The Journal of History

LV (January-December
2009): 1-161
WritingVol.
Ethnohistory
in the Philippines
2009 The Philippine National Historical Society, Inc.

Writing Ethnohistory in the Philippines:

Narrating and Theorizing Culture
Raymundo D. Rovillos

Abstract
This paper explores the poetics and politics (Clifford and Marcus
1986) of writing ethnohistory in the Philippines. This is achieved
by scrutinizing selected ethnohistories from different ethnographic
regions in the Philippines: Cordillera, Central and South Luzon,
and Mindanao.
These texts are discursively analyzed using the framework
proposed by Clifford and Marcus, that is, ethnographic writing
is determined in at least six ways:
(1) contextuallyit draws from and creates meaningful
social milieux; (2) rhetoricallyit uses and is used by
expressive conventions; (3) institutionallyone writes within,
and against, specific traditions, disciplines, audiences; (4)
genericallyan ethnography is usually distinguishable from
a novel or a travel account; (5) politicallythe authority to
represent cultural realities is unequally shared and at times
contested; (6) historicallyall the above conventions and
constraints are changing. These conventions govern the
inscription of coherent ethnographic inscriptions (Ibid., 6).

Raymundo D. Rovillos

The paper does not claim to present the truths about the past and
culture of the Igorots, Mangyans, Bagobos, Tausugs, etc. Rather,
it reveals how these truths are inscribed and re-inscribed in the
ethnohistorical texts. It shall demonstrate that cultures are indeed
produced historically, and are actively contested.
Keywords: Ethnohistory, native-colonial encounter, culture
change, ethnic identity formation, inter-ethnic relations

Introduction
Ethnohistory is one form of local history. It focuses on the ethnic and
cultural dimensions of the social life of one or several ethno-linguistic
groups. Local historians in the Philippines have underscored the
importance of writing local, especially, ethnohistories.
For one, it is a creative force in local development. Samuel Tan
(1998) points this out when he writes:
Local history performs the vital task of putting in
meaningful perspective the essence of community
life in both space and time. It is at this point in local
development, when things are seen in context or social
perspective in what social scientists call sociology of
knowledge, that the local people begin to appreciate
the meaning of existence, the purpose of all individual
and social fact (Tan 1998, 22).
Historians have also emphasized the valuable contribution of local
and ethnohistory in nation-building (Agoncillo 2003, 74; Cortes n.d.,
1; Tan 1998, 22-23). They agree that ethnohistory could enrich our
national history by highlighting those events in any locality which
impinge or have an impact on national life (Agoncillo 2003, 75). This
clarion call continues to be relevant until today, especially with the
emergence of ethnic identity politics that challenge the very notion of a

Writing Ethnohistory in the Philippines

nation-state. Today, academic historians have to be more self-conscious

of the discourses that they themselves might be creating. As forms
of representations, ethnohistories have to be discursively analyzed
according to their context, rhetoric and theoretical/conceptual grids.
This paper attempts to contribute towards this direction.
Specifically, it seeks to answer the following questions:

What themes have been covered by Philippine ethnohistories?

Are ethnohistories written with a view to narrate and/or

theorize? What social science theories and concepts have
been employed?

What discourse/s about culture and ethnicity are constructed

by these scholarly works?

To answer these questions, eleven (11) published ethnohistories on

Philippine ethnic communities and localities (provinces and regions)
inhabited by the cultural communities were reviewed.
Towards a Definition
Ethnohistory is defined in various ways. To date, ethnohistorians
have not reached a consensus as to its distinction from other areas of
the discipline of history. However, they know which work could be
considered ethnohistory. In this paper, I use the definition of Russel
Barber and Frances Berdan:
Ethnohistory is an interdisciplinary field that studies
past human behavior and is characterized by a primary
reliance on documents, the use and input from other
sources when available, a methodology that incorporates
historiography and cultural relativism, and a focus on
cultural interaction (1998, 12).

