Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
Christoph Stadel
The Andes
A Geographical Portrait
Translated by
Brigitte Scott and Christoph Stadel
Springer Geography
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The Andes
A Geographical Portrait
13
Axel Borsdorf
Institute for Interdisciplinary Mountain Research
Austrian Academy of Sciences (AW)
Innsbruck
Austria
Christoph Stadel
Department of Geography and Geology
University of Salzburg
Salzburg
Austria
ISSN 2194-315X
ISSN 2194-3168 (electronic)
Springer Geography
ISBN 978-3-319-03529-1
ISBN 978-3-319-03530-7 (eBook)
DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-03530-7
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Preface
The Andes, a natural mountain environment and a cultural sphere, fascinates both scientists
and visitors. In their academic pursuits the authors were fortunate to become acquainted with
a diversity of tropical and non-tropical mountains. However, the Andes remained the focus
of our research interests. Since the 1970s we have carried out studies in these mountains;
and with the students of our universities we have, jointly or individually, organized numerous
excursions and field investigations. In these years we have extensively travelled in the sierras, from the cordilleras near the Caribbean coast to the southern tip of the continent, and we
have also crossed the Andes along many profiles from the Pacific coastal plains to the eastern
flanks of the mountain system. Since the early 1990s our close collaboration and friendship
formed the basis for this joint book project.
A major motivation for writing this book was the realization that since the publication of
the Geography of the Andes by Pedro Cunill, first in French and later in Spanish, some 50
years ago, no comprehensive geographical documentation of the Andes has been undertaken.
Our aim was not to replace the most valuable book of Cunill but to update it and to amplify
its perspective. We feel also encouraged by the fact that the Argentine Robert Herrscher has
stated that, for us in Latin America, the German perspective has always been very important. Beyond a romantic embellishment, and beyond the experience of wars and dictatorships,
we always felt accompanied by this vision in the tradition of Alexander von Humboldt. It is a
curious and deep view manifesting diligence and impartiality (Herrscher 2011, translated by
the authors).
Our book is not a mere geography of the Andean countries. It focuses on the mountain
area of the Andes, but also takes in the multiple interdependencies between the cordilleras
and the adjacent lowlands.
The first chapter conveys an overview; therefore it contains only a few references and
maps. The following, more detailed, chapters are complemented with a number of text boxes
on specific themes or regions. These are either based on our own studies or on other sources.
These are referenced in the extensive multidisciplinary and international bibliography, which
exceeds a mere list of references and should be a rich source for further studies. In a conventional way, we have decided to portray first the natural environment, followed by the cultural
realm. As both these spaces are closely connected, a number of feedbacks to natural factors
and processes had to be included in the treatment of the human parameters.
In looking at the manuscript as a whole, certain repetitions and overlaps become evident.
We have consciously accepted this, as we are of the opinion that it is justified to come back
at important aspects in a new context. It was unavoidable that the text contains many specialist terms. Whenever feasible, we have explained them at the first mention. In other cases the
reader can refer to the Glossary at the end of the book. Many of the place names, although
not all of them, are found in the general location map preceding Chap. 1.
v
vi
The book is organized into a sequence of chapters that follows the convention for regional
geographies. We have opted for this procedure as we like to emphasize that many cultural
phenomena and processes can only be comprehended on the basis of the factors and of the
forces of the natural environment. However, we have attempted to avoid an encyclopaedic
approach. In many chapters, sub-sections and boxes, the reader will be familiarized with frequent interactions between people and the environment in the diverse mountain regions.
In the text we have avoided, with some exceptions, a cumbersome number of abbreviations. In some cases we have added the full meaning of the abbreviations in brackets. Spanish
terms, when mentioned for the first time, are written in italics and small initial letters; subsequently they are given in regular type form.
We have illustrated the text with numerous photographs in order to convey to the reader
many rich and diversified images of the different natural and human environments of the
Andes. The photographs (with some exceptions, where a different source is indicated) can be
credited to the authors. We like to acknowledge with sincere thanks the contributors of additional photos, and in particular Perdita Pohle, for permitting us to include one of her maps.
We are greatly indebted to the staff members of the Institute for Interdisciplinary
Mountain Research of the Austrian Academy of Sciences. In particular to Brigitte Scott,
who not only translated a large part of the book (excellently as always) but also took on the
language editing for the whole book. Axel Borsdorf extends special thanks to his co-author
Christoph Stadel for translating his part of the German original. We also want to mention
Kati Heinrich and Tobias Tpfer for their cartographic work and for the adaptation of photographs. Within the Department of Geography and Geology of the University of Salzburg, our
deep gratitude is extended to Walter Gruber for his most valuable assistance in the illustrations and to Agnes Spieberger for her text-editing work. Great thanks are due as well to the
publisher Springer.
We would also like to acknowledge with many thanks our colleagues Hans Gundermann
(Chile), Jack Ives (Canada), Bruno Messerli (Switzerland), Fausto O. Sarmiento and Fred
Zimmermann (USA), with whom we had most fruitful discussions. We also like to mention
with sincere gratitude the many scientists from the Andean countries, in particular Rodrigo
Hidalgo, Carla Marchant, Andrs Moreira, Hugo Romero and Rafael Snchez from Chile,
Juan Hidalgo and Azucena Vicua from Ecuador, Hildegardo Crdova from Peru and Luis
Alfonso Ortega from Colombia. Invaluable and unforgettable were the encounters, discussions and joint activities with many rural and urban people in the Andes. They were for us
a precious human enrichment, and an indispensable source of information. Axel Borsdorf
would also like to thank his Innsbruck colleagues Johann Sttter and Martin Coy who supported him, especially for granting him additional time for working on the book. Christoph
Stadel, in turn, would like to express his gratitude to the Chairmen of the Department for
their logistic support, to Lothar Schrott, who checked Chap. 2.
In the initial preparation phase of the book were the invaluable contribution of the participants of the two EU Research Programmes ALFA-GEORED I and II from Quito and Cuenca
(Ecuador), Manizales (Colombia), Lima (Peru), Santiago and Valdivia (Chile), as well as
from Marburg (Germany), Innsbruck and Salzburg (Austria). Furthermore, we owe our deep
gratitude to the UN Economic Commission for Latin America (CEPAL), as well as to the
Director of the Department on Sustainable Development and Human Settlement, Jos Luis
Samaniego. Important impulses we received also from the staff of the project Risk Habitat
Megacity of the Helmholtz Foundation in Bogot and Santiago.
Preface
vii
Preface
Not least, we are very grateful to our families and friends for their support and understanding that allowed us, alone or in their company, to spend a considerable amount of time
in the Andes. They demonstrated, over several decades, a great deal of patience and understanding for our research engagement in this fascinating mountain realm.
The AndesA Geographical Portrait is an amended, updated and translated version of the
book Die Anden. Ein geographisches Portrt (Heidelberg/Berlin: Springer Spektrum 2013).
Innsbruck, July 2014
Salzburg
Axel Borsdorf
Christoph Stadel
Axel Borsdorf (*1948) and Christoph Stadel (*1938) have been travelling and have
researched in the Andes since the 1970s. They have visited all Andean countries and have
carried out field investigations in Bolivia, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador and Peru. Since 1991
their common interest in the Andes has resulted in many joint academic ventures, research
programmes, excursions and field schools. While both authors have focused on various
themes of mountain geoecology, cultural phenomena and regional development, the rural
environment and the sierras of Ecuador and Bolivia received specific attention by Christoph
Stadel; Axel Borsdorf specialized in urban development and the mountain regions of Chile
and Colombia. The work of both authors is shaped by a deep empathy for local people, for
their culture, wisdom and livelihoods. They are not only interested in the rich and varied past
and its environmental impacts, but they are also keen observers of the current vast array of
current factors, features and forces; and they are intrigued by potential future scenarios and
developments. Their thorough knowledge of other mountain regions has enabled them to
detect and analyse the identity of the Andean environment and society. Furthermore, both
authors have an almost missionary zeal to instill into their students and to a wider public
a passion for this fascinating mountain realm. This was for them the principal objective of
compiling the book The AndesA Geographical Portrait. This presentation and analysis of
the multiple geographical structures and processes, since Cunills Geography of the Andes
in French, and later Spanish, some 50 years ago, is the newest comprehensive portrait ofthe
entire Andean mountain system.
Contents
1 Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
1.1 The Geographical Identity of the Andes as a High Mountain Area. . . . . . . . .
1.1.1 The Variety of Andean Landscapes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
1.1.2 The Southern Andes: High Cordillera and Coastal Cordillera. . . . . .
1.1.3 The Central Andes: Mountain Chains and High Plateaus. . . . . . . . .
1.1.4 The Northern Andes: Three Mountain Regions with Distinct
Geological Characteristics. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
1.2 Locational Aspects, Structure and Geographic Delimitation. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
1.3 Highland-Lowland Interactions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
1.4 Core Areas and Peripheries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
1.5 Potential of the Natural Environment. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
1.5.1 Climatic Diversity in Relation to Latitudinal and Hemispheric
Location, Elevation and Topography. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
1.5.2 Geomorphological Configuration and Climatic Processes . . . . . . . .
1.5.3 WaterThe Elixir of Life . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
1.5.4 Soils and Their Importance for Agriculture. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
1.5.5 Ecosystem Functions of the Andes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
1.5.6 The Andean EnvironmentA Source of Natural Wealth
or an Ecological Handicap?. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
1.6 German and International Research on the Andes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
1.6.1 German-Language Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
1.6.2 Contributions of Latin-American, Anglophone
and Francophone Scholars to Latin-American Research. . . . . . . . . .
1
4
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27
ix
Contents
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Contents
166
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6.4
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xii
Contents
289
290
293
296
301
305
9.2
9.3
9.4
308
311
316
317
318
320
320
321
322
Epilogue. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 323
Glossary. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 329
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 337
Caribbean Sea
Mrida
Pico Bolvar
4981 m
Medelln
Bogot
San Augustn
Colombia
Amazo
Alaus
Brazil
Cusco
Psac
Lake
Titicaca
Pacific Ocean
Bolivia
Lake
Poop
Mara Elena
Mara Elena
Pacific Ocean
Salinas
Grandes
Montevideo
Argentina
Ro
Alicur dam
places
SHDNZLWKHOHYDWLRQLQP
capital
lake
salt pan
major waterway
state border
Atlantic Ocean
6DQ9DOHQWtQ
P
Lake General
Carrera
elevation in m
> 5,000
3,001 5,000
1,501 3,000
1,001 1,500
501 1,000
201 500
101 200
100
)LW]5R\
P
Lake
Argentino
Falkland Islands
Cape Horn
Introduction
1Introduction
CocosPlate
Northern
Andes
Nudo de Pasto
South-American
Plate
Northern
central
Andes
Nudo de Vilcanota
Middle
central
Andes
NazcaPlate
Llullaillaco
Southern
central
Andes
Southern
Andes
Antarctic Plate
coastal cordillera
western cordillera
central cordillera
puna basin
eastern cordillera
sub-Andean mountain ranges
mountain knots
volcanoes
plate boundaries
landscape boundaries
Cartography by
K. Heinrich, IGF, 2013
Geology
Tectonics
Western cordillera:
oceanic crust,
recent volcanism;
central cordillera:
crystalline;
eastern cordillera:
sedimentary fold
mountain
Cocos Plate
Southern central
Andes
12 Chains and
coastal cordillera and
pampas sierras
Southern
Andes
1 Chain and coastal
cordillera (mostly
islands) and pampas
sierras
Mesozoic synclinal,
batholiths and
laccoliths, in the
north ongoing
volcanism; coastal
cordillera and sierras
Palaeozoic
Western cordillera:
tertiary to recent
volcanism; remnants
of the central
cordillera: batholith;
eastern cordillera:
crystalline
Western cordillera:
young volcanoes;
eastern cordillera:
Palaeozoic core,
tertiary to recent
volcanism
Coastal cordillera
and sierras:
Palaeozoic;
longitudinal
basin=rift valley;
high Andes: base
andesitic, volcanism
Nazca Plate
Nazca Plate,
Peru-Chile Trench
Vein ores;
Impregnation ores
(copper), coal,
saltpetre, semiprecious stones, salt,
lithium; oil/gas in
foredeep
Highest snow line,
pediment formation,
salt tectonics
Nazca Plate,
Peru-Chile Trench
Vein and
impregnation ores
Stable Antarctic
Plate, low tectonics
Oil/gas in Patagonian
foredeep and
Magellan Strait,
low-yield primary
ores
Peak glaciation, in
the south foredeep
glacier basins, lahars
Mineral deposits
Morphodynamics
and formation
processes
Only 2 glaciers,
extensive terrace
systems, recent mass
movements, plain
formation
Longitudinal valley
systems, strong
slope erosion, plain
formation
1Introduction
Fig.1.4Northern Patagonian Ice Field, Source Image Science and Analysis Laboratory, NASA Johnson Space Center (ISS006-E-42326)
Fig.1.6Chuquicamata, Chile
ice-covered Cordillera Blanca (Fig.1.8) from the non-glaciated Cordillera Negra, located in the rain-shadow of the
humid Amazonian air masses.
The Peruvian western cordillera drops sharply towards
the coastal plains of the Pacific Ocean. Travelling by car or
train from Lima to the sierra, one has to climb over 4,000
altitudinal metres, crossing the 4,780m Anticona (Ticlio)
Pass with the La Galera railway tunnel, to reach the smelter
town of La Oroya (3,700m) and Huancayo. This railway
line is the second-highest railway line in the world (after
the new Lhasa railway in China, which climbs to 5,262m).
Another famous railway line links Durn in the Ecuadorian
coastal plain with Riobamba (2,750m) and Quito
(2,800m), following the spectacular Highway of Volcanoes
1Introduction
Colombia
Pico Cristbal Coln, 5,775m
Purac, 4,756m
Ecuador
Chimborazo, 6,272m
Cotopaxi, 5,896m
Tungurahua, 5,010m
Pichincha, 4,784m
Peru
Huascarn, 6,768m
Yerupaj, 6,634m
Alpamayo, 5,947m
Misti, 5,842m
Ausangate, 5,433m
Bolivia
Sajama, 6,542m
Illimani, 6,432m
Illamp, 6,368m
Chile
Ojos del Salado, 6,893m
Llullaillaco, 6,723m
Impressive volcano, last eruption 1877, Inca archaeological site on the summit
Villarrica, 2,840m
Osorno, 2,660m
Argentina
Aconcagua, 6,958m
Lann, 3,776m
Fitzroy, 3,375m
Yogn, 2,469m
Fig. 1.8The Cordillera Blanca, with the Chopicaquic in the foreground and the Huascarn Norte in the background
10
1Introduction
cordillera to the coastal plains, creating a number of fertile river oases. In the desert environment of the Big North
(Norte Grande), to the north of Copiap, the depressions
between the coastal mountains and the high cordillera are
occupied by basins with an interior drainage system. Here
we find the salars of the Atacama and the famous nitrate
deposits (Fig.1.11). The high cordillera in the Norte
Grande is composed of two major ranges, separated by the
Altiplanos of Bolivia and northwestern Argentina.
11
the north-south transportation links in Colombia, and hampered the east-west connections. Gabriel Garca Mrquez
has vividly described travelling in Colombia in his novel
Love in the Time of Cholera (2007). The German geographer Herbert Wilhelmy, in turn, has also referred to his
travel experiences in this country (1990) and compared
them with the observations of Alexander von Humboldt
almost 200years ago and with the novel of Garca Mrquez.
At the Nudo de Pasto, the three cordilleras converge;
further south, a western and an eastern cordillera enclose a
number of mountain basins (cuencas), and are separated in
Peru by a series of longitudinal valleys. To the south of the
Nudo de Vilcanota, the mountain ranges embrace the large
high-altitude plateaus of the Altiplano in southern Peru and
12
1Introduction
the wet exterior windward slopes, and the less humid, often
even semi-arid intra-montane valleys, cuencas and Altiplanos.
The orientation of the Andean countries towards the
Pacific Ocean was a development obstacle in colonial times,
as the goods to and from distant Spain had to be transported
through the Isthmus of Panama. On the other hand, the passage around the treacherous Cape Horn did not become an
alternative until the 18th century, after the lifting of major
trade restrictions between European countries and also with
the technological improvement of sailing boats and later
steamships. Still, the many ship wrecks in and around the
Magellan Strait are a testimony of the hazards of this route
(Fig. 1.17). Today Asia-Pacific has become a highly active
economic space, especially in the current age of rising
Pacific powers (Japan, China, South Korea, in particular), the
quest of North America and Asia for the natural resources of
the Andes, and in general of globalized economies.
The coastline of the Pacific is the western delimitation
of the Andean system. This coast, over long stretches having a steep shoreline, offers little potential for good natural
harbours in the northern and central parts. An exception is
the Bay of Guayas, which favoured the development of the
sheltered port city of Guayaquil, today the largest city of
Ecuador. South of Santiago, the ria coast and estuaries offer
the natural advantages for the establishment of sheltered
ports, foremost that of Concepcin-Talcahuano. The deeply
entrenched fjords of western Patagonia would also offer
excellent natural harbour conditions, but here the absence
of large and dynamic economic hinterlands and poor land
transportation systems have by and large prevented the
emergence of larger ports. Only Puerto Montt and Valdivia
(Fig.1.18) are major ports along the southern Pacific coast.
In the Strait of Magellan, the Chilean Punta Arenas is
also of some importance; on Tierra del Fuego, the city of
Ushuaia, especially for the booming cruise ship tourism.
The delimitation of the Andean space to the east is much
more difficult to establish. In the northern and central parts
13
Fig.1.19Antarctic Cordillera
14
zone at the exit of the rivers from the mountains is a preferred location for settlements with their prime functions
as transportation nodes, market centres, central places and
gateways, at the point of contact between coast and sierra.
Between these and the important ports there are intermediate places like Babahoyo (Fig.1.21).
The short rivers flowing towards the Pacific Ocean are
characterized by steep gradients (Fig.1.22); they have
a strong erosive power within the mountains and a large
sedimentary load in the plains. This results in widespread
landslides on steep terrains and periodic flooding hazards.
But the Andes are the prime water tower for drinking water,
agriculture, mining and industry.
The relationships between the Andes and the Pacific
coastal plains have always been very intensive within the
1Introduction
tropical area. In Ecuador and Peru, adequate but not excessive precipitation and a good irrigation potential provided
the basis for favourable agricultural conditions, for good
transportation development, for the rise of important civilizations (e.g. Chim, Mochica), for dense populations and
dynamic seaports. In Peru, the riverine oases acquired an
early and eminent importance as focal centres of development (Fig.1.23). Similarily strong, at least since colonial
times, were the interactions between the cordilleras and the
Caribbean coast in Colombia and Venezuela. From early on,
both a complementary and a competing duality emerged
between the Andes and the coastal lowlands. In the Pacific
lowlands in Colombia, especially in the Choc, such interactions were hampered by excessive precipitations, dense
vegetation and transportation drawbacks.
The traditional indigenous agricultural economy was
based on a complementary utilization of all altitudinal
zones. In general, a native community (ayll), worked arable and pastoral lands at every altitudinal level. The tierra
caliente, the hot zone, furnished cocoa (Fig.1.24), tobacco
and palm fruits. In addition, here, as well as in the tierra
templada, the temperate zone, basic food crops, manioc,
bananas, maize and a range of tropical fruits were cultivated. The tierra templada of the eastern flanks of the cordilleras, foremost in Peru and Bolivia, are also the preferred
sites for growing coca, the Andean plant of eminent medicinal and cultural importance (Fig.1.25).
Traditionally, the agriculturally most intensively used
altitudinal zone is that of the tierra fra, the cool lands. It
yields maize, vegetables, fruits of a temperate climate,
tuber crops, such as different potato varieties, oca (Fig.1.26
olluco), and since colonial time also wheat and barley. At
the transition zone between the tierra fra and the tierra
helada (the icy zone), some cold-resistant crops, foremost
quinoa (Fig.1.27), amaranth and some potato varieties are
still grown, but the tierra helada with the climatic snowline
as the upper limit is primarily the zone for keeping llamas
and alpacas. Figure1.28 portrays the agricultural use of the
Hacienda Guachal in Ecuador at altitudes between 2,200
and 3,800m.
The tierra fra and even the lower margins of the tierra
helada were also centres of pre-Hispanic high civilizations, among them the Tiwanaku, Chibcha and Inca. With
the demise of the indigenous cultures after the Spanish
conquest, the introduction of European cultigens greatly
modified the traditional agricultural land use pattern. Many
aylls disappeared, as their land was not officially registered
and was consequently taken over by new, registered landowners. In the tierra caliente, large export-oriented plantations for the production of cotton, rice, bananas, cocoa,
pineapples and tobacco, as well as large cattle ranches,
dominated the agricultural landscape. In the tierra templada,
coffee, in particular the high-quality variety of Coffea arabica, was introduced. The tierra fra now produces wheat,
15
16
1Introduction
17
4,000 m
3,800 m
8,019 ha
Type of use
Labour
23 %
0 % (lease of land)
12 %
65 %
3,600 m
3,400 m
3,426 ha
3,200 m
3,000 m
572 ha
2,800 m
up to 2,200 m
50 ha
18
1Introduction
19
20
1Introduction
in the Argentinian cordilleras, the annual temperature amplitude is greater than the daily one. These climates are referred
to as westwind climates, according to Kppen/Geiger as
C climates. In this zone, once again, the Andes act as a marked
climate barrier. In central and especially in southern Chile, the
ascending westerlies bring large amounts of precipitation to
the Pacific side of the cordillera, whereas the leeward foothills
in Argentina remain rather dry. Along a profile in the area of
Puerto Aysn (45 10S) in southern Chile, over a horizontal
distance of only 40km, the average yearly precipitation drops
from some 5,000mm to only 300mm.
In the tropical Andes, the so-called arid diagonal is a significant climatic feature with major human consequences. This
zone extends from the coastal areas of Ecuador near the equator southwards along the Pacific lowlands into Peru and northern Chile, and in a southeasterly direction across the Altiplanos
of southern Peru and Bolivia to the eastern foothills of northwestern Argentina. The driest parts are found in the Atacama
Desert, where average yearly precipitation is near zero.
In Fig.1.34 the higher altitudinal zones above those of
the tierra fra are designated as C climates in the Kppen/
Geiger classification, on the criterion that the mean annual
temperature is below 18. This may be misleading, as
C climates are commonly associated with extra-tropical,
temperate areas. It would therefore be more justified to refer
to these climates as mountain varieties of a tropical climate.
