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Are Iraqi Women More Prestige Conscious than Men?

Sex Differentiation in Baghdadi Arabic


Author(s): Farida Abu-Haidar
Source: Language in Society, Vol. 18, No. 4 (Dec., 1989), pp. 471-481
Published by: Cambridge University Press
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Lang. Soc. i8, 471-48I. Printed in the United States of America

Are Iraqi women more prestige conscious than men?

Sex differentiation in Baghdadi Arabic

FARIDA ABU-HAIDAR

School of Oriental and African Studies

University of London

ABSTRACT

Investigators have found in Arabic-speaking communities that men's

speech, and not women's, approximated the standard variety. More re-

cent studies have challenged the assumption that prestige and standard

spoken Arabic are one and the same. These studies have found that

there are, in some Arab communities, prestige varieties of spoken Ar-

abic which are not in the direction of standard Arabic, and that, con-

trary to what had been previously concluded, it is mostly women who

speak the prestige dialects. This article, based on an investigation of the

speech of a group of Baghdadi men and women, shows that in Baghdad

the prestige variety of spoken Arabic is in the direction of the standard,

and that women, more than men, tend to favor this variety. Using the

findings of a previous research project in Baghdad, the article also draws

attention to the fact that in the past, when Baghdadi women did not

have the same access to standard Arabic as men, it was men, and not

women, who spoke a dialect approximating the standard variety. (Stan-

dard literary Arabic, dialectal Arabic, linguistic prestige norms, style

shifting)

RELATED STUDIES

That women are linguistically more prestige conscious than men and speak

a language variety which is closer to the standard is a view advanced by a

number of sociolinguists (Fasold I968; Holmquist I985; Labov I966; Levine

& Crockett I966; Milroy I980; Romaine & Reid 1976; Sankoff & Cedergren

1971; Trudgill 974,I 983; Wolfram I969; Wolfram & Fasold 1974). The ma-

jority of investigations dealing with sex-preferential language have been con-

ducted in Western or highly industrialized parts of the world, such as Japan.

In some cases, as in English and French, for example, the terms prestige and

standard can be used interchangeably. A few scholars, investigating sex dif-

ferentiation in spoken Arabic, found that Arab men used standard or liter-

ary Arabic (LA) forms more frequently than women (Abd-el-Jawad I98I;

Bakir I986; Kojak I983; Schmidt I986). Equating LA with prestige, Abd-el-

? 1989 Cambridge University Press 0047-4045/89 $5.00 + .00

471

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FARIDA ABU-HAIDAR

Jawad, Kojak, and Schmidt concluded that men, and not women, in Am-

man, Jordan; the Syrian cities of Damascus and Hama; and Cairo, Egypt,

respectively, spoke a more prestigious variety of Arabic.

Ibrahim (I986: I 15), however, felt it necessary to distinguish between pres-

tige and standard speech. He found that investigators had been misled into

equating standard with prestige, since "evidence from various sources and

different Arab countries" showed that spoken Arabic had "its own local pres-

tigious varieties" which were not necessarily in the direction of LA. He

found, moreover, that it was women, more than men, who spoke the pres-

tigious varieties. This finding, Ibrahim concluded, was "in perfect conformity

with patterns of language use in other language communities investigated for

sex differentiation and not contrary to such patterns," as previously reported

by some investigators (I986:124).

This was also the conclusion arrived at by Bakir (I986) in his investigation

of the speech of a group of Iraqi men and women in Basrah. Bakir found

that although the women in the sample did not use as many LA forms in

their speech as men did, they spoke a variety of Arabic approximating the

socially prestigious Baghdad dialect. Baghdad has been a center of "modern-

ization since the last century" (Patai I962:I3), and it is only natural that the

dialect spoken in Baghdad should be regarded as prestigious by those living

in other parts of the country. Schmidt (I986) found a prestige variety of spo-

ken Arabic in Cairo that differed from LA and that was spoken by upper-

class men and women. Abd-el-Jawad, who had initially concluded that Jor-

danian men used "standard linguistic forms more than women" (198I:342),

found that in Nablus a prestige variety of Arabic, not in the direction of LA,

tended to be favored mostly by women and younger men (I987:362).

STANDARD AND PRESTIGE IN BAGHDAD

In Iraq, the linguistic situation is one of diglossia, where the regional and

communal dialects cooccur with LA (Ferguson 1959). In the capital, Bagh-

dad, where the present investigation took place, there are three main religious

communities: Muslim, Christian, and Jewish. Each community speaks a dif-

ferent Arabic dialect (Blanc I964). It is the Muslim dialect (D), however,

which acts as the lingua franca, since Islam is the official state religion, and

Muslims far outnumber Jewish and Christian Iraqis. Non-Muslim Iraqis,

therefore, as well as Muslims from other dialect areas, all tend to speak D

in interaction with anyone who is not from their own community (Blanc

I964:9). D is used mainly in everyday, casual speech, whereas LA is the writ-

ten language as well as the language of the media and of formal occasions.