Raymundo D. Rovillos

This definition clearly articulates the interface between two

analytical categories: past and culture. The main subjects of study
are cultural interaction and cultural change. Recent ethnohistories
are characterized by the following: use of cultural artifacts as source
besides documents, although the latter is a main source; perspectives
of history from below; and interdisciplinary, multi-disciplinary and
trans-disciplinary approaches (Stoianovich 1976, 35-39). It should
be emphasized that these trends are not peculiar to ethnohistory
alonethey characterize a wave of historiography in the discipline of
history in general. Thus, what differentiates ethnohistory from the rest
of the other sub-areas of historiography is its topic, that is, the history
of indigenous peoples or ethno-linguistic groups.
We can better appreciate the scope of ethnohistory when we study
what the international community of academic ethnohistorians does.
Barber and Berdan lists down some of the recent themes tackled by
scholars since the 1990s:

Maori Prisoners and Slaves in the Nineteenth Century

Land Litigations in an Andean Ayllu from 1952 until 1972
Contesting Authenticity: Battles over the Representations
of History in Morelos, Mexico
Images of Society in Klondike Gold Rush Narratives:
Skookum Jim and the Discovery of Gold
Stages in the Historical Process of Ethnicity: The Japanese
in Brazil, 1908-1988
Voices of Disaster: Smallpox around the Strait of Georgia
in 1872

Recent ethnohistoriography indeed covers a wide range of topics.

Scholars agree that the study may focus on a particular situation,
concept, activity and event, in a definite time/periodsynchronic,
or a series of time/perioddiachronic. Increasing attention has
been given to the use of conceptual frameworks in the study of the
human past. Certainly, this trend is influenced by the shifts in metatheoretical thinking about the nature of the facts of historythat
is, they cannot speak for themselves (Tosh 2004, 69). Proponents
of this paradigm posit that brute data can only make sense if and
when they are interpreted by historians with the help of social science

Raymundo D. Rovillos

Writing Ethnohistory in the Philippines

concepts.
haveabout;
even moved
further
from
interpretation
to
imply there
to beOthers
talked
rather,
it is
through
discourse
itself t
discourse. Discursive historiography views historical facts as products
ght into being
(Ashcroft,
etbounded
al. 1998,
70-71).
of discourse,
a strongly
area of
social knowledge, a system

of statements within which the world can be known. The key feature
of this is that the world is not simply there to be talked about; rather,
There is continuing
debate between, on one side, historians who argu
it is through discourse itself that the world is brought into being
simply be (Ashcroft,
a narrative
of the
human past and, on the other side, those
et al. 1998,
70-71).

torians should rise above data collection and narration toward theoriz

There is continuing debate between, on one side, historians who

argue that history should simply be a narrative of the human past and,
Undoubtedly,
in the Philippines
as
on thethis
otherdebate
side, thosereverberates
who believe that historians
should rise above
that are included
in this
data collection
and volume.
narration toward theorizing.

we may o

thisthe
debate
reverberates
in the Philippines
as we may that had
In attemptingUndoubtedly,
to review
most
important
ethnohistories
observe in the papers that are included in this volume.
ed, I used the following conceptual tool:
In attempting to review the most important ethnohistories that had
already been published, the following conceptual tool is used:
ElementsofHistoricalResearch
(Boquiren,1999,modifiedbyRovillos,2008)
Problem/Idea

