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First, Extend the alternative of rejecting the affs western
subjectivity and engaging in a deconstructive psychoanalytical
approach to the world and the subaltern This solves all of the K
Engaging in a deconstructive psychoanalytic approach to the
affirmatives problems allows us to find a real political solution while
avoiding the subjection of the subaltern by deconstructive the
dominant paradigm of western subjectivity, allowing us to uncover
there justifications, assumptions and underlying cultural drives
Only this approach allows to know the other and experience the
other, giving the subaltern a voice Thats Spivak 82
AND We need to reject the utopian fantasies of the affirmatives
project. Only when recognizing that it is a fantasy can we endlessly
traverse and get over it.
Stavrakakis 99, Ideology and Discourse Analysis Program in the Department of Government at the
University of Essex, 1999 ( Yannis, Lacan and the Political, Ruteledge Press 76-78)
approach is to move beyond fantasy towards a self-critical symbolic gesture recognising the contingent and
transient character of every symbolic construct. This is a scientific discourse different from the reified science of
standard modernity. I take my lead, in this regard, from Lacans text Science and Truth (it is the opening lecture of
his 1965-6 seminar on The Object of Psychoanalysis). In this particular text, Jacques Lacan stages a critique of
modern science as it has been articulated up to now, that is as a discourse constantly identifying the knowledge it
produces with the truth of the real. If the constitutive, non-reducible character of the real introduces a lack into
human reality, to our scientific constructions of reality for example, science usually attempts to suture and
eliminate this gap. Lacan, for his part, stresses the importance of that which puts in danger this self-fulfilling nature
of scientific axioms: the importance of the real, of the element which is not developing according to what we think
about it. In that sense, science la Lacan entails the recognition of the structural causality of the real as the
element which interrupts the smooth flow of our fantasmatic and symbolic representations of reality. Within such a
context, this real, the obstacle encountered by standard science, is not bypassed discretely but introduced within
the theory it can destabilise. The point here is that truth as the encounter with the real is encountered face to face
Verwerfung of the Thing which is presupposed by the ideal of absolute knowledge, an ideal which as everybody
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knowswas historically proved in the end to be a failure (VII: 131). In other words, we cannot be certain that
definite knowledge is attainable. In fact, for Lacan, certainty is not something we should attribute to our knowledge
of things. Certainty is a defining characteristic of psychosis. In Lacans view, it constitutes its elementary
phenomenon, the basis of delusional belief (III:75). Opening up our symbolic resources to uncertainty is, on the
other hand, the only prudent move we have left. What we can know has to be expressed within the structure of
language but this structure has to incorporate a recognition of its own limits. This is not a development which
should cause unease; as Nancy has put it What will become of our world is something we cannot know, and we can
that Of
Grammatology, a large section of the texts contained in Writing and Difference and Margins of
Philosophy, and at least up until and including Dissemination, can be read as giving a
systematic answer (which is not the same as the answer of a system) to a fundamental
question, a question that Derrida gives its unary trait by repeatedly aligning it with what he considers the
question of metaphysics itself. In these texts, the local question of one particular
thinker, be it Husserl, Plato, Austin, Artaud, or his contemporary Foucault, is raised to the
dignity of a deconstruction of metaphysics. I would argue that this is the
reason why it is not wrong to consider this part of Derridas work as
inaugurating, or at least co-founding, a poststructuralist program. The
question of metaphysics was only interrogated anew, that is, given a genuinely
novel philosophical form, with the high tide of structuralism. We are tempted to paraphrase the question as follows:
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6|AIDS
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Alternative 2NR
At the top The criticism solves and turns case Rejecting the affs
western subjectivity and engaging in a deconstructive
psychoanalytical approach to the world and the subaltern allows us
to find a real political solution while avoiding the subjugation of the
subaltern by deconstructive the dominant paradigm of western
subjectivity which underlies the affs justification and harms Thats
Spivak 82 Theres three implications here:
First, the only way to change the world and answer the problems of
reality is the alternative We fundamentally question and change
the underlying assumptions and subconscious drives that cause the
affirmative impacts Only the alternative can solve Thats Wilberg
11
Second, the affs approach is steeped in symbolizing reality and
fixes only the ways in which we interact with our perception of
reality This is doomed to fail until it we question how we got to the
point were at and begin rejecting utopian plans that rely of link
chains upon link chains to some odd impact. This approaches forces
us to become obsessed with our fantasy of reality Guts all
solvency Thats Stavrakakis 99
Third, Even if they prove that their plan solves 100% of the plan
The alternative solves it as well, with risk of the silencing of the
subaltern This means risk of the criticism is a vote negative
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Race
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READ ME
So it's basically, race teams use the oppression of X group to talk
about their oppression, or another groups oppression, or even
identify with it, and that becomes a symbol of the entirety of
racialized movments. This is Metonymy (Meh-Ton-Amy)
The alt would be self-synecdoche (SIH-nec-dih-key), which would
look at one individual's struggle and allow them to retain their
identity, rally behind that person. This solves the aff, while avoiding
the creation of universals and the colonization, mentally, of all
encompassing symbols of the movment
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Why has critical theory failed to make overarching changes in the
world? Why does writing about feminism and race never make a
substantial change to the problem? The problem lies in metonymy,
an ideology and identity becoming the particular for every subject
that underlies the movement. The race oppressed is a singular
subject that applies to every particular subject. This genealogy
enacts the same representational and epistemological violence that
they hope to confront. The affirmative conflates two senses of the
word representation. First, Representation as in direct proxy or
political representation. And second, re-presentation as in painting
a portrait. When they conflate the two senses, they create a static,
unified, whole Other, from which we cant learn or know the truth of
the situation or experience. There is no one concrete experience of
the Other from which we can base a genealogy or a politics. This
framing engages in this problematic representational strategy that
erases their own subject position and political interest and creates
violent essentialist utopian politics. This turns case.
Spivak 99 (GayatriChakravorty, Columbia, A critique of postcolonial reason: toward a history of the
vanishing present)
knowing, politically canny subalterns stands revealed; representing them, the intellectuals represent themselves
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as transparent. If such a critique and such a project are not to be given up, the shifting distinctions between
representation within the state and political economy, on the one hand, and within the theory of the Subject, on
the other, must not be obliterated. Let us consider the play of vertreten ("represent" in the first sense) and
darstellen ("re-present" in the second sense) in a famous passage in The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte,
where Marx touches on "class" as a descriptive and transformative concept in a manner somewhat more complex
than Althusser's distinction between class instinct and class position would allow. This is important in the context
of the argument from the working class both from our two philosophers and "political" third-world feminism from
the metropolis.Marx's
existence, which might be considered the arena of "instinct," is discontinuous with, though operated by, the
differential isolation of classes. In this context, one far more pertinent to the France of the 1970s than it can be to
the international periphery, the formation of a class is artificial and economic, and the economic agency or interest
is impersonal because it is systematic and heterogeneous. This agency or interest is tied to the Hegelian critique
of the individual subject, for it marks the subject's empty place in that process without a subject which is history
and political economy. Here the capitalist is defined as "the conscious bearer [Triiger] of the limidess movement of
monster brings this home vividly. 96 The following passage, continuing the quotation from The
EighteenthBrumaire, is also working on the structural principle of a dispersed and dislocated class subject: the
(absent collective) consciousness of the small peasant proprietor class finds its "bearer" in a "representative" who
appears to work in another's interest. "Representative" here does not derive from darstellen; this sharpens the
contrast Foucault andDeleuze slide over, the contrast, say, between a proxy and a portrait. There
is, of
course, a relationship between them, one that has received political and ideological
exacerbation in the European tradition at least since the poet and the sophist, the actor and the orator, have both
we thus
encounter a much older debate: between representation or rhetoric as
tropology and as persuasion. Darstellen belongs to the first constellation, vertreten-with
stronger suggestions of substitution- to the second. Again, they are related, but running
them together, especially in order to say that beyond both is where
oppressed subjects speak, act, and know for themselves, leads to
an essentialist, utopian politics that can, when transferred to single-issue gender
rather than class, give unquestioning support tQ4-the :financialization of the globe, which
ruthlessly constructs a general will in the credit-baited rural woman
even as it "format"s her through UN Plans of Action so that she can
be "developed." Beyond this concatenation, transparent as rhetoric
in the service of "truth" has always made itself out to be, is the
much-invoked oppressed subject (as Woman), speaking, acting, and
knowing that gender in development is best for her. It is in the
shadow of this unfortunate marionette that the history of the
unheeded subaltern must unfold.
been seen as harmful. In the guise of a post-Marxist decription of the scene of power,
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The problem with identity politics is that the universal/particular. On
the one hand, you look to the universal - represenatation. On the
other hand, you look to the particular - ___insert aff group___.