21
BWh
Aw
Af
11
Aw
Am
Equator
Equator
Af
Aw
Aw
As
Aw
Cw
10
12
9
BWh
11
Af
Cw
Cw
Tropic of Capricorn
10
Tropic of Capricorn
BWk
k
Bsk
h
Cfa
BSk
6a
Csb
BWk
Cfb
4
Cfb
Cfc
Cartograpy:
K. Heinrich, IGF, 2013
after W. Kppen, 1961
2b
Cartography:
K. Heinrich, IGF, 2013
after H. Wilhelmy 1974
Groups
First letter:
E Ice climates
coldest month
18C to 3C
Dry climates
Dry season
despite summer
Dry season in winter
Third letter:
a warmest month > 22C
b warmest month < 22C
Second letter:
S Steppe climate
W Desert climate
f all months with
sufficient precipitation
m Equatorial climate
despite dry season
(e.g. monsoon)
Tropical climates
dry-hot, annual
temperature > 18C
dry-cold, annual
temperature < 18C
22
1Introduction
23
only few of the Pacific rivers are navigable in their lowest parts of the coastal plains, among them the Esmeraldas
and Daule in Ecuador, the large rivers flowing towards the
Caribbean Sea and the Atlantic Ocean have always been
major transportation arteries and are the principal lanes for
settlement and economic activities. The water resources of the
Andes are discussed in more detail in Sect.2.8.
24
Fig.1.43Schematic
representation of soil
formation in Latin America
(modified after Barth 1977: 89
and Borsdorf etal. 1982: 14)
1Introduction
Tropical
rainforest
Humid
savanna
Dry
savanna
Thorn bush
savanna
Desert
<3
35
58
810
> 10
Precipitation
(in mm)
> 1800
10001800
5001000
300500
< 300
Weathering
c >> p
c>p
c=p
c<p
c << p
Soil
tropical
oxisols
brown
soils
grey desert
soils
Vegetation
Duration of dry
season (months)
oxisols
clay
Al
Mn
Fe
Fe
Al
y
cla
SiO2
In arid regions, in contrast, an ascending movement of moisture brings the minerals closer to the surface. Figure1.43
portrays in a generalized fashion, the formation of soils in
relation to varying climate and vegetation conditions.
The wet equatorial space is characterized by a specific
soil handicap. Here the minerals essential for plant growth
are rapidly transported by the action of excessive precipitation to depths beyond those of the root systems, which
results in a thick B-horizon of up to 30m. The plants develop
only rather shallow roots, which means that they have to get
their nutrients from the highest soil levels and the organic
top layers. In many cases, the roots receive their nutrients
primarily via root fungi (Mycorrhiza). This means that the
plants grow on the soil, but they largely do not live from the
soil, as is the case in other ecozones. Therefore, if the forest
cover is removed, often by clearing, the root fungi are dying
and the soil is quickly leached and rendered infertile, also
because this type of soil cannot store the nutrients. The twolayer argillaceous soils of the inner tropics do not have the
capacity to effectively retain and bind the nutrients, as is the
case for the three-layer argillaceous soils of the outer tropics.
Also of little fertility are desert soils, especially when
mineral and salt crusts have formed on the surface. In
the absence of these hard crusts, desert soils are potentially fertile, but the great limiting factor is the scarcity of
water. Therefore, if irrigation water is available, these soils
can be very productive. On the other hand, the fertility of
Al
Fe
H
Fe
c
p
H
depletion horizon
sedimentation horizon
(minerals, salts)
raw soil
movement of the water content
encrustation
bedrock
lime and salt crust
chemical weathering
physical weathering
formation of nutrients
through hydrolysis
25
Equator
Tropic of Capricorn
Cartography by
K. Heinrich, IGF, 2013
based on Diercke Weltatlas 2008
un pas rico! (We are a rich country!) is a slogan one can hear everywhere in the Andean realm. By this
statement people refer primarily to the wealth in natural
resources, the diversity of agricultural activities, to their cultural traditions and achievements, to their family and community bonds and also to their beautiful mountain sceneries
and sacred sites. To a critical observer, though, the economic
and social realities seem to contradict this optimistic view.
Over-generalizing slogans do not truly reflect the complex realities of Andean environments and livelihoods. They
seem to adhere to a concept of geodeterminism, which has
been rejected by geographers for a long time. Neither the
topographic configuration, nor the climate, nor the type
and quantity of natural resources, or even less the perceived
qualities of people ultimately determine the level of success
and wealth of a country. For instance, the rainforest may on
the surface appear as a rich natural resource base with an
unlimited potential for wood and a promising future for settlers. The massive clearing of these forests, the negative environmental impacts of the removal of natural forests and the
26
1Introduction
27
Fig.1.48Herbert Wilhelmy,
1991
28
1Introduction
29
30
1Introduction
31
33
34
Fig.2.1Tectonic plates in
South America
Fig.2.2The Villarrica
volcano, Chile, after the 1971
eruption
EW
W
W
W
WW
EW
W
^
W
^W
35
36
(a)
air streams
pollution
volcanic
systems
glacier
dynamics
deep sea
trench
marine
traffic
socioeconomics
hotspot
plate
tectonics
climate dynamics
active
fault
resources
mid-oceanic
ridge
oceanic circulation
sediments
seismic
zone
mantle processes
sea floor
spreading
(b)
Equator
Tropic of Capricorn
Cartography:
K. Heinrich, IGF, 2012
after H. Gerth 1955 and
Harms: Handbuch der
Erdkunde, vol.V, Amerika
Fig.2.6a Processes influencing a continent system (Source: Harms 2014: 6, heavily modified). b Geological composition of South America
37
Fig.2.8Avenue of the
volcanoes, Ecuador (after Collin
Delavaud etal. 1982)
zW
Ibarra
/
Otavalo
D
W
Equator
Z
W
'W
QUITO
W
Z
^
/
W
Z
/^
Y
^
Y
z
Latacunga
&RORPELD
0
(FXDGRU
Pujili
3HUX
%UD]LO
^
volcano
glacier
lake
Ambato
Pelileo
/
d
0
Riobamba
fault line
25 km
Cartography:
K. Heinrich, IGF, 2013
Based on data from
SRTM DGM (USGS)
38
Volcano
Mountain
Zone without volcanic activity
Coastal Cordillera
Coast
Piemont
C hi l e - P e r u - Tr e n c h
Chile
Argentina
Coastal cordillera
Tupungato
510
Oceanic Plate
Santiago
oceanic crust
crystaline
sediments
erupted material
Pacific
Aconcagua
Mendoza
Santiago
Tupungato
100 km
30
Design:
K. Heinrich, IGF, 2013
after Ramos 1996
39
Tungurahua, Ecuador
40
41
Fig.2.14Cross-section
through the central Andes,
from Antofagasta (northern
Chile) to Tarija (southern
Bolivia); adapted after Zeil
(1979)
70
coastal
cordillera
68
Pampa
del
Tamarugal
foothills
66
western
cordillera
Altiplano
puna
64
eastern
cordillera
6,000
4,000
2,000
0
Paleozoic plutonites
Mesozoic-Cenozoic sediments
Paleozoic sediments
Pre-Cambrium
Pampa-like and
sub-Andean sierras
42
43
and northern Chile with its rich fish stocks. Recent tectonic movements along the coast heaved terraces covered
with guano into different heights of up to 600m. Other raw
materials are lacking in wide areas, particularly lime for
cement production. Only the Colombian eastern cordillera
and the Patagonian cordillera have large stocks of limestone. Marl is also scarce, but loam (clay and sand) is used
as raw material for adobes and for making rammed earth
walls (Fig.2.21).
The eastern cordillera and esp. the foothills of the Andes
offer rich fossil energy deposits. In Colombia and in southern
Patagonia this means coal, which in Colombia has boosted
heavy industry, insignificant today, and in Patagonia encouraged the passage through the Magellan Strait in the beginnings of steam-ship traffic. Elsewhere, coal deposits are
found under the sea in the ditch below the Chilean precordillera near Coronel, Lota and Schwager. At the foot of the
Andes there are rich deposits of mineral oil and gas, which
can be differentiated into various petrol megasystems along
large tectonic structures. The trans-Andean pipeline transports the oil from the deposits at the Oriente to the refineries
of Esmeraldas at the Pacific coast.
The intracratonal oilfield systems, e.g. the Solimoes
Basin on the border of Peru and Colombia, the western
Amazon Basin or the Chaco-Parana Basin, are situated
along faults of the old South-American Plate. Here the
deposits in dolomites and sands created in the Palaeozoic
have been covered by lavas from the Jurassic and
Cretaceous. They are very rich across large areas, offering
future potential as light oil and gas fields. Great hopes are
based on the sub-Andean foreland basins in the Napo area
of Ecuador, the Salta region in the borderland of ArgentinaBolivia and the Argentinian Neuqun Basin.
Within the geological structures of the Andes, there are
strikingly rich oil deposits in Colombia and particularly in
Venezuela. Between the spreading cordillera ranges at the
northern edge of the continent and as a result of continuous
active transversal movements against the Caribbean, widening basins have formed, subsiding since the Cretaceous, and
particularly during the Tertiary. Sludge-like sediments, fast
rates of deposition, shifts and the cutting off of bitumen-rich
deposits, particularly in the Tertiary, are almost classic situations for the formation of oil fields. Oil production in these
areas, for instance in the Maracaibo Basin and in the lower
and middle Magdalena Basin, in the Guajira Basin and in
the Falcon Basin, achieves the highest South-American production rates (Fig.2.22). In the western cordillera ranges of
Colombia (e.g. in the Perija Andres) and further south down
to the Santa Helena Peninsula in Ecuador, Tertiary shelves,
which also contain oil, were folded in from the Pacific.
They decrease in richness towards the south.
44
45
46
47
24
22
5310 S
7056 W
18
16
16
4
10 12
14
12 10
8 6
4
2
0
18
14
20
19
10
10
12
14
16
12
12
10
20
18
14
015 S
7835 W
9
22
20
24
Quito, Ecuador
2,850 m NN
8
6
July Aug. Sept. Oct. Nov. Dec. Jan. Feb. Mar. Apr.
9
7
7
8
2
May June
19
19
18
16
14
12
10
7
9
10
July Aug. Sept. Oct. Nov. Dec. Jan. Feb. Mar. Apr.
May June
Fig.2.28Two thermo-isopleth diagrams of Andean places: Punta Arenas at the southern end of the continent, at sea level, and Quito near the
Equator in the tierra fra
In the subtropical and the temperate Andes, marked climatic contrasts occur between the northern latitudes of
the Chilean-Argentinian cordillera, as well as from west
to east between the windward and the leeward sides of the
mountains. The northern part, esp. areas around 20S, are
extremely dry all the way up into very high elevations. Even
the Llullaillaco at 6,739m has no permanent snow or ice
cover because of the low precipitation, which makes it the
highest non-glaciated mountain in the world.
48
Fig.2.30Precipitation
transect from southern Chile
to the Equator
Equator
S 41
37
33
30
24
20
18
15
12
1 N
3,000
Chile
Ecuador
Peru
Precipitation [mm]
2,500
2,000
1,500
1,000
500
Summer
zo
re
n
m
a
Sa
Lo
Ja
as
M
an
ta
lin
Sa
ur
a
ay
Pi
illo
cl
C
hi
an
m
a
Tr
uj
Li
Ju
n
Sa
e
qu
Ar
ic
a
Iq
ui
st
a
An
to
fa
ga
re
n
so
La
Se
n
Va
lp
ar
a
i
pc
ce
on
C
Pu
er
to
M
on
tt
Winter
49
warm air
coastal fog
cool air
flow of energy
desert
water
deficit
Humboldt
Current
Pacific
Ocean
cloud forest
lift
Colorado, however, they are dry even on the eastern side. Only
the northwestern Argentinian Andes receive summer precipitation, caused by the south-easterly trade winds. Further south
the westerlies rain down on the windward side. There the ice
ages have cut deep fjords and channels that lead into the lateral
valleys via steep steps (so-called hanging valleys).
Thus there is a large South-American arid diagonal running through the Andes from south to north through the
Patagonian pampa. At Mendoza/Los Andes it crosses the
high cordillera, continues into the Small and the Big North
as well as the Peruvian part of the Atacama, and ends near
Salinas on the Pacific coast of Ecuador.
The arid diagonal is the result of the Andean mountain
complex running from north to south. It modifies the climatic belts which normally run more or less parallel with
the latitudes and forms a distinct climatic divide between
humid and arid climates.
Fig. 2.33A boat refilling its water tanks from the waterfall of a
hanging valley
50
Fig.2.34Altitudinal zones
of the Andes, adapted after
Becker (1994)
6,000 m
tierra
nevada
nival
glacier
region
5,000 m
5,000 m
0 C
2 C
tierra
subnevada
tierra
helada
4,000 m
subnival
Super-Pramo
andean
pramo
sub-andean
sub-pramo
6 C
highmontane
tierra
fria
3,000 m
cloud forest
andean level
misty cover
and
misty precipitation
level of
maximum cloud
formation
montane
13 C
cloud forest
2,000 m
tierra
templada
submontane
montane forest
19 C
1,000 m
level of
maximum
precipitation
subtropical
interandean level
3,000 m
2,000 m
tropical
interandean level
1,000 m
colline
tierra
caliente
subandean level
temperate
interandean level
high forest
4,000 m
rainforest
planar
0m
25 C
0m
51
2.5 Horizontal and Vertical Climate and Vegetation Zones and Levels
Fig.2.36Thermal
altitudinal levels of the
tropical Andes (after
Brunotte)
30 N
6,000
20
outer tropics
512 C Ts [year]
10
0
(equator)
inner tropics
05 C Ts [year]
10
20
outer tropics
512C Ts [year]
Ts = temperature amplitude
Tm = avg. temperature
5,000
4,000
3,000
2,000
1,000
30 S
52
53
2.5 Horizontal and Vertical Climate and Vegetation Zones and Levels
The altitudinal limits of tree and forest lines differ considerably (Fig.2.47). The highest tree and forest lines are
found on the tropical rim of the Andes. Here residual stocks
of Polylepis trees grow at altitudes above 4,000m, e.g. in
the Peruvian Cordillera Blanca or in the Bolivian western
cordillera. The highest forest line on earth for Polylepis
tarapacana stocks is supposed to exceed 5,000m around
the Sajama Volcano (18S) and features scattered dwarf forests and shrubs (Burga etal. 2004: 44).
In other high areas of the Andes, the tree and forest line is marked by a variety of shrub and tree species.
In the Colombian Andes these are mountain laurels; in
the montane cloud forest of Venezuela we find varieties of Podocarpus, Oreopanax, Havetia, Ocotea, as well
as tree ferns (Cyatheaceae, Fig.2.48); in the Chilean and
Argentinian cordilleras Nothofagus species dominate. On
the southern tip of the South-American continent, the tree
line is down to around 500m.
The description above is of the natural Andean vegetation,
not taking into account centuries of manifold human influence. We must bear in mind that any description of the flora
presents a static situation, which on the ground is in constant
dynamic transformation as a result of natural, geomorphological and climatic events and processes. Volcanic eruptions,
floods, erosion and mass movements, as well as extreme
weathers and longer-term climate change have caused
changes in the plant cover, the species diversity and the upper
altitudinal limits of plant societies. Most significant however,
have been and still are anthropogenic impacts on vegetation.
This is particularly true for the tropical sierras, which
have been the favoured settlement and cultural area for
thousands of years. As these regions, esp. the higher basins
and river valleys, presented favourable conditions for agriculture, the forests were cleared early on and replaced by
fields and pastures (Fig.2.49). During colonial times, overfelling was particularly intensive because of an increased
demand for timber and for new clearings for settlements. In
more recent times, mining has caused some dramatic interventions in the natural ecosystems, as has industry (sometimes with vegetation destroyed for kilometres all round,
as the drastic example of La Oroya in Peru demonstrates!),
road and pipeline construction, hydro-electric power stations, but also reforestation with non-endemic tree species
such as eucalyptus or pine, and particularly the expansion
of settlement and business areas on the edge of large cities.
Fig.2.40Spanish moss
54
a secondary forest. The ecological variation between the different storeys are considerable. The plants of the lowest storey experience constant climatic conditions all year round:
even humidity (often 100%), temperatures between 23 and
27 C, depending on location, little radiation and no winds.
In contrast, the plants in the uppermost storey are faced with
massive changes in temperature, humidity and wind speed.
55
Fig.2.45Cross section
through the Peruvian coastal
loma
Fog humidity
rare
800
more often
dense never
never
herbaceous
Tillandsias
cloud plants
(trees possible)
desert
loose herbaceous cloud plants
cryptogams
persistent
600
often
400
more often
200
0
rare (mornings)
Pacific
Tillandsias
desert
56
decreasing rain
(5001,500 mm)
dryness
main cordillera
2,000
le
ra
Fig.2.47West-east profile
of forest vegetation at around
41S; adapted after Hueck
(1966)
1,500
Coastal cordillera
1,000
500
Pacific
d il
Patagonian
steppe
Lago Nahuel Huapi
Lago Llanquihue
2 4 5 4
1
2
3
4
5
ope
rn sl
ste
we
r
co
he
of t
2
6
7
8
9
5 43
57
Fig.2.50Aerial roots
Fig.2.51Heliconia
58
2.7 Soils
Soils in the Andes present a very complex situation,
which is difficult to condense into a neat overview. The
diversity and structural changes on a small spatial scale are
the result of complex geomorphological, topographical,
ecological and hydrographical circumstances. To make matters worse, scientific terminology is inconsistent and local
terms are used alongside scientific ones.
A general zonation is possible by distinguishing tropical,
subtropical and temperate climate zones. This classification
is overlaid with a differentiation by elevation and by mountain and valley landscapes. In the tropical Andes thin red clay
soils of little fertility dominate the warm tierra caliente. Often
the Ah horizon (humus rich top layer) is only 12cm deep. It
is covered by organic matter, which, despite plenty of litter, is
broken down very quickly by bacteria and fungi very under
conditions of high temperature and humidity. The nutrients
are immediately absorbed by the plants through a dense root
network close to the surface (a so-called fibrous root system).
In contrast, the B horizon is very thick and often more than
15m and up to 30m deep. Ferrous oxides in the soil often
give it a reddish colour (so-called ferrasol). These soils have
developed through intensive chemical weathering (Fig.2.55).
As a rule, this horizon only holds two-layer clay minerals
with low exchange capacity, which makes it of little use for
plants. The C horizon of bedrock only starts at greater depth.
Fig.2.53Ceiba (kapok)
59
2.7Soils
Table2.1Wood clearing in
the tropical Andean countries
19902005
Country
Venezuela
Colombia
Ecuador
Peru
Bolivia
Fig.2.54Espeletia flower
Forest cover
In 1,000ha
1990
2000
52,026
49,151
61,439
60,963
13,817
11,841
70,156
69,213
62,795
60,091
Annual change
2005
47,713
60,728
10,853
68,742
58,740
19902000
288
48
198
94
270
(%)
0.6
0.1
1.5
0.1
0.4
20002005
288
47
198
94
270
(%)
0.6
0.1
1.7
0.1
0.5
60
low precipitation periods. At the same time, high precipitation and particularly heavy rain can greatly increase the
fragility and vulnerability of mountain areas through latent
threats of flooding, erosion, landslides and denudation
phenomena.
The significance of the water resources in the mountains
is not restricted to the mountain regions. The waters flowing into the adjoining lowlands are vital for the water supply of rural areas, for irrigation of the fields (Fig.2.58) and
for the cities, but they may also form a threat occasionally.
Distribution and use of the water resources are often laden
with problems and conflict, both inside the mountains and
between mountain areas and the surrounding regions. The
sustainable management of hydrographical resources at
local, regional, national and international level thus represents a major challenge.
Because of their low geothermal depth and of the recent
volcanic activity, the Andes are rich in post-volcanic phenomena, i.e. fumaroles, solfatara and thermal springs. On
the Tatio Volcano in northern Chile large geysers can be
admired in the early hours of the morning. The Nudo de
Vilcanota in Peru sports a magnificent field of fumaroles, as
do the Termas de San Juan at the Maziso Colombiano near
Popayn (Fig.2.59). The presence of warm water with a
variety of minerals has led to the creation of elegant resorts
61
62
63
exacerbated by the fact that groundwater levels and the volume of the springs and the Andean rivers react sensitively to
seasonal or annual changes in weather.
The water resources also form the basis for agriculture in the Andes and the adjoining lowlands, particularly
on the Pacific coastal plain with its river oases. They were
the essential precondition for the development of the early
advanced civilizations and today are the basis for both irrigation farming and in many areas also for grazing. Trade
and industry, too, depend on secure water supply and the
hydrological potential of the Andes is an essential resource
for electricity generation (Borsdorf 2010).
Andean mining also uses up water, which is particularly problematic in terms of the amounts of water needed
and the considerable contamination of the water quality,
both in the mining area itself and along the rivers and generally for the aquifers of the wider region. Copper mining
in the Atacama Desert in Chile (Mountain Agenda 1998:
25) and the Ro Blanco project in the Piura district in Peru
(Bebbington and Williams 2008: 190195) are graphic
examples of this issue. The problem is exacerbated when
the mines and processing plants are situated at high elevations in the upper parts of the relevant hydrological basin.
The high demand and diverse use of Andean water
resources by a variety of decision makers and interest groups
makes water an ecological, cultural, economic, social and
political issue. In many regions, particularly in and around protected areas, the protection of the water resources is in opposition to the interests of increased use of water. Further areas of
conflict arise from different and sometimes hardly compatible
forms of use as well as from discrepancies between local or
regional and in part traditional consumption of water and water
management oriented on national or international objectives.
Other conflicts may arise from diverging interests in different areas of the same hydrological basin, e.g. between
the upper and lower reaches of rivers, between native and
non-native users, between rural and urban drinking water
supply or between agricultural, trade, industrial and tourist
priorities. It is therefore vital to work out a regional water
management strategy that integrates the aims of all interest
groups in a fair and sustainable manner.
In Colombia such concepts have already been implemented. In the Ro Piedras basin an integrated water management system has been established involving the city of
Popayn and the native and campesino communities.
One of the recent and highly controversial hydro-electric power megaprojects is that of HidroAysn in Chilean
Patagonia. The project, proposed in 2007, would have consisted of five large dams and power plants, three on the
Pascua River, and two on the Baker River. The joint venture of the Italian Endesa Company and the Chilean Colbn
Company had a price tag of some 8 billion USD. It would
have generated an annual average of 2,750MW, transporting
64
the hydro-electric energy over a 1,900km long transmission line to nine Chilean regions. The HidroAysn project
was initially approved in 2011 by the former government
of president Piera; but, after increasingly angry mass protests supported by the movement Patagonia Sin Represas, it
was placed on hold in 2012. In June 2014 the Chilean government, stopped the project, at least temporarily. President
Bachelet declared it not feasible. Not only would it have
seriously affected six Mapuche communities, it would have
flooded 5,900ha of natural reserves and would have had a
negative impact on 6 national parks, 11 natural reserves, 26
conservation priority areas, 32 privately owned conservation areas and 16 wetland districts. In addition it would have
severely hampered the tourism potential of the Aysn region.