Knowledge

HISTORIAN

Methodology

Sources

Conceptual Framework

This tool reminds us that to be able to analyze any work on

history, we have to take into consideration the iterative relationship

This tool reminds us that to be able to analyze any work on history

nto consideration the iterative relationship between and among

Raymundo D. Rovillos

between and among the historian (researcher) who happens to be

at the center of the framework. As historian E.H. Carr has written:
a historian, before he even begins to write history, is a product of
history (1964, 43). The historians subjective position in relation to
the research idea/problem is therefore always crucial in the analysis of
the historical work. The idea or problem that he/she chooses to pursue
is at once affected by the available sources, the prevailing knowledge
on the subject matter, and the conceptual and methodological tools
the historian uses in analyzing the historical data. I say iterative
because the relationships among these components of historiography
are neither linear nor fixed. Rather, a researcher/historian constantly
struggles among these elements while doing the research. In the
process, an idea, concept or method could be modified in light of the
presence or absence of sources of data and vice-versa.
A caveat: the aim is not to present an in-depth analysis of each
ethnographic work. Instead, I attempt to identify the themes that
emerge from these material.
Native-Colonial Encounter
Felix M. Keesing was one of the pioneers in the writing of ethnohistory
in the Philippines. In his The Ethnohistory of Northern Luzon (1962),
Keesing traced the relationship between the lowland and highland
communities in Northern Luzon. Through a scrupulous study of
primary sources, he ventured to prove the theory of migration of and
interaction among peoples in the region (Keesing 1962).
William Henry Scotts The Discovery of the Igorots (1974) may be
considered an ethnohistory, although it is more commonly known as
a local/regional history. In this book, Scott narrated the encounter of
the pagan communities of the Cordillera with the Spanish colonizers.
Scott proved that, indeed, there are cracks in the parchment curtain
when he used the primary sources written mostly by the Spanish
colonizers to elicit the voices and the agency of the subaltern.
Scotts Discovery was followed by other local, regional and
ethnohistories in the Cordillera region such as A History of the

Writing Ethnohistory in the Philippines

Mountain Province by Howard T. Fry (1983), A Peoples History of

Benguet by Anavic Bagamaspad and Zenaida Pawid (1985), and The
White Apos: American Governors on the Cordillera Central by Frank
L. Jenista (1987). Through these works, the history of various ethnolinguistic groups in the CordilleraIbalois of Benguet, Bontoc and
Kankanaey of Mountain Province, and Ifugaos of Ifugao Province
come to the fore.
Fry reconstructed the history of Mountain Province by tracing its
formation according to three phases of the administration under the
United States. The first phase (1901-1912), when the U.S. President
came from the Republican Party, saw the establishment of a reservation
for the Non-Christian Tribes in the Central Cordillera. During the
second phase (1913-1939), when the U.S. Presidency shifted to the
Democratic Party, the villages throughout the region were linked
through a vigorous construction of roads, bridges and commerce.
The third phase witnessed the efforts of the native population toward
self-rule and to control the local structures of governance. Through
this approach, Fry was able to show how local developments are
inextricably linked with developments in the metropolitan center in
the United States.
Fry was apparently guided by a theory of modernization. He
argued that it is imperative to further raise the native population
toward civilization in order to lift them out of poverty. This explains
why Fry highlighted the accomplishments of the Americans in the
development of the natives.
Bagamaspad and Pawids A Peoples History of Benguet is based
on a participatory local (municipal) history project. This massive
undertaking yielded a wealth of historical knowledge from a mix of
methods, such as genealogy, document study, oral tradition and oral
history. The authors appeared to analyze the historical data within the
grid of national history. For example, they used the periodization of
Philippine national history (i.e., ancient life ways and beliefs, Spanish
period, American period, Japanese period and the contemporary
period) to present the peoples history of Benguet. A question lingers:
would the periodization be the same had the authors based their
periodization on the emic perspectives of time and nodal points?

