Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
Dr Salim Vohra
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Introduction
Communities living near waste facilities or having them sited near them are increasingly
outspoken about the perceived health and wellbeing impacts of landfills, incinerators and waste
transfer stations. Around the UK, many community campaign groups are fighting to gain
information and reassurance about the trucks, their unseen loads and the “hidden” operations of
On the other hand, for both national and local government, sustainably managing domestic
waste, ideally as close to its creation as practicable, is a priority concern (DEFRA; 2006, 2000;
SEPA; 1999).
Between them both, piggy in the middle, stand waste management businesses who have to
deal with both the insistent demands of government and the concern, protest and conflict that
these demands are generating in affected communities. The question is how can we move
beyond this impasse to a more constructive approach to waste management planning and
siting.
at an early stage, is likely to form a key part of any constructive approach. Health impact
assessment brings together the impact science, community engagement and an understanding
of the factors that drive public perceptions of environmental health risks into a single coherent
package thereby dealing with community concerns in a more open, credible and effective way.
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Figure 1: Community protest and opposition to the siting of a waste facility
Historically, the amount of waste generated by human populations has been low. However, the
advent of the industrial revolution, in the 18th century, heralded a massive increase in domestic
and industrial waste as people moved from rural to urban areas and industrial manufacturing
replaced agriculture as the dominant economic activity. This waste posed a significant threat to
human health and the local environment making waste regulation and management a priority
In the UK, the 1848 Public Health Act began the formalisation of waste regulation and
management. In 1874, the first "destructor" was designed and constructed in Nottingham.
Destructors were incineration plants which burnt mixed fuel producing steam to generate
electricity. Even then they were opposed by local communities because of the ash and dust that
they threw out onto the local area. The 1875 Public Health Act made local authorities
In 1907, an amendment to the Public Health Act extended waste collection to trade refuse and
allowed local authorities to charge for waste collection. In 1930, the Ministry of Health argued
that the dumping crude refuse without adequate precautions should not be allowed. Similar
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complaints about unsanitary landfill continued into the 1920s. The 1936 Public Health Act ruled
that the accumulation of waste which was prejudicial to health was a Statutory Nuisance. Local
authorities were given powers to prosecute uncontrolled dumping, cesspools and scavenging.
The Act also prohibited development on contaminated land and provided a clearer framework
In 1947, the Town and Country Planning Act gave local authorities planning powers over new
waste management sites. In 1956, the Clean Air Act led to the decrease in open fires, and the
consequent burning of domestic waste, in homes. In the 1960s, private waste management
businesses began to take over what had until then been a largely public sector activity.
In 1971, drums of cyanide waste were dumped at an abandoned brick kiln near Nuneaton,
causing a big public outcry. This alongside media coverage of waste lorry drivers taking bribes
to dump hazardous waste in inappropriate locations and a Royal Commission report on waste
led to the 1972 Deposit of Poisonous Waste Act and the 1974 Control of Pollution Act.
The 1980s and 1990s, saw increasing public concern over waste disposal which led to the
passing of the Environmental Protection Act in 1990 as well as a range of European Directives:
the Hazardous Waste Directive, the Integrated Pollution Prevention and Control (IPPC)
This brief chronology of waste regulation and management shows the importance of public
health and community concerns as major drivers for changes in the regulation and management
Though there have been issues with past technology, the majority of current evidence points to
modern waste facilities – provided that they are built, maintained and operated correctly - having
little or no direct negative health impacts on the residents who live near them (DEFRA, 2004).
However, while local communities are not being exposed to chemical or biological agents they
are exposed to the environmental, social and cultural significance of waste (Vohra, 2003).
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Environmentally, the operation of waste facilities means that waste lorries, and other traffic
going to and from the facility, can be seen as impinging on and negatively affecting existing
ways of life.
Socially, waste management involves a network of individuals and agencies and, for it to work
well, all these individuals and agencies need to work cooperatively and to the highest standards.
Unfortunately, this is not always the case. Substantiated and unsubstantiated reports of the
mixing of domestic waste with hazardous waste, the perceived lack of care and the ‘cutting of
corners’ by operators as well as the perceived indifference of waste regulators to the wellbeing
of communities has sensitised the public to waste issues. Communities therefore tend to be
uncertain, uneasy and distrustful of developers and regulators in general. The siting or
extension of a waste facility therefore becomes the perfect opportunity for local resident’s to
voice this distrust, unease and uncertainty by opposing and protesting against the proposed
plans.
Finally, at a cultural level waste has a deep symbolic dimension, having to live near waste and
others seeing that you have to live near waste can stigmatise both the community and the
neighbourhood. People faced with having to live near a waste facility can genuinely feel that
somehow they, and their families, must be ‘rubbish’ people for having to live near it and that the
planning authority and waste management company must think that they are ‘rubbish’ and that
they ‘deserve’ to live near it otherwise why would they be building this in their neighbourhood.
