late compared with those associated with fluted points from the United States
(typical Clovis points) and South America (fishtail points). In contrast, fluted
points have not been recovered from the earliest sites in the region, including Santa
Marta, Chiapas (Acosta 2008, 2010), and Alvina de Parita, Panama (Crusoe and
Felton 1974). Moreover, the earliest dates from Los Tapiales, Guatemala (10,710170
ka bp), are not clearly associated with Clovis materials, and the site also includes
several dates from the Early Holocene (Gruhn et al. 1977).
In particular, dates from Los Grifos (9540150 to 8800100 ka bp) place the
appearance of fluted points in Middle America very late in the Pleistocene and
largely during the early Holocene (Santamara 1981; Acosta 2010).
On the other hand, the association of Pleistocene fauna and lithic artifacts is
particularly abundant in the Basin of Mexico. Unfortunately, the majority of these
examples do not include diagnostic materials that could be used to associate them
with a particular Pleistocene technology. The majority of the lithics associated
with megafauna have been identified in contexts near lakeshores, indicating that
the stalking, occasional hunting, and possibly scavenging were activities carried
out by the occupants of the Basin between 11,0009,000 bp.
Some of these sites, including Tepexpan (Arellano 1946), Acozac, Chimalhuacn,
and Los Reyes La Paz (Garca 1966, 1973), have not been dated, as is also the case
with the sites with retouched flakes associated with mammoth bones. Among the
few sites that have been dated is Atepehuacn (9,670400 ka bp), where remains
from meat carving have been recovered in association with megafauna (Aveleyra
1967: 46). Another site with a possible modified bone industry is Tocuila, in the
northern part of the Basin of Mexico. Here, flakes made of mammoth bone have
been dated to 11,10080 ka bp (Morett et al. 1998).
Lerma and Leaf-Shaped Point

(Willow-Leaf Point) Hunters
Richard MacNeish (1958: 62) noted in his excavations in Tamaulipas that the deepest excavation levels included leaf-shaped points (willow-leaf points) associated
with remains that suggest a mixed diet of small game, and there were points he
identified as Lerma points, dating the site to the end of the Pleistocene. However,
the earliest radiocarbon date falls in the Early Holocene (9270500 ka bp).
Among other sites in both northern and southern Mexico, Lerma points have
been recovered from levels dating as early as the Pleistocene. Such points have
been dated to 10,640210 ka bp in La Calsada, Nuevo Leon, to the north (Nance
1992). The other site with dated Lerma points is Guil Naquitz, Oaxaca, where
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134
Frank Hole (1986: 116) identified an unfinished Lerma point below a level that
was radiocarbon dated to 10,700350 ka bp.
Interestingly, Santa Izabel Iztapan in the Basin of Mexico, one of the few sites
with projectile points associated with Pleistocene fauna, includes a Lerma point
(Aveleyra and Maldonado-Koerdell 1953). There, the remains of two Mammuthus
imperator associated with three points (one Lerma, one Plainview, and one
Angostura) were excavated in two distinct areas, along with other artifacts related
to game processing (Aveleyra 1956). The stratum where the items were recovered
was dated to 9,250250 ka bp (Aveleyra 1967). Lerma points have also been recovered at Valsequillo, in the absence of clearly associated dates (Irwin-Williams
1967).
Lerma points have been reported on the surface in Chiapas and Guatemala, on
the terraces of the Aguacatenango Lake, Chiapas (Garca-Brcena 1982), and the
Guatemala highlands (Brown 1980), but without associated dates.
Broad-Spectrum Gatherers and