65
66
first Inca, Manco Capac, and Mama Ocllo stepped out of the
lake onto the Isla del Sol and went from there to Cusco, making Lake Titicaca the region of origin for the realm of the
Incas. The battle, in which the Inca defeated the Diaguita,
thus strengthening their hegemonial claim, took place on the
Isla del Sol. The water level of Lake Titicaca undergoes only
small seasonal changes of up to 1m and larger deviations
year on year. In El Nio years flooding of the flatter shores
is more likely, as happened between 1985 and 1989. Since
the year 2000, however, the water level in the lake has fallen
continuously.
The favourable geographical conditions, in particular
the semi-arid climate, the high solar radiation and the
fertile soils, have made the region of Lake Titicaca an
intensively used agricultural area from earliest times and
the cradle of ancient advanced civilizations. Tiahuanaco
is probably the oldest settlement in the Altiplano and its
monumental architecture a predecessor of the Inca culture (Fig.2.68). This culture emerged around 600 BCE
and dissolved around 1,200 CE, most likely in the wake
of a longer drought. During the Inca period, the region
around Lake Titicaca was a mountain area with relatively dense settlements and intensive field crop cultivation, mainly potatoes and other tubers, as well as quinoa.
The fields around Lake Titicaca were often set up as
raised fields (suka-collos), a form that goes back to the
Tiahuanaco period. This form of cultivation adapted
these field plots perfectly to the microclimatic conditions
and protected the crops against frost. Another form of
cultivation were the so-called sunken fields, with crops
being planted in small ditches that improved irrigation
and protected them against wind erosion. Today these
techniques are being reapplied in some areas (see also
Sects. 4.2.5 and 4.2.6).
In addition to arable farming, the Altiplano around
Lake Titicaca always provided favourable conditions for
grazing camelids like llamas, alpacas and vicuas, and,
from colonial times onwards, also sheep. Today there are
a great number of smaller and larger settlements along
the shores of Lake Titicaca. Some take the form of individual farmsteads, others are coherent villages or towns.
Puno in Peru, with more than 100,000 inhabitants is the
most important central place for the entire Titicaca region
(Fig.2.69).
In former times Lake Titicaca was regarded as a pure
and sacred body of water. Today it may still superficially
live up to this image, but it is threatened with serious contamination and eutrophication as a result of sewage, agricultural chemicals and contamination from mining in the
Fig.2.68Tiahuanaco, Bolivia
2.8.3Glaciers
With an area of more than 2,600km2 the glaciers of
the tropical and subtropical Andes stretch almost as
wide as the Alpine glaciers (ca. 2,900km2), thus covering several times the area of the tropical glaciers of
Africa or Indonesia (Mountain Agenda 1998: 24). The
44km2 of the Quelccaya Ice Cap in the Peruvian Andes
is the largest glaciated area in the tropics. In the extratropical Andes the Northern Patagonian Ice Field and
the Southern Patagonian Ice Field are much bigger and
represent the largest glaciated areas outside the Arctic
and Antarctic. The Southern Ice Field has an area of
67
Fig.2.69Puno, Peru
around 13,000km2, which makes it the largest contiguous ice field of the extrapolar world after the Greenland
Ice Sheet. Because of this size it is often wrongly called
inland ice in the literature. The mountains on its rim
have long glacier tongues that end in glacial lakes. The
Monte San Lorenzo has an impressive cirque from which
the valley glacier originates (Fig.2.70).
The glacier tongues from these ice sheets and plateau glaciers occasionally reach sea level on the Pacific
side of southern Chile where they enter mighty fjords
(Schellmann 2003: 2227). The San Rafael glacier is the
glacier nearest to the Equator that reaches down to the
sea. It cuts through the Patagonian rainforest and ends
in a round glacial lake that connects to the sea through the
fjord of icebergs.
On the Patagonian side the glaciers calve in often spectacular ways into glacial lakes. The best-known example is
the Perito Moreno Glacier, which is 30km long and 5km
68
69
Fig.2.72Antisana, Ecuador
70
a punishment by Mama Cotacachi, who needed to be pacified with religious ceremonies. The loss of the snow and
ice cap of the Cotacachi has had a detrimental effect on the
water supply of the densely populated area around the volcano (Rhoades 2007: 3750).
A similar reduction in glaciers can be observed in the
tropical Andes of Peru. They contain about half of the tropical ice areas on earth, covering 723km2, distributed across
more than 700 glaciers. In the last 40years, the glaciers
in the Peruvian Andes have lost between 11 and 30% of
their volume (Raup etal. 2007) and between 1970 and 1997
some 15% of the glacier area. The Quelccaya Ice Cap has
lost about 20% of its extension since 1978, and the Quori
Kalis Glacier that originates there has become about 150
200m shorter per year since 1995.
The glacier loss in the tropical Andes increases natural
hazards and the vulnerability of the rural and urban population. More and more often, steep glacier tongues break
off and, in combination with debris flows, destroy settlement areas. Since the 1940s, about 25,000 people in the
Peruvian Cordillera Blanca (Fig.2.76) have been killed by
glacier avalanches, mass movement of debris or breakout of
glacial lakes (Carey 2010). In April 2010, in Ancash province in the Cordillera Blanca, a huge block of ice fell off the
Hualcn Glacier into a glacial reservoir, triggering a disastrous flood wave and a stream of debris that destroyed the
reservoir and devastated the agricultural areas and some settlements below the overflowing lake.
In the course of warming in mountain regions, permafrost is thawing and exacerbates the instability of the
slopes. Shrinking glacier tongues may create new lakes and
increased meltwater can lead periodically to breakthroughs
of the glacial lakes.
71
by snow drifts from the Patagonian Ice Field and by the fall
of chunks of smaller glaciers onto the tongue of the Perito
Moreno.
These statements underline the significance of the Andes
as a water tower. For the mountain area and the adjacent
lowland regions, the rivers, lakes and glaciers are probably the most important resource (Mountain Agenda 1998;
Wiegandt 2008). Climate change (Kohler etal. 2010),
Surface temperature in C
1,5
Mean temperature
Trend
Deviation from the mean
1,0
0,5
0,5
1,0
1940
1950
1960
1970
1980
1990
2000
Temperature trend in the tropical Andes, compared to the mean for 19611990, for the period from 1939 to
2006, based on measurements from 279 stations. The grey area shows the deviations from the mean.
72
73
The 1960 Valdivia earthquake cost 1,655 lives, 519 people died in the 2010 earthquake, which had its seismic centre 105km northeast of Concepcin and was followed by
over 100 aftershocks. Around 500,000 homes were damaged or destroyed, the total damage reached US$2030billion. The landmass in the Concepcin area was pushed 3m
to the west and that of Santiago 24cm to west-southwest.
19min after the tremor, the 2.4m flood wave of the tsunami
reached Talcahuano, after 34min it reached Valparaso
and after 4.5h it arrived at the Easter Island. Even this low
wavelow compared to the forecast of 30mcaused considerable damage and swept ships far inland.
74
75
car wrecks were exhibited and are still there. By now the
place is covered by sparse vegetation. In some places, people have established flower beds. Yungay Nuevo was built a
few kilometres further on (Fig.2.82), but even there it is not
entirely safe from further potential disaster.
77
78
79
80
81
Ib
recreation
4
regional development
recreation
regional development
recreation
VI
recreation
4
2
regional development
1
0
regional development
research
research
1
0
education
education
3
1
education
education
research
education
research
II+III
4
3
regional development
IV
recreation
education
research
research
Ia
regional development
Ia:
Strict Nature Reserve: strictly protected area set aside to protect biodiversity and also possibly geological/
geomorphological features, where human visitation, use and impacts are strictly controlled and limited to
ensure protection of the conservation values.
Ib:
Wilderness Area: usually large unmodified or slightly modified area, retaining its natural character and influence without permanent or significant human habitation, which is protected and managed as to preserve its natural condition.
II:
National Park: generally large natural or near natural area set aside to protect large-scale ecological processes,
along with the complement of species and ecosystems characteristic of the area, which also provide a foundation for environmentally and culturally compatible, spiritual, educational, and visitor opportunities.
III:
Natural Monument or Feature: area set aside to protect a specific natural monument, which can be a landform, sea mount, submarine cavern, geological feature such as a cave or even a living feature such as an
ancient grove. Generally a rather small protected area and often having high visitor value.
IV:
Habitat/Species Management Area: area aiming to protect particular species or habitats, with management
reflecting this priority. This protected area will generally need regular, active interventions to to address the
requirements of a particular species or to maintain habitats.
V:
Protected Landscape/Seascape: protected area where the interaction of people and nature over time has produced
an area of distinct character with significant ecological, biological, cultural and scenic values, and where safeguarding
the integrity of this interaction is vital to protecting and sustaining the area and its associated nature conservation and
other values.
VI:
Protected Area with Sustainable Use of Natural Resources: protected area to conserve ecosystems and habitats together with associated cultural values and traditional natural resource management principles. Generally
large in size, with most of the area in a natural condition, where a proportion is under sustainable natural resource
management and where low-level non-industrial use of natural resources is compatible with nature conservation.
Other (Selected) International Designations
Ramsar Area: protection and sustainable use of wetlands or waterfowl habitats.
World Heritage Site: natural or cultural place or region of a special physical or cultural significance, recognized by
the UNESCO World Heritage Committee.
Peace Park: cross-border natural or cultural protected area, with the aim of promoting peace and cooperation
between neighbouring states.
82
Tayrona NP
El Angl NP
Sanguay NP
Podocarpus NP & BR
Manu NP & BR
Huascarn NP & BR
Cotapata NP
Santuario Historico
Machu Picchu
Sajama NP
Lauca NP & BR
La Campana Peuelas
NR & BR
protected areas
IUCN IVI
NP = national park
BR = biosphere reserve
NR = national reserve
Cartography:
K. Heinrich, IGF, 2013
Data sources:
IUCN and UNEP. 2012.
The World Database on
Protected Areas (WDPA).
UNEP-WCMC. Cambridge, UK.
SRTM 90 m digital elevation data
(http://srtm.csi.cgiar.org)
Kap Hoorn NP
Under no circumstances should the indigenous population be moved from newly created protected areas or lose
their traditional livelihoods. Instead, what is needed is
patient and careful awareness raising (concientizacin)
and education (capacitacin) of the indigenous population
(Fig. 3.3). It is not enough to stress the ecological significance of the endemic diversity or the aesthetics of natural
landscapes. Instead the long-term value of preserving the
genetic pool of the indigenous flora and fauna in situ and
the urgent need for conserving and maintaining natural
water and land resources to ensure livelihoods should be
impressed on the rural communities. Another priority is
strengthening the environmental awareness of the rural and
the urban population from childhood onwards and to mobilize it via targeted programmes. In this context it becomes
clear that environmental and conservation concepts and
strategies cannot be restricted to the designated protected
areas but must be taken into account in any form of planning and implementation of a sustainable regional management without disregarding the needs of the local population.
Zoning of protected areas is designed to accommodate such
priorities. Biosphere reserves and national parks are subdivided
into core zones, buffer zones (where sustainable use is tolerated to some extent) and development zones. In these outer
zones traditional as well as innovative usages are encouraged
which are in line with the sustainability objective.
The rights and status of indigenous communities and local
small farmers should be maintained in protected areas, not
least because these groups of people have usually already
lived in the region before the protected area became established and have long been dependent on using the resources
sustainably. In contrast, the role of external decision makers
and non-sustainable forms of land use are problematic and
often incompatible with protection concepts. Such usage
includes massive diversion of water resources from mountain
regions into irrigation agriculture in the valleys and adjacent
lowlands or to the cities to satisfy the increasing demand for
drinking water, the often uncontrolled felling of forests, as
well as environmental degradation through excessive mining,
industry and transport infrastructure.
The protected area concept in South America goes back
to the US national park idea of the 19th century. The first
83
180
16 %
160
11 %
140
Bolivia
Colombia
Ecuador
Peru
120
100
10 %
80
60
16 %
40
20
0
1935
1945
1955
1965 1975
year
1985
1995
2005
84
85
pilgrimage have been discovered by international tourism. While this brings certain economic benefits for the
Quechua population, it also poses a threat to their culturalspiritual authenticity. The local population is also concerned about the glacier retreat and about the impact of
external interests in the timber industry, in mining and in
the tourist industry.
Glacier retreat cannot be avoided, but to counteract the
other threats, conservation management and the maintenance of ecological and cultural-landscape diversity and the
traditional terraced fields (Fig.3.8) should be made a priority and be based on local traditions. The variety of Andean
tuber crops in this region seems to warrant particular regard
in terms of protection and further development. Alejandro
Argumedo, director of the Asociacin Kechua Aymara para
Comunidades Sustentables (ANDES) expressed the concept
of Vilcanota Spiritual Park as follows:
Because of restricted access to some areas with voluntary protection measures exercised by the local population, Sacred Natural
Sites conserve local ecosystems and their unique biodiversity in
an effective and efficient way, so that they can serve as repositories of critical biological resources for rehabilitation of depleted
Andean landscapes. (quoted in: Wild and McLeod 2008: 71)
86
research and
monitoring
land use, economic
activity and development
recreation and
environmental education
conservation
low
Country
Biosphere reserves
Created in
Argentina
Andino Norpatagnica
2007
Las Yungas
2002
Nacun
1986
Pozuelos
1990
Riacho Teuquito
2000
San Guillermo
1980
Piln-Lajas
1977
Ulla Ulla
1977
Araucarias
1983
1977
2007
2005
2011
Fray Jorge
1977
La Campana-Peuelas
1979
Lauca
1981
Torres de Paine
1978
Sumaco
2002
Podocarpus-El Condor
2007
2000
Cinturn Andino
1979
El Tuparro
1979
1979
Huascarn
1977
Man
1977
North-West Peru
1977
Oxapampa-Ashanikna-Yanesha
2010
Bolivia
Chile
Ecuador
Colombia
Peru
87
Quintero
Quillota
xerophytic matorral
1
Limache
Via del Mar
Olmu
Valparaso
Casablanca
Re g i n
Va lp a r a so
Regi n
M e tr opol i tana
10
20 k m
Cartography:
K. Heinrich, IGF, 2013
Data sources:
SRTM 90 m digital elevation data (http://srtm.csi.cgiar.org)
88
Fig.3.12Livelihood in Cinturn
Andino biosphere reserve (Source
Borsdorf 2011: 46)
E
'
E
'
&
&
W
W
^
,
^
,
89
90
play an important role and exacerbate the problem of potential conflicts of use.
Huascarn National Park is managed by the Peruvian
National Institute of Natural Resources (IRENA). The
management plan pursues three major aims: protecting
biodiversity, esp. rare plant and animal species; protecting
water resources; maintaining natural and cultural landscapes. A further concern is involving the local population in the park management. Local land owners within
the national park and the adjacent buffer zone may continue to farm in these areas, enjoy pasture rights and are
allowed to take out certain amounts of wood and medicinal plants, provided they plant new trees in replacement.
To this end, tree nurseries for endemic trees and shrubs
have been set up.
The indigenous population, however, is forbidden from
farming on endangered areas, overgrazing, hunting and
large-scale tree felling. The campesinos in the region have
been invited to join so-called pasture management committees and to reduce the number of sheep and goats or replace
them by alpacas. In an effort to implement the protection
concept and to regulate the use of certain resources and
areas, the national park region was divided into five zones:
a strictly protected core zone; special vegetation protection
or restoration areas; game reserves or traditionally extensively or little used areas; intensively used recreation and
tourism zones; settlements and infrastructure areas.
The key challenges and issues for the management
include disputed land rights, unclear boundaries of the
national park and the biosphere reserve, the invasion of nonendemic eucalyptus (Eucalyptus globulus) and pine stocks
(Pinus radiata), unregulated tourism, concentrated very
much in particular areas, inappropriate agricultural activities,
sprawling settlements in the Santa Valley; mining, increased
use of hydropower resources, water contamination and waste
disposal as well as the further expansion of the road network.
Add to this the dangers of climate change: melting glaciers,
extreme weather events, erosion and denudation phenomena, plus rock fall and floods, and, of course, natural hazards
unrelated to climate, like earthquakes and volcanism.
91
92
93
Sajama National Park today is seen as a model for involving local people in the conservation concept of a unique
Andean natural and cultural area. Within the last 15years, SERNAP has succeeded in freeing itself from top-down
management concepts and strategies and achieved a bottom-up acceptance of the conservation idea in the local population. With the motto parque con pueblo, the national park administration explicitly recognizes the claim of the
local people to sustainable use of the resources and their involvement as partners in the management of the park.
This includes the participation of all interest groups, the state organization SERNAP, the Municipio Curahuara de
Carangas, as well as all small local municipalities in the planning and implementation of projects, ensured by the
inclusion of all decision makers in the managing committee (comit de gestin) of the park. The management concept of the national park is based on the following principles:
protection of natural and cultural heritage, esp. maintaining biodiversity, protection from degradation of the
land and strengthening indigenous communities.
sustainable economic and social development impulses at local and regional level.
Ecotourism potential is seen as an economic complementation. The national park offers unique scenic experiences
for short-term visitors, trekking tourists and mountaineers, plus a glimpse of the culture and living arrangements of the
Aymara people. This form of gentle eco-, agro- and cultural tourism is to be promoted through adapted expansion of tourist infrastructure and service offers. In 2003 the Tomarapi eco-lodge was established. It can take 2,0003,000 visitors each
year. The accommodation has been constructed using local materials in a traditional form of building and is managed
locally. The national park receives financial and technical support from the MAPZA project (Manejo de reas Protegidas
y Zonas de Amortiguacin) of the German Gesellschaft fr Technische Zusammenarbeit (Hoffmann 2007: 1114).
the guanaco, plus some 140 bird species (Fig.3.18; for all
Chilean biosphere reserves, see Moreira and Borsdorf 2014).
And yet this highland region at the upper limit of the human
ecumene can look back on a history of human use going back
several thousand years. Today mainly autochthonous Aymara
people live in the mountain region, plus some Aymaras who
have migrated in from neighbouring Bolivia. One of the key
aims for Lauca Biosphere Reserve is harmonizing the interests of these communities with the ecological priorities of the
biosphere reserve. Rundel and Palma (2000: 268) have identified five key challenges for the management and the protection
of resources in the biosphere:
1. protection and management of water resources;
2. management of rare and/or endangered plant and animal
species;
3. handling the impact of human activities;
4. management of sustainable ecotourism;
5. assessing the status of existing administrative boundaries.
Chile
Nevados de Putre
Lagunas
Cotacotani
Putre
Parinacota
marshes
Chucuyo
Volcn Pomerape
Cerro Parinacota
Bolivia
Parinacota
Lago
Chungar
10
15 km
Cartography:
K. Heinrich, IGF, 2012
Ri
Lau
ca
Volcn
Guallatini
Fig.3.17Map of Lauca National Park with vegetation formations (after Rundel and Palma 2000: 263)
Data sources:
SRTM 90 m Digital Elevation
Data (http://srtm.csi.cgiar.org)
94
Fig.3.20Podocarpus National Park (Source Pohle 2004, modified with the kind permission of the author)
95
96
enormous pressure on the land through expansion of agricultural areas, on the other. A top priority must be to respect the
cultural-spiritual and thus identity-forming function of the
forest for the Shuar people and to integrate their extensive forest-related environmental knowledge in sustainable management (Pohle 2004: 16).
For a long time the Shuar people have been using a
remarkable diversity of wild plants for subsistence, as nutritional supplement, as medicinal plants and as construction material. Other, less important uses include making
dyes from forest products, poisons for fishing and hunting,
using them as raw material for crafts, as tableware (e.g. the
leaves), as ritual plants and as raw material for other products. The traditional use of resources and the biodiversity
management of the Shuar people is thus based on a close,
cultural, economic and spiritual connection with the forest,
(Pohle 2004: 18, translated by the authors).
The Saraguro people in the higher regions have also been
using the forest resources for a long time, but have changed
large parts of the forest areas through slash-and-burn agriculture and grazing into a cultural area of small-holdings.
Even if today adequate landscape-ecological stability has
been achieved in part, this decimation of the mountain forest
impairs the high biodiversity, encourages erosion and landslides. Both in the Shuar and the Saraguro areas the small
private gardens have a long and important tradition of ensuring food security for the families. They are characterized by
a high diversity of species and varieties of basic foods, fruit
and vegetables, medicinal plants and culinary herbs, and at
the same time provide food for the animals and wood.
As early as 1982, Podocarpus National Park (150,000ha)
was put under strict protection because of the ecological
significance of the humid mountain forests on the eastern
flank of the cordillera in southern Ecuador, the dramatically
increasing pressure on land use and the expanding destruction of the forests. Recently three adjacent forest conservation areas, with a total size of more than 250,000ha, were
created, two of them in the border area with Peru. This concept focuses on maintaining biodiversity but largely disregards the economic needs and traditional land-use rights of
the autochthonous population. Pohle (2004: 19) suggests
two sustainability-oriented concepts as a way out of the conflict between forest conservation and forest use:
1. a conservation through use forest protection concept,
based on indigenous environmental knowledge and sustainable use of resources;
2. a nature and culture conservation concept aimed at
maintaining the biological hotspots as well as the cultural diversity.
This approach also fits in with the conservation and
development concept of UNESCO biosphere reserves with
its designation of strictly protected areas in the core zone,
allowing sustainable human land use in the buffer zone,
plus economic development in the development zone.
Such an integrated conservation and development concept for the Cordillera Oriental in southern Ecuador should
ease and regulate the pressures of unchecked agricultural
colonization, uncontrolled expansion of settlements along
the roads, uncoordinated mining activity and informal and/
or illegal extraction of timber. Such a sustainable regional
concept could integrate Podocarpus National Park as well
as the forest conservation corridors, the historically evolved
cultural landscapes (Loja, Vilcabamba Valley) and the settlement areas of the indigenous communities of the Shuar
and Saraguro people.
Figure3.20 shows the position and reach of Podocarpus
National Park and additional forest conservation areas in
the eastern cordillera of Ecuador, southeast of the town of
Loja. As these protected primary forest areas are situated
in the settlement areas of the indigenous Saraguros and
Shuars, the conservation concepts must be tailored to the
interests of these people. The forest conservation concept
is therefore based on the idea of conservation through use
and aims for traditional agri- and silvicultural use of the
forest resources and sustainable biodiversity management
(Pohle 2004).