Raymundo D. Rovillos

In The White Apos, Jenista studied the historical relations between the
Ifugaos and the Americans. Employing the tools of social history, Jenista
explained the historical processes of reciprocal acculturation and assimilation
between Ifugao and American culture. The author argues that the American
Governors were successful in their policy of Benevolent Assimilation,
because of the Ifugaoization of American practices and behaviors on one
hand, and the convergence between Ifugao and American culture on the
other (Jenista 1987, 106). Ifugaoization is the process of accommodating
American and Ifugao culture and the localization of western culture. An
example that he cites is the convergence of American cowboy culture and
the warrior tradition of the Ifugaos (Ibid., 116-121).
Jenista also discussed the relations between American men and
native women among the indigenous communities in Central Cordillera.
He says that the free and open nature of relations between American
men and native women in Ifugao was acceptable since this did not violate
Ifugao custom. Free and open meant that divorce was allowed, and
marriage took place when the woman is already pregnant (Ibid., 206). It
is in the context of assimilation and acculturation that Jenista was able
to make sense of American-Native miscegenation.
Culture Change
The theme of accommodation, assimilation and culture change has
been pursued by scholars beyond the Cordillera/Northern Luzon
region. One of them is Eric Casio (1976), who analyzed the factors
leading to socio-cultural changes among the Jama Mapun of Cagayan
de Sulu and Palawan. The author was guided by a conceptual framework
that he called change analysis to help him explain the changes in Jama
Mapun society from its traditional to modern order. He analyzed the
causes and determinants of a society in transition toward a modern
world within the following temporal framework: (1) 1500 to 1900,
when Jama Mapun was under the Sulu Sultanate; (2) 1900-1945, the
American colonization of the island of Sulu; and, (3) 1945-1970, the
integration of Sulu as part of the Republic of the Philippines.
Casio came up with several interesting findings. From 15001900 for instance, Islamic consciousness increased among the Jama

Writing Ethnohistory in the Philippines

Mapuns due to the direct influence of the Sulu Sultanate. With the
coming of the Americans (1900-1945), there was an accelerated
modernization of economic, political and educational institutions in
the area. Commercialization of agriculture engendered changes in
social hierarchy. Land became privatized, while education became
secular. Commerce with the Chinese intensified and politics at the
barrio level became democratic. During the period 1945-1970, major
changes occurred in Jama Mapun society, most notably in the realm of
economics and politics. These were largely due to the emergence of new
groups like the traders or hadjis, who rivaled the traditional members
of the maharlikas. Technological innovations increased the knowledge
in agriculture and commerce. The Chinese played a significant
role in commerce and trade as the local economy was increasingly
commercialized. And movements/travel of the Jama Mapuns to other
places like Borneo and Palawan increased and became frequent.
The track of finding historical explanations to socio-cultural
change was followed by Heidi Gloria (1987), who did the ethnohistory
of the Bagobos. She used the concepts and ideas of Laura Benedict,
an American anthropologist, as a handle in understanding the
mythological and metaphysical world of the Bagobos (Gloria 1987,
3-7). She also identified the external influences that were key to the
acculturation of the Bagobos, such as: (1) the Hispanization and
Christianization which changed the indigenous beliefs and practices
of the indigenous community; (2) the establishment of plantations
by the Americans and the Japanese in the ancestral domain of the
Bagobos, which led to the shift from subsistence to cash-economy;
and, (3) the establishment of the Republic of the Philippines and the
introduction of several displacing factors such the practice of landgrabbing within the ancestral domain of the Bagobos, exploitation of
their natural resources, and participation in elections which weakened
the authority of the datus and other indigenous institutions and
processes of decision-making.
Another equally important contribution to the growing literature on
ethnohistory is that of Leslie Bauzon (1999) on the Manobos of Northeast
Mindanao. This work largely uses the unpublished manuscripts of Eleazar
(1985) and Gelacio (1993-97). Bauzon writes that before colonialism, the
Manobos were dominant (compared to the Banwaons and Mamanwas)