Politics, with its emphasis on difference, moves from the universal
to the particular, but this maintains metonymy.
Metonymy is where one takes the part for the whole. If I talk about
"the throne" Im talking about British royalty. If I talk about Trayvon
Martin, Im talking about racialization and oppression. That one
object comes to stand for the whole. If I talk about "the (Louisville)
project", I am referring to any racial liberation argument that
creates liberation for all those repressed in debate. Thats Spivak
99
When one writes about difference, that difference becomes
universalized for the entire group, so we talk about race struggles
and racial rights in the abstract, and it comes to stand for the group
and identity that race writ large.
That's why "just writing about women does not solve the problem of
the gendered subaltern." The women one writes about come to
stand for Woman itself, as a universal. How in the hell is ___insert aff
here_______. This form of violence rests on the universal-particular
This removes the ability for people within any movement or group
to have an identity This is the root cause of all power struggles
Spivak 05 Guyatri Chakravorty, Columbia University, Scattered speculations on the subaltern and the
popular, Postcolonial Studies Vol. 8 No. 4, pp. 475-486, 2005 Routledge
Bhaduri was metaleptically substituting effect for cause and producing an idea of national liberation by her suicide.
an idea of national liberation was produced by , socalled, terrorist movements.23 It was a frightening, solitary , and
Clytemnestralike project for a woman.
Chatterjees argument is that
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Deleuze
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1NC
First, Deleuze confines the decentering of the subject to the subject
of the West, which problematizes the non-Western other as real and
knowable. Deleuze makes it impossible to confer with the subaltern
in a discursive practice, which assumes that the subject is always
already the subject of the West. This turns the K by issuing a new
Oedipal system and guts solvency, which reinstituting an
essentialist subject of the Other
Spivak 99 (GayatriChakravorty, Columbia, Can The Subaltern Speak?, Jcook.)
Deleuze and Guattari have attempted an alternative
definition of desire, revising the one offered by psychoanalysis: "Desire does not lack
anything; it does not lack its object. It is, rather, the subject that is
lacking in desire, or desire that lacks a fixed subject; there is no
fixed subject except by repression. Desire and its object are a unity:
it is the machine, as a machine of a machine. Desire is machine, the object of desire
also a connected machine, so that the product is lifted from the
process of producing,and something detaches itself from producing
to product and gives a leftover to the vagabond, nomad subject."7 This
definition does not alter the specificity of the desiring subject (or
leftover subject-effect) that attaches to specific instances of desire or to
production of the desiring machine. Moreover, when the connection
between desire and the subject is taken as irrelevant or merely reversed,
the subject-effect that surreptitiously emerges is much like the
generalized ideological subject of the theorist. This may be the legal subject of
Elsewhere,
socialized capital, neither labor nor management, holding a "strong" passport, using a "strong" or "hard" currency,
with supposedly unquestioned access to due process. It is certainly not the desiring subject as Other.The
not ignore the immense institutional heterogeneity that Althusser here attempts to schematize. Similarly, in
speaking of alliances and systems of signs, the state and war-machines (mille plateaux), Deleuze and Guattari are
opening up that very field. Foucault cannot, however, admit that a developed theory of ideology recognizes its own
material production in institutionality, as well as in the "effective instruments for the formation and accumulation
of knowledge" (PK, 102). Because
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desire is
tacitly defined on an orthodox model, it is unitarily opposed to
"being deceived." Ideology as "false consciousness" (being deceived) has been called into question by
hegemony of desire. The race for "the last instance" is now between economics and power. Because
Althusser. Even Reich implied notions of collective will rather than a dichotomy of deception and undeceived
desire: "We must accept the scream of Reich: no, the masses were not deceived; at a particular moment, they
actually desired a fascist regime" (FD, 215). These philosophers will not entertain the thought of constitutive
Foucault often seems to conflate "individual" and "subject"; 10 and the impact on his own metaphors is perhaps
intensified in his followers. Because of the power of the word "power," Foucault admits to using the "metaphor of
the point which progressively irradiates its surroundings." Such slips become the rule rather than the exception in
less careful hands. And that radiating point, animating an effectively heliocentric discourse, fills the empty place
of the agent with the historical sun of theory,the Subject of Europe. I I Foucault articulates another corollary of the
disavowal of the role of ideology in reproducing the social relations of production: an unquestioned valorization of
the oppressed as subject, the "object being," as Deleuze admiringly remarks, "to establish conditions where the
prisoners themselves would be able to speak." Foucault adds that "the masses know perfectly well, clearly" -once
again the thematics of being undeceived-"they know far better than [the intellectual] and they certainly say it very
well" (FD, 206, 207).What happens to the critique of the sovereign subject in these pronouncements? The limits
of this representationalist realism are reached with Deleuze: "Reality is what actually happens in a factory, in a
appeal of prisoners, soldiers,and schoolchildren is disclosed through the concrete experience of the intellectual,
the intellectual
within socialized capital, brandishing concrete experience, can help
consolidate the international division of labor.
the one who diagnoses the episteme. 12 Neither Deleuze nor Foucault seems aware that
Second, The alt: Reject the affs western subjectivity and engage in a
deconstructive psychoanalytical approach to the world and the
subaltern
A deconstructive psychoanalytic approach to ethics and actions is
the only way of giving the subaltern a voice It puts the
psychoanalyst in a position that ensures solvency, while avoiding
the problems of political powers which leaves a normative system
that links to the K This kills perm solvency
Spivak 82 (Gayatri Chakravorty, Columbia, The Politics of Interpretations, JCook.)
But the most interesting sign of disciplinary privileging is found in Julia Kristeva's "Psychoanalysis and the Polis."
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Third, Desire and Lack are not just productive They are equally
negative
Little a is that desire wants to be fulfilled i.e. negated
Little b is that desire is one thing that can only be described as no
other desire besides the desire it is Desire and lack are in an of
themselves infinitely negative to any other desire to affirm their
existence
Fourth, this means our K must come first Only a deconstructive
psychoanalysis can analyze all aspects of desire and lack Only the
alt solves
Wilberg 11 (Henrik S., PhD candidate in German Literature and Critical Thought at Northwestern University
and 201011 Yarrington Fellow at cole normale suprieure, Paris. His dissertation project is an investigation of the
figure of infinite judgment in the transformation of language, logic, and aesthetics in early nineteenth-century
German literature and philosophy, No Outside of Psychoanalysis: Towards a Grammatological Concept of the
Unconscious, JCook.)
The
signifier is absolutely negative; it is what all other signifiers are not.
It is pure difference in the symbolic field, whereas the letter is of a
positive order (Milner 12832). This is already the heart of the matter, the
same question raised by the talking cure: how a system of negative
Why should we insist on this point? Let us quickly recall some elements of the Lacanian doctrine.
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differentiation can produce an effect in the real, that is, one which is
not purely negative, La lettre radicalement est effet de [End Page 154] discours (Lacan, Sminaire
XX: 36). One could say, very concisely, that the letter is that which makes a difference
where there is no(-o)ne.6 From this follows that the signifier is restricted to
the symbolic, whereas the letter ties it to the two other registers,
the I and the R, completing its nodal structure. Also, within the framework of The
Purloined Letter, there is not simply differentiation of positions but actual transformative acts, in this case the (at
least) two cases of theft. The letter is transmissible, as the signifier qua signifier cannot transmit anything. Once
attuned to this question, one can even sense occasionally a lack of conviction sneaking into Derridas reading: a
milieu of ideality: hence the eminence of the transcendental whose effect is to maintain presence, to wit phon.
