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new rules on profiling that allow for the potential mapping of Arab- or Muslim-American
communities. The Justice Departments refusal to investigate the New York Police Departments
mass surveillance and questionable informant-recruitment tactics among immigrants in the Araband Muslim-American communities has only made matters worse.
Overseas, the Cold War style of spying relying on U.S. embassies as bases from which CIA
and other U.S. government intelligence personnel operate is increasingly difficult in the areas
of the Middle East and southwest Asia undergoing often violent political change.
Steinbach testified about this before the House Homeland Security Committee earlier this month.
The concern is in Syria, he explained, the lack of our footprint on the ground in Syria that
the databases wont have the information we need.
Notice his reference to technology databases rather than the importance of the human element.
The U.S. intelligence communitys emphasis should be on the spy on the ground who actually gathers
critical information and makes any penetration of a terrorist organization possible.
This problem is true for Yemen as well, as a recent Washington Post story highlighted:
The spy agency has pulled dozens of operatives, analysts and other staffers from Yemen as part
of a broader extraction of roughly 200 Americans who had been based at the embassy in Sana,
officials said. Among those removed were senior officers who worked closely with Yemens
intelligence and security services to target al-Qaeda operatives and disrupt terrorism plots often
aimed at the United States.
The CIAs failure to field agents under nonofficial cover, or to recruit enough reliable local informant s on
the ground who could communicate securely with CIA handlers outside Yemen, is symptomatic of
the agencys failure to break with its reliance on embassy-based operations throughout that part of the
world. Compromising encryption technology will do nothing to solve the intelligence communitys
human-intelligence deficit. This is a problem the agency must address if it is ever going to be
successful in finding and neutralizing terrorist cells overseas.
It boils down to the fact that the FBI and the U.S. intelligence community have failed to adapt their
intelligence-collection practices and operations to meet the challenges of the new world disorder
in which we live. As former CIA officer Philip Giraldi has noted:
[I]ntelligence agencies that were created to oppose and penetrate other nation-state adversaries
are not necessarily well equipped to go after terrorists, particularly when those groups are
ethnically cohesive or recruited through family and tribal vetting, and able to operate in a lowtech fashion to negate the advantages that advanced technologies provide.
The CIA has repeatedly attempted occasionally at high cost to penetrate militant
organizations like al Qaeda and Islamic State. Nonetheless, Washingtons overall counterterrorism
bias in funding and manpower has been toward using the most sophisticated technology available as the
key means of battling a relatively low-tech enemy.
The FBIs new anti-encryption campaign is just the latest phase in the governments attempt to
deny Islamic State and related groups the ability to shield their communications. If these militant
groups were traditional nation-states with their own dedicated communications channels, wed
all be cheering on the FBIs efforts. But the Internet has become the primary means for global,
real-time communications for individuals, nonprofits, businesses and governments. So it should
not be treated as just another intelligence target, which is certainly the FBIs and Natural Security
Agencys current mindset.
Using the legislative process to force companies to make defective electronic devices with
exploitable communications channels in the hope that they will catch a tiny number of potential
or actual terrorists is a self-defeating strategy. If implemented, the FBIs proposal would only make
all Americans more vulnerable to malicious actors online and do nothing to stop the next terrorist attack.
of the most famous NSA whistleblowers (or the original NSA whistleblower), William
Binney, said the agency is collecting stupendous amounts of data so much that its actually hampering
intelligence operations. Binney worked for three decades for the intelligence agency, but left
shortly after the 9/11 attacks. A program he had developed was scrapped and replaced with a system
he said was more expensive and more intrusive, which made him feel he worked for an incompetent
employer. Plans to enact the now controversial Patriot Act was the last straw, so he quit. Since
then, Binney has frequently criticized the agency and revealed some of its operations hazards and
weaknesses. Among these, he alleges: The NSA buried key intelligence that could have prevented
One
9/11; The agencys bulk data collection from internet and telephone communications is unconstitutional
and illegal in the US; Electronic intelligence gathering is being used for covert law enforcement, political
control and industrial espionage, both in and beyond the US; Edward Snowdens leaks could have
been prevented. Ironically, Snowden cites Binney as an inspiration. His greatest insights however
is that the NSA is ineffective at preventing terrorism because analysts are too swamped with information
under its bulk collection programme. Considering Binneys impeccable track record he was co-founder
and director of the World Geopolitical & Military Analysis at the Signals Intelligence Automation
Research Center (SARC), a branch with 6,000 employees I can only presume he knows what hes
talking about. The Patriot Act is a U.S. law passed in the wake of the September 11, 2001 terrorist
attacks. Its goals are to strengthen domestic security and broaden the powers of law-enforcement
agencies with regards to identifying and stopping terrorists. In effect, the law laxes the restrictions
authorities have to search telephone, e-mail communications, medical, financial, and other records.