10

Raymundo D. Rovillos

in Agusan and Surigao on account of migration and intermarriage

between and among the Manobos and other ethnic groups. Through
time, however, the Manobos number and power diminished as they
had to flee to the different places in Mindanao due to colonialism, the
massive entry of migrants from Luzon and Visayas, and the incursion
of extractive industries like logging and mining.
Prolonged interaction of the Manobos with outsiders (e.g.,
Christian lowlanders) resulted in their assimilation of some Christianlowland beliefs, practices and values. Confirmation of this process of
assimilation transpired during the first decade of the 20th century, when
several Manobos joined the millenarian movements such as Colorum,
Pulahanes, Tongud-Tongud and Kublan. Yet while accommodating
elements of other cultures, the Manobos were able to retain some
of their indigenous beliefs and practices like their rituals, betel nut
chewing, and institutions for conflict resolution and nature and spirit
worships (Bauzon 1999, 29-30).
Bauzon suggests there should be respect and recognition of the
different cultures in the Philippines. He argues that the recognition
of cultural pluralism is crucial in maintaining peace and order in the
country (Ibid., 31-35).
Ethnic Identity Formation and Inter-ethnic Relations
Three works grappled with the theme of the historical processes that led
to the creation of ethnic groups and their interaction: The Mangyans
of Mindoro by Violeta Lopez (1976); Katutubo-Muslim at Kristiyano:
Palawan by Nilo Ocampo (1985); and The Sulu Zone, 1768-1898 by
James Francis Warren (1985).
In her ethnohistory of the Mangyans of Mindoro, Lopez traced the
historical roots of the problematic relationship between the lowlanders and
the highlanders. The history of the Mangyans may be summed up thus:
during the proto-historical period, they were free; when the Spaniards
came to colonize them, their freedom was lostthe Mangyans virtually
became slaves and the dichotomy between the lowlander and highlanders
emerged due to the divisive development policies of the state.

Writing Ethnohistory in the Philippines

11

Lopez goes along with the perspective that the ethnic division and
conflict among Filipinos is a product of Spanish colonialism:
The process of withdrawal out of the sphere of Spanish
control later led to the diverse differentiation of
cultures between those who decided to remain in the
lowland area on the one hand, and those who opted to
flee into the highlands of Mindoro on the other hand.
Undoubtedly, those who remained within the pale
of Spanish control embraced the Catholic faith and
consequently absorbed, though selectively, Spanish
cultural practices (Lopez, 1976, 123).
Lopez adds that a further and more significant consequence was
the intermingling and inevitable cross-ethnic relations in the interior
as a result of three centuries of piracy of the Muslims. These crossethnic relations brought about by the response of withdrawal seem to
have largely contributed to the growth of ethnic multiplicity among
the interior people (Ibid., 124).
What is remarkable in the work of Lopez is her attempt to combine
a synchronic and diachronic approach to explain the cultural and
historical processes of change among the Mangyans. Moreover, the
unilinear paradigm is evident in her work, that is, Mangyan society
and culture is a paradise lost due to colonialism.
A similar narrative of indigenous resistance against
assimilationist state policy and integration may be gleaned in Nilo
Ocampos Katutubo, Muslim, Kristiyano, 1621-1901 (1985). Ocampo
showed the dynamic interplay of historical actors in Palawan through
a thorough study of primary sources. He asserts that Palawan was
the indigenous territory of the Bataks, Tagbanuas, Palawans, and
Kuyonons. It also eventually became the defense fort of the Muslims.
Sustained efforts at integrating the province started during the
Spanish colonialism and continued until the 20th century. However,
the indigenous communities continued to be independent, living in
their pre-Mohammedan and pre-Hispanic core (Ocampo 1985, 127).
At the onset of the 20th century, the province was demographically

12

Raymundo D. Rovillos

configured by indigenous/Moro/Indio on one hand, and the upland

Batak-Tagbanua-Palawan/Islamic Southerners/Christian lowlanders
on the other.
The historical processes and ecological factors that influenced
inter-ethnic relations are vividly captured and analyzed by James
Warren in his book, The Sulu Zone: 1768-1898: The Dynamics
of External Trade, Slavery, and Ethnicity in the Transformation
of a Southeast Asian Maritime State (1985). Warren explains the
relationships of ethnic groups in the Sulu Zone within the framework
of the complex interaction between forces at the center and periphery.
He elaborates his conceptual framework thus:
This mode of analysis provides a means of interpreting the
tensions prevalent in a region where traditional states were
defined by varying relationships to the centre rather than fixed
geographical frontiers. Ethnic relations then can be viewed in
terms of a single cultural ecosystem in which parts are bound
together by alternating bonds of antipathy and symbiotic
relations (Ibid., xxiii).
According to Warren, the socio-cultural context of the Sulu
Zone laid the basis for a vibrant social interaction and extensive
trade in and out of the Tausug state. The following areas form part
of the Sulu Zone: Sulu islands, northeast coast of Borneo, middle of
South Mindanao, and western coast of Celebes. Communities in the
islands and along the coastal areas, i.e., the nomadic fisher folks, and
swiddeners from the foot of the mountains until the coastlines, are
loosely linked to a political system.
One of the most notable strengths of Warrens book is its being
able to surface the voices of the banyagas or slaves who, Warren
asserts, served as the pillar of Tausug society. Like William Henry
Scott, James Warren proves that, indeed, indigenous counter-signs
may be gleaned from the colonial documents themselves, as daunting
a task as this may be.