Lacanian discourse, and refuses to pass the judgment of phonocentrism on Lacans idea of the
matheme, his mathematical rewriting of psychoanalysis.
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Alternative 2NC
First, Extend the alternative of rejecting the affs western
subjectivity and engaging in a deconstructive psychoanalytical
approach to the world and the subaltern This solves all of the K
Engaging in a deconstructive psychoanalytic approach to the
affirmatives problems allows us to find a real political solution while
avoiding the subjection of the subaltern by deconstructive the
dominant paradigm of western subjectivity, allowing us to uncover
there justifications, assumptions and underlying cultural drives
Only this approach allows to know the other and experience the
other, giving the subaltern a voice Thats Spivak 82
*same as Decon. K2 Psycho.*
Second, The alternative is a prerequisite to philosophical thought
It question the very basic foundation of thought and understanding
Combining it with psychoanalysis is key to create a movement that
truly transforms the Real, by engaging in an approach that
understand our unconscious drives as well as societal influences
Wilberg 11 (Henrik S., PhD candidate in German Literature and Critical Thought at Northwestern University
and 201011 Yarrington Fellow at cole normale suprieure, Paris. His dissertation project is an investigation of the
figure of infinite judgment in the transformation of language, logic, and aesthetics in early nineteenth-century
German literature and philosophy, No Outside of Psychoanalysis: Towards a Grammatological Concept of the
Unconscious, JCook.)
I have already sketched out the difficulties facing a grammatological concept of the unconscious. In order to
alleviate them somewhat, I will permit myself to argue the following, namely,
that Of
Grammatology, a large section of the texts contained in Writing and Difference and Margins of
Philosophy, and at least up until and including Dissemination, can be read as giving a
systematic answer (which is not the same as the answer of a system) to a fundamental
question, a question that Derrida gives its unary trait by repeatedly aligning it with what he considers the
question of metaphysics itself. In these texts, the local question of one particular
thinker, be it Husserl, Plato, Austin, Artaud, or his contemporary Foucault, is raised to the
dignity of a deconstruction of metaphysics. I would argue that this is the
reason why it is not wrong to consider this part of Derridas work as
inaugurating, or at least co-founding, a poststructuralist program. The
question of metaphysics was only interrogated anew, that is, given a genuinely
novel philosophical form, with the high tide of structuralism. We are tempted to paraphrase the question as follows:
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Alternative 2NR
At the top The criticism solves and turns case Rejecting the affs
western subjectivity and engaging in a deconstructive
psychoanalytical approach to the world and the subaltern allows us
to find a real political solution while avoiding the subjugation of the
subaltern by deconstructive the dominant paradigm of western
subjectivity which underlies the affs justification and harms Thats
Spivak 82 Theres three implications here:
First, the only way to change the world and answer the problems of
reality is the alternative We fundamentally question and change
the underlying assumptions and subconscious drives that cause the
affirmative impacts Only the alternative can solve Thats Wilberg
11
Second, Even if they prove that their plan solves 100% of the plan
The alternative solves it as well, with risk of the silencing of the
subaltern This means risk of the criticism is a vote negative
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Foucault
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1NC
First, Foucault confines the decentering of the subject to the subject
of the West, which problematizes the non-Western other as real and
knowable. Foucault makes it impossible to confer with the subaltern
in a discursive practice, which assumes that the subject is always
already the subject of the West. This turns the K by issuing a new
power system and guts solvency, which reinstituting an essentialist
subject of the Other
Spivak 99 (GayatriChakravorty, Columbia, Can The Subaltern Speak?,Jcook.)
The failure of Deleuze and Guattari to consider the relations between desire, power, and subjectivity renders them
incapable of articulating a theory of interests. In this context, their indifference to ideology (a theory of which is
necessary for an understanding of interests) is striking but consistent. Foucault's commitment to "genealogical"
speculation prevents him from locating, in "great names" like Marx and Freud, watersheds in some continuous
stream of intellectual history.8 This commitment has created an unfortunate resistance in Foucault's work to
relation between desire and interest is clear in such sentences as: "We never desire against our interests, because
interest always follows and finds itself where desire has placed it" (FD, 215). An undifferentiated desire is the
agent,and power slips in to create the effects of desire: "power ... produces positive effects at the level of desireand also at the level of knowledge" (PK, 59). This parasubjective matrix, cross-hatched with heterogeneity, ushers
in the unnamed Subject, at least for those intellectual workers influenced by the new hegemony of desire. The race
and undeceived desire: "We must accept the scream of Reich: no, the masses were not deceived; at a particular
moment, they actually desired a fascist regime" (FD, 215). These philosophers will not entertain the thought of
constitutive contradiction-that is where they admittedly part company from the Left. In the name of desire, they
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appeal of prisoners, soldiers,and schoolchildren is disclosed through the concrete experience of the intellectual,
the intellectual
within socialized capital, brandishing concrete experience, can help
consolidate the international division of labor.
the one who diagnoses the episteme. 12 Neither Deleuze nor Foucault seems aware that
Second, The alt: Reject the affs western subjectivity and engage in a
deconstructive psychoanalytical approach to the world and the
subaltern
A deconstructive psychoanalytic approach to ethics and actions is
the only way of giving the subaltern a voice It puts the
psychoanalyst in a position that ensures solvency, while avoiding
the problems of political powers which leaves a normative system
that links to the K This kills perm solvency
Spivak 82 (Gayatri Chakravorty, Columbia, The Politics of Interpretations, JCook.)
But the most interesting sign of disciplinary privileging is found in Julia Kristeva's "Psychoanalysis and the Polis."
delirium. Certain kinds of fiction writers and, one presumes, analysands and social engineers try to dominate,
transform, and exterminate improper "objects" awakened in the place of the abject. The psychoanalyst,
however, wins out over both mad writer and man of politics. "Knowing
that he is constantly in abjection [none of the problems of this position is discussed in
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Alternative 2NC
First, Extend the alternative of rejecting the affs western
subjectivity and engaging in a deconstructive psychoanalytical
approach to the world and the subaltern This solves all of the K
Engaging in a deconstructive psychoanalytic approach to the
affirmatives problems allows us to find a real political solution while
avoiding the subjection of the subaltern by deconstructive the
dominant paradigm of western subjectivity, allowing us to uncover
there justifications, assumptions and underlying cultural drives
Only this approach allows to know the other and experience the
other, giving the subaltern a voice Thats Spivak 82
*same as Decon. K2 Psycho.*
Third, The alternative is a prerequisite to philosophical thought It
question the very basic foundation of thought and understanding
Combining it with psychoanalysis is key to create a movement that
truly transforms the Real, by engaging in an approach that
understand our unconscious drives as well as societal influences
Wilberg 11 (Henrik S., PhD candidate in German Literature and Critical Thought at Northwestern University
and 201011 Yarrington Fellow at cole normale suprieure, Paris. His dissertation project is an investigation of the
figure of infinite judgment in the transformation of language, logic, and aesthetics in early nineteenth-century
German literature and philosophy, No Outside of Psychoanalysis: Towards a Grammatological Concept of the
Unconscious, JCook.)