Expedient Technology
Recently, it has been proposed that groups of hunters using expedient technology
and nondiagnostic points composed one of several cultures in the Americas at
the end of the Pleistocene. This is in contrast to arguments that such technology
belonged to the Archaeolithic or flake-and-core culture prior to 13,000 ka bp
(Lorenzo 1968). Such groups persisted in several regions of the New World until
the beginning of the Holocene.
These groups, identified as having an edge-trimmed tool tradition or flake
industry in South America (Dillehay 1999: 210), employed a broad-spectrum subsistence industry including nonspecialized prey and gathering freshwater snail
inland and shellfish along the coast, using a poorly defined lithic technology composed principally of marginal retouch artifacts (Bate 1983). Until recently, these
groups were not considered a Pleistocene culture of Middle America, although
they are clearly present from the end of the Pleistocene in Brazil, Ecuador, and
Colombia (Dillehay et al. 1992).
Coastal sites dating to the Late Pleistocene and Early Holocene with similar
characteristics have been reported on the coast of northwestern Mexico, with occupations dating from 11,000 to 9,000 ka bp (Erlandson et al. 2008). The technology
recovered from these sites tends to be flaked artifacts, including some bifaces, and
a subsistence system focused on marine resources.
Unfortunately, in Mesoamerica long-term projects aimed at evaluating coastal
settlements have not yet been carried out. Moreover, the available dates correspond
to Archaic sites from the Middle and Late Holocene in Chiapas (Voorhies 2004).
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135
However, the Santa Marta rockshelter in Chiapas is an inland Pleistocene site with
expedient technology, a broad-spectrum subsistence pattern, and uncalibrated
dates of 10,46050 and 980050 ka bp (Acosta 2008: 132). Analysis of use wear and
microresidue on the lithics (spokeshavers, scrapers, and marginal retouch flakes)
and the chemical analysis of occupation surfaces indicate a marked emphasis on
processing tropical vegetables and wood (Acosta 2010: 4).
In particular, the botanical remains from Santa Marta suggest that groups
with considerable knowledge of the tropical resources in the area, including Zea
(teosinte) and cacao (Theobroma sp.) pollen in Pleistocene levels (Layer XVII, dated
between 10,46050 and 10,05090 ka bp), as well as ground stone tools in levels
dating to 9,80050 ka bp. This pattern of broad-spectrum gathering, associated
with a growing dependence on plants, is not atypical of sites in southern Mexico
and Central America. At Guil Naquitz, Oaxaca, one of the principal sites for the
study of early agriculture, ground stone tools were recovered in association with a
primarily flake-based industry dating to 10,700350 ka bp (Flannery 1986). These
groups that relied on expedient technology had a considerable understanding of
neotropical plants and animals. Thus, we would expect several generations of
experimentation and the development of a cultural system adapted to this changing environment.
Human Remains
Although rare, the osteological remains associated with preceramic occupation in
Mexico offer the best direct evidence for human occupation in Mesoamerica at the
end of the Pleistocene. Since the discovery of the Tepexpan Man by Helmut de
Terra in the middle of the twentieth century (de Terra 1957), the number of human
remains dating to the Pleistocene have increased as a result of fortuitous discoveries by systematic investigations, principally in central Mexico.
Among the sites at which human remains have been recovered as a result of
these occasional finds are Tlapacoya I, Aztahuacn, and El Pen. Tlapacoya I, with
AMS (Accelerator Mass Spectrometry) dates of 10,20065 ka bp (Gonzlez et al.
2003: 385), was located accidentally in 1968 during highway construction (Lorenzo
and Mirambell 1986a). At Aztahuacn, the excavation of a domestic well resulted in
the recovery of three highly mineralized skeletons (Romano 1955) associated with
an obsidian blade and charcoal dated to 9,640400 ka bp (Romano 1974). A similar
discovery occurred with the El Pen Woman, recovered near the Mexico City airport, who was AMS dated to 10,75575 ka bp (Gonzlez et al. 2003: 381).
As a result of more formal projects like Tlapacoya XVIII, a Pleistocene beach
along the banks of Lake Texcoco, lithics radiocarbon dated to 9,920220 ka bp were
recovered in association with a human skull (Lorenzo and Mirambell 1986a).
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136
In southeastern Mexico, the only osteological remains dating to this period

are a molar from Los Grifos associated with a stratum dated to ca. 9,500 ka bp
(Pompa and Serrano 2001). However, in 2000, an underwater archaeological project identified human skeletal remains inside three submerged caves near Tulum
(Gonzlez et al. 2006). These skeletons, apparently deposited in the caves along
with charcoal from fire pits, indicate human occupation of the caverns prior to the
rise in sea level toward the end of the Pleistocene (ibid.: 78). The associated dates
range from 8,050130 ka bp for the Las Palmas cave skeleton to 11,67060 ka bp for
the Naharon skeleton, making the latter one of the few pre-Clovis remains in the
New World (Gonzlez et al. 2008).
Toward a Model for the Peopling

of Middle America
The radiocarbon dates indicate an accelerated rate of colonization in the center
of Mesoamerica at the end of the Pleistocene. The regular appearance of human
remains during the Younger Dryas stadial (ca. 10,5009,800 ka bp), a cold, dry
period, could indicate accelerated demographic growth and not necessarily an initial period of colonization.
This idea is supported by the diversity of technological industries present in
the New World during this period (Dixon 1999; Dillehay 1999). The period prior
to 10,800 ka bp is represented by few sites and human remains, indicating a stage
of slow demographic growth or of human groups confined to the coastal regions
that were initially colonized and that are now underwater. The discovery of coastal
pre-Clovis sites like Monte Verde in Chile, or of human remains with dates prior
to the appearance of fluted points in submerged caves in Yucatn, suggests that the
coastal areas were settled prior to 12,000 ka bp. However, further research is still
required to confirm these possibilities.
We also have yet to identify the first people. If we accept that the groups using
expedient or flake-and-core technology were part of these pioneering groups
as proposed by authors like Krieger (1964) and Alan Bryan (1999), it is difficult
to accept that this type of technology is nearly 40,000 years old, as argued for El
Cedral (Lorenzo and Mirambell 1986b). On the other hand, we have yet to determine the origin of the Lerma points and their relationship to Jobo points from
South America that have been radiocarbon dated to 12,000 (Dillehay 1999; Bryan
et al. 1978).
What is certain is that fluted-point technology in Mesoamerica can be dated
to the start of the Holocene, between 10,000 and 9,000 ka bp, when the region was
already populated. This applies both to southeastern Mexico (Acosta 2010) and to
the rest of Central America (Cooke 1998). Anthony Ranere (2006: 85) has suggested
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137
that fluted-point hunters may have moved from Central to South America when
Clovis points were replaced by fishtail points.
Finally, we should clarify that the data that we have for groups of huntergatherers at the end of the Pleistocene and the beginning of the Holocene are very
rare, particularly if we compare them with any other Mesoamerican period. Thus,
the history of the early peopling of Middle America has yet to be written.
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