Community concerns are therefore not just about the direct health effects of exposure to air,
water and soil pollution from dioxins, heavy metals, micro-organisms and the infestation of rats;
they are related to a whole set of interconnected questions. These include what kind of
community they want to live in, what kind of society they are a part of, why this waste is being
placed near them, who decides and how, whether they trust the operators to do the right thing
and whether they trust regulatory agencies to do the right thing. These anxieties and concerns
in themselves generate negative mental health effects that in turn can lead to minor but chronic
physical health effects. They can also cause new and pre-existing health problems to loom large
and become linked to the arrival and closeness of the waste facility.
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Health impact assessment (HIA)
HIA argues that the scientific and technical aspects of assessment are just one part of the
process. The other, equally important, part is engaging with all the relevant stakeholders with
the aim of creating a dialogue where information dissemination and discussion alongside trust
and relationship building takes place. This dialogue and relationship building does not stop with
the impact assessment. It carries on beyond it to ensure that community concerns are allayed
over the short and long terms because a relationship of mutual trust and respect has developed
between communities, waste management organisations and regulatory authorities (see Figure
2).
Figure 3: Public meeting part of a consultation process on the siting of a waste facility.
Health is not easy to define and ways of thinking about it have changed over the decades and
continues to evolve. Three key models of health are the ‘medical model’, the ‘holistic model’,
and the ‘wellness or social model’. In its basic form, the medical model views the body as a
machine that can be fixed when it does not work. Its focus is on diagnosing and treating specific
physical conditions (diseases), and therefore tends to be reactive - dealing with actual health
problems as they occur - rather than proactive - attempting to prevent them occurring in the first
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place. In this model, health is defined as the absence of disease and the presence of high levels
The holistic model of health is exemplified by the 1948 World Health Organisation (WHO)
definition, "a state of complete physical, mental and social wellbeing and not merely the
absence of disease or infirmity" (WHO, 1948). This model uses a broader definition of what
health is and encompasses the idea of the positive aspects of health by introducing the concept
of wellbeing. This WHO definition is seen by some as vague, difficult to measure and subjective
because wellbeing can only really be measured by asking a person how they feel.
The social model was developed through the WHO’s 1986 Ottawa Charter for Health Promotion
(see Figure 3). The definition argues that "[Health is] the extent to which an individual or group
is able to realise aspirations and satisfy needs, and to change or cope with the environment.
Health is therefore a resource for everyday life, not the objective of living; it is a positive
concept, emphasizing social and personal resources, as well as physical capacities" (WHO,
1986).
Figure 3: Social model of health; (adapted from Dahlgren and Whitehead, 1992)
HIA uses a mixed model approach that while valuing the biomedical model places more
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Similar to environmental impact assessment, HIA involves seven main stages:
Screening
A quick review is carried out on the potential of a plan or project to impact on a community’s
health. This helps ensure that effort and resources are targeted appropriately. The type of HIA
Scoping
The breadth and what aspects will be assessed by an HIA is developed at the scoping stage
usually through a steering group made up of key representatives of the various stakeholder
The current social, economic and environmental aspects of the local area and the health and
wellbeing of the local community are profiled and used as the baseline for the assessment.
Consultations with local residents and other key stakeholder is undertaken to obtain local
contextual information and evidence about the current problems and issues in the community
and neighbourhood; what health concerns local people may have in relation to the plan or
project and, equally importantly, why they may have these health concerns.
Appraisal
A systematic appraisal of the potential impacts of the plan or project is undertaken and evidence
for these impacts is reviewed including evidence from local residents. This appraisal identifies
and assesses the likely impacts, the size and significance of these impacts and the people that
Measures to enhance potential positive and mitigate potential negative impacts are developed.
This includes communicating and discussing with local people the identified health risks, and
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the evidence for them, as well as ways of developing greater trust between the community, the
Two examples of HIAs on waste strategies and plan in the public domain, and available on the
web, are the South East Wales Regional Waste Groups HIA on its regional waste plan and the
London Health Commission’s HIA for Mayoral municipal waste strategy for London.
In 2003, the South East Wales Regional Waste Group commissioned the Applied Environmental
Research Centre, to carry out a health impact assessment on the South East Wales Regional
Waste Plan. The HIA investigated the potential health impacts of a range of waste facilities as
well as public perceptions of health impacts and a WISARD life cycle assessment (South East
In 2001, the Mayor of London undertook a series of HIAs on the draft mayoral strategies for
London. The HIA for the draft municipal waste strategy involved a review of the research
evidence on the health effects of waste and a half-day appraisal workshop involving forty key
Two examples of HIAs on waste facilities in the public domain, and available on the web, are
Waste Recycling Group’s HIA carried out as part of an environmental impact assessment for the
Eastcroft energy from waste facility and North Sheffield Primary Care Trust’s (PCT) HIA of the
In 2005, a HIA was undertaken, as part of the environmental impact assessment, of the third
line extension of the Eastcroft energy from waste facility. The remit of the HIA was to assess the
potential direct health impacts arising from exposure to the emissions from the waste to energy
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facility. The assessment was a health risk assessment of the potential health impacts of the
emissions from the proposed extension of the facility but this formed part of an overall process
where early discussions with Nottingham City Council were initiated and the local community
consulted six months before a planning submission was made (Waste Recycling Group, 2005).