I have already sketched out the difficulties facing a grammatological concept of the unconscious. In order to
alleviate them somewhat, I will permit myself to argue the following, namely,
that Of
Grammatology, a large section of the texts contained in Writing and Difference and Margins of
Philosophy, and at least up until and including Dissemination, can be read as giving a
systematic answer (which is not the same as the answer of a system) to a fundamental
question, a question that Derrida gives its unary trait by repeatedly aligning it with what he considers the
question of metaphysics itself. In these texts, the local question of one particular
thinker, be it Husserl, Plato, Austin, Artaud, or his contemporary Foucault, is raised to the
dignity of a deconstruction of metaphysics. I would argue that this is the
reason why it is not wrong to consider this part of Derridas work as
inaugurating, or at least co-founding, a poststructuralist program. The
question of metaphysics was only interrogated anew, that is, given a genuinely
novel philosophical form, with the high tide of structuralism. We are tempted to paraphrase the question as follows:
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Alternative 2NR
At the top The criticism solves and turns case Rejecting the affs
western subjectivity and engaging in a deconstructive
psychoanalytical approach to the world and the subaltern allows us
to find a real political solution while avoiding the subjugation of the
subaltern by deconstructive the dominant paradigm of western
subjectivity which underlies the affs justification and harms Thats
Spivak 82 Theres three implications here:
First, the only way to change the world and answer the problems of
reality is the alternative We fundamentally question and change
the underlying assumptions and subconscious drives that cause the
affirmative impacts Only the alternative can solve Thats Wilberg
11
Second, Even if they prove that their plan solves 100% of the plan
The alternative solves it as well, with risk of the silencing of the
subaltern This means risk of the criticism is a vote negative
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Capitalism
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1NC
First, Anti-capitalist movements inevitably fall into a socialization of
the female body, abstracting labor This specter haunts the worker
and removes their subjectivity from the world Their alternative
works in a system that reproduces itself again and again in the
subconscious and the continuation of their system
Spivak 95 (Gayatri Chakravorty, Columbia, Ghostwriting, Jcook.)
by way of a Marxist theorization of reproductive
engineering and population control, as the socialization of
reproductive labor-power, not "the feminization of labor." (The
I would expand this,
nonexhaustive taxonomy that such a theorization has allowed me, tentatively, to formalize in the classroom I offer
here in shorthand, in the hope that Marxist-feminists active in global economic resistance will be able to reproduce
the abstract average subject of rights for woman's identity); (2)surrogacy (metaphoricsubstitutionof abstract
average reproductive labor power as fulfilled female subject of motherhood); (3) transplant (displacement of
eroticism and generalized presupposed subject of immediate affect); (4) population control (objectification of the
female subject of exploitation to produce alibis for hypersize through demographic rationalization); (5) post-Fordist
homeworking (classical coding of the spectrality of reason as empiricist individualism, complicated by gender
ideology). It is only after a discussion of a possible taxonomy of the recoding of this socialization that I would
describe the theatre of global resistance where these issues are now paramount.)' According, then, to the strictest
greater length in Spivak, Outside 107 ff.]. (It wasn't Freud alone-as Glas insists-who speculated with the fetish.)
apparently ran an ad offering high prices for the unfertilized ova of students. Chickens have supplied this
commodity without consent or remuneration for some time now. In Marxian terms, domesticated poultry is
instrurnentum demi-vocale, domesticated human females caught in feudal patterns of loyalty (elaborately coded
by psychoanalysis asdeep-structural) are insh-umenta vocale, and the students are "free lab~r . " ) 'A~s
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this conclusion by considering a text by two great practitioners of the critique: "Intellectuals and Power: A
Conversation between Michel Foucault and Gilles Deleuze. "3 I have chosen this friendly exchange between two
activist philosophers of history because it undoes the opposition between authoritative theoretical production and
the unguarded practice of conversation, enabling one to glimpse the track of ideology. The participants in this
conversation emphasize the most important contributions of French poststructuralist theory: first, that the
networks of power/desire/interest are so heterogeneous that their reduction to a coherent narrative is
counterproductive-a persistent critique is needed; and second, that intellectuals must attempt to disclose and
know the discourse of society's Other. Yet the two systematically ignore the question of ideology and their own
implication in intellectual and economic history. Although one of its chief presuppositions is the critique of the
sovereign subject, the conversation between Foucault and Deleuze is framed by two monolithic and anonymous
subjects-in-revolution: "A Maoist" (FD, 205) and "the workers' struggle" (FD, 217). Intellectuals, however, are
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fundamentally beyond the insights of these professional conspirators .... He could perhaps have made Flaubert's
statement, "Of all of politics I understand only one thing: the revolt," his own.6
Third, The alt: Reject the affs western subjectivity and engage in a
deconstructive psychoanalytical approach to the world and the
subaltern
A deconstructive psychoanalytic approach to ethics and actions is
the only way of giving the subaltern a voice It puts the
psychoanalyst in a position that ensures solvency, while avoiding
the problems of political powers which leaves a normative system
that links to the K This kills perm solvency
Spivak 82 (Gayatri Chakravorty, Columbia, The Politics of Interpretations, JCook.)
But the most interesting sign of disciplinary privileging is found in Julia Kristeva's "Psychoanalysis and the Polis."
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the problems with Human Rights and International Law lobbies is that they are so irreproachably well-bred),
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approach is to move beyond fantasy towards a self-critical symbolic gesture recognising the contingent and
transient character of every symbolic construct. This is a scientific discourse different from the reified science of
standard modernity. I take my lead, in this regard, from Lacans text Science and Truth (it is the opening lecture of
his 1965-6 seminar on The Object of Psychoanalysis). In this particular text, Jacques Lacan stages a critique of
modern science as it has been articulated up to now, that is as a discourse constantly identifying the knowledge it
produces with the truth of the real. If the constitutive, non-reducible character of the real introduces a lack into
human reality, to our scientific constructions of reality for example, science usually attempts to suture and
eliminate this gap. Lacan, for his part, stresses the importance of that which puts in danger this self-fulfilling nature
of scientific axioms: the importance of the real, of the element which is not developing according to what we think
about it. In that sense, science la Lacan entails the recognition of the structural causality of the real as the
element which interrupts the smooth flow of our fantasmatic and symbolic representations of reality. Within such a
context, this real, the obstacle encountered by standard science, is not bypassed discretely but introduced within
the theory it can destabilise. The point here is that truth as the encounter with the real is encountered face to face
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impossible real. For Lacan, what is involved in the structuration of the discourse of science is a certain
Verwerfung of the Thing which is presupposed by the ideal of absolute knowledge, an ideal which as everybody
knowswas historically proved in the end to be a failure (VII: 131). In other words, we cannot be certain that
definite knowledge is attainable. In fact, for Lacan, certainty is not something we should attribute to our knowledge
of things. Certainty is a defining characteristic of psychosis. In Lacans view, it constitutes its elementary
phenomenon, the basis of delusional belief (III:75). Opening up our symbolic resources to uncertainty is, on the
other hand, the only prudent move we have left. What we can know has to be expressed within the structure of
language but this structure has to incorporate a recognition of its own limits. This is not a development which
should cause unease; as Nancy has put it What will become of our world is something we cannot know, and we can
that Of
Grammatology, a large section of the texts contained in Writing and Difference and Margins of
Philosophy, and at least up until and including Dissemination, can be read as giving a
systematic answer (which is not the same as the answer of a system) to a fundamental
question, a question that Derrida gives its unary trait by repeatedly aligning it with what he considers the
question of metaphysics itself. In these texts, the local question of one particular
thinker, be it Husserl, Plato, Austin, Artaud, or his contemporary Foucault, is raised to the
dignity of a deconstruction of metaphysics. I would argue that this is the
reason why it is not wrong to consider this part of Derridas work as
inaugurating, or at least co-founding, a poststructuralist program. The
question of metaphysics was only interrogated anew, that is, given a genuinely
novel philosophical form, with the high tide of structuralism. We are tempted to paraphrase the question as follows:
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Links
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Capitalism
First, Your criticism ignores the subaltern voice that is deeply
intertwined in the division of labor This makes the subaltern silent
as well as re-entrenches in the foundation of oppression that
allowed capitalism to take hold Turns the criticism
Spivak 99 (GayatriChakravorty, Columbia, Can The Subaltern Speak?,Jcook.)