97
99
100
101
102
Period
From 11000 BCE to 1150 CE
3500 BCE1500 BCE
3000 BCE1800 BCE
1600 BCE1200 BCE
1200 BCE500 BCE
1100 BCE200 BCE
900 BCE200 BCE
600 BCE1540 CE
370 BCE600 CE
0800 CE
3001000 CE
700 CE1000 CE
850 CE1550 CE
900 CE1200 CE
1000 CE1572 CE
1200 CE1536 CE
1250 CE1476 CE
103
Fig.4.2View from Pucara Qitor towards the foothill oasis San Pedro
de Atacama
104
105
106
107
land routes, trading was also carried out on boats along the
Pacific coast. Given its vital importance, it is not surprising
that water was also of eminent importance in the Chim
mythology and was considered a sacred natural element.
The former glory of the Chim culture found an impres
sive monumental expression in the capital city of Chan
Chan. It extended over some 20 km2 and was the largest
pre-Hispanic city built in adobe (Mikus 1988: 19). During
its apogee it had an estimated population of about 50,000
inhabitants. Chan Chan was a planned city with a chessboard pattern of symmetrical settlement blocks and rectangular streets, arranged according to occupational groups and
social classes. As a rule, the different housing units were
segregated from each other by high walls. The locally manufactured building material of adobe bricks proved to be very
well adapted to the dry and hot climatic conditions. Many of
the buildings were decorated with stylized representations of
animal or geometrical figures (Figs.4.11 and 4.12). Further
testimonies to the cultural creativity of the Chim were the
remarkable pottery, the weaving and the magnificent works
of golden artefacts. Gold was obtained from the rivers originating in the Andes or was imported from the sierra. After
the subjugation of the Chim by the Inca, many artisans
were taken to Cusco, where they continued to practice their
traditional skills.
The time after 1000 CE marked a phase of regional
integration, which was achieved by military enforcement,
political unions and expanded trade links. This period was
also characterized by the construction of impressive monuments, such as the tola hill graves or the sacred buildings
of the Cara in the north of Ecuador. Furthermore, the tradition of an advanced and intensive agriculture with field
terraces and extensive irrigation systems was continued by
the Atacameos, the Diaguitas of northern Chile and northwestern Argentina, and later by the Inca.
In the northern part of the Andean space, the Chibcha
culture reached a high level of achievement. They settled in the fertile valleys and mountain basins of the central parts of Colombia. Two powerful dynasties, the Zipa
of Bogot, the personification of the Sun God, and the
Zaque of Tunja, representing the incarnation of the Moon
Goddess, ruled over this region. The Chibcha people
also excelled in commercial activities. Their most precious trading good was salt mined at Zipaquira. Gold was
exchanged for salt and was crafted into artefacts of high
artistic quality (Fig.4.13). A famous and most elaborate
ceremony was the solemn coronation of the new ruler. He
was supposedly covered with gold dust and was floated on
a lake, with gold and emeralds sprinkled into the water.
This legend later enticed the Spaniards to search for this
dorado in the Andes.
This overview of early high civilizations, which were
spatially concentrated in the tropical Andes and the adjacent
Fig.4.8Tiahuanaco, Bolivia
108
109
110
Equator
Quito
Ecuador
Tomebamba
Tumbes
Brazil
Ayabaca
Saha
Peru
Chavn
Casma
Pachacamac
Bombn
Jauja
Huamanga
Machu Picchu
Cusco
Nazca
Pacific
Ayaviri
Caylloma
Bolivia
Tiahuanaco
Ocean
Chuquisaca
Tarapac
Conquerors
San Pedro
de Atacama
Chile
Copiap
Angostaco
Tinogasta
Cartography:
K. Heinrich, IGF, 2013
(adapted from GEO-Graphik 1997)
Argentina
Curic
111
500 m
112
building. By and large they adopted the techniques from previous civilizations but often refined and amplified them.
The agricultural production systems and the trade with
agrarian products were based on the Andean principles of
complementarity and reciprocity. A variety of crops were cultivated in different environments and were exchanged with
other regions: tropical lowland products like manioc, sweet
potatoes and a wide range of fruit from the tierra caliente;
maize, beans, pumpkins, tomatoes, bananas, coca and fruit
from the tierra templada and tierra fra; a variety of tuber crops
(potatoes, oca, olluco, mashua), quinoa, or tarwi from the
tierra helada. A special adaptation was required to cope with
the extreme climatic conditions of high altitudes. Here the
marked contrasts between frequent night frosts and an intensive solar radiation during the day necessitated the reliance on
specific varieties of tuber crops, in particular bitter potatoes
113
114
Fig.4.25Terraces in Bolivia
115
116
117
118
119
4.3 The Spanish Colonial Period and Its Spatial and Societal Impact
families like the von Thurn and Taxis hat their palaces
built in the capitals (Fig.4.34). Peripheries were the eco
nomically less attractive and also sparsely populated zones,
either in the hot and humid lowlands or in the poorly accessible or high-altitude mountain areas.
Contrary to the situation in North America or Australia,
where farmers were attracted to new promising agricultural
frontiers, most of the immigrants from the Iberian peninsula
were military people, administrative personnel, clerics,
merchants or traders, who preferred to settle in urban centres.
Therefore, during the early phase of the colonial period, a
spatial and socio-economic duality developed between a
Hispanic-shaped urbanity and the rural indigenous regions,
the latter retaining their traditional roots to a large extent, at
least initially.
Pre-existing cities, like Cusco, were transformed and
restructured according to Spanish plans, and the planning
and building of new urban centres also followed the Hispanic
traditions. Characteristic of the colonial towns were the rectangular layout of the street plan enclosing the individual
blocks of buildings (cuadras). The centre of the town was
the major square (plaza mayor), whose attractive park was
the showcase of the town and represented its administrative
120
121
4.3 The Spanish Colonial Period and Its Spatial and Societal Impact
122
123
4.3 The Spanish Colonial Period and Its Spatial and Societal Impact
4.3.4 Mining
The Spanish Crown pursued the primary goal of enhancing its
economic strength and political power by exploiting the rich
resources of its colonies. In the Americas, mining precious
ores became the most important source of revenue (Fig.4.42).
In the Vice-Royalty of Peru, gold and silver were the most
coveted mineral resources; their high value justified the long,
expensive and hazardous transport to Spain. Initially, after
the conquest of the Inca empire, the focus was on a crude
plundering of the easily accessible gold and silver treasures,
especially those found in and around Cusco. During the second half of the 16th century, however, an exploitation of the
first mines started. Large amounts of timber were required for
the smelter of the ores and for building the settlements and
transportation infrastructures. In addition, there was a pressing need to supply the mine workers with food, some basic
housing, clothing and other require
ments. Within a short
period of time, pioneer settlements and a new economic landscape developed at the mining sites and in their vicinity. The
massive influx of workers, merchants, traders, officials and
other people seeking their fortunes resulted in a considerable
increase in the population of the mining districts and a rapid
growth of the mining centres.
Whereas the production of gold was the most important
mining branch in the Americas before 1540, in the ViceRoyalty of Peru the mining of silver surpassed that of any
other ore. In 1538 Gonzalo Pizarro conquered the province of Charcas, took over the Inca mines and founded
the city of La Plata at the site of the former Inca town of
Chuquisaca. The richest silver veins were discovered
by native herders on Cerro Rico in Alto Per (Bolivia) at
an altitude of some 4,700m. The year of discovery, 1545,
marked the beginning of an unprecedented boom of silver
mining and the development and heydays of Potos, which
was given the title Villa Imperial by Charles V (Figs.4.43
and 4.44). Mineral resources were considered royal prerogatives, whereby one fifth of the revenues were reserved for
the Spanish king.
During the first years of mining, the silver production in
Potos and the wealth generated from it were extraordinary,
as the ores contained up to 50% pure silver. Silver was
smelted in thousands of small furnaces (huayras). Between
1545 and 1550, the mines of Potos produced some 200 tons
of silver per year, amounting to approximately two thirds
Fig.4.42Mining in Chile
124
4.3 The Spanish Colonial Period and Its Spatial and Societal Impact
125
126
127
4.3 The Spanish Colonial Period and Its Spatial and Societal Impact
Table4.2Social stratification in the colonial era (adapted from Schenck 1997: 33 and translated by the authors)
Social rank
Highest
2
3
4
5
Lowest
Social group
Spanish officials
Nobility, latifundio owners
Merchants, successful entrepreneurs
Mestizos
Cholos
Indios
Economic rank
1
2
3
35
57
7
Culture
Spanish
Creoles
Creoles
Aspired Spanish
Acculturated Spanish
Native
Racial affiliation
White
White
White
Mixed Spanish-Amerindian
Indios
Indios
128
Fig.4.48Peruvian Cacique
129
130
business people. While a few of the immigrants of non-Hispanic descent also assumed political positions, especially
in Chile and Bolivia, as a whole their economic clout was
greater than their political one. In most cases, upper-class
Creole families were able to control the political destiny
of the Andean states, at least until the first part of the 20th
century, when military leaders, some of them rising from
lower social classes, were able to seize political power.
In the 20th century, both the Conservatives and the
Liberals tended to be the ruling parties and to alternate in
assuming political control. In Colombia the rift between the
Conservatives and the Liberals deepened around 1900. While
the Conservatives were calling for a strong central state and
president, the Liberals demanded a federally structured country and a constitution with an influential parliament. The controversy between the Conservatives and the Liberals reached
a disastrous climax in the War of Thousand Days (1899
1902), in which some 100,000 people died. In the wake of
this turmoil, Colombia lost Panama in 1904 upon the intervention of the United States. After World War II, the conflict
in Colombia intensified once again in 1946. After the murder
of the popular presidential candidate Jorge Elicer Gaitn,
131
133
134
135
136
137
Fig.5.2Otavaleas in Ecuador
138
Fig.5.3Tarabucos in Bolivia
5.2.1
Lo Andino: Andean Wisdom and Ancestral
Concepts
In spite of the economic, political and cultural globalization trends, the attempt to preserve a regional identity and the
ancestral heritage is still deeply rooted in Andean communities. The return to the autochthonous cultural traditions and
ways of life can even be seen as a reaction to the levelling tendencies of globalization (Featherstone 1995: 93).
The cultural heritage of the Andes is particularly rich
and diversified. Over the long course of history, numerous
processes of displacement and overlay have taken place,
but, on the other hand, one can observe a remarkable cultural resilience and a tenacious preservation of ancestral
traditions: The most profound meaning of the Andes thus
comes not from a physical description, but from the cultural
outcome of 10 millennia of knowing, using and transforming the varied environments of western South America
(Gade 1999: 34). Because of its long and rich cultural history, Gade considers the tropical central Andes as the core
region (corazn) of the Andean material and non-material
culture: Many autochthonous elements, practices, strategies and symbols, both material and nonmaterial, make up
the sum of lo andino, (Gade 1999: 36). In this part of the
sierra, the traditional Andean culture has best resisted the
assimilation pressure of Europeans and North Americans,
and the acculturation processes of modernization and
Western technologies (Stadel 2003a: 78)
In economic terms, lo andino is based on the traditions
of field cultivation and pastoralism in their aim to make the
best use of the potentials of the environment, especially the
broad spectrum of altitudinal zones and agricultural niches.
By resorting to a diversity of production forms of field cultivation and of pastoral strategies, agricultural activities
strive to minimize the risks for the support of families and
the comunidad. One of the guiding principles is economic
complementarity (complementaridad). In spatial terms,
the vertical control (Murra 1975) allows the communities to access the resources of diverse altitudinal areas. It
manifests itself further in interregional market and trade relations between different regions of the sierra and between the
mountains and the neighbouring coastal or interior lowlands.
Complementarity is also achieved by growing a variety of
crops and by different forms of crop and field rotation, as
well as by combining field cultivation with pastoral activities.
A further pillar of lo andino is the Andean tradition
of economic and social reciprocity (reciprocidad). This
principle provides for a mutual and equitable exchange
and compensation of goods and services between families
and regions (Stadel 2001a: 151). Economic reciprocity
in the Andes has a long tradition, especially in the form of
bartering (truque), although it has considerably weakened
in recent times in the course of greater monetarization of
economies. In the exchange of products, the daily markets
(mercados) or weekly market days (ferias) play a vital
role. In this context, Rist (2000: 310311) asks whether
reciprocity today has to be regarded as a traditional and
marginal relic or as a successful and sustainable strategy.
He is of the opinion that reciprocity, at least from the
perspective of local stakeholders, retains its significance and
value, not only as a precious cultural heritage but also as a
meaningful economic and social system. In its social context,
reciprocity implies various forms of communal and mutual
assistance and obligations as pillars of support for families
and village communities. They include the faena, a service
for the comunidad (e.g., the repair of roads and bridges, or
the maintenance of irrigation systems); ayni, as mutual help
by one community member for another member for private
purposes (e.g., sowing and harvesting); or minka, a mutual
work support with major jobs for members of the community
(e.g., in building or repairing of houses, or the clearing of
land). These forms of work assistance have also an important
socializing function, as the community or the hosting family
supply the workers with food, drink, at times also with music.
Reciprocity is then an expression of the traditional vital
role of the community as a place in which the individual is
embedded in a system of assistance, obligations, solidarity,
local jurisdiction, social activities and rituals. Whereas in
Western societies personal freedom, private initiatives and
property, or self-determination are considered cherished
principles and values, in an Andean ayll, the economic
and social rights and obligations find their expression
within the community as a whole and an exclusion from the
community is considered the worst form of punishment, as
it means a loss of the homeland and all social networks:
In the Andes, the basic collective entity and the indispensable foundation of the identity is the ayll (), the unity of
the community of peasants. The ayll is the cell of life, the
celebrating and ritual atom, but also the economic foundation
of subsistence and of the internal exchange trade. (Estermann
1999: 226, translated by the authors)
139
140
141
142
143
5.2.4.2 Aymara
The principal living space of the Aymara people is found in
the higher regions of the sierra of Bolivia (Figs.5.13 and
5.14), southern Peru, and the northern part of the Chilean
cordillera. In Bolivia, it is estimated that 3040% of the
population are Aymaras; in Peru 5% and in Chile less than
0.5%. Before their conquest by the Incas, the Aymaras were
grouped together in small territories (collas). During the Inca
and colonial periods, they were at times forcibly resettled in
other parts of the Andes. As is the case with other indigenous
groups, the Aymaras encountered prolonged discrimination,
lack of rights and exploitation. Their situation in Bolivia
improved to a certain extent with the revolution and reforms
of 1952, when an attempt was made to integrate them more
effectively into the societies of the departamentos. Their
social and political empowerment has been greatly enhanced
since Evo Morales, the descendant of an Aymara family
from the village of Urinuqa, became president in 2006.
In the constitution of 2009, the 36 indigenous nations, the
indgenas originarios campesinos, were granted special
guarantees and privileges for more self-determination
and a limited autonomy in specific electoral districts.
Here the communities can implement their traditional
community laws and practices, and they can elect their own
representatives to the national parliament. Furthermore, the
economic situation, health and education of the indgenas
were to be improved. But Hlscher (2009: 2) points out that
many Aymaras have migrated to the Chapar, the eastern
lowlands, the cities, or the mining districts, where they may
pursue interests and activities that differ from those in their
traditional rural highland regions.
Depending on different sources, the numbers of Aymara
speakers range from about 2.55million. Also, many
Aymaras today are bilingual Aymara-Spanish speaking,
some also Aymara-Quechua speaking. In the cities, the
144
145
146
147
Climate change tends to exacerbate the intensity and frequency of environmental risks and hazards, and may force
the communities to resort to proven traditional and also
new resilience and adaptation strategies. It is therefore a
paramount task to include the native perspectives and perceptions in the discourse on the repercussions of climate
148
Incorporating indigenous knowledge into climate change
policies can lead to the development of effective adaptation
strategies that are cost-effective, participatory and sustainable.
(Intergovernmental Panel for Climate Change 2007, quoted by
Feldt 2009: 4)
149
Table 5.1Demographic characteristics of Andean countries, 2011/2012 (based on Fischer Weltalmanach 2013, 2014 plus calculations by
the authors)
Pop.
density
(in
people/
km2)
Country
Pop.
(in
000)
2012
Argentina
41,087
2,780,403
14.8
Bolivia
10,496 75
1,098,581
9.6
Chile
17,465
756,096
Colombia
47,704 55
Ecuador
15,492 45
Peru
29,988 45
Venezuela 29,955
Andean
Territory
proportion (km2)
of Pop.
(estimated
%)
Proportion
of urban
Pop. (%),
2012
Birth
rate
(in %),
2011
Death
rate
(in %),
2011
Child
mortality
rate (%),
2011
Life
expectancy
(years),
2011
Natural
annual
Pop.
growth
rate (%)
2011
Annual
Pop.
increase
(%),
1990
2011
Estimated
annual
Pop.
increase
(%),
2011
2030
Proportion
of Pop.
<15
years(%),
2012
Proportion
of
Pop. >65
years(%),
2012
6.9
93
1.7
0.8
1.4
76
0.9
1.1
0.7
24
11
9.1
67
2.6
0.7
5.1
67
1.9
2.0
1.5
35
23.1
16.8
89
1.4
0.6
0.9
79
0.8
1.3
0.6
21
10
1,141,748
41.8
100.1
76
1.9
0.5
1.8
74
1.4
1.6
1.0
28
256,37
60.4
64.8
68
2.0
0.5
2.3
76
1.5
1.7
1.0
30
1,285,216
23.3
22.8
78
2.0
0.5
1.8
74
1.5
1.4
1.0
29
912,050
32.8
139.1
94
2.0
0.5
1.5
74
1.5
1.9
1.2
29
Pop.
density
in the
highlands
(people/
km2)
pop. population
Ecuador and Peru also have relatively large parts of the territory located in the sierras, but an even larger proportion of
the national territory is located in the coastal lowlands. Even
so, they are considered Andean states because the traditional
core areas were located in the sierra region and a large proportion of the population is still concentrated in the mountains. Certainly within the last hundred years, the Caribbean
and Pacific coastal lowlands have economically advanced
and, because of substantial in-migration rates, they have
accounted for a growing share of national populations,
especially in and around the metropolitan centres. New
economic opportunities of new land colonization schemes,
and more recently petroleum and natural gas resources,
supported by enhanced infrastructural developments, have
meant that the interior continental piedmont zones and
plains have also witnessed a considerable influx of people.
In terms of the natural population growth rates,
Chile and Argentina have reached the last stage of the
Demographic Transition Model. Their annual rates of population increase have dropped to 1% or less. While the birth
rates of the Andean countries still show considerable variations, from 2.7% in Bolivia to 1.5% in Chile, the death
rates are more uniform at less than 1%. In population projections for the period 20112030, the natural population
growth rates are expected to drop further, albeit at rather
modest rates. Because of the generally improved sanitation,
health and nutrition standards, the average life expectancy
at birth, with the exception of Bolivia, has risen to over
70years, even reaching 80years in Chile. Nonetheless,
compared to Australia/New Zealand and the European
and North-American countries, the Andean states are still
characterized by a youthful age profile of their population. In 2012 the proportion of the national population
below the age of 15years was 21% in Chile and 24% in
Argentina, but 29% in Ecuador and Venezuela, and even
35% in Bolivia. In turn, the proportion of people aged over
65years was 11% in Argentina and 10% in Chile, 6% in
Colombia, Ecuador, Peru and Venezuela, and only 5% in
150
Fig.5.22Population pyramids for Bolivia and Chile 2014 (Source US Census Bureau, 2013 International Database. From official National
Census data projected for 2014 [www.census.gov/population/international/data/idb])
in search of temporary or seasonal types of work, for example of young male adults at harvesting time to coastal plantations (zafra), to mining jobs; to work in the oil and gas
fields; or for military service.
As early as 1971, Zelinski developed the well-known
Model of Mobility Transition (Fig.5.23). In this fivestage model, the type and intensity of migration is related
to the level of development of a country and its societal
change. In phase I, called the pre-modern traditional
society, before the onset of urbanization, both birth rates
and death rates are high, the natural population increase
is low, and there is little migration and circulation.
Population movements take place within a limited spatial
framework as movements between rural areas and market
places, or pilgrimages to places of worship. In phase II,
the stage of the early transitional society, there is a rapid
increase in the natural population growth rate, as well as a
Fig.5.23Model of mobility
transformation (adapted from
Zelinski 1971 and modified)
international migration
inter- / intra-urban migration
exodus from rural areas
circulation
internal migration to pioneer lines
exodus from the cities
Phase
Stage
pre-modern
traditional
society
Process
Preliminary
stage
II
III
IV
early
transitional
society
late
transitional
society
advanced
society
mature
modern
society
Introduction
Transition
Decline
Fade out
151
152
1997
or earlier
USA
1998
1999
Spain
2000
Italy
2003
other
153
154
spa-type tourist lodges. And all that is less than one hours
travel away from Santiago (at a distance of some 50km).
Borsdorf and Hidalgo (2009) have demonstrated that the
circulation and migration of people from the upper classes
to these new destinations, based on the described amenity factors, while still being modest in relation to absolute
population numbers involved, nevertheless has major spatial and socio-economic impacts for the new residential
communities. The authors estimate that between 1991 and
2002, approximately 1,200 people have migrated into the
155
156
157
158
159
the already existing towns and villages, in the new pioneer zones the construction of transportation lines was an
indispensable impulse for the establishment of new settlements. Today though, some new highways in the mountains
are by-passing existing villages and even urban centres.
Comparatively few settlements owe their origin and importance to railways, but there are some examples of railway
towns, such as Alaus and Bucay in Ecuador. With the
demise of railway transport in the Andes, the settlements
along the railway lines were forced to find a new economic
orientation if they wanted to prevent a rapid decline. In
some cases rural communities switch between several periodically used settlements and agricultural zones. Dubly
160
161
autochthonous, often native, population and the new settlers. As native communal or individual land titles have in
many cases not been officially registered, land ownership
patterns may be unclear, often with overlapping or blurred
boundaries of agricultural plots. Large-scale agricultural
and forestry operations, as well as booming and expanding
new towns, tend to threaten the traditional homelands and
the cultural integrity of indigenous communities. This has
been the case at the western flanks of the sierra in Ecuador,
where the new economic activities and the explosive growth
of Santo Domingo de los Colorados have seriously affected
the traditional livelihoods of the Tschila or Colorado indgenas. While their land rights have been officially recognized since 1978, these have been frequently violated ever
since. Today only a few hundred families are still living on
their ancestral land. Even greater problems are the massive
exploitation schemes of natural resources in the sierra and
the adjacent lowland areas by powerful national or international companies. Prime examples are the large oil and gas
fields in the Oriente of Ecuador with the side effects of the
accompanying road and pipeline infrastructures.