Between 2002-05, the Director of Public Health for North Sheffield completed a three year HIA
on the Parkwood landfill site and its potential negative health impacts on local communities.
This was a comprehensive epidemiological analysis of the health impacts on residents living
near the landfill and included a perceived health status survey of local residents (North Sheffield
Conclusion
Many waste operators assume that human health impacts are fully considered under the health
assessment required by the IPPC framework. However, IPPC regulations currently require a
health assessment to be undertaken only on the direct impacts of potential harmful emissions
resulting from a waste facility (Health Protection Agency, 2004). The IPPC health assessment
neither considers the health impacts due to traffic, to and from the site, nor those due to social
and economic factors related to the operation of the waste facility. These issues are expected to
be raised within the planning system when planning permission to site the facility is sought.
Therefore, a HIA undertaken during the planning process complements and feeds into the IPPC
permitting process.
Additionally, primary care trusts, who have responsibility for local community health, face many
other public health demands and hence their timescales for action tend to be longer than those
assessments with the cooperation and participation of local Directors of Public Health can
ensure that health issues are dealt with early. Thereby reassuring communities that they are
considering and addressing the potential negative health impacts arising from the operation of a
The experience of Peter Brett Associates suggests that waste management operators should be
more proactive in tackling the health, wellbeing and quality of life concerns of local communities.
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To reduce community distrust, protest and conflict they need to demonstrate in a variety of ways
that they care about and are willing to do as much as possible to deal positively and
constructively with residents’ concerns. A comprehensive HIA by bringing together the science,
the community and the human factor into one holistic approach is one key way of doing this.
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References
Dahlgren, G. and Whitehead, M. (1991). Policies and strategies to promote social equity in
Department of Environment, Food and Rural Affairs - DEFRA (2006); Review of England’s
Department of Environment, Food and Rural Affairs - DEFRA (2004) Review of the
Department of Environment, Food and Rural Affairs - DEFRA (2000); Waste strategy 2000 for
Health Protection Agency (2004), Integrated pollution prevention and control (IPPC) a guide for
Primary Care Trusts and Local Health Boards Vol. 1: Introduction to IPPC, Birmingham.
Health Protection Agency (2004), Integrated pollution prevention and control (IPPC) a guide for
Primary Care Trusts and Local Health Boards Vol. 2: Responding to IPPC applications,
Birmingham.
London Health Commission (2001); HIA – The mayor’s draft municipal waste strategy. Last
March 2006
http://courseweb.edteched.uottawa.ca/epi5251/Index_notes/Definitions%20of%20Health.htm
North Sheffield Primary Care Trust (2005); Parkwood landfill site health impact assessment
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North Sheffield Primary Care Trust (2003); Parkwood landfill site health impact assessment
Scottish Environment Protection Agency - SEPA (1999); National waste strategy; HMSO.
South East Wales Regional Waste Group (2003); South East Wales regional waste plan health
Vennells L. (2003); Fury over Parkwood health study; Burngreave Messenger; Sheffield.
Vohra S. (2003). "Understanding public perceptions of environmental and health Risks and
integrating them into the EIA, siting and planning process", PhD thesis, London School of
Waste Online (2004); History of waste and recycling. Last accessed 23 March 2006
Waste Recycling Group (2005); Health impact assessment for the proposed third line extension
of the Eastcroft energy from waste plant. Last accessed 23 March 2006
http://www.wrg.co.uk/eastcroft/eastcroft-energy-from-waste-facility.asp?link=87
World Health Organisation (1986); Ottawa Charter for Health Promotion. Last accessed 23
World Health Organisation (1948); Preamble to the Constitution of the World Health
Organization as adopted by the International Health Conference, New York, 19-22 June, 1946;
signed on 22 July 1946 by the representatives of 61 States (Official Records of the World Health
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Author & presenter’s details
Waterman Place,
Reading,
Berkshire.
RG1 8DN
E-mail: svohra@pba.co.uk
Website: www.pba.co.uk
Biography
Salim is a public health specialist with expertise in health impact assessment, stakeholder
He has worked with a diverse range of public and private sector agencies on health impact
issues. Most recently he has worked, on secondment to the Wales Centre for Health, on a
Impact Assessment’.
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