Some of the most radical criticism coming out of the West today is
the result of an interested desire to conserve the subject of the
West, or the West as SUbject. The theory of pluralized "subjecteffects" gives an illusion of undermining SUbjective sovereignty
while often providing a cover for this subject of knowledge. Although the
history of Europe as Subject is narrativized by the law, political economy, and ideology of the West, this concealed
this conclusion by considering a text by two great practitioners of the critique: "Intellectuals and Power: A
Conversation between Michel Foucault and Gilles Deleuze. "3 I have chosen this friendly exchange between two
activist philosophers of history because it undoes the opposition between authoritative theoretical production and
the unguarded practice of conversation, enabling one to glimpse the track of ideology. The participants in this
conversation emphasize the most important contributions of French poststructuralist theory: first, that the
networks of power/desire/interest are so heterogeneous that their reduction to a coherent narrative is
counterproductive-a persistent critique is needed; and second, that intellectuals must attempt to disclose and
know the discourse of society's Other. Yet the two systematically ignore the question of ideology and their own
implication in intellectual and economic history. Although one of its chief presuppositions is the critique of the
sovereign subject, the conversation between Foucault and Deleuze is framed by two monolithic and anonymous
subjects-in-revolution: "A Maoist" (FD, 205) and "the workers' struggle" (FD, 217). Intellectuals, however, are
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fundamentally beyond the insights of these professional conspirators .... He could perhaps have made Flaubert's
statement, "Of all of politics I understand only one thing: the revolt," his own.6
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Capitalism/Marx Specific
First, Your criticism ignores the subaltern voice that is deeply
intertwined in the division of labor This makes the subaltern silent
as well as re-entrenches in the foundation of oppression that
allowed capitalism to take hold Turns the criticism
Spivak 99 (GayatriChakravorty, Columbia, Can The Subaltern Speak?,Jcook.)
Marx's contention here is that the descriptive definition of a class can
be a differential one-its cutting off and difference from all other
classes: "in so far as millions of families live under economic
conditions of existence that cut off their mode of life, their interest,
and their formation from those of the other classes and place them
in inimical confrontation [feindlich gagenf1berstellen], they form a class."15 There is
no such thing as a "class instinct" at work here. In fact, the collectivity of familial
existence, which might be considered the arena of "instinct," is
discontinuous with, though operated by, the differential isolation of
classes. In this context, one far more pertinent to the France of the 1970s than it can be to the international
periphery, the formation of a class is artificial and economic, and the economic agency or interest is impersonal
because it is systematic and heterogeneous.
The small
peasant proprietors "cannot represent themselves; they must be
represented. Their representative must appear simultaneously as
their master, as an authority over them, as unrestricted
and Vertretung (as much a substitution as a representation) are dislocated and incoherent:
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governmental power that protects them from the other classes and
sends them rain and sunshine from above. The political influence [in
the place of the class interest, since there is no unified class subject] of the small peasant
proprietors therefore finds its last expression [the implication of a chain of
substitutions- Vertretungen- is strong here] in the executive force [Exekutivgewalt-Iess personal in
German] subordinating society to itself." Not only does such a model of social indirectionnecessary gaps between the source of "influence" (in this case the small peasant proprietors), the
"representative" (Louis Napoleon), and the historical-political phenomenon (executive control)-imply a critique of
the subject as individual agent but a critique even of the subjectivity of a collective agency. The necessarily
dislocated machine of history moves because "the identity of the interests" of these proprietors "fails to produce a
feeling of community, national links, or a political organization." The event of representation as Vertretung (in the
constellation of rhetoric-as-persuasion) behaves like a Darstellung (or rhetoric-as-trope), taking its place in the gap
between the formation of a (descriptive) class and the nonformation of a (transformative) class: " In
so far
as millions of families live under economic conditions of existence
that separate their mode of life ... they form a class. In so far as ...
the identity of their interests fails to produce a feeling of
community ... they do not form a class." The complicity of Vertreten and Darstellen, their
identity-indifference as the place of practice-since this complicity is precisely what Marxists must expose, as Marx
does in The Eighteenth Brumaire-can only be appreciated if they are not conflated by a sleight of word. It would
be merely tendentious to argue that this textualizes Marx too much, making him inaccessible to the common
"man," who, a victim of common sense, is so deeply placed in a heritage of positivism that Marx's irreducible
emphasis on the work of the negative, on the necessity for defetishizing the concrete, is persistently wrested from
him by the strongest adversary, "the historical tradition" in the air. 18 I have been trying to point out that the
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Colonial Representation
( ) Attempts to use the voice and literature of those being
oppressed by postcolonialism merely perpetuates the system by
created a homogenized representation of one, big scary colonialism,
ignore the multiple faces it wears and the multiplicity of people it
effects
Salvatore 10 [Ricardo D., Universidad Torcuato Di Tella, The Postcolonial in Latin America and the
Concept of Coloniality: A Historians Point of View, Vol. 8, No. 1, Fall 2010, 332-348,
www.ncsu.edu/project/acontracorriente, JCook.] Accessed 6/25/13.
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socialized capital, neither labor nor management, holding a "strong" passport, using a "strong" or "hard" currency,
with supposedly unquestioned access to due process. It is certainly not the desiring subject as Other.The
not ignore the immense institutional heterogeneity that Althusser here attempts to schematize. Similarly, in
speaking of alliances and systems of signs, the state and war-machines (mille plateaux), Deleuze and Guattari are
opening up that very field. Foucault cannot, however, admit that a developed theory of ideology recognizes its own
material production in institutionality, as well as in the "effective instruments for the formation and accumulation
of knowledge" (PK, 102). Because
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desire is
tacitly defined on an orthodox model, it is unitarily opposed to
"being deceived." Ideology as "false consciousness" (being deceived) has been called into question by
hegemony of desire. The race for "the last instance" is now between economics and power. Because
Althusser. Even Reich implied notions of collective will rather than a dichotomy of deception and undeceived
desire: "We must accept the scream of Reich: no, the masses were not deceived; at a particular moment, they
actually desired a fascist regime" (FD, 215). These philosophers will not entertain the thought of constitutive
Foucault often seems to conflate "individual" and "subject"; 10 and the impact on his own metaphors is perhaps
intensified in his followers. Because of the power of the word "power," Foucault admits to using the "metaphor of
the point which progressively irradiates its surroundings." Such slips become the rule rather than the exception in
less careful hands. And that radiating point, animating an effectively heliocentric discourse, fills the empty place
of the agent with the historical sun of theory,the Subject of Europe. I I Foucault articulates another corollary of the
disavowal of the role of ideology in reproducing the social relations of production: an unquestioned valorization of
the oppressed as subject, the "object being," as Deleuze admiringly remarks, "to establish conditions where the
prisoners themselves would be able to speak." Foucault adds that "the masses know perfectly well, clearly" -once
again the thematics of being undeceived-"they know far better than [the intellectual] and they certainly say it very
well" (FD, 206, 207).What happens to the critique of the sovereign subject in these pronouncements? The limits
of this representationalist realism are reached with Deleuze: "Reality is what actually happens in a factory, in a
appeal of prisoners, soldiers,and schoolchildren is disclosed through the concrete experience of the intellectual,
the intellectual
within socialized capital, brandishing concrete experience, can help
consolidate the international division of labor.
the one who diagnoses the episteme. 12 Neither Deleuze nor Foucault seems aware that
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and such a project are not to be given up, the shifting distinctions
between representation within the state and politicaleconomy, on the
one hand, and within the theory of the Subject, on the other, must not be
obliterated. Let us consider the play of vertreten ("represent" in the first sense) and darstellen ("represent" in the second sense) in a famous passage in The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, where Marx
touches on "class" as a descriptive and transformative concept in a manner somewhat more complex than
Althusser's distinction between class instinct and class position would allow.
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Democratization
First, The use of military interventions doesnt right the wrongs
done It allows a justification for new violence in the name of the
state guts solvency and props up reproductive heteronormativity
Spivak 04 (GayatriChakravorty, Avalon Foundation Professor in the Humanities at Columbia University and
the director of the Center for Comparative Literature and Society at Columbia University, Righting Wrongs.)
(https://blogs.commons.georgetown.edu/engl-218-fall2010/files/Righting-Wrongs.pdf. JCook.) Accessed 8/13/12.
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transcendentalizing Grace. Grace is caught in the figure of something like a metalepsisthe effect of an effect.
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Discourse
First, Discourse on equality is a site for identity construction that
reproduces the representation that caused your impacts while
simultaneously re-entrenching the plan in a reproductive
heteronormativity
Honkanen 07 (Katriina, rhizomes.14 summer 2007, Deconstructive Intersections.)