Another very problematic situation is the massive influx
of workers into camps and uncontrolled shanty towns in the
vicinity of large timber harvesting operations and mines. A
frightening example of the latter is the gold mining settlement of Nambija in the province of Zamora Chinchipe in
southern Ecuador. Located at an altitude of approximately
2,000m at the flanks of the eastern cordillera, this paraso e
infierno del oro (Dubly 1990: 139) counts several thousand
workers, often living in abominable housing and sanitary
conditions. These settlements are exposed to major environmental risks. The steep slopes are subject to landslides,
rockfalls and severe forms of denudation and erosion, especially after heavy rainfall. In the case of Nambija, an earthquake, in combination with torrential rains, caused massive
landslides and flash floods in 1993 that cost the lives of
some 300 people.
The new settlements of resource extraction and agricultural pioneer zones, at least in the initial phases of
their development, often suffer from major infrastructural
deficits. In some cases a gradual improvement of communal infrastructures and services sets in with maturing and
consolidation. Other serious problems in these areas are
the impacts of environmental degradation (Fig. 6.10) and
pollution of poorly controlled waste disposal and sewage
management.
162
163
164
1: mid-16th C.
growing
stable
shrinking
165
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
Pilahuin
Pelileo
Patate
Pillaro
Juan Benigno Vela
Santa Rosa
Quizapincha
Mocha
Sierra
(potatoes, cereals, vegetables, livestock)
Ambato
Oriente
Costa
(rice, bananas,
livestock)
5
3
2
8
Sierra
0
10
15 km
(potatoes, cereals,
vegetables, livestock)
fruit, vegetables
fruit trees
vegetables (e.g. onions)
potatoes
import
immediate agricultural
hinterland
166
Largest
city
Buenos
Aires
Santa Cruz
Chile (2012)
Population
(agglomeration)
13,400,000
1,616,100
Second-largest
city
La Matanza/
San Justo
El Alto
Population
(agglomeration)
1,773,900
Third-largest
city
Crdoba
Population
(agglomeration)
1,311,900
Two cities
primacy index
Santiago
6,434,576
Puente Alto
Colombia (2009)
Bogot
7,243,698
Medelln
2,281,085
Cali
Ecuador (2010)
Guayaquil
2,278,691
Quito
1,607,734
Cuenca
329,928
1.41
Peru (2007)
Lima
8,472,935
Arequipa
784,651
Trujillo
682,834
10.80
Venezuela (2011)
Caracas
3,600,000
Maracaibo
1,378,958
1.90
7.55
953,300
La Paz
835,400
1.69
583,471
Antofagasta
345,520
11.02
2,183,042
3.16
1,898,770
Valencia
Two cities primacy index=population of the largest city divided by population of the second-largest city
Data Source: Fischer Weltalmanach (2013, 2014), authors calculations
167
100,000 inhabitants. As late as the middle of the 20th century, Caracas experienced a population explosion fuelled
by the national oil boom. Eventually, under the dictatorship of Marcos Prez Jimnez (19531958) and during the
following years, Caracas developed into one of the leading
metropolises of the Andes (Wilhelmy and Borsdorf 1985).
With the economic structure of the country increasingly
reorienting itself from an agricultural focus to that of an oil
economy, with its financial centre in Caracas, the rapidly
expanding city became a magnet for rural people. By and
large this population settled in an unplanned fashion in many
shantytowns (ranchos) on the urban hillside peripheries. As
of 2011, the population of the Distrito Capital of Caracas
amounted to 1.94 million people; that of the urban agglomeration of the Metropolitan District to about three million,
spread over five municipalities.
Caracas, at an elevation of 8001,000m, is located in a
tectonically shaped highland basin of the Caribbean coastal
cordillera, the so-called Chacao Plain, in an ecological transition zone between the tierra caliente and tierra templada
168
169
170
well-kept old city centre. This colonial core (casco colonial) was declared a UNESCO World Heritage Site in 1978
(Fig.6.24).
Quito lies in the northern part of the Ecuadorian sierra;
the centre of the city being located only some 20km
south of the equator. The monument and museum of
Mitad del Mundo is a major tourist attraction. At an altitude of 2,850m, the capital city of Ecuador extends as an
urban agglomeration band in a north-southerly direction
on a higher terrace of the Guayllabamba Basin. The urban
space is topographically restricted by the steep slopes of
the volcanic mountains of the Rucu Pichincha (4,690m)
and the recently active and threatening Guagua Pichincha
(4,794m). To the north and east, a sharp drop towards the
Guayllamba Valley represents a major natural barrier for
the expansion of Quito. Nevertheless, in recent decades
the city space has spilled over into the warmer and drier
Guayllabamba Valley, about 400m below, which today is
connected with Quito proper by modern highways. In this
climatically favoured valley the new residential districts of
the urban middle- and upper classes, modern businesses
and shopping areas and a high-class private university are
located. Since February 2013, the new International Airport
Mariscal Sucre has replaced the former rather dangerous
inner-city airport.
Quito is characterized by an inner-tropical highland climate. This means that the amplitude of the average monthly
temperatures is insignificant (0.4C) in contrast to the
variations between day and night (1012C, in some situations up to 1518C). Because of the moderate tropical
climate, Quito has been labelled the city of eternal spring.
Average annual precipitation is 1,250mm, with pronounced
rainy periods (invierno) from February to May and October
to December. During the rainy seasons, showers, heavy at
times, are a regular afternoon feature. Because of the high
elevation and the proximity to the cordilleras, cold fall
winds (paramitos), hail and even snow on rare occasions
may affect the city. These at times rapidly changing weather
conditions have prompted some people to observe that
Quito can experience all four seasons within one single day.
With the long-term intensive human use of the land,
hardly anything of the original natural tropical mountain
vegetation is left in the vicinity of Quito. Around the city,
generally on small plots, maize, barley, wheat, vegetables and fruit of a temperate climate are cultivated; in the
warmer Guayllabamba Valley also tropical fruit and vegetables. In addition, products of the Costa and Oriente find
their way to the markets of Quito (Fig.6.25).
In spite of the colonial character, Quito was originally
founded within a territory occupied by aboriginal people
since about 1,500 BCE. Around the middle of the 15th century CE, the Incas started to occupy the area, culminating
with the final conquest of Huayna Cpac around 1480. At
171
that time the place was one of the most important religious,
economic and political centres of the northern part of the
Inca Empire. In 1534 Sebastin de Benalczar founded
the colonial city of San Francisco de Quito. In contrast to
Cusco, few remnants of the Inca city have survived, even on
the old volcanic hill of the Panecillo, the site of the former
sun temple.
From the 3,050m high Panecillo a splendid view opens
over the colonial city with its numerous churches, monasteries, palaces, the rows of colonial houses, the rectangularly arranged narrow streets and squares (Fig.6.26). In the
heart of the old city lies the Plaza de la Independencia with
its popular park (Fig.6.27), flanked by the cathedral, the
city hall and the palaces of the bishop and the government.
Radiating from Plaza de la Independencia are the major
172
173
174
1930
4 km
1960
1980
1990
2000
San Antonio
Calderon
Conocoto
Tumbaco
Historic centre
CBD
Airport
Fig. 6.28Spatial growth of Quito, Ecuador, 19302000, and location of the historic centre, CBD and satellite communities of the urban
agglomeration
175
176
Lima emerged in the 1950s in the wake of massive migration of people from the Andean highlands to the cities on
the Pacific coast. Some of these so-called cones encircling
Lima to the north, east and south have matured since then
into more organized and better equipped settlements and
have become an integral part of the urban fabric.
In a succinctly expressed contribution on the spatial and
socio-economic development of Lima and its recent trends
of integration and disintegration, Fernndez-Maldonado
(2007: 112) describes the urban dichotomy thus:
A process with two different spatial logics, not mutually exclusive but rather highly interrelated. One is the process led by the
real estate market, a regulated and supposedly formal process.
The other is the result of an informal process of urbanization
of the periphery, shaped by the collective action of the poor,
who have been systematically denied access to affordable land
and housing. (Fernndez-Maldonado 2007:1)
177
178
centre of manufacturing, especially the production of consumer goods and the processing of agricultural and mineral
products. It is moreover the financial heart of the countrys
extractive industry, especially of the tin economy. In contrast, El Alto is the centre of a flourishing informal economy of a large and diversified number of craftspeople,
merchants and traders. In addition, thousands of Ateos
commute daily to La Paz in search of regular or periodic
forms of employment.
179
in July (average maxima of about 14C and average minima of only 2.5C). Although Santiago has a moderate climate, frost may occur during the southern winter months.
One of the major environmental concerns of the city is the
smog and air pollution concentrated in the Central Valley
during the winter months, a consequence of both the prevailing thermal inversion and the pollution caused by automobiles and industries.
Santiago de Chile lies in a large bowl-shaped basin
which measures approximately 80km in a north-south
direction and 35km from west to east. It is flanked by
the towering Andean cordillera to the east and north and
the Chilean coastal range to the west. In the south lies the
Angostura de Paine, an elongated spur of the Andes. The
city lies at an elevation of about 400m and reaches over
500m further east. The Mapocho River with its source in
the Andes flows through Santiago and into the Maipo River.
The foundation of Santiago was closely related to the Ro
Mapocho, as a river island at this place was considered a
good defence site against the indigenous Mapuche people.
The attractiveness of the urban landscape of Santiago
manifests itself on nice clear days by the breath-taking
view from the 847m high Cerro San Cristbal. The visitor overlooks the impressive skyline of the urban centre and
admires in the background the impressive mountain scenery
of the San Ramn Cordillera (Fig.6.37), snow-covered in
spring. On the western horizon, the coastal cordillera rises
to maximum elevations of approximately 3,000m. To the
east, beyond the San Ramn Cordillera, one might even
see the glacier-capped peaks of La Paloma (4,910m) und
El Plomo (5,424m). At their foot, Chiles major ski resorts
of Farellones and La Parva (2,4003,400m) are located.
Fig. 6.37View from the Cerro San Cristbal to the urban core of
Santiago and the Cordillera San Ramn, Chile
180
19th century. This urban growth and development continued in the 20th century and Santiago became one of the
most important and modern metropolises of South America.
It attracted large numbers of migrants from all parts of
the country and also immigrants from Europe. As a result
Santiago witnessed a spectacular population increase and a
large spatial expansion of its urban area. Most impressive
was the growth of suburban areas and outlying communities, such as Barrancas west of the city, Conchal in the
north and La Cisterna and La Granja to the south.
Today the Santiago Metropolitan Region encompasses
a large contiguous urban area composed of the municipality of Santiago and 36 additional communes. Its population reached approximately 6.8 million people in 2012,
accounting for almost one third of the national population. This gives Santiago a dominant position as a primate
city in the national urban ranking and makes it the almost
uncontested political, cultural, economic and financial
centre of Chile. As the most southern Andean metropolis
Santiago reflects the current economic and political stability of the country. In its urban physiognomy this manifests itself in the El Golf district, popularly referred to as
Sanhattan, paraphrasing the global economic outlook and
the modern high-rise buildings (Fig.6.39). In 2013 the
181
182
183
Co
P1
Ca
P1
E
G
II
III IV
IIV quintas
AD chacras
ad plots
I
G gobierno (government building)
E escuela (school)
Ca catedral (cathedral)
II
III
IV
Co convento (monastery)
T tribunal (court)
The first settlement foundations were implemented without any concrete direction from the Spanish Crown for the
layout of the towns. Nevertheless, they adhered from the beginning to the principle of a rectangular street pattern as
can be seen in the oldest colonial town in the Andes, Santa Marta in Colombia.
The city blocks (cuadras) surrounding the central square were originally reserved for a Spanish family. Later each
of these large blocks was subdivided into four plots (solares). The land destined to be taken up by the buildings of
the town was surrounded by communal land (ejidos) to be used as pastures or gardens (quintas). These lands also
served as a reserve for a potential expansion of the settlements as soon as the older solares were built up. Outside the
ejidos extended the chacrasfour times as large as the ejidoswhere indigenous people cultivated the land to supply the urban landowners with agricultural products.
184
commercial functions and of urban infrastructures and services. Previously modern shopping centres were primarily
constructed in the vicinity of upper-class residential areas
and by and large attracted affluent customers. Some of these
malls were built on open land at the periphery of the cities
and subsequently encouraged the development of new, highprestige residential quarters (Bhr and Mertins 1995: 107).
Today this pattern is only partially valid. Shopping centres
appear no longer closely and exclusively tied to the location
of upper-class districts, as the example of Lima shows.
For quite some time these structural and spatial changes
in the Latin-American cities were not adequately reflected
in the urban models. This changed at the turn of the millennium, when the intensification of small-scale segregation and fragmentation in the cities received greater
attention. Meyer and Bhr (2001) presented a model of
the social structure of Santiago de Chile; Borsdorf, Bhr
and Janoschka (2002) proposed a new generalized model
of the structural development of Latin-American cities in
four stages from 1500 to the present (Fig.6.44). The model
highlights the principal spatial structural elements for each
phase. The initial phase, the colonial era, was characterized
by a compact city and a marked core-periphery gradient
with a concentric spatial pattern of distinct social classes. In
phase two, the first phase of urban growth (18201920), the
city expanded mainly in a linear fashion along some growth
axes. The major traffic arteries started to develop into commercial and industrial ribbons and the attractive boulevards
became a preferred residential choice for the urban upper
class. In this way sector arrangements of residential areas
and other urban functions made their appearance and to a
certain degree overlaid the original concentric pattern. In
the decades after the 1920s, the massive rural-urban migration resulted in an urban population explosion and in a
massive spatial expansion of the major cities. This third
stage of urban development was labelled by the authors
the second phase of urban growth. The linear arrangement
of urban functions was further strengthened within the different sectors of residential and non-residential districts
expanding outwards from the city core. In addition a number of urban nuclei, initially still non-contiguous, sprang
up at the periphery of the urban area. These urban cells,
many of them marginal settlements, but also different commercial, industrial and transport-related nuclei changed the
formerly compact character of the city and reinforced the
socio-economic polarization trend within the urban area.
During the last 50years, in phase four, the city has become
an increasingly large and complex urban settlement. This
stage of spatial, functional and socio-economic fragmentation is blending new structural elements with previous
traits. Particularly evident is the trend of urban in-filling
of the spaces between the former growth axes, the massive development of motorized transport routes and newly
emerging cells of marginal settlements, gated communities
185
1a
Colonial period
pre-industrial stage
(to around 1900)
villages
plaza
school
villages
1b
Early modernization
(c. 19001950)
summer residences
alameda
plaza
market
university
workers suburb
1c
Metropolization
(since c. 1950)
university
apartments
subordinate centre
hospital
alameda
CBD
plaza
mixed zone
social housing
industrial area
1d
Fragmentation
(1980 ?)
barrios
cerrados
high-rise apartment
and office buildings
residential area
apartment buildings
detached houses
marginal quarter
plaza
barrios
cerrados
business district
services
industrial area
CBD central business district
ciudades
valladas
land prices
social status
population density
Fig.6.43Four-stage development model of a Latin-American city (Source Gormsen 1990b, modified and updated)
the proprietors of the land to plan and lay out the barrios
according to their concepts, for example to surround them
by protective hedges or walls. The barrios cerrados are globally observed forms of voluntary elite segregation (refer to
the segregation theories, Borsdorf 2000), with the principal
pull factors being a perceived greater security, the wish to
live together with people of a similar high status and the
aspiration to pursue a quiet and exclusive lifestyle. Push
186
15001820
18201920
19201970
1970 to today
town
founded
early urbanization
phase
second urbanization
phase
fragmentation
Fig.6.44Model of the development of a Latin-American metropolis, 1500-present (Source Borsdorf etal. 2002)
187
Klett
districts
districts (open-plan
development)
service facilities
Los
Rios
EI Sendero
education facilities
future development
phase
last development
phase
German
school
urban fringe
Los Candiles
San
Anselmo
school
La
Los Fuente
Portones
green areas
bodies of water
other areas
Canqun
highway
El Refugio
Poloclub de
Manquehue
Laguna
Roja
Las PiedraShopping
San Jos
Bandacenter Los
school
das
Bosques
Las Flores
other road
fence/wall
to
Santiago
de Chile
airport
yacht club
equestrian centre
golf club
to
Santiago
de Chile
emergency centre
500
1000 1500 m
188
189
II
IV
III
I
II
III
IV
I
V
new periphery
V marginal quarters
central area
periphery
suburban space
periurban space
VII
Fragments in Santiago
(Borsdorf / Hidalgo 2009):
VI
IV
I
VIII
industry
barrios cerrados
office towers and clusters
entertainment centres, malls, clubs
II
II
IV
II
V
IV
III
IV
I
III
II
VI
V
II
IV
VI
VII
I
II
III
IV
V
VI
VII
VIII
industry
barrios cerrados
office towers and clusters
entertainment centres, malls, clubs
marginal quarters
new towns (ciudades valladas)
amenity migration destinations
social housing
VII
190
Mall
Hypermarket
> 5000 m retail space
University
Municipal boundary
Municipality of Santiago (centre)
Metropolitan Area of Santiago
8 km
Fig.6.50Fragmented urban development and new functional nuclei in metropolitan Santiago de Chile (Source Borsdorf and Hidalgo 2009)
191
ado
a E
cu
nid
Pedestrian walkway
and communal yard
Washing area,
sanitation
open cooking area,
living room
Private yard
16 m
a)
Ave n i d a d e l a s D e l i c i a s ( A l a m e d
Ave
Fig.6.52Cit in Santiago de
Chile designed by Karl Heinrich
Brunner
192
Since the 1990s new agglomerations have appeared primarily at the northern and western fringe of the metropolitan area. Here a substantial number of the new residents
concentrate in ciudades valladas with an average population
size between 50,000 and 100,000 inhabitants. Figure6.54
portrays the urban layout of a part of the district called
Hacienda de Larapinta of the ciudad vallada of La Lampa.
6.3.4.5 Gentrification
The preservation of the architectural heritage of a number
of historical city centres received a major boost with their
designation as UNESCO World Heritage sites. While this
had not entailed a major spatial change in the overall socioeconomic pattern of the cities, it was often an impetus for
gentrification, physical upgrading of buildings and blocks,
an influx of younger and more affluent population segments and the emergence of more sophisticated commercial
outlets.
Urban revitalization projects in the centre of Santiago
de Chile were rooted in the legislation of the year 1987 and
in government funding (Subsidio de Renovacin Urbana,
SRU) in 1991 (Bertrand, Figuera and Larran 1991).
Between 1991 and 2005, an amazing 20,000 applications
in 17 communes within the Metropolitan Area of Santiago
de Chile were approved; 7,500 of them in the Comuna
Santiago alone (Arriagada etal. 2007). The subsidies were
administered by the Corporacin de Desarrollo de Santiago
(CORDESAN) which also promoted the revitalization projects by pro-active marketing efforts (Contreras 2009).
These government-sponsored revitalization programmes
notwithstanding, the projects of private enterprises make up
a much more important component of modern urban building
initiatives, both in the residential and the commercial sectors. This development is not unproblematic as, for instance,
the regulations for building heights or minimum quality and
safety standards are often very lax or not adequately controlled. In order to maximize the economic return, high-rise
buildings may be erected on very small plots. Concepts and
principles of aesthetic, historical or cultural considerations
are frequently ignored or neglected. The earthquake of 2010
would have provided the opportunity for a well-planned and
regulated rebuilding process in the centre of Santiago de
Chile where some 100 buildings were severely damaged, but
this opportunity was also largely missed.
However, the gentrification of the urban core received
significant impulses from the construction of an integrated
mall and a new multi-ethnic flair in the form of Peruvian
restaurants and shops. This physical and economic upgrading of the city centre appealed especially to a young and
sophisticated clientele. In a more indirect fashion, the creation of new private universities has also contributed to the
gentrification of nearby districts. While the universities
are distributed throughout the metropolitan area, they do
193
Fig.6.55University locations in the city centre (left) and in the metropolitan area (right) of Santiago de Chile
have a focus in the inner parts of the city and stimulate the
functional upgrading of these districts (Fig.6.55). In some
cases, the large, elegant mansions of the former elite in
the centre of the city were converted to administrative university functions, and other buildings in the core became
favourite housing units for students, and also commercial
outlets appealing to this clientele (Fig.6.56).
In sum, the combination of central location, revitalization of the city centre, proximity to universities and diversified upmarket commercial outlets and cultural facilities
have given the centre of Santiago de Chile a new appeal and
attractiveness.
growth hubs; urban places with a specific function contributing to their population growth; transportation nodes
of regional or national importance. In many countries the
medium-sized cities are considered viable alternatives to the
molochs of the metropolises with their problems.
In Latin America since the 1980s, medium-sized cities
have often experienced proportionally higher growth rates
than the metropolitan centres. This was the result of their
194
real or perceived greater attractiveness, national decentralization policies, alternative industrial locations, more
dynamic economic hinterlands and much improved accessibility and regional transport infrastructures. Mertins (2000)
has also pointed out that medium-sized cities may be characterized by less extreme social disparities and fewer and
less impoverished shantytowns, and by much better health,
education, cultural, recreational and commercial infrastructures than in previous decades. Many observers and residents also point out safer living conditions and a superior
Fig.6.57Urban sustainability:
basic conditions, objectives and
strategies (Source Stadel 2000,
translated from Spanish and
amended)
Fig.6.58Temporal and
spatial dimensions of urban
sustainability (Source Stadel
2000, adapted from Coy, and
translated from Spanish by the
authors)
195
he outlined the temporal and spatial dimensions of the sustainability parameters of medium-sized cities and their relevance for the natural environment, the economy and the
quality of life (buen vivir) of individuals and society.
Fig.6.59Huancayo, Peru
rapid development of the city has also resulted in grave environmental problems, especially a latent water contamination.
In Ecuador, the development of medium-sized cities follows a differentiated pattern (Table6.3). On the one
hand, the dynamic economic development of the coastal
region has stimulated the population growth of Guayaquil
and the medium-sized cities of Santo Domingo, Machala
and Puertoviejo, and to a lesser degree in flood-prone
Babahoyo. On the other hand, the demographic development of the highland basin cities of Loja, Ibarra and
Riobamba has been less spectacular, although Cuenca and
Ambato grew quite dynamically.
Schenck (1997) has presented a detailed urban study of
Cuenca. The colonial city was founded in 1557 on the site
of the old Inca town of Tomebamba. Until the mid-18th century, Cuenca was an important centre of the textile industry, especially for the production of flannel. But economic
crises and natural disasters had severe negative impacts on
the city. In 1825, shortly after the proclamation of Ecuadors
independence, Cuenca counted just 11,000 residents but
1876
6,817
8,522
606
4053
o.D.