To use LA in informal settings would make one "an object of ridicule" (Fer-

guson 1959:329). Yet, LA forms have been incorporated into a number of

Arabic dialects. In the spoken Arabic of Baghdad, LA forms frequently re-

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SEX DIFFERENTIATION IN BAGHDADI ARABIC

LA

zero primary secondary higher

FIGURE I: The dialectal (D)-literary Arabic (LA) continuum in relation to

speaker's level of education.

place stigmatized D forms, such as non-Arabic loanwords and regional

forms, resulting in a dialect mixture (D + LA).

According to Ibrahim (I986:II8), LA "is inseparable from education." In

other words, the use of LA forms in everyday speech is commensurate with

one's level of education. In Baghdad, speech variation presents a continuum

ranging from the local vernacular, free of LA forms, as spoken by the least

educated, to the variety with the highest frequency of LA forms, spoken by

those with the highest level of education (see Figure I).

In one area of central Baghdad, within a radius of about 3 kilometers, a

number of lexical items had no less than four variants each, ranging from

those typical of the local vernacular, moving gradually upward in the direc-

tion of LA (Abu-Haidar I987). To take one example, the LA form sidq

'truth' was found to have five variants in the area surveyed: (I) sigid, (2)

sidig, (W) sidug, (4) sidiq, and (5) sidq. Variant (I), with metathesis, was pro-

duced by a few illiterate, elderly people. Variant (2), without metathesis, was

produced by both illiterate and semiliterate people who were not all elderly.

Variants (3) and (4) were the more frequently occurring variants, (3) being

the Muslim realization of the form, and (4) with LA /q/, originally the non-

Muslim variant, but now realized by some Muslims who are modifying their

speech in the direction of LA (see Al-Ani 1978: Io5ff). Variant (5) was pro-

duced by a number of educated men and women. The range is illustrated in

Figure 2.

A local vernacular incorporating literary Arabic forms (D + LA) or, as

Abd-el-Jawad put it (I986:53), "a spoken dialect drawing heavily on the stan-

dard variety," seems to be common in most Arabic-speaking communities.

Both Meiseles (I980) and Mitchell (I986) referred to "mixed" spoken Arabic.

Meiseles divided this mixed dialect into two varieties: OLA (oral literary Ar-

abic) and ESA (educated standard Arabic). He concluded that the former is

closer to MSA (modern standard Arabic), and the latter to the local vernacu-

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FARIDA ABU-HAIDAR

LA sidq

sFidiq

sidug

/ idig

D sigid

FIGURE 2: Variants of LA sidq 'truth' in an area of central Baghdad.

lar. Mitchell, on the other hand, found that three varieties of Arabic are

"clearly discernible within a particular Arab country" (i986:9): the written,

the vernacular, and a mixture of the two.

Although several investigators have shown that D + LA is not the prestige

variety par excellence in several Arabic-speaking communities (Abd-el-Jawad

I987; Bakir I986; Ibrahim I986; Schmidt i986), it would be difficult to deny

it its prestigious standing in light of its being used mostly by the educated sec-

tion of Arab society. From three different investigations of Baghdadi Mus-

lim Arabic, I found that the local Muslim dialect mixed with literary Arabic

forms (in other words, D + LA) is the speech variety which enjoys most pres-

tige in Baghdad. And contrary to the prestige varieties of Nablus (Abd-el-

Jawad I987), Basrah (Bakir I986), and Cairo (Schmidt I986), this prestige

variety is in the direction of LA.

THE PRESENT INVESTIGATION

In I985, during a research project into the urban versus rural elements in

Baghdadi Arabic, I was struck by the fact that it was women's more than

men's speech which had a higher frequency of LA forms and a lower inci-

dence of stigmatized vernacular forms. I decided to investigate this phenom-

enon separately, through introspective observation and by quantitative

analysis.

For this particular investigation I selected 5o Baghdadi men and women,

25 of each, whose ages ranged from 26 to 41 years. Of the informants, 14

were life-long friends; the remaining 36 were either their friends or work col-

leagues. Russell (I982:125) felt that establishing contact in this way "ensures

a greater degree of informality than is possible in interviews following ran-

dom sampling." Gumperz (I972:208) also maintained that "the artificiality

of settings" where speech samples are "produced in isolation from the cus-

tomary circle of friends and family is hardly likely to bring forth the subtle-

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SEX DIFFERENTIATION IN BAGHDADI ARABIC

ties in selection of speech forms, shifts in formality and informality, which

characterize everyday interaction."