(http://rhizomes.net/issue14/honkanen.html. JCook.) Accessed 8/21/12.
construction for particular kind of "woman" that stands in a particular relationship both to the "man" (the Finnish
The history of Finnish women (written in the 1980s and early 1990s) is a
history of equality, but also of normalized heterosexuality (Honkanen,
man) and the nation.
1997). It is a history of mostly middle-class women's struggles to be able to participate in working-life, politics and
education and the life of the nation. One example of this discourse [4] is the well-known The Lady With the Bow: the
Story of Finnish Woman (Manninen & Setl, 1990). The book draws the history of this "equal lady", the lady with
the bow, as far back as to the stone-age, arguing that a particular rock-painting representing a figure with what can
be read as breasts and a bow proves that "Finnish women always have worked together with "their" (heterosexual)
called "the history of Finnish woman" (see also Honkanen, 2007). [18] It seems to be the politics of this very same
Woman that is advanced in recent discussions on the Finnish women's studies mailing list. This discussion was
started by Pasi Malmi, a researcher on men and masculinities, who came up with the argument that certain feminist
discourses oppress men (the list-archives are accessible and searchable in Finnish on the internet[5]). The
discussion concerns how specific (wrong) portrayals of women affect the way in which men are seen. What I see as
particularly telling in this heterocentric debate is that as long as it fails to name itself for what it is, it proceeds
endlessly with its production of gendered meanings. It also proceeds as if it were engaged in a merely descriptive
enterprisewith researchers attempting to describe how cultural meanings variously oppress either men or
women. [19] The hegemony of the two-sex model in Finnish equality discourse also leads to a strident men's
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Discovery of America
( ) The discourse around discovering America is reaped from the
occidental coloniality that created those imperial projects We
should instead use the discourse of invention, because this is truly
what happened Their discourse justifies and embraces the logic
and epistemology of the West
Mignolo 05 [Walter D., Duke University, The Idea of Latin America,
https://cdn.anonfiles.com/1349073241953.pdf, JCook.] Accessed 7/11/13.
What counts, however, is that the need for telling the part of the story
that was not told requires a shift in the geography of reason and of
understanding. Coloniality, therefore, points toward and intends to unveil an embedded
logic that enforces control, domination, and exploitation disguised in the
language of salvation, progress, modernization, and being good for
every one. The double register of modernity/coloniality has, perhaps, never been as clear as it has been
recently under the administration of US president George W. Bush.
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Economic Assimilation
( ) The act of assimilating a country into our economic system lays
the framework for colonialitys control over these nations Forcing
a nation to adapt and controlling its future, inserting the logic and
market orientations of Occidentalism More so, these processes are
embodied by the people of these countries, at the micro level,
ensuring a more harmful cultural and social adaptation to
Occidentalism
Escobar 04 [Arturo, Colombian-American anthropologist primarily known for his contribution to
postdevelopment theory and political ecology, Beyond the Third World: Imperial Globality, Global Coloniality, and
Anti-Globalization Social Movements, http://www3.nd.edu/~druccio/Escobar.pdf, JCook.] Acccessed 7/3/13.
At the metaphorical level at least, I believe it is possible to find inspiration for interpreting the logic of these
movements in two domains: cyberspatial practices, and theories of complexity in the biological and physical
the most part). In recent decades, cyberspace (as the universe of digital networks, interactions and interfaces) and
the sciences of complexity have made visible a different model for the organization of social life (see Escobar,
2000, 2003b further explanation of this model and additional references; Peltonen, 2003 for an application of
ants,
swarming molds, cities, certain markets, for instance, exhibit what
scientists call complex adaptive behavior. (Thousands of invisible
singlecelled mold units occasionally coalesce into a swarm and
create a visible large mold. Ant colonies developed over a long time span with no central
pacemaker. Medieval markets linked efficiently myriad producers and
consumers with prices setting themselves in a way that was
understood locally.) In this type of situation, simple beginnings lead to
complex entities, without the existence of a master plan or central
intelligence planning it. They are bottom-up processes, where
agents working at one (local) scale produce behavior and forms at
higher scales (e.g., the great anti-globalization demonstrations of the last few years). Simple rules at one
level give rise to sophistication and complexity at another level through what is called emergence: the fact
that the actions of multiple agents interacting dynamically and
following local rules rather than top-down commands result in
visible macro-behavior or structures. Some times these systems are
adaptive; they learn over time, responding more effectively to
the changing needs of their environment.
complexity to a particular social movement in Finland). In terms of complexity in particular,
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Economics General
( ) The development of economic growth is the largest drive in the
domination of Latin America and colonization Only
decolonialization solves this epistemic problem AND All of your
evidence is based off the fundamental assumption of capital and
value driving everything This calls the structural integrity of your
evidence into question
Grosfuguel 11 [Ramon, University of Cal. Berkeley, Decolonizing Post-Colonial Studies and Paradigms of
Political Economy: Transmodernity, Decolonial Thinking, and Global Coloniality,
http://www.dialogoglobal.com/granada/documents/Grosfoguel-Decolonizing-Pol-Econ-and-Postcolonial.pdf, JCook.]
Accessed 6/25/13.
Globalization studies, political-economy paradigms and worldsystem analysis, with only a few exceptions, have not derived the
epistemological and theoretical implications of the epistemic
critique coming from subaltern locations in the colonial divide and
expressed in academia through ethnic studies and woman studies. They still continue to
produce knowledge from the Western man point zero god-eye
view. This has led to important problems in the way we
conceptualize global capitalism and the world-system. These
concepts are in need of decolonization and this can only be
achieved with a decolonial epistemology that overtly assumes a
decolonial geopolitics and body-politics of knowledge as points of
departure to a radical critique. The following examples can illustrate this point. If we
analyze the European colonial expansion from a Eurocentric point of
view, what we get is a picture in which the origins of the so-called
capitalist worldsystem are primarily produced by the inter-imperial
competition among European Empires. The primary motive for this
expansion was to find shorter routes to the East, which let
accidentally to the so-called discovery and, eventual, Spanish and
Portuguese colonization of the Americas. From this point of view, the capitalist
worldsystem would be primarily an economic system that
determine the behavior of the major social actors by the economic
logic of making profits as manifested in the extraction of surplus
value and the ceaseless accumulation of capital at a worldscale .
Moreover, the concept of capitalism implied in this perspective
privileges economic relations over other social relations. Accordingly,
the transformation in the relations of production produces a new
class structure typical of capitalism as opposed to other social
systems and other forms of domination. Class analysis and
economic structural transformations are privileged over other
power relations.
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Economic Collapse
First, The economic narrative about "global economic collapse" used
in the 1ac is designed to incentivize subalterans, specifically woman
to adopt Western values and train them to others This reproduces
reproductive heteronormativity in our cultural nationalism
Spivak February 2012 - Gayatri Chakravorty, Avalon Foundation Professor in the Humanities at
Columbia University and the director of the Center for Comparative Literature and Society at Columbia University,
"An Aesthetic Education in the Era of Globalization", Published 2-27-2012
Their economic
counterparts, female and male, with the glass ceiling and the
feudalism of heterosexist "love" worked in, are the secessionist
community described by Robert Reich.
assigning a country to them. These women are their modern ideological counterparts.
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Economy US
( ) Latin America is the colonial test kitchen where the U.S.
develops neoliberal economic policy that promises individual rights,
but only as long as they are economically profitable. Creating debt
cycles by providing economic assistance leads to reliance, which
reinforces U.S. colonial hegemony
BARDER, 13 [Daniel, Department of Political Studies & Public Administration, American University of Beirut;
American Hegemony Comes Home: The Chilean Laboratory and the Neoliberalization of the United States May,
Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 38(2)]
material production to the fictitious world of financial speculation and engineering initially forestalls and enhances
the capacity for wealth generation for a certain class. Nonetheless, it cannot embody a lasting resolution of the
underlying contradictions. On the contrary, as Arrighi writes, it
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Economy World
( ) The system of capital logic on the global scale creates a
hierarchy of thought and culture that led, very directly, to the
colonization of the Americas and the perpetuation, today, of
postcolonialism AND Their evidence is not going to call into
question this form of logic It is stuck in the reductionist
perspective of the abstract, not actuality
Grosfuguel 11 [Ramon, University of Cal. Berkeley, Decolonizing Post-Colonial Studies and Paradigms of
Political Economy: Transmodernity, Decolonial Thinking, and Global Coloniality,
http://www.dialogoglobal.com/granada/documents/Grosfoguel-Decolonizing-Pol-Econ-and-Postcolonial.pdf, JCook.]