7,732
6,906
526
2,467
7,251
1940
19,027
40,657
4,243
25,729
2,368
11,025
20,896
6,034
21,159
14,290
1961
42,555
29,971
59,990
46,173
26,391
27,499
49,097
20,351
34,501
22,705
1972
80,636
63,942
160,430
66,924
57,933
56,540
62,576
39,066
49,858
38,477
1981
207,934
184,550
216,579
164,954
89,604
98,532
114,786
77,150
112,770
62,259
Source Crdova (2000), Fischer Weltalmanach (2013) and Der neue Fischer Weltalmanach (2013, (2014))
1993
227,964
255,568
268,979
258,209
172,286
174,336
274,759
142,576
147,361
92,447
2007
377,496
348,935
334,568
323,054
272,616
242,451
219,856
216,716
181,954
162,326
196
1950
39,983
1962
74,765
7,549
16,330
15,399
31,312
13,169
29,830
14,031
9,181
32,770
38,226
30,409
53,372
33,555
61,411
35,187
21,314
1974
104,470
30,523
69,170
59,550
47,697
79,550
60,364
58,087
41,335
28,914
1982
161,516
72,431
111,450
108,325
75,903
106,969
95,695
80,425
56,843
44,971
1990
194,981
114,422
144,197
132,937
94,305
124,166
98,558
94,505
80,991
50,285
2001
277,374
199,827
204,578
171,847
118,532
154,095
95,124
124,807
108,535
79,393
2010
329,928
270,875
231,260
206,682
170,280
165,185
154,035
146,324
131,856
90,191
was still the second-largest city of the new nation. A consequence of the rather modest economic development is the
well-preserved historic centre (Fig.6.60), today one of the
major attractions of Cuenca. In the second half of the 19th
century, the city acquired some fame for its production of
the so-called Panama hats. In the 1930s the pace of economic development and population growth accelerated. In
the 1950s the distribution of selected categories of trade still
followed a rather traditional spatial pattern, with the persistence of a commercial centre, while specific other activities
located to the more peripheral areas of the city.
With the development of an improved transportation
system, Cuenca was able to become a regional growth hub
and the principal centre of the southern Ecuadorian sierra
region. The city became a magnet for rural in-migrants but
also experienced an out-migration, especially to the United
States. The influx of remittance funds from the emigrants
has contributed to investments in and around Cuenca. Today,
In Chile, as in the other Andean countries, many mediumsized cities now have higher proportional growth rates than
the metropolis of Santiago. This is particularly true of the
northern coastal cities of Antofagasta, Iquique and La
Serena. In the southern part of the country, Puerto Montt
and Temuco have also grown more strongly than the average of Chilean cities. In contrast, the West Patagonian cities
of Punta Arenas and Cohaique have lagged behind in their
population growth (Table6.4).
Borsdorf etal. (2009) have shown that the high rates of
urban growth are related to specific economic specializations, especially when these sectors had linkages with a
global market. In the northern Chilean cities, the urban
development can be primarily attributed to the export of copper; in the central Chilean city of La Serena to that of fruit;
in Puerto Montt to the export of salmon from fish farms. As
a consequence, a number of the medium-sized cities of Chile
have undergone major changes in their urban fabric, with a
growing trend for socio-economic and spatial fragmentation.
As a particularly interesting case, Borsdorf (1976, 2000)
has examined the development and the changing structure
of Valdivia, located in the Sur Chico of Chile. The settlement was founded in 1552 by Pedro de Valdivia in the
basin of the Calle Calle and Cruces rivers, at a distance of
15km from the Pacific coast. During the colonial period,
the citys development was hampered by the fact that it
was only accessed from the ocean, as the land route was
controlled until the 1870s by the rather hostile free territory of Araucania. Valdivia received a major impetus
197
1982
183,333
157,297
139,781
128,445
139,017
110,175
84,195
86,000
83,009
118,213
95,215
99,704
99,000
68,953
70,539
97,137
60,496
65,957
61,486
46,364
36,551
44,824
15,484
34,613
33,654
31,656
29,128
1992
225,316
185,936
179,638
159,711
161,333
145,139
110,139
110,139
109,293
145,759
114,239
112,712
106,970
98,188
94,716
109,110
77,733
79,677
74,742
59,658
46,711
53,765
33,459
44,107
45,722
44,327
36,376
2002
285,255
227,086
206,971
189,505
175,441
164,396
153,118
148,434
147,815
146,701
132,245
127,750
126,135
125,983
117,972
116,005
93,447
91,469
83,435
65,133
63,209
62,231
58,769
55,127
53,522
53,017
44,850
Agglomeration 2002
285,255
214,586
296,253
165,528
Source http://www.citypopulation.de
198
199
1991
178,748
200,447
167,296
179,553
145,650
103,727
119,423
77,600
78,194
54,210
44,916
64,773
50,739
43,586
49,785
29,166
2001
231,229
223,365
201,868
182,563
169,248
143,684
112,778
89,092
88,305
73,058
57,614
70,380
66,915
55,606
55,220
45,430
2010
257,700
252,200
232,600
191,500
188,400
177,600
109,123
108,300
100,100
83,800
81,400
76,700
74,900
62,700
58,300
56,956
200
Fig.6.66Ushuaia, located at the Beagle Canal and bounded to the north by the Martial mountain range, Tierra del Fuego, Argentina (photograph
by Ilya Haykinson, Wikimedia Commons)
201
and investor in housing and infrastructure, improving transport and communication links with Buenos Aires.
During the 20th century Ushuaia experienced a substantial influx of immigrants from Europe, initially mostly male
settlers, especially from Spain and France. With the growing population the settlement became more urban in function
and appearance. The street system was improved, the harbour
facilities expanded, water and sewage disposal systems were
introduced, some representative public buildings erected and
the town expanded along the seashore and onto the adjacent
hills. In addition, transport links with mainland Argentina
were strengthened. Work on the road to Patagonia and the
Argentinian heartland was started in 1912, but it took until 1960
for the Ruta Nacional 3 to be completed. With the arrival of the
first aeroplane in Ushuaia in 1928, a new era began; regular
flights in and out of the city started in 1935 and today the international airport is a major transport hub of southern Argentina.
In 1956 Tierra del Fuego was declared a duty-free zone
(zona franca), in an attempt to stimulate the regional economy and industrial and commercial growth. In 1972 the
Ley de Promocin provided the legal framework for creating a special free-trade zone (area aduanera especial).
These government incentives led to an industrialization
Fig.6.67Layout of the centre of Ushuaia, Argentina (Source Braumann and Stadel 1999)
202
In the urban structure, the chessboard layout of the original settlement with housing blocks and streets (Fig.6.67)
has long been broken up by a more irregular, and in some
cases uncoordinated, pattern of residential and commercial districts. By and large, Ushuaia has shed its character
as a pioneer settlement. It has become a city with a modern commercial centre and some fancy residential areas,
especially in attractive hillside locations, but also of poor
marginal zones, once again reflecting a growing socio-economic fragmentation of the urban space.
203
204
205
206
207
208
Table7.1Economic indicators of Andean countries, 2012
Balance of
Annual
Country
Per Capita GDP
exports/imports
(purchasing power economic
growth rate (%) (bill USD)
parity, USD)
Argentina No data
1.9
10.1
Bolivia
4,960
5.2
3.5
Chile
21,590
5.5
6.5
Colombia 10,110
4.0
2.1
Ecuador
9,590
5.0
1.3
Peru
10,240
6.3
4.5
Venezuela 13,120
5.5
31.9
Official
unemployment
rate (%)
7.2
5.4
6.4
10.4
5.3
6.8
7.8
Rate of
inflation (%)
10.8
4.5
3.0
3.2
5.1
3.7
21.1
Foreign debt
(% of GDP,
2011)
26
28
41
24
25
26
22
Position in
World Human
Development Index
45
108
40
91
89
77
71
209
210
separators (Fig.7.9), elevator operators and newspaper vendors, they wash car windows at traffic lights and generally
are very creative in exploring new sources of income. The
informal activity ensures a minimum existence for them and
in this way props up the social security system. The remaining tertiary sector is dominated by administrative services;
in the tourist destinations services to the tourists are the
economic motor. Other tertiary activities in the private sector are related to wholesale and retail trade.
211
tierra nevada
snow line
grass moss
tree line
spruce
pines
5,000 m
tierra helada
4,400 m
3,800 m
tierra fra
2,500 m
e,
iz
ma
ba
na
ug
,s
s
na
a
rc
ay
ap
p
e,
coffee, coca
tierra templada
1,000 m
tierra caliente
sea level
212
213
Chile. In the semi-arid and arid areas of Peru and Chile the
most important river oases are those along the transverse
valleys that open towards the Pacific.
Other favoured agricultural regions are the numerous larger and smaller highland basins, e.g. the Sabana de
Bogot, the cuencas or hoyas in Ecuador, and esp. the wide
Altiplano in southern Peru, in Bolivia and northern Chile.
The shores of Lake Titicaca enjoy a particularly favourable
climate. In addition, the inner flanks of the cordilleras in the
tierra templada and the tierra fra are intensively used agrarian regions.
These favoured agricultural zones in the Andes have
been settled for a very long time. Newer agrarian colonizations focus on the pioneer spaces at the foot of the cordilleras. Main areas in this respect are the valleys along the
eastern flank of the Cordillera Oriental in Colombia, the
outer flanks of the Ecuadorian cordilleras, the Peruvian valleys that run into the Amazonas lowlands and the yungas at
the eastern rim of the sierra in Bolivia.
214
Latina y el Caribe, no year: 1819), a total of 39 varieties of crops with an origin in the Andes are listed. Among
them, we encounter a number of cultivars which today
are also commonly found in other parts of the world, e.g.
potatoes (Solanum tuberosum), beans (Phaseolus vulgaris), or tobacco (Nicoteana rustica). Other cultural
plants were first domesticated in Mesoamerica, but they
have been cultivated in the Andes for a long time and have
also been complemented by new varieties; for example
maize (Zea mays), avocado (Persea americana), papaya
(Carica papaya), or agave (Agavaceae sp.). In Andean
215
216
217
7.2.1.2Quinoa
Quinoa is one of the oldest cultural crops of the world; it
has been cultivated in the Andes for about 6,000years
(Fig. 7.19). The harvested grains are the seeds of the
Chenopodium plant. Similar to the tubers, an extraordinary
variety exists of almost 1,800 types of quinoa. Various seed
banks in different countries try to safeguard this genetic
heritage. Together with the tuber crops and maize, quinoa
traditionally is the major food staple for Andean people. For
the Incas it was a sacred plant (chisaya mama) and a gift
of the gods. The Spanish conquerors initially tied to forbid
the cultivation of quinoa, as they believed it would give the
Incas special strength. This is not so unfounded, because
quinoa is rich in protein, iron, zinc, magnesium, calcium
and amino acids. Being used by the American military in
World War II, it was commercially introduced to the United
States in 1982 and has now gained word-wide popularity
as an alternative and healthy grain. Recently, it has even
been tested by NASAs Controlled Ecological Life Support
System Program (Schlick and Bubenheim 1993).
Quinoa is grown in the tropical Andes at altitudes of
3,6004,000m; in the Lake Titicaca region even higher.
The principal cultivation area is the Altiplano of southern Peru and Bolivia, but it is also grown in other Andean
regions, and because of its enhanced market appeal, the quinoa acreages tend to expand throughout the sierra (Schlick
and Bubenheim 1993: 16).
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7.2.1.3 Maize
Maize is one of the oldest cultural crops of the world;
its origin in the Americas is supposed to be located in
southern Mexico. But it is also assumed that the old
Valdivia culture in the northern part of the Andes knew
mahiz and cultivated it (Otzen 1991: 50). In the Andean
sierra, the millennia old maize culture is a basic element
of old myths and rituals and finds its material expression in ceramics and other forms of artistic expressions.
For the indigenous population, maize has always been a
gift of the gods and has served in turn as a sacrificial
offering to the gods. In many festivals and traditional
ceremonies, maize occupies a specific position and
importance. In many forms, maize and maize flour have
always been highly appreciated sources of food. The
Incas in particular recognized the vital importance of
maize to feed a growing population and they developed
an extraordinary wealth of maize varieties. In early colonial times, the Spanish introduced maize into Europe.
Until today, Andean communities have excelled in developing new types of maize and in experimenting in specific cultivation techniques and crop rotation cycles. In
addition to maize as a staple food, a big jar of maize
beer (chicha) is found in most rural households and is
a favourite beverage at festivals and ritual ceremonies.
Maize is also extensively used as fodder for domestic
animals.
Today, maize is cultivated not just in the Andean
space but around the world, in many varieties, climates
and altitudes. In the New World, the cultivation of maize
extends over some 80 degrees of latitude, from the
Canadian prairies to the southern Andes at about 35S.
In the Andes, the cultivation of maize spans a wide
altitudinal range, from the foothill zone and the valley floors of the sierra to altitudes at places in excess of
3,500m; however, it is considered a typical cultivar of
the tierra fra.
7.2.1.4 Coca
For more than 4,000years, coca (Erythroxylum coca) has
been grown in the cordillera regions (Fig.7.20). Coca
forms an integral and most significant part of Andean identity, tradition and culture. To this day, this sacred plant has
a very important place in the myths, legends and rituals of
indigenous communities. According to the Inca legend,
mama coca is the daughter of pacha mama, Mother Earth.
When faced with the coca tradition of the native population, the Spanish conquerors distrusted this plant, as they
thought it would give the people extra energy and strength.
Missionaries, in turn, rejected the traditions of the coca
leaves as sacrificial gifts to the gods and as major ingredients of cultural manifestations as backward rituals, or
as competing with Christian symbols and rites. Later, the
Spanish recognized the consumption of coca leaves as a
means to dull the hunger of the native population; they used
it as a payment mode and hoped to increase the productivity
of native workers by distributing coca widely.
Coca is a food supplement rich in vitamins and an
energy stimulant (Bolivia even markets a national energy
drink under the label of Coca Colla). Coca leaves and coca
tea (mate de coca) are a prophylaxis for hypoxia, cold stress
and other ailments, e.g. headaches, rheumatism and circulatory disorders, tooth ache and abdominal pains. For these
reasons, farmers and mine workers chew the coca leaves,
in combination with a herbal alkaline substance (llujta), to
better tolerate the hard working conditions.
The major regions of coca cultivation are found in
the valleys and on the eastern slopes of the cordilleras in
Colombia, Peru and Bolivia. In Colombia, the cultivation of
the coca bushes is concentrated in the southeastern departments of Meta-Guaviare, Putumayo, Nario, Cauca and
Bolvar. In Peru, the principal cultivation areas are the upper
Huallaga Valley and the region of Apurimac Ene. In Bolivia,
the production centres are the Chapar region to the east of
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A significant agrarian produce in terms of cultural history is the starch concentrate chuo. Chuo, plus maize cultivation and domestication of llamas and alpacas were the
basis for early Andean civilizations (Lauer and Erlenbach
1987: 92). Overall, however, arable farming at the upper
limit of the Andean ecumene faces many challenges and
risks of relief, erosion, low temperatures and frost, plus
occasional droughts or heavy rains.
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the best pastures and not necessarily into different altitudinal zones. Often the bofedales are situated between half an
hour and five hours walk from the estancias.
Charbonneau (2008) identifies climatic and anthropogenous changes in the traditional pastures and the related seasonal movements in recent times. Declining water resources
as a result of temporary droughts and reduced snowfall and
glacier meltwater may shrink the total hydrological balance
and with it the grazing areas for the pasture communities in
the longer term. In many regions, the Altiplano population is
growing in the wake of sinking mortality rates. This has led to
a reduction and further subdivision of grazing areas. Attempts
at adapting to the changed situation include additional investment in expanding irrigation and changing the mobility pattern. Charbonneau (2008) has identified new forms of spatial
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the landless rural peoples movements became more radicalized and in 1974 many plots were taken illegally by squatters. In Andahuayalas Province alone, 78 haciendas were
occupied. Some of the newly formed cooperatives were also
threatened by spontaneous rural invasions.
The writer and former presidential candidate Vargas Llosa
(1998: 2723) reports the confiscation of the haciendas on
the Peruvian coast. They were turned into cooperatives and
the enterprises owned collectively. In practice, however, the
new owners were not the farmers but the administrators of
the new state enterprises who exploited the farmers exactly
like the former patrons had done. What made matters worse
was the fact that the directors of the cooperatives and stateowned enterprises did nothing except administer them politically, often being content with plundering the businesses, so
that soon there were no more profits.
In this climate of insecurity and unrest and with the
reform being limited to redistributing land ownership, agricultural productivity went down. Moreover, the majority of
smallholders had been ignored and so the objective of pacifying them had not been met. In the 1980s the continuing
economic and social crisis of the rural areas in the sierra
led to the emergence of the guerrilla organization Sendero
Luminoso (Shining Path) and great political unrest, economic decline and a mass exodus of the rural population
into the big cities, esp. Lima. After economic failure and
sinking acceptance of the cooperatives by the rural population, most of them were parcelled up into private ownership
in the 1980s. The rise of neoliberal trends since the 1990s
have brought most of the reform movements in Peru to a
standstill.
Colombia passed an agrarian reform act as early as 1936
and yet it had practically no effect in the following decades.
Minister Lleras Restrepo, later president, initiated another
reform in 1961, which was revoked in 1973 under president
Pastrana. In 2003, 63.6% of the agrarian land was still in
the hands of 0.4% of land owners, while 86.3% of smallholders owned just 8.8% of agricultural land.
In Colombia the issue of agriculture and the fate of the
rural population were linked most strongly to domestic policy crises and civil-war type conflicts. During the years of
Violencia from 1948 to 1953 and in the later civil-war type
conflicts between revolutionary movements, government
troops and paramilitary groups, tens of thousands of farmers were killed or driven off their land. These internal refugees sought security in the big cities or emigrated abroad,
draining the country of hundreds of thousands of people.
Often violence and expulsion were linked to the economic interests of large land owners, corporations or illegal
activities like drug smuggling. The latest reform efforts of
the government are aimed at restituting the land to the displaced campesinos and indgenas (restitucin) and to secure
their title to the land. Land that has been appropriated
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unjustly, esp. by drug cartels, is to be expropriated. In addition, the acreage used for cattle ranches is to be reduced to
benefit arable farming. Currently, however, it seems difficult
to implement these measures.
In Ecuador a land reform act was proclaimed in 1964.
It abolished the traditional huasipungo system of smallholder serfdom and freed unused land and land where the
owner had been absent for a long time for redistribution.
Land ownership in the sierra was limited to 800ha of fields
and 1,000ha of pastures. Newly distributed agrarian plots
should have a minimum size of 4.8ha.
The regional focus of the agrarian reforms in the 1970s
and 1980s, however, was the agrarian colonization of the
valleys and lowlands of the Oriente. New settlers normally
received plots of 4050ha from the Instituto Ecuatoriano de
Reforma Agraria y Colonizacin (IERAC). One main problem, esp. in the beginning, stemmed from the fact that the
migrants, who mainly came from the sierra, met with ecological conditions that were foreign to them and received
little technological support. In 1994 president Durn signed
a new act to bestow and/or secure titles to private land. This
met with fierce resistance by the indigenous communities as
it allowed subdividing and selling community owned land,
which at the time made up 58% of the rural agricultural
land in Ecuador.
Since the 1990s, two main trends have dominated the
rural areas: the neoliberal paradigm and a strengthening of
indigenous culture and its political organizations and influence at national level. Neoliberal strategies supported a
myriad of integrated rural development projects aimed at
modernizing rural regions and encouraging agrarian production on market and export economic principals.
A particularly striking example of this development is
the replacement of traditional agricultural landscapes with
greenhouses for export-oriented flower growing and sheds
of chicken farms. Martinez Valle and Barril (1995) make a
highly critical assessment of this type of rural development:
Rural development indeed turns into an elitist policy that
allows the middle class and even the rural bourgeoisie to
establish themselves comfortably in areas that were meant
for the rural poor. There are a great number of agrarian
producers who do not participate in this because they have
been deliberately excluded: the rural poor. (Martinez Valle
1995: 195, translated by the authors).
This new orientation clearly leaves the efforts from the
1970s and 1980s for structural change through national
land reforms behind and replaces it today with a large-scale
privatization of the agrarian sector. The new oligarchy and
large corporations play an important role in this development. Bretn Solo de Zaldvar (2008) is also critical of the
role of non-government organizations in this process of
rural development. For him, their massive engagement, esp.
in the Quechua regions of the sierra amounts to a wealth
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been created for the higher managerial staff and their families. It includes a guest house, a school and a hospital.
A special side effect of the smelters that made La
Oroya infamous is the problem of severe landscape degradation and massive water, soil and air pollution (see title
page of this chapter). According to figures issued by the
US Blacksmith Institute, in 2006 and 2007 the town was
in the top ten most polluted places in the world in terms
of health hazards from heavy metals and sulphur dioxide. In recent years, however, the situation seems to have
improved somewhat as a result of measures taken by Doe
Run Per.
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economic interests, on the one hand, and sustainable conservation of landscape and resources for the benefit of local
communities, on the other, show up most clearly.
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increased with the mineral oil and gas sector. With the coffee boom of the 19th and the banana boom of the 20th century, coupled with increased productivity in the irrigation
areas of Chile and Argentina, the agrarian sector has contributed its share to the exports.
To this day the processing industry in the Andean countries contributes more than a third of annual production of
goods and services. Even so, industry is rather weak and its
contribution to export earnings low, with few exceptions.
Reasons for this situation include the legacy of the colonial
period and the long phase of import substitution. Protected
by high customs tariffs, few goods were produced that
would hold their own on the world market.
Venezuela has mostly become rich through mineral oil,
extracted since 1917. From 1945 to 1960 the country was the
second most important oil producer in the world and its largest crude oil exporter. Lake Maracaibo, an intramontane basin
between the coastal cordillera and those of Perja and Mrida,
is the oldest and still major centre of oil production. This raw
material brings in 90% of export earnings and 25% of state
earnings. Even though industry achieves around 52% of added
value produced, only few manufactured goods make it only
to world market (all figures in this chapter, unless otherwise
stated, are based on Fischer Weltalmanach 2012 and 2014). For
many decades the country has largely missed the opportunity
of building an efficient industry on the basis of such earnings.
The main sites of the processing sector in Venezuela are
located outside the Andes. The Cinturn Ferrifero, the iron
belt of Imataca in the east of the country, holds all iron ore
deposits of the country, some of which are processed into
export-grade steel in situ. In the 1970s large coal deposits
were discovered in the hinterland of Lake Maracaibo, where
major steelworks were established that process iron ore
from the Guayana region.