Because a lot of people use web services whose servers are located in the US, this means that the records
of people not located or doing business in the US are also spied upon by the NSA. All this information,
however, comes at a price: overload. According to the Guardian, the NSA buffers a whooping 21
petabytes a day! In this flood of information, an NSA analyst will quickly find himself overwhelmed .
Queering keywords like bomb or drugs might prove a nightmare for the analyst in question.
Its impossible not to, considering four billion people around two-thirds of the worlds
population are under the NSA and partner agencies watchful eyes, according to Binney.
Thats why they couldnt stop the Boston bombing, or the Paris shootings, because the data was
all there, said Binney for ZDnet.
Popularity Disad
In response to unpopular Zero impact to cred
Daryl G. Press, Associate Professor in the Government Department at Dartmouth College and Coordinator of War and Peace Studies at
Dartmouths John Sloan Dickey Center for International Understanding, and Jennifer Lind, Associate Professor in the Government Department
The problem is that there's little evidence that supports the view that countries' record for
keeping commitments determines their credibility. Jonathan Mercer, in his book Reputation and
International Politics, examined a series of crises leading up to World War I and found that backing
down did not cause one's adversaries to discount one's credibility. In another book, Daryl Press
examined a series of Cold War crises between NATO and the Warsaw Pact. From 1958 to 1961, Nikita
Khrushchev repeatedly threatened to cut off NATO's access to West Berlin. Each time, the
deadlines passed and Khrushchev failed to carry out his threats. If backing down damages
credibility, Khrushchev's credibility should have been plummeting, but the deliberations of
American and British leaders show that his credibility steadily grew throughout this period. And
a year after the 1961 Berlin confrontation, when the same American decision-makers confronted
Khrushchev during the Cuban Missile Crisis, they took his threats very seriously. Senior U.S. leaders
were convinced that Khrushchev would respond to any forceful U.S. act against Cuba with an
immediate Soviet attack against Berlin. Four years of backing down had not damaged Soviet
credibility in the least. Documents from American and British archives reveal that when NATO
leaders tried to assess the credibility of Soviet threats, they didn't focus on the past. Instead, they
looked at Khrushchev's current threat and the current circumstances and asked themselves two simple
questions. Can he do it? And would it serve his interests? In the eyes of the Macmillan,
Eisenhower, and Kennedy governments, Soviet credibility was growing -- despite Khrushchev's
bluster -- simply because Soviet power was expanding. Power and interests in the here-and-now
determine credibility, not what one did in different circumstances in the past. Even the canonical case for
reputational arguments -- Hitler's dismissal of French and British threats in 1939 -- shows that credibility stems from
power and interests. When Hitler told his generals why the British and French would not oppose him
when he invaded Poland, he listed seven reasons, every one of which was about the balance of power .
The "worms" quote was a throwaway line after a detailed analysis of the balance of military
power and Poland's indefensibility.
Circumvention/case
We get permanent fiat any other interpretation turns debate from a should
question to a will question. Neg would always win and wed also learn a lot less.
Reform will snowball
Patel 6/25/2015 (Faiza [co-director of the Brennan Centers Liberty and National Security
Program]; When will surveillance reform stop being just 'cool'?;
www.brennancenter.org/blog/when-will-surveillance-reform-stop-being-just-cool; kdf)
Last week, former National Security Agency Director Michael Hayden
intelligence authorities since the 9/11 attacks and should mark the beginning not the end
of reform. Its no surprise that Congress chose to tackle the phone record program first. It is relatively
straightforward for people to understand, and its goal of amassing a vast database of information about Americans is patently difficult to square
with our constitutional values. Two review boards found it to be of minimal counterterrorism value, and a federal appeals court declared it illegal.
Even the intelligence community and the president were amenable to reform. But Congress is well aware
that this reform is insufficient. Many of the votes against the act in the House and Senate came from
lawmakers who believe it didnt go far enough.
Amendments guarantee of [t]he right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and
effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures. I have no criticism of the FISA Court. I know and deeply respect every
one of its presiding judges for the last 30 years, and I am well acquainted with many of the other FISA judges who have served. They are, every
one of them, careful and scrupulous custodians of the extraordinary and sensitive power entrusted to them. The staff that supports the FISA Court,
the Justice Department lawyers who appear before the FISA Court, and the FBI, CIA and NSA personnel who present applications to the FISA
Court are superb, dedicated professionals. What I do criticize is the mission creep of the statute all of those people are
implementing.