Accessed 6/25/13.
Without denying the importance of the endless accumulation of capital at a world scale and the existence of a
particular class structure in global capitalism, I raise the following epistemic question: How would the world-system
look like if we moved the locus of enunciation from the European man to an Indigenous women in the Americas,
to, say, Rigoberta Mench in Guatemala or Domitila Barrios de Chungara in Bolivia? I do not pretend to speak for
or represent the perspective of these indigenous women. What I attempt to do is to shift the location from which
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Epistemology Claims
( ) The fact that they claim that some knowledge is better than
other forms of knowledge is the very basic form of valuation that
Eurocentric ideologies used to force oppression and occidental
thought, by claiming that subaltern thought is not as valuable as
their European thought. Their answers on this flow prove their
occidental approach and the link
Grosfuguel 11 [Ramon, University of Cal. Berkeley, Decolonizing Post-Colonial Studies and Paradigms of
Political Economy: Transmodernity, Decolonial Thinking, and Global Coloniality,
http://www.dialogoglobal.com/granada/documents/Grosfoguel-Decolonizing-Pol-Econ-and-Postcolonial.pdf, JCook.]
Accessed 6/25/13.
This epistemic strategy has been crucial for Western global designs.
By hiding the location of the subject of enunciation, European/Euro-American
colonial expansion and domination was able to construct a
hierarchy of superior and inferior knowledge and, thus, of superior
and inferior people around the world. We went from the sixteenth
century characterization of people without writing to the
eighteenth and nineteenth-century characterization of people
without history, to the twentieth-century characterization of
people without development and more recently, to the early
twenty-first-century of people without democracy. We went from
the sixteenth-century rights of people (Seplveda versus de las Casas debate in the
University of Salamanca in the mid-sixteenth century), to the eighteenthcentury rights of
man (Enlightenment philosophers), and to the late twentiethcentury human
rights. All of these are part of global designs articulated to the
simultaneous production and reproduction of an international
division of labor of core/periphery that overlaps with the global
racial/ethnic hierarchy of Europeans/non-Europeans.
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Equality Discourse
First, Discourse on equality is a site for identity construction that
reproduces the representation that caused your impacts while
simultaneously re-entrenching the plan in a reproductive
heteronormativity
Honkanen 07 (Katriina, rhizomes.14 summer 2007, Deconstructive Intersections.)
(http://rhizomes.net/issue14/honkanen.html. JCook.) Accessed 8/21/12.
construction for particular kind of "woman" that stands in a particular relationship both to the "man" (the Finnish
The history of Finnish women (written in the 1980s and early 1990s) is a
history of equality, but also of normalized heterosexuality (Honkanen,
man) and the nation.
1997). It is a history of mostly middle-class women's struggles to be able to participate in working-life, politics and
education and the life of the nation. One example of this discourse [4] is the well-known The Lady With the Bow: the
Story of Finnish Woman (Manninen & Setl, 1990). The book draws the history of this "equal lady", the lady with
the bow, as far back as to the stone-age, arguing that a particular rock-painting representing a figure with what can
be read as breasts and a bow proves that "Finnish women always have worked together with "their" (heterosexual)
called "the history of Finnish woman" (see also Honkanen, 2007). [18] It seems to be the politics of this very same
Woman that is advanced in recent discussions on the Finnish women's studies mailing list. This discussion was
started by Pasi Malmi, a researcher on men and masculinities, who came up with the argument that certain feminist
discourses oppress men (the list-archives are accessible and searchable in Finnish on the internet[5]). The
discussion concerns how specific (wrong) portrayals of women affect the way in which men are seen. What I see as
particularly telling in this heterocentric debate is that as long as it fails to name itself for what it is, it proceeds
endlessly with its production of gendered meanings. It also proceeds as if it were engaged in a merely descriptive
enterprisewith researchers attempting to describe how cultural meanings variously oppress either men or
women. [19] The hegemony of the two-sex model in Finnish equality discourse also leads to a strident men's
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First, The discourse of equality is still profoundly rooted in JudeoChristian ethics and the affirmation of specific forms of equality are
an attempt to reproduce the current code of ethics that is at the
heart of your problem Only the alternative solves
Honkanen 07 (Katriina, rhizomes.14 summer 2007, Deconstructive Intersections.)
(http://rhizomes.net/issue14/honkanen.html. JCook.) Accessed 8/21/12.
So the problems concerning feminisms' others are complex ones. This article aims to discuss othering in relation to the politics of
representation. I discuss various examples of feminist practices by focusing on how these practices other a substantial number of
feminist issues in the dominant Finnish equality discourses. On the basis of this, I argue for the benefits of a deconstructive feminist
politicsboth on a practical policy level and an academic theoretical level. I consider this important in order to take responsibility for
would want to give up all values and finally become somehow "secular," but because feminists, as knowledge producing and
political agents, have always wanted to problematize our complicity in power. A deconstruction of the equality discourse hinders a
reformist approach that would firmly place one inside the parameters of the particular political discourse one operates with.
Deconstructing the equality discourse reveals its ethical rootedness in a Judeo-Christian value system and a liberal individual
political discourse (Badiou, 2004). Equality discourses are essential systems of power that neoliberal market economies operate
based civilizing projects, directed against Islam or the moralizing preaching in the name of equality and human rights directed at
to show that a deconstruction of the equality discourse and the two-sex model that it operates with is an undertaking that has its
contexts also on this level of generality. It is important to realize that the problem of exclusion is not just internal to feminist
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warfare which makes clear that these discourses are not in any
sense "innocent" or intrinsically good. [7] Descriptive equality research that
only portrays the situation internal to discourse ends up being
conservative. Describing the status quo within a reformist and consensus ridden "progressive thinking", a thinking,
moreover, that does not contextualize itself may end up universalizing a western liberal value-system in problematic ways. [8] A
great deal of identity-based equality politics still has to solve the problem of representation. Deconstructive anti-representationalism
should be seen as a profoundly ethical move, one where the practice of deconstruction is an attitude or an ideology, if you wish, that
springs from ethics. Braidotti calls this an ethical pragmatism (Braidotti, 2006: 14), and it is connected to politics as it is the site at
which politics itself constituted. A productive antagonism (Butler) and the refusal to "speak for" should be seen as the
poststructuralist political and ethical solution that it is. Deconstruction is much more than a method of investigation. The ethics of
deconstruction lies in the practice of deconstructing representationalism. This is the main message that this article aims to
communicate. [9] Within a constructivist epistemology I ask what equality discourses leave unsaid, what is marginalized in them
and what power mechanisms are embedded in them. I do this by deconstructing some of the language that equality discourses
circulate. I deconstruct the theme of sexual difference. The subaltern is to me a tool that I have used to discuss ways in which
equality discourse speaks its own politics through various Others I use it as a concept to open up political intersectionality.
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Feminism
First, The attempt to save women in the world constitutes a mindset
of the masculine, west saviors to the subaltern women This
reconstitutes the reproductive heteronormative drive within the US,
but also reinforces the need for the other to reproduce and continue
their culture in a heteronormative fashion
Spivak 99 (Gayatri Chakravorty, Columbia, Can The Subaltern Speak?, Jcook.)