In Venezuela most electricity is not produced by oil- or
coal-fired power stations but by using hydropower. The
largest hydro-electric producers are located outside the
Andes in the mountains of Guayana.
Under president Hugo Chvez a nationalization drive in
the secondary sector has returned many businesses that were
privatized during the 1980s and 1990s into public ownership.
From 2007 to 2011, 347 businesses from the energy, building materials, mining as well as the tertiary sector (banks and
tourism) were nationalized at market prices.
Colombia is rich in raw materials, but mining has lost its
significance. Only mineral oil production is still important.
The country remains the largest producer of gold and platinum in the Andes. Its coal and iron ore deposits still cover
the countrys demand for iron and steel, only premium steel
needs to be imported. Emeralds from Colombia, created in
hydrothermal seams when plutons penetrated into limestone
sediments, are sought after across the world. Nickel production started in the 1980s (Tanner 1978: 134) and today makes
up 2% of exports. The coal mine of El Cerrejn is the largest producer in the Andean states. Colombia ranks 11th in
the world in coal production, within the Andean space the
21million tons of coal deposit make it the country with the
largest reserves. Three quarters of these deposits are highquality steam coal. Sea and rock salt are also exported.
Political instability has repeatedly dampened efforts to
build up the processing industry. After a period of political calm in the early 21st century, the processing sector
has started to grow steadily (Fig.7.57), making Colombia
the largest growth marked in the Andes after Chile. One of
the oldest still producing operations is the Bavaria brewery, established by German immigrants and now expanded
to become a food producing corporation. The textile industry in Medelln is still important but faced with strong
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dead fish and contaminated crustaceans. After a short shutdown by the Chilean government, the plant has resumed
production.
Fishery is suffering from overfishing, some crustaceans
have almost completely disappeared by now, salmon cultures are frequently reporting epidemics in the fish populations and the sea water is being polluted with fish food
and antibiotics. Other problems are the clearing of natural
forests, followed by reforestation with pine and eucalyptus
monocultures.
7.5 Changes in the Role of the Tertiary and Informal Sector of the Economy
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7.6Andean Tourism
7.6.1Mountain Tourism
In many mountain regions today, recreation and tourism play
an important role. The beauty and diversity of the scenery,
but also the cultures and lifestyles of the mountain population fascinate and attract visitors. The recreation options for
visitors and tourists range from stays in attractive mountain
and lake districts, to spa tourism or eco- and agro-tourism,
to various kinds of sports and adventure tourism (mainly skiing, trekking and climbing, mountain biking; paragliding,
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management. Ecologically, economically, socially, culturally and politically sustainable tourism necessitates the
active inclusion and participation of the local population
in all phases of tourist development and with a spread of
responsibilities and benefits to all segments of the population: Careful use of mountain resources, protection of
unique environments, maintenance of biodiversity, and
safeguarding the needs of local people must be balanced
carefully against the wishes of tourists. The tourism industry has a great responsibility in this regard which, unfortunately, has not always been acknowledged up to now
(Mountain Agenda 1999: 46).
7.6.2Andinismo
Fig.7.65Informal car mechanic in Lima, Peru
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Fig.7.70Ascent to the plateau of the northern Icefield, Patagonian cordillera, Chile (photograph by T. Hochholzer)
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To this day the settlement areas of the indigenous communities are concentrated in the highland regions of Ecuador,
Peru and Bolivia, mainly the Quechua and Aymara peoples.
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to meet the demands of mass tourism or to provide a highquality product. The issue of the degree to which tourism
can be controlled, funded and operated by the state or the
private sector has been treated differently from country to
country and through different periods. Alberto Fujimoris
government in Peru in the 1990s pursued a neoliberal policy that left the development of tourism largely to private
initiatives, while other regimes tended towards more state
control.
Undoubtedly tourism has brought wealth and progress
to a limited number of people in specific areas. Financial
gain from travel activities often have benefitted mostly
people or corporations outside the travel regions and have
made only a limited contribution to the improvement of
the agricultural basis of the village communities. Many
beneficiaries of tourism invested their earnings in the education of their children, in establishing companies outside their community or in buying second homes in town
(doble residencia). Increasing amenity migration, another
form of multilocal living of the upper classes, must also
be mentioned in this context (Borsdorf and Hidalgo 2009;
Fig.7.79).
Cruise tourism in particular must be seen critically. It
includes trips from the ports on the Pacific coast to destinations in the mountains. The profits from this type of tourism
remain for the most part with the organizers and ship owners. The mass assault in sometimes more than 70 buses on
the daytrip destinations can hardly be handled there.
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more remote regions, more and more of the Andean population comes in contact with Western culture, modernization
and a capitalist market economy. This affects the ceremonies, rituals and lifestyle of the indigenous population and
the traditional cultural landscape. Eventually this may
weaken the attraction of these regions for tourists, unless
the old traditions are put under protection or even revived in
connection with tourism.
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With the Fujimori government in the 1990s, Peru experienced a clear reduction of state influence, plus intensified
decentralization and privatization with a new political and
economic orientation. This also affected the tourism management, which increasingly oriented itself on the private
economy and created new protected areas on the basis of
private initiatives. For instance, the major tourist railway
connection in the Andes between Cusco and Machu Picchu
has been operated by the British/US company OrientExpress since 1999 on the basis of a 30-year licence. In the
Cordillera Huayahuash the mining company Mitsui Mining
and Smelting Peru and a Norwegian hydro-power producer
have built new roads that have led to an expansion of tourism. Today part of the international tourism seems to be
mainly controlled by foreign corporations.
Even so, local communities and the indigenous populations are playing an ever more important role in new, alternative, near-natural ecotourism, walking and trekking schemes,
as well as locally specific agro- and cultural tourism. The top
priority for the communities involved is effective protection
of nature and the cultural heritage, empowerment and participation as well as securing the basis of livelihoods and economic development in a sustainable way.
In many high mountain regions that boast scenic beauty
but are situated in marginal locations, there are few alternatives to arable farming and animal husbandry. Often the
population has no choice but to take up seasonal work in the
cities and the plantations of the coastal regions or to migrate.
Locally tourism provides additional sources of work and
earnings. These include renting rooms to visitors, working
in hotels, hostels and restaurants or as guides (Fig.7.80),
porters, cooks or drivers, or by providing pack animals,
locally produced food or indigenous textile products. Many
other services are triggered by tourism.
Not just families but also municipalities may benefit
from tourism. In some cases they collect entry fees. Those
profits are then used to expand social services in the municipality, to maintain or improve roads, to fund protective
measures and to expand tourist infrastructures.
The example of the recently much increased tourism in the
Cordillera Huayahuash, however, also points to the problems
and negative effects. Many aspects of tourism management
are not yet regulated very well, e.g. a coherent designation of
camping grounds, fire places or trekking paths, fishing regulation or the prohibition of taking plants or minerals away.
Another issue is the inadequately controlled use of water
and the disposal of wastewater and garbage. Negative effects
also include increasing dependence of village communities
on potential vacillations in tourist flows and the competition
from foreign tourist operators. These factors increase the
threat of jobs and earnings flowing out of the region. Last
but not least, the communal harmony may be threatened by
diverging ideas on tourism development and discrepancies in
who benefits from tourism and who does not.
7.6.6Participatory Tourism
In many regions of the global south tourism is largely controlled externally, by the state or by foreign individuals or
corporations. There are however also signs of a participatory, self-determined type of tourism. In the Andes a growing number of municipalities has tried, with more or less
success, to develop and implement a local tourism concept,
mostly in the sphere of gentle tourism. The concepts of
sustainable and ecotourism build on central and sustained
participation and welfare of the local population as a prerequisite for the protection of the natural and cultural resources
and as an economic mainstay of the municipalities.
In Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta Biosphere Reserve,
fincas have formed an association that markets their agrotourism options jointly Asociacin de Fincas del Turismo
(ASOFINTUR). All decisions are taken jointly and the offerings have attained impressive quality over time (Fig.7.81).
The integrative approach of tourism at community level
(Mitchell and Eagles 2001) aims to optimize and harmonize
the objectives of local participation and empowerment, joint
pursuit of economic profit and the implementation of a conservation concept. For Mitchell and Eagles (2001) the degree
of communal integration achieved can be read off the level
of local inhabitants participating in municipal meetings and
in decision making, the proportion of jobs in tourism and the
share of the profits, as well as the involvement of the community in planning, management and control of tourist programmes. In the central Andean states this is relatively simple,
in Colombia today a professional approach is in operation.
For Mowford and Munt (1998: 240) locally based tourism
at municipal level can counteract external domination and
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4,000
3,798 m
3,000
2,000
Rio Rampas
2,000 m
1,000
20
Pass 2,750 m
Ocros
3,100 m
Andahuaylas
2,900 m
50
Ayacucho
2,750 m
comparative size:
Groglockner and
High Alpine Road
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Fig.8.9Profile of the route AndahuaylasAyacucho, Peru (Source Borsdorf and Stadel 2001: 141)
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180
[km]
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Peru-Bolivia-Brazil
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Costa
Andes
Selva
III: 19th C.
Fig.8.10Model of traffic development in the Andes (based on Taaffe etal. 1970, designed by the authors)
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Maracaibo
Caracas
Merida
Panama
Venezuela
Bogota
Colombia
Popayn
Quito
Ecuador
Cuenca
Brazil
Peru
Chimbote
Lima
Cusco
Bolivia
Nazca
Arequipa
Sucre
Arica
Roads
Railway line
Data based on:
elevation model
SRTM DGM (USGS)
Roads, railways
DeLorme
Antofagasta
Chile
Salta
San Miguel
de Tucumn
Copiap
La Serena
Buenos
Aires
Santiago de Chile
Argentina
Chillan
Neuquen
Valdivia
Bariloche
Puerto Montt
Puerto Aysn
Puerto Eden
Punta Arenas
Ushuaia
Kap Hoorn
With limited inland navigation (see Sect.8.5), a rudimentary railway network, a difficult terrain for road construction and some roads in poor condition, air traffic plays an
increasingly important role in the Andes. Most airlines
were founded after the First World War by German pilots
and business people (Avianca, Lloyd Aero Boliviano, LAN
Chile). Today each Andean country has one or more airlines
with international connections, either state- or privately
owned. In addition there is a multitude of smaller businesses providing a dense network of connections by air at
national or regional level.
Of the larger airports in the Andean countries some are
situated in the mountains (Bogot, Quito, La PazEl Alto
at 4,000m), others on or near the Pacific coast (Lima,
Santiago, Guayaquil) or on the Caribbean coast (Maiquetia
airport serving Caracas; or the smaller airports of Cartagena
and Barranquilla in Colombia). Smaller and larger airfields or airports can be found on the eastern flank of the
cordilleras (e.g. Salta, San Miguel de Tucumn, Mendoza,
Ushuaia in Argentina, Santa Cruz in Bolivia, Villavicencio
in Colombia, Puyo in Ecuador, or Pucallpa in Peru).
Wherever the relief allowed, landing strips have been
laid down even near medium-sized and small towns
(Fig. 8.15). Often a flight with a smaller plane may turn
into rather more of an adventure, given the rugged terrain,
frequent air turbulences and sometimes rudimentary equipment and infrastructure.
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difference of 500m in a series of switchbacks. The maximum gradient of the adhesion railway is 5.5%. The total
altitudinal difference the trains have to master to the crest
at Urbina is 3,609m. The originally planned railway bridge
that should have linked Durn with Guayaquil was never
built. The complete line, which had been started in 1873,
was not finished until 1908. US business man Archer
Harman planned and constructed it and sold it to the state
of Ecuador in 1925. Today the terminal at Durn stands
empty.
The Peruvian central railway line from Callao to La
Oroya is no less spectacular than the Ecuadorian rail tracks.
It was built mainly by Chinese labourers in 18701893
to plans by US engineer Henry Mieggs. It includes seven
switchbacks, 60 bridges and 66 tunnels, climbing a total
of 4,681m (to the crest tunnel near Galera), making it the
second-highest railway line in the world, only topped by the
Lhasa railway in China. The trains take about 12h and offer
breathtaking views of the cordillera. From La Oroya further
lines run to Cerro de Pasco and Huancayo.
Unlike in Ecuador, modernization started timely here.
The railway line was privatized at the end of the 1990s,
when it was in a desolate state. Today the Ferrocarril
Central Andino (FCCA) is run by a US company as a
freight train business. Passenger transport today is reserved
for tourism. In the summer months there is a Trn de
Pasajeros once or twice per month.
The line from Cuscoto to Macchu Picchu, however,
serves tourists and locals alike. Railroad construction
started in 1913 and took until 1948 to connect Machu
Picchu. 30years later a link to Quillabamba was opened
and closed down after just fouryears in operation. On leaving Cusco station, the train immediately climbs a steep
slope with two switchbacks and reaches the pass at 3,678m
(Cuscois situated at 3,430m). The terminal at Machu
Picchu is situated at an elevation of 2,080m.
Another Peruvian railway line runs from Cuscoto to
Puno (3,812m), a distance of 380km. It rises from the Inca
Valley to the Altiplano, reaching its summit (4,313m) at La
Raya at the Nudo de Vilcanota. The train journey takes 10h
through a spectacular high-Andean landscape.
The most dramatic route in terms of adventure and distance is that from the Pacificto the Atlantic (Fig.8.18). It
runs from Lima via Bolivia and Argentina to Buenos Aires
and uses the following railway lines: the Trn de las Nubes
(central railway) and the route CuscoPuno in Peru, the
Wara Wara del Sur and Expreso del Sur lines in Bolivia,
and lastly the well-built railway lines in Argentina which
even have Pullman carriages.
The railway track network in Bolivia covers 3,697km in
two separate track networks in the east and the west of the
country. In the east Santa Cruz is a (modest) railway hub.
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Urban bus services are a mainstay of inner-city mobility these days. The majority of settlements, even marginal
quarters, is served by bus, with the possible exception of those on very steep slopes. Most connections follow fixed
routes but without fixed stops. Instead people board and leave on demand. The flood of such buses and minibuses
(colectivos) in the cities has not only created massive jams in the narrow streets but also considerable environmental
damage from the large-scale emission of pollutants.
Some larger cities have therefore started to look for public transport alternatives. Santiago de Chile boasts an
underground railway network of 94km length. Caracas by now has a fairly well expanded underground network plus
the Metrocable system mentioned earlier. In Lima the elevated line from Villa el Salvador on the southern periphery
to the city centre, on which construction had started back in the 1980s, was finally opened in summer 2011. Bogot
and recently also La Paz are planning underground and/or overhead line systems.
In some megacities new efficient bus systems were created successfully, especially in Bogot and Quito. The
Transmilenio in Bogot was introduced in 2001. Modern articulated buses run in dedicated lanes with three hierarchical levels of stops and connections to subsidiary lines to the peripheral districts. The trolley bus system (El Trole)
in Quito was opened in 1995 and crosses the metropolis from north to south for nearly 19km. The buses have electric motors and run on reserved lanes, with stops roughly every 550m. Initially the system was operated by the city
administration, then sold to private operator Compana Trolebs Quito in 2008.
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277
the Cono Sur on the Atlantic and Pacific coasts. Even though
goods transport between Chile, Argentina and Brazil across
the Bermejo pass makes up three quarters of the volume
transported over land, the traffic flows on these roads remain
modest compared to those of the major crossings in the
European Alps (Kanitscheider 2007: 90).
One of the more recently developed pass roads is the
well documented Paso de Jama (Mountain Agenda 2001;
Kanitscheider 2007, 2008, 2010a, b; Petit 2003). A first
link was opened in 1991; the new, fully sealed road was
completed in the year 2000 (Fig.8.24). It crosses the cordillera at 4,900m (Fig.8.25) and links the free trade
zone of Iquique, the city of Calama and San Pedro de
Atacama in northern Chile with San Salvador de Jujuy,
278
5,000
Salar de
Aguas
Calientes
Paso de Jama
Abra de Potrerillos
4,000
Elevation [m]
Pueblo de Jama
Susques
Salinas Grandes
3,000
San Pedro
de Atacama
Purmamarca
2,000
S.S. de Jujuy
1,000
0
0
100
200
300
400
500
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280
8.5 Shipping
As this is a book about the geography of the Andes, not the
Andean countries, we will ignore shipping on the Pacific
Ocean, the Caribbean Sea and the larger rivers outside
the cordillera. Access from the Andean highlands to the
large lowlands and the Atlantic, however, is still mainly
281
8.5Shipping
282
Fig.8.31Mukumbari Sistema Telefrico Mrida, Venezuela (photograph by Rjcastillo, via Wikimedia Commons)
283
The Metrocable de Caracas is part of the public transport system of the metropolis and has facilitated access to the city
centre for the residents of the mountainous outer districts
since 2010. Another Metrocable line is being planned. On 30
May 2014, President Evo Morales inaugurated the first section
of the urban cable car system in La Paz-El Alto, Bolivia. This
first line of a length of 2.66km will be later complemented
with two additional sections, for a total length of 10.34km.
284
285
286
287
Conference of the UN Comisin Econmica para Amrica Latina (CEPAL), Santiago de Chile, 2010
288
289
290
extratropical countries Chile and Argentina, the historicalpolitical core zones of these countries lie within the Andes. For
a long time the pioneer zones of Amazonia, the Llanos, Chaco
and of Patagonia were seen as territories only loosely connected to the centres of the respective states. Not until recent
times have these territories experienced a political and economic boost and become the destination of large-scale interior
migration.
For political reasons these states also promote nonAndean identities. Moreover, all countries see themselves as
maritime nations, even land-locked Bolivia claims this status. Venezuela and Colombia are proud of their Caribbean
heritage, Argentina is mainly oriented towards the Atlantic;
Colombia, Ecuador, Peru and Chile have large sections of
Pacific coastline. In Ecuador, Peru and northern Chile this is
also where the dynamic growth regions are situated.
The spatial configuration of the Andean countries differs
greatly and is very complex. With the exception of Bolivia
and Peru, the state territory includes Caribbean, Pacific or
Atlantic islands or groups of islands. Control of these islands
is high on the geopolitical agenda of these states. In political and economic terms these islands are most important
for claiming exclusive economic zones and for delimiting
maritime boundaries. Most of these islands today are popular tourist destinations, for instance the Caribbean islands
of Margarita (Venezuela) and San Andrs (Colombia), the
Galpagos Islands (Ecuador) and the Chilean Easter Island.
Chile and Argentina lay official claim to sections of
the Antarctic, while Ecuadors claim is not internationally
acknowledged (Child 1990). Chile and Argentina understand their geostrategic position as continental, maritime and
Antarctic. Both countries acknowledge their Antarctic territories in their administrative structure. Argentina has the
province of Tierra del Fuego, Antartida y Islas del Atlntico
Sur, and Chile the province of Antrctica Chilena, part of the
Regin de Magallanes. Chile (Fig.9.3) and Argentina maintain several research stations in the Antarctic, some of them
permanently staffed. In contrast, Ecuador has just one research
station, which is only operated during the summer months.
The Andean states vary greatly in terms of geographic
location, size, population, spatial configuration and administrative structure (Table5.1). Argentina is the largest
Andean country in size. On the other end of the scale is
Ecuador, today the smallest country. Colombia, with 47.7
million inhabitants (2012), has the largest population, with
Argentina (41.1 million) in second place. Bolivia (10.5 million) and Ecuador (15.5 million) have the smallest populations, although Ecuador has the highest population density.
Generally most of the inhabitants of the Andean states
(except for Argentina) live in mountain areas or in the adjacent coastal areas. In recent decades the Pacific coastal plains
of Ecuador and Peru have experienced considerable population growth as a result of internal migration. The middle
291
reach of the Chilean coast has the highest national concentration of people, with more than half of the total population
of Chile living in the larger metropolitan area of Santiago
Valparaso. In Argentina the population in the Andean part is
concentrated on the eastern foothills of the Andes, especially
in the metropolitan regions of SaltaSan Salvador de Jujuy,
San Miguel de Tucumn and MendozaSan Juan.
Various types of spatial configuration can be distinguished in the Andean states. Most countries have a fairly
compact shape, but Argentina, and Chile even more so,
take on an elongated form. Chile measures 4,275km from
north to south, equivalent to 40 latitude. At the same time
the country is only 180km wide on average (90km on
292
Fig.9.3The Chilean research station of Escudero in the Antarctic, King George Island (photograph by R. Jana)
293
294
295
296
297
298
299
300
301
302
303
304
10
305
308
309
Cotacachi, Ecuador: Participatory Regional Development Programme Oriented on the Indigenous Population (SANREM)
In 1996 the Cantn Cotacachi in the northern sierra of Ecuador initiated a regional development programme on the premises of a
partnership approach, community participation and environmental and cultural sustainability criteria. The Sustainable Agriculture
and Natural Resource Management Collaborative Research Support Programme (SANREM) was based on the concept of designing local development programmes in accordance with both indigenous principles and Western scientific knowledge.
The Cantn Cotacachi is located at the foot of the Cotacachi (4,639m) and Imbabura volcanoes (4,610m). Its altitudinal range
extends from some 1,600m to the summit of the Cotacachi. The 40 communities of the cantn add up to a total population of
around 40,000, mostly Quechua-speaking, indigenous people. They live in the communities of Cotacachi, Quiroga and Imantag
as well as on dispersed farmsteads. The agricultural population traditionally uses the potential of diverse agro-ecological mountain zones at elevations extending from areas of field cultivation to the highest pastures of the pramo. In the northern part of the
densely settled and intensively used region lies the Cotacachi Cayapas Ecological Reserve, with the Cuicocha crater lake at its
core.
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311
participatory cultural development or decentralized development in place. These approaches are based on the social
inclusion and participation of all stakeholders in a region,
including women, adolescents, small farmers and indigenous people. Their specific cultural traits must be considered as contributing in a most significant way to the social
capital of a region. Accordingly, local cultures and traditions can no longer be seen as obstacles and barriers for
development but as enriching factors.
Neubert and Macamo (2002: 14) have underlined that
local knowledge is dynamic in nature and evolving, transformed by autochthonous innovations, by an adaptation to
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313
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Fig.10.7Conceptual model for sustainable campesino communities (source Stadel 2008c)
decades, development processeshave changed, now comprising a multi-ethnic mix of transnational actors, a new
status awarded to indigenous culture, and altered prisms of
human rights. Within todays globalized landscapes, these
Andean spaces represent arenas of struggle over meanings
and resources, which illuminate not only developments
ongoing embeddedness in markets and states, but also the
seizure of opportunities for autonomy and empowerment by
erstwhile marginalized subjects.