Writing Ethnohistory in the Philippines

13

Conclusion
Over the past decades, there had been a growing number of
ethnohistories in the Philippines. These studies tackled a variety of
topics that can further be categorized according to three broad themes:
(1) the encounter of the native population with colonialism; (2) culture
change/cultural accommodation, localization, and resistance; and, (3)
the historical process of ethnic identity formation and, relatedly, interethnic interaction.
These narratives reveal the historical processes that led to the
creation of dichotomies between lowland-highland communities,
Christian-non Christian and Muslim-non Muslim populations.
Attached to these labels are socially constructed binary oppositions
such as: tradition versus modern, backward versus advanced, primitive
versus civilized. These artificial labels and designations have become
naturalized through time through the institutions of social reproduction
like the schools, the media and the church. Beneath these externally
imposed labels and designations are elements of pre-colonial society
and culture that are simultaneously distinct and similar, if not the same.
It is these common (core) elements of Filipino culture that nationalist
historians like Agoncillo, Constantino and Tan, et. al., would like to
integrate in the writing and teaching of national history.
These narratives also show that since the colonial encounter,
indigenous communities all over the country had been accommodating
and assimilating influences from the outside world, such as Christianity,
Islam, private ownership of land and resources, cash economy and
electoral politics. Thus, since the colonial periods, they already
shared a lot of common experiences and exposures with the rest of
the Filipino people. Yet, why is it that many indigenous communities
feel isolated and different? The answer to this question may be found
in the ethnohistorical narratives themselves. The minoritization
(i.e., displacement, marginalization and disenfranchisement) of most
indigenous communities happened due to some unscrupulous elite
groups who took advantage of the indigenous communities. Internal
colonialism by the Bisayans, Ilocanos and Tagalogs may have taken
place in areas such as Mindanao, but it cannot be concluded that it
was a case of majority versus the minority population, or one ethnic

14

Raymundo D. Rovillos

group against another, but a class or elite exploiting and oppressing

their fellow Filipinos. The ethnic problem in the Philippines is a
result of an unjust social system and, therefore, national concern for
social justice (Salazar 1983, xv).
Most ethnohistories included in this review employ social science
paradigms and concepts. Only a few would be considered empiricists,
meaning those historians who believe that their task is only to narrate
the events as they happened. In contrast, the authors use conceptual
frameworks to help them make sense of historical data. Hence, social
science paradigms like structural-functionalism, dialectical and
historical materialism, cultural relativism, ecosystems approach, and
change analysis, among others, have been employed in interpreting
data. Theoretical frameworks are deemed necessary in order to guide
the organization of data as well as the analysis. However, Samuel Tan
cautions us that:
In the end, the data collected from all possible sources
should be able to provide basis for either supporting the
tentative assumptions or modifying and even altogether
changing the frameworkWithout this validation by a
preponderance of sources and evidence, the framework
becomes a mere speculative, imaginative creation of
the mind, usually from personal bias or extraneous
impositions (Tan 1998, 23).
Indeed the dynamic interplay between theory and empirical
data makes ethnohistory a stimulating subject matter. For so long as
historians are meaning-finders as well as meaning-givers, the cycle of
interpretation and understanding also moves endlessly.

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Writing Ethnohistory in the Philippines

15

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16

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