In order to concentrate purely on linguistic differences in relation to the

sex of the speaker, other social variables, such as age, level of education, and

socioeconomic background, had to be cut down to a minimum. Informants,

therefore, had to fulfill the criteria of being native Baghdadis below the age

of 45, university educated, and holding white-collar jobs. Following the ex-

ample of well-known investigators, such as Blom and Gumperz (1972) and

Labov (I973), I sought the help of two of my informants, one male and one

female, on the basis of interaction between peers in order to overcome the

observer's paradox (Labov, Cohen, Robins, & Lewis I968). I chose one male

and one female interviewer to see whether there was any difference in the way

informants reacted to a member of their own sex as opposed to someone of

the opposite sex. The two interviewers and I each interviewed the remaining

48 informants separately. The recordings were later examined and collated,

and the two interviewers' speech was also monitored. In preparing this arti-

cle, I referred to the taped interviews throughout and occasionally resorted

to what I had noted down in the course of unrecorded, informal conversa-

tion for corroborative evidence. The whole investigation lasted about 5

months, during which time I lived as a member of the social network.

At the end of the investigation period, it was possible to pinpoint the oc-

currence of six linguistic variables that could be used to gauge the frequency

of LA forms in each informant's speech. These variables were later isolated

and an index score used, similar to that applied by Trudgill (I972) and Cham-

bers and Trudgill (I980), where a D variable was awarded i point and an LA

variable 2 points. The scores were then added to give the mean score, from

which I was then subtracted, and the result multiplied by ioo to give the in-

dex score. The average total score for the men was then compared to that of

the women.

THE VARIABLES

The six variables developed for this particular survey were:

1. LA passive forms, as opposed to the D 3rd person plural: yuqa:l 'it

is said', instead of ygu:lu:n 'they say'; sujin 'he was imprisoned', in-

stead of sijno: 'they imprisoned him', and so forth.

2. Substituting ordinal numbers for months of the year. It is now stan-

dard procedure throughout Iraq to refer to months of the year by

ordinal numbers, denoting their order of occurrence in the calendar

year. Thus, January is 'the first month', or simply 'the first', Febru-

ary 'the second', March 'the third', and so forth.

3. The LA adverb lamman 'when' introducing a verb, in lieu of its D

equivalent min, which is very common in Baghdadi Arabic.

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FARIDA ABU-HAIDAR

TABLE i. A verage index score on the six variables

Variable Men Women

1 000 011

2 095 067

3 023 031

4 015 017

5 060 068

6 017 081

4. LA adjectives sagi:r'small' (ms) and sagi:ra 'small' (fs), as opposed

to their D equivalents zgayyir and zgayra, respectively.

5. LA forms instead of corresponding loanwords. Baghdadi Arabic

abounds in borrowings (B) from other languages, especially English

and Turkish. Loanwords are considered to be stylistically inferior to

LA forms. The loanwords and their corresponding LA forms used

for this investigation were:

B LA

pa.ysikil dirra.ja 'bicycle'

ste:rin sukka:n 'steering-wheel'

talifo:n ha:tif 'telephone'

bang masraf 'bank'

me:wa fawa:kih 'fruit'

6. LA forms instead of their well established D equivalents:

D LA

sibba:6 na.fi6a 'window'

qu:tiyya filba 'box'

ja:hil tifil 'child'

dazz risal 'to send'

Some variables occurred more frequently than others. It was not difficult

to find out whether informants used the proper name of a month or its cor-

responding ordinal number. This was established by asking the dates of birth-

days, marriages, vacations, and so on. It was more difficult, on the other

hand, to get informants to use the passive, and as can be seen from Table I,

there were no examples of male informants using the passive. The rare in-

stances when it was used by some women were immediately noted. Several

questions as to when a particular incident occurred showed whether infor-

mants used the LA lamman or the D min. In order to find out whether in-

formants preferred the LA or D adjective for 'small', they were asked where

Bahrain was, and how they would define a puppy: 4I said that Bahrain was

a small (fs) island off the coast of Arabia, while 47 said a puppy was a small

(ms) dog. Whether informants used a loanword or its LA equivalent, or a D

or a corresponding LA form, was not too difficult to ascertain. Specific items

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SEX DIFFERENTIATION IN BAGHDADI ARABIC

100

50

MWMWMWMWMWMW

Variables 1 2 3 4 5 6

FIGURE 3: How the two groups scored in relation to each other.

were either pointed out or alluded to in conversation, and each informant

was left to supply the appropriate term, as, for example:

Question: What is that on the table?

Answer: A box.

Question: Where do people usually keep their money?

Answer: In a bank.