Based on his extensive empirical studies in the tropical Andes, Stadel (2008c) has proposed a conceptual
model for sustainable campesino communities (Fig. 10.7).
Summarizing, he also lists the following postulates for a
campesino-oriented development:
Appreciation of the knowledge and experience of campesinos (saber campesino); strengthening of their cultural
pride;
Esteem for the traditions, cultural values, customs and
rituals of local communities (lo andino, Fig.10.8);
Strengthening of communal solidarity and cooperation
(Fig.10.7);
Respect for nature (cosmovisin andina) and an aspiration to harmonize environment and society;
Protection or restoration of the environmental integrity
and quality, especially in fragile ecosystems; careful use
of natural resources;
Exploration of the potentials and limitations of the natural and human environments;
Strengthening of the resilience and adaptive capacities
of the local population, facing environmental risks, economic and social vulnerabilities, and potential disasters;
314
A Rural Development Project in the Sierra of Ecuador: STEP BY STEPImproving the Livelihoods of the Aw
In former times, when we were still children, we descended the bedewed forest groves and meadows of the mountains slopes with two milk cans, accompanied by bird song. Later trees were felled, the savoury herbs disappeared,
the cows no longer had enough to feed and the wetland dried up. Today nobody can get milk anymore, we do not
have enough cows and not enough to eat. And the birds no longer sing (smallholder Aparicio Escola, quoted by the
Entwicklungshilfeklub Wien, 2011, translated by the authors).
This joint development project of the Development Club Vienna (Entwicklungshilfeklub Wien) and the Fundacin
Social Cultural of the Ibarra region in the northern part of Ecuador aims at protecting the fragile ecosystems and
natural resources and improving the living conditions of indigenous Aw families step by step. Officially the 3,500
Aw in Ecuador have a legal communal title to their 115,000ha of mostly wooded land. It extends from the edge
of the Pacific lowlands of Esmeraldas Province to the flanks of the western cordillera in the provinces of Carchi
and Imbabura. But it proved to be problematic for the Aw to protect and secure their land rights. Gold miners
have entered their territory and other settlers and companies have cleared the forests, with or without governmental
315
authorization, to establish large palm oil plantations. In addition, there have been territorial conflicts with AfroEcuadorian communities in the lowland region; coca planters, guerrillas and paramilitary groups have made incursions into their land from Colombia. Therefore the territorial integrity, the natural environment, the living space and
the social and economic traditions of the Aw have become increasingly endangered. In 1986 the Aw founded the
Federacin de Centros Aw; in 2007 it was recognized as an autonomous nation by the government of Ecuador. Even
so, this largely ignored, threatened and politically excluded minority is in great need of external support.
In 1995 the German partner organization MISEREOR started work on the preliminary stages of the development
project. Initially the emphasis was on attenuating the environmental degradation of the high-altitude grasslands of
the pramo. Some of the land came under strict protection, other parts were rehabilitated to be used as pastures,
while the particularly vulnerable sections were reforested with native trees. Natural manure instead of the chemical
fertilizers was promoted to improve the soil quality. Special attention was given to the clear and environmentally
compatible delimitation of natural grasslands, pastures and field cultivation plots. These measures reduced land degradation processes and ensured the preservation of the quantity and quality of the water resources for the drinking
water supply of the villages. They formed the basis for promoting sustainable agriculture, adequate food supply and
an improved health situation of the families.
A key component of the project was the active participation of the local population at all stages of the protection and development initiatives. In special meetings and workshops the campesinos were sensitized for the different problems and also for the natural and human potentials of their region. In various programmes of capacitacin
agraria para las comunidades indgenas, the indigenous population was encouraged to contribute actively to the
well-being of their communities in the traditional spirit of mutual responsibility and cooperation, for example by fulfilling their communal work obligations.
Communal agricultural work in the Step by Step project of an Aw community in Ecuador (Photo Source
MISEREOR)
The micro-project of the Entwicklungshilfeklub Wien, initiated in May 2011, was devoted to consultation processes
with individual families in a first step, with the prime objectives of diversifying the crop varieties and promoting sustainable forms of cultivation and utilization. Crop diversification is considered environmentally more compatible. It
reduces the risks of massive crop failures from pests and plant diseases, improves the nutrition of the population and
can also create new market niches for specialized products.
In a second step, 60 Aw are being trained as rural volunteer promoters, with the task of supporting the families
that participate in the project. These local advisors also act as promoters and innovators for a diversified and ecologically compatible agriculture. A third step of the project is concerned with an assessment of experiences and with
other potential forms of successful agricultural activities. In addition, the experiences and results are being disseminated to neighbouring regions to achieve a positive regional spin-off effect.
The costs for this project amount to slightly over 300 USD/year for each group of five families. The
Entwicklungshilfeklub Wien attempts to raise the necessary funds by selling building blocks and shares to supporters in Austria.
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317
As DErcole etal. (2009: 422) have stated, vulnerabilities tend to be exacerbated by urban poverty, social exclusion
and deprivation. In Arequipa differing vulnerabilities to flash
floods of the Ro Chili and its tributaries have been documented for the city centre and outlying areas (Thouret etal.
2013). In-migrating newcomers and generally poor people,
mostly in the absence of other locational options, have frequently settled illegally in the ravines (quebradas), often unaware of the flood risk in the normally dry valleys. As these
ravines are also preferred garbage disposal sites, waters can
clog the stream channels, resulting in sudden outbursts of the
dammed and contaminated water. So far, any risk-reduction
plans, in terms of public awareness programmes, effective control of illegal housing, timely evacuation plans, or easier access
to shelters, hospitals or dispensaries of water, have proved
to be rather unsatisfactory. In their applied research, Thouret
etal. and their team have furnished a scientific basis for more
effective land-use controls, an evaluation of the physical and
socio-economic vulnerabilities of the city, and a delineation,
mapping and modeling of flood and lahar risks. This enabled
them to make a number of specific recommendations for disaster mitigation and risk management in the city of Arequipa.
Natural and anthropic risks have also been documented for
La Paz (OHare and Rivas 2005; Hardy no year). Because of
the combination of steep slopes, unconsolidated rock and soil
material, sudden heavy downpours and a cuts in the steep terrain for housing and roads, the city has been repeatedly damaged by flash floods and landslides. In 2002 a severe hailstorm
caused floods and landslides in large parts of the urban area.
In 2008 the water outlet from the Hampaturi Reservoir to the
Pampahasi treatment plant was damaged, interrupting the water
supply to the southeastern area of La Paz. As is the case with
other Andean cities, vulnerability in La Paz has intensified
through rapid and largely uncontrolled urban development,
urban poverty, ineffective land controls and an inadequate and
uncoordinated risk and crisis management. In an effort to make
a scientifically based contribution for preventive urban planning
and crisis mitigation, the Andean Programme for Training and
Research on Vulnerability and Risks in Urban Environments,
IRD-University of Paris 1 (PACIVUR) was started in 2008, in
partnership with the municipal government of La Paz.
The discussion of the environmental risks and hazards
shows that these may be exacerbated by urban poverty and
also tend to impact most seriously on underprivileged people. The serious housing situation of the marginal population
is well documented. Development approaches have to address
the issues of an inadequate supply of affordable and safe residential land and housing, land speculation, insecure land titles,
exploitative rents, shortages in the supply of safe drinking
water, inappropriate sewage and waste disposal systems, inadequate public transportation, deficient social services in terms of
schools, health stations, recreational facilities, crime, violence,
and insufficient police protection, bureaucracy and corruption,
and inefficient and uncoordinated urban management practices.
318
pollution and the economic and social exclusion of autochthonous populations. Plantation economies, forest clearance
operations and large mining projects have already reached
remote regions, ecologically fragile environments and the
realm of local small-scale economies and livelihoods.
Globalization also manifests itself in other forms. The
Andes are endowed with spectacular landscapes and offer a
wealth of attractive cultural sites. This has made them preferred tourism destinations. The touristic appeal has diversified the economic base of the countries, but it has made
the tourist regions more dependent on external factors and
processes that can result in new forms of vulnerability. In
addition, mass tourism tends to impact on traditional cultures and ways of life. While tourism may contribute to a
revival of certain manifestations of the cultural heritage, it
can also erode it by transforming these regions into cultural
Disney lands. The cultural identity and social cohesion of
Andean communities is further endangered by an incursion
of new evangelical churches and sects. In a more general
way, the impact of modernization and Western ways of life,
promoted by new communication media, has crept into virtually all Andean communities.
Modernization and globalization are particularly evident in the cities. They affect all segments of urban society,
but with varying and even contrasting impact on different
groups of residents. Affluent people tend to benefit from
these influences while the poor are often excluded from
economic benefits of modernization and globalization or
may even become their victims. Overall, the economic and
social metamorphosis of the larger cities as a result of neoliberal economic policies, new forms of consumerism and
modernization have led to a growing economic and social
polarization of the urban and rural societies, and to the fragmentation of cityscapes and rural regions.
Climate change, modernization and globalization appear
to be irreversible but the impact of climate change can be
alleviated, and modernization and globalization have the
potential to also benefit poorer region and communities if
appropriate policies and measures are undertaken. In the
rural regions the preservation of ecologically sensitive areas
and sustainable and climatically adapted land use must be
prime targets of intervention. Furthermore, the excessive use
of water resources by mining and commercial agriculture
will have to be curtailed. In the urban areas environmentally
compatible land use and housing regulations and the fight
against air and water pollution, as well as hazard mitigation
strategies will be paramount tasks in the 21st century.
Politically Andean countries are embedded in international economic and political alliances. Nevertheless,
a number of territorial conflicts between nations remain
unresolved and international cooperation between Andean
states could still be strengthened. Also, differing ideological orientations and contrasting geopolitical state ideas are
10.4.1Economic Challenges
As pointed out above, all Andean countries have to meet the
challenges of increased international connections and globalization phenomena. They have opened themselves up to
the world markets to different degrees and have registered
some economic progress of the national economies during
the past decade. In 2012 the annual growth rate of the GDP
amounted to 6.3% for Peru, 5.5% for Chile and Venezuela,
5.2% for Bolivia, 5% for Ecuador, 4% for Colombia and
1.9% for Argentina (see Table7.1).
But this growth was partially or entirely eroded by the
annual inflation rates, which varied between a staggering 21.1% for Venezuela and a modest 3% for Chile. In
addition, national debt loads are a threat for the economic
prospects of the countries. This was highlighted by the dramatic state bankruptcy of Argentina in 2001. Moreover,
the official and hidden rates of unemployment and underemployment continue to be a major problem. Official
conservative government figures vary between 5.3% for
Ecuador and 10.4% for Colombia (all figures from Fischer
Weltalmanach 2014 (2013)). However, the widespread
informal and partially temporary forms of employment are
not registered in the national census data.
Economic dependence on external investments and other
forms of financial support remains strong. This is particularly the case in the mining sector in Peru, Ecuador and Chile,
although in the latter country the copper business was nationalized in 1971. In Venezuela oil production is controlled by
the company Petrleos de Venezuela S.A. (PDVSA), nationalized in 1976. In the Oriente, the Amazon lowlands of Ecuador,
indigenous communities have been engaged in protest against
the exploration and exploitation of oilfields for many years.
The Inter-American Court of Justice sentenced the government of Ecuador to a fine of 1.3million USD for illegal
concessions granted to the Argentine company Compana
General de Combustibles. Recently, president Correa, despite
national and international protests, gave his approval to the
exploration and eventual exploitation of oilfields in the Yasun
National Park. In Bolivia all natural resources have been
placed under national control since 2007, and about two dozen
foreign companies have been nationalized since 2006, the
latest ones, in 2013, the Spanish energy company Iberdrola
and the Spanish airport management company Sabsa. The
Corporacin Minera de Bolivia (COMIBOL) was founded
in 1952 as the most important national company in the mining sector. Recently it became involved in some bitter disputes with autonomous cooperatives of mine workers. While
Bolivia, Venezuela and Ecuador pursue policies restricting
the influence of foreign companies, Chile and Colombia in
particular tend to encourage foreign investments. In Chile
the copper mining company Corporacin Nacional del Cobre
(CODELCO) was founded in 1955 and is today the largest copper-producing company in the world, with operations
in Chile, Argentina, Peru, Canada, the USA and Pakistan. It
was nationalized in 1971, but today a large share of the copper
mining remains in the hands of private companies.
Chile now imposes more rigorous environmental standards for large projects. For example, in 2013 the hydro project of Punta Alcalde in the Atacama region promoted by
the Spanish company Eldesa was cancelled for environmental reasons. In the same year the gold and silver mining project Pascua Lama of the Canadian company Barrick Gold
was at least temporarily stopped for environmental reasons.
Indigenous people successfully protested against this highaltitude project at an elevation of over 4,500m, located in
the cordillera border region between Chile and Argentina. It
would most likely have harmed the glaciers and the water
resources of the region. In Peru the US company Newmont
gave up the large gold and copper mining Minas Conga
project in the Cajamarca region after a series of violent protests by affected local populations (refer also to Sect.7.3.3).
In the current era of multiple international linkages and
globalized economic processes, a closer cooperation of
South-American countries will be crucial. This will put the
states into a stronger competitive position vis--vis the larger
economic blocs of NAFTA, the EU or Asian powers. The
Andean states are members of a number of regional groupings. The Latin American Integration Association (ALADI),
formerly the Latin American Free Trade Association
(LAFTA), consists of 13 members, including all Andean
states. Although ALADIs declared aim is to create a free
trade zone in Latin America and ultimately a common market, its effective economic integration so far remains limited.
The Andean Community of Nations (Comunidad Andina)
is a customs union comprising Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador
and Peru as full members, plus five associate members,
including Argentina and Chile. Former full members were
Chile and Venezuela, which withdrew in 1976 and 2006
respectively. The predecessor of the Andean Community
until 1996 was the Andean Pact, founded in 1969.
Today the Andean Community is cooperating with the
other major trading bloc Mercado Comn del Sur/Mercado
Comum do Sul (MERCOSUR). MERCOSUR, established in 1991, today has five full members, among them
Argentina and Venezuela, as well as seven associated
members, including Bolivia (since 2012 an acceding member), Chile, Colombia, Ecuador and Peru. The Bolivarian
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of Bolivias population are still considered to live in poverty. In the other Andean countries, approximately one third
of the national population is listed as poor.
A second category of major concern are the high crime
rates, violence and the lack of personal safety. At least in
part these problems are related to inequality of incomes and
poverty, especially in the case of the criminal offences of
theft, robberies, break and enter incidences. In turn, violence and crime undermine human welfare, social development, political consolidation and democratic stability
(Sorj and Martuccelli 2013), as well as economic growth.
Crime ranks highest among the concerns expressed by the
citizens in many Latin-American cities. The Inter-American
Development Bank has estimated that that the GDP of
Latin-American states would be by one fourth higher if
the regions crime rates could be lowered to global average levels. The widening socio-economic gap, the pervasive
poverty, crime and a feeling of insecurity are a hindrance
to personal communication and strong community ties.
They have also led to growing socio-spatial fragmentation
in urban regions. Whereas violence and crime tend to be
accentuated in the large metropolitan centres, they are also
a problem in rural regions. Here social tensions and conflicts may develop between social and ethnic groups and
the issues frequently are insecure land titles and boundaries, access to water and land-use conflicts. In spite of
manifested national identity and pride, in particular on the
occasion of national holidays, community feelings tend to
be stronger in individual villages, urban barrios and within
specific ethnic groups.
10.4.3Political Challenges
Since their independence, the Andean states have been frequently ruled by so-called strong leaders. In the past these
have been often military people. Although today democratically elected, caudillo-style personalities are still prominent
on the political scene. The traditional duality of and contrast between conservative and liberal forces, and between
right-wing and leftist ideologies and policies, has persisted.
Currently Colombia and Argentina have conservative, the
other Andean countries liberal (Chile) or socialist, generally populist, governments. These different political orientations have always impeded close cooperation between
the states and have acted as barriers to an effective political
and economic integration. In addition, considerable regional
differences have emerged as obstacles for a national coherence. This manifests itself in the pronounced identity of
individual regions in Colombia and Chile, as well as for the
contrast between highlands and lowlands in Ecuador, Peru
and Bolivia. Furthermore, in the process of the revival of
indigenous movements, especially in Ecuador, Bolivia and
10.4.4Ecological Challenges
Climate change, demographic transition and economic,
social, cultural and political developments have a major
impact on the natural environment and the ecology of the
Andes. The increase in rural populations has forced smallscale farmers to expand their agricultural activities into
environmentally vulnerable zones, in some cases invading
protected areas, in other instances aggravating land degradation processes.
The intensification of agriculture in naturally favoured
zones and its orientation on the maxims of unrestrained
profit and market demands have also threatened the
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10.4.5Cultural Challenges
The different facets of the traditional cultural heritage of
the Andes are today threatened by the influences of modernization, new technological credos and globalization.
In the cities transnational fast food outlets, fashion shops,
Western-style discos or modern supermarkets are increasingly appealing to urban consumers. They are at least
partially replacing traditional food stalls or restaurants, conventional markets, Latin-American fiestas and folk music.
Especially among the young generation and the more affluent people this new orientation is considered trendy and
modern.
In the meantime these new cultural influences have
reached even formerly remote rural areas, to a certain extent
obliterating the cultural differences between city and countryside. While one might nostalgically deplore these trends
in the urban centres, the impact of external cultural drivers and modernization on rural societies and livelihoods is
probably more serious. Traditional religious beliefs, social
norms and social and economic support systems may be
eroded or superseded by manifestations of laicism, individualism and capitalism. Today even indigenous communities
are no longer immune to these trends.
Whereas in the past external cultural influences
reached the rural areas in more gradual and spatially
and socially selective ways, today the new communication media of computers and cellular phones and their
Epilogue
The Andes, a Precious Example of a Geographical
Mountain Portrait
Bruno Messerli
1 Introduction
This is probably the first time that such a comprehensive
book on the Andes appears in German. The content adheres
to a truly geographical framework, in which the factors and
spaces of the natural environment are portrayed and are presented in their interactions with anthropogenic structures
and processes. This gives the reader a genuine understanding of relationships and dependencies. It is my contention
that there should also be a great interest to translate this
book into Spanish.
I emphasize this because I became aware at the first
Andean Conference in 1991 that the scientists of the
Andean countries were more closely connected and had
more research cooperations with European and NorthAmerican scholars than with those from their neighbouring countries. At that time, we looked in vain for a scientist
from an Andean country who could deliver an opening
address presenting a broad overview of the entire Andean
realm. We realized that there existed few transnational
projects and that there was a lack of financial resources for
doing research in another country. In this situation we had
to rely on Wilhelm Lauer from the Geography Department
of the University of Bonn, an expert on the natural environment of the entire Andean region.
This situation has fundamentally changed since 1991, as
can be demonstrated by referring to the five international
Andean Conferences until 2005. With our engagement for
the Andes, we not only pursue scientific objectives but also
the goal for an effective transnational cooperation and the
promotion of a dialogue between science and politics.
Scientific Objectives
323
324
Epilogue
the realm located to the southwest influenced by the winter precipitations of westerly winds. Furthermore, we
pursued some comparable research questions we had left
open during our investigations on the highest summits of
the Sahara some twenty years before. Without mentioning the details of the numerous expeditions and field studies, we familiarized ourselves with the impressive high
mountain landscapes of the Atacama region in many profiles and transects. Supported by the experiences gained
at various conferences and excursions in Peru, Bolivia,
Argentina and in the northern and southern parts of Chile,
we enlarged and deepened our knowledge base, and
enticed the next generation of scientists of Berne, under
the leadership of Martin Grosjean and Heinz Veit, after
my retirement in 1996, to tackle new mountain research
challenges.
Relating to this Geography of the Andes, published by
the two competent authors, Axel Borsdorf and Christoph
Stadel, we can ascertain that this book addresses topics
for which we never before had the time nor this integrative
expertise. I am therefore enthusiastic and grateful to be able
to rely in future on this volume.
Political Objectives
Epilogue
325
326
Sarmiento of the University of Georgia, USA, was organizing this conference. The wide range of participating scholars, sponsors and organizations can be seen as a sign for the
growing interest in the work of AMA. Additional organizations represented at the meeting were the Pan American
Centre for Geographical Studies and Research (CEPEIGE),
the US Centre for Latin American and Caribbean Studies
(CLACS), the UNU, UNESCO-MAB, and the World
Commission on Protected Areas of the IUCN. Sponsoring
agencies included the US National Science Foundation,
the Andean Finance Corporation, the Government of the
Netherlands, the Instituto Geogrfico Militar and other local
institutions. Looking at the theme of the conference and the
individual contributions, it became evident that a modest
but significant shift from mountain ecology to a new focus
was taking place in which the cultural landscape, the human
impact on the environment and the resources received
greater attention (Sarmiento and Hidalgo 1999).
During an excursion after the conference, a group of
participants, among them Christoph Stadel, went up to the
upper mountain hut at the base of Chimborazo, at an elevation of some 5,000m. In the presence of scholars, representatives of the provincial government, of a delegation
of local and indigenous communities, and of national park
personnel, a commemorative plaque for Alexander von
Humboldt was solemnly unveiled at the Bolvar Monument.
It reads: Alexander von Humboldt, June 1802, in Memory
of his Contributions to Mountain Geoecology, December
15, 1998. The plaque further lists the names of representatives of organizations who were or still are closely
connected with the work of Alexander von Humboldt:
Indigenous Communities of Chimborazo; Jack Ives representing the UNU and the International Mountain Society;
Fausto Sarmiento as a representative for AMA; Lawrence
Hamilton for the IUCN and the Commission for Protected
Areas; Bruno Messerli for the International Geographical
Union; Juan Hidalgo for CEPEIGE; and Patricio Hermida
as the Manager of the Chimborazo Reserve (Sarmiento
1999). As a fascinating surprise, one month before this
Inauguration Act at the Chimborazo, and 200years after
Alexander von Humboldts climb and research on the
Chimborazo, we received the great news that the General
Assembly of the United Nations had decided on 10
November 1998 that 2002 would be the International Year
of Mountains.
The fourth international Andean Conference, with the
general theme of Sustainable Development in the Andes,
a Strategy for the 21st Century, was organized for 25
November to 2 December 2001 at the Universidad de los
Andes in Mrida, Venezuela. Maximina Monasterio, president of AMA (20012004) and director of the Instituto de
Ciencias Ecolgicas y Ambientales, organized this meeting. It was attended by more than 250 persons from 21
Epilogue
327
Epilogue
328
Epilogue
Glossary
329
330
Glossary
Glossary
331
332
Glossary
Glossary
333
334
Glossary
Glossary
335
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