RESULTS

As can be seen from Table I, on five out of six variables, women scored

higher than men (see also Figure 3). A closer examination of the variables

themselves shows that variable (2) differs sociolinguistically from the other

five. In each of (I) and (3) to (6), the choice is between a stigmatized and a

prestigious variable. For example, in (3), the LA adverb lamman is generally

considered to be socially superior to its D variant min. Similarly, a loanword

like ste:rin 'steering-wheel', in (5), is stigmatized, whereas its Arabic variant

sukka:n is not. In (6), the use of an LA variant instead of its equivalent D

form would be taken as proof of the speaker's high level of education. No

such social implications, however, are attached to the use of ordinal numbers

for the calendar months in (2). The actual names of the calendar months are

not exclusive to Baghdad or even to Iraq. They are the same for most Arab

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FARIDA ABU-HAIDAR

Informants: men women

Interviewers: men women men & women

D D + LA D + LA

FIGURE 4: Use of dialectal (D) or dialectal and literary Arabic (LA) depen-

dent on interviewer.

countries, excluding Egypt and North Africa, and occur in the written as well

as the spoken language. It should be pointed out, however, that all names of

calendar months in the Arab world are borrowings and not Arabic forms. In

Iraq, sba:t 'February', tammu:z 'July', or a:b 'August', for example, are not

stigmatized forms. It is merely because official circles in Iraq have come to

adopt ordinal numbers for the calendar months that the use of ordinal num-

bers is gaining ground in the country. The fact that women scored consis-

tently higher in the other five linguistic variables could set variable (2) apart

from the others. In light of this, it would appear that women scored higher

in all the linguistic variables.

The three separate interviews (by male interviewer, female interviewer, and

female investigator) were monitored for other LA forms besides those spe-

cially selected for this investigation. It was found that women behaved in the

same way with both male and female interviewers (see Figure 4). No increase

or decrease in LA forms was detected when the results of the separate inter-

views were compared. Most of the men, however, seemed to style shift in the

direction of LA in the presence of the female interviewer and investigator,

but they spoke mainly D to the male interviewer. Trudgill (I983) has shown

that men's tendency to use non-standard variables with fellow men is a form

of masculine covert prestige. Trudgill goes on to say that "privately and sub-

consciously, a large number of male speakers are more concerned with ac-

quiring prestige of the covert sort and with signalling group solidarity than

with obtaining social status" (I983:177). This could perhaps explain why the

men in the present survey did not use LA forms as consistently as the women.

The overall findings of the present investigation were compared with those

of an earlier investigation on sex differences in Baghdadi Arabic, which be-

gan in I966 and continued intermittently for a few years (Abu-Haidar, I988).

Although the findings of that particular investigation are not discussed in de-

tail here, some observations of both research projects are made.

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SEX DIFFERENTIATION IN BAGHDADI ARABIC

In the I966 investigation, the informants were divided into two groups:

those over 6o years and those below 40 years. Both groups consisted of equal

numbers of men and women. The women in the older group were housewives

with little or no formal education. All the younger women were university

educated, and like the men in the two groups, they held white-collar jobs. Af-

ter monitoring the speech of all the informants, it was found that the largest

number of LA forms was produced by the younger women, followed by the

younger men, with the older men in third place. LA forms seemed to be prac-

tically nonexistent in the speech of the older women. Most of the men tended

to style shift, accommodating to the speech of their interlocutors. Thus, they

spoke D with older women and style shifted to D + LA with men and youn-

ger women. This confirms Elyan's (I98I:I69) view that "where women are

confined to the home they tend to command only the minority language,

while men, who go to work, command the language of work as well as that

of the domestic sphere," hence their ability to style shift.

Younger women, who in the I966 investigation also were the only infor-

mants to use the passive, spoke D + LA consistently and did not style shift

like the men. Ibrahim (I986:123) explained this in terms of "women's inferior

social position." He said that because women are "less secure socially and

psychologically than men," they "are expected to behave themselves linguisti-

cally and otherwise." Holmquist (I985:I99) saw women's consistent opting

for the prestige variety as "a general turning away from things associated with

women's housebound position in society."

CONCLUSION

From all the data gathered, it appears that in Baghdad the prestige variety

of spoken Arabic is in the direction of the standard LA; and that when this

variety is accessible to both sexes, it is generally women who tend toward it.

This article asks the question, "Are Iraqi women more prestige conscious

than men?" With reference to the results of this investigation and the find-

ings of Bakir's (I986) investigation of the spoken Arabic of Basrah, it would

appear that in Iraqi society today, where sex roles are not so clear-cut and

both sexes enjoy similar social privileges, women are more prestige conscious

than men, since it is mostly women who opt for the prestigious speech

varieties.

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