To mark the moment when not only a civil but a good society is
born out of domestic confusion, singular events that break the
letter of the law to instill its spirit are often invoked. The protection
of women by men often provides such an event. If we remember that the British
boasted of their absolute equity toward and noninterference with native customj law, an invocation of this
sanctioned transgression of the letter for the sake of the spirit may be read in J. M. Derrett's remark: "The very first
legislation upon Hindu Law was carried through without the assent of a single Hindu." The legislation is not named
here. The next sentence, where the measure is named, is equally interesting if one considers the implications of
the survival of a colonially established "good" society after decolonization: "The recurrence of sati in independent
India is probably an obscurantist revival which cannot long survive even in a very backward part of the
the protection of
woman (today the "third-world woman") becomes a signifier for the
establishment of a good society which must, at such in augurative moments,
transgress mere legality, or equity of legal policy. In this particular case, the
process also allowed the redefinition as a crime of what had been
tolerated, known, or adulated as ritual. In other words, this one item in Hindu law
country."68 Whether this observation is correct or not, what interests me is that
jumped the frontier between the private and the public domain. Although Foucault's historical narrative, focusing
solely on Western Europe, sees merely a tolerance for the criminal antedating the development of criminology in
the late eighteenth century (PK, 41), his theoretical description of the "episteme" is pertinent here: "The
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Foucault/Power
First, Foucault confines the decentering of the subject to the subject
of the West, which problematizes the non-Western other as real and
knowable. Foucault makes it impossible to confer with the subaltern
in a discursive practice, which assumes that the subject is always
already the subject of the West. This turns the K by issuing a new
power system and guts solvency, which reinstituting an essentialist
subject of the Other
Spivak 99 (GayatriChakravorty, Columbia, Can The Subaltern Speak?,Jcook.)
The failure of Deleuze and Guattari to consider the relations between desire, power, and subjectivity renders them
incapable of articulating a theory of interests. In this context, their indifference to ideology (a theory of which is
necessary for an understanding of interests) is striking but consistent. Foucault's commitment to "genealogical"
speculation prevents him from locating, in "great names" like Marx and Freud, watersheds in some continuous
stream of intellectual history.8 This commitment has created an unfortunate resistance in Foucault's work to
relation between desire and interest is clear in such sentences as: "We never desire against our interests, because
interest always follows and finds itself where desire has placed it" (FD, 215). An undifferentiated desire is the
agent,and power slips in to create the effects of desire: "power ... produces positive effects at the level of desireand also at the level of knowledge" (PK, 59). This parasubjective matrix, cross-hatched with heterogeneity, ushers
in the unnamed Subject, at least for those intellectual workers influenced by the new hegemony of desire. The race
and undeceived desire: "We must accept the scream of Reich: no, the masses were not deceived; at a particular
moment, they actually desired a fascist regime" (FD, 215). These philosophers will not entertain the thought of
constitutive contradiction-that is where they admittedly part company from the Left. In the name of desire, they
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appeal of prisoners, soldiers,and schoolchildren is disclosed through the concrete experience of the intellectual,
the intellectual
within socialized capital, brandishing concrete experience, can help
consolidate the international division of labor.
the one who diagnoses the episteme. 12 Neither Deleuze nor Foucault seems aware that
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forms of
knowledge, they perceived this knowledge as a superstruture or an
epiphenomenon of some economic infrastructure. Dependentistas never perceived
this knowledge as constitutive of Latin Americas political-economy.
Constructing peripheral zones such as Africa and Latin America as
regions with a problem or with a backward stage of
development concealed European and Euro-American
responsibility in the exploitation of these continents. The
construction of pathological regions in the periphery as opposed
to the so-called normal development patterns of the West
justified an even more intense political and economic intervention
from imperial powers. By treating the Other as
underdeveloped and backward, metropolitan exploitation and
domination were justified in the name of the civilizing mission.
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Globalization
First, The form of globalization that the aff creates entrenches
patriarchy by forcing the woman adopt the hegemonic culture with
her identity This is the basis of reproductive heteronormativity
Spivak February 2012 - Gayatri Chakravorty, Avalon Foundation Professor in the Humanities at
Columbia University and the director of the Center for Comparative Literature and Society at Columbia University,
"An Aesthetic Education in the Era of Globalization", Published 2-27-2012, PG 42-43
Keeping within the allegory of the production of the colonial subject, with something like a relationship with the
implied reader of British literature, we see the orphaned brother as the full-fledged future colonial subject, mourning
his sister-his personal past-but encircled by the sahib's left arm, the right implicitly pointing to a historical future. It
is Shoshi, however, who supplements the picture, choosing to remain in the static culture, while sending the young
unformed male into the dynamic colonial future. A gendered model, this, of the colonial reader, not quite identical
with the "real" reader and therefore, in a patriarchal system of reckoning, more like a "woman." How, then, can we
construct a model of the woman or man of the urban middle class, themselves woven and patched as well by the
same strands, of the same stuff, reading in the exciting identity-in-difference frame of mind, the subject laid out in
the pages of the story? A richly constructed, richly praised female subject who chooses to remain within the
indigenous patriarchal structure; with confidence in the Magistrate as foster-father, another mark of her heroism.
This is the complex of attitudes that is the condition and effect of any appropriate reading of the story. The structure
survives; Madhu Kishwar will not call herself a "femi" nist" because the word is too much marked by the West, but
will work for (other) women's rights.9 The Magistrate is constructed as a subject who might be privy to the thrill of
this ambivalence. The possibility is lodged in this exchange: "The saheb asked, 'Where will you go.' Shoshi said, 'I
will return to my husband's house, I have nothing to worry about.' The saheb smiled a little and, seeing no way
out .. .'' By contrast, the neighbor Tara, who opposes husbands if they are scoundrels at the beginning of the story,
and roars out her rage at the end, is displeased when Shoshi leaves her husband's house to look after her sick
brother: "If you have to fight your husband why not sit at home THE BURDEN OF ENGLISH 43 do it; what's the point
m leaving home? A husband, after all" 288). The Magistrate (Brit Lit) (perhaps) understands best of all that Shoshi
must sacrifice herself to her own culture, but takes charge of Nilmoni (the indefinite future). A crude but
recognizable model of what the "best" manage-saying "yes" and "no" to the Shoshi-function, as it were-in our Brit
Lit classes.
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Good/Bad State
First, The depiction of good states and bad states friends and
enemies props up state nationalism that is at the heart of
reproductive heteronormativity
Spivak 04, GayatriChakravorty, Avalon Foundation Professor in the Humanities at Columbia University and
the director of the Center for Comparative Literature and Society at Columbia University, 2004 Terror: A Speech
After 9-11 Published by Duke University Press. boundary 2 31.2 (2004) 81-111 Access provided by University of
Minnesota -Twin Cities LibrariesProject Muse 10/8/2008.
In the midst of what seemed to be a disastrous engagement with Iraq, I went back to reading Martin Luther King
Jr.s Beyond Vietnam, the 1967 speech he delivered at Riverside Church in New York, a minutes walk from
where I live now. Again and again in the text of the speech, I found Dr. King exhorting us to speak for those who
have been designated as our enemies, because the human spirit [does not] move without great difficulty
against all the apathy of conformist thought within ones own bosom and in the surrounding world. How do they
judge us? King asked. When we ask why they do not leap to negotiate, these things must be remembered, he
said. It was first in Hawaii that I was able to connect my efforts to imagine the suicide bomber with these
exhortations. I spoke there of the fact that this resonance with Dr. Kings effort had received hostile responses from
various persons and journals and this in itself was cause for alarm. I referred to the speech given in Ebenezer
Dont let
anybody make you think that God chose America as His divine
messianic force to bea sort of policeman of the whole world. God
has a way of standing before the nations with judgment, and it
seems that I can hear God saying to America: You are too arrogant!
If you dont change your ways, I will rise up and break the backbone
of your power. I wonderedeven as I repeated the apologia offered to Dr. Michael Bernetif these
Baptist Church in Atlanta on April 30, 1967, which contained these powerful words:
words applied to the curtailment of civil liberties, including intellectual freedom, the exacerbation of military
permissiveness, the deformation of the polity through racial profiling, and the re- designing of the entire culture
for the prevention of autoimmunity, of which I spoke in section 1.I
hands up in the room for condoning the right to kill. Even one hand up for this is unnerving since we were not
speaking of capital punishment, which I do oppose, but which at least can be discussed within an idea of law. It is
not correct to think that, because inalienable rights have been again and again violated, they do not exist.
assassination is surely that if a covert targeted assassination is discovered, then, at least, in perhaps a utopian
vision of the rule of law, such a thing can be retroactively punished? It was troublesome to see how a debate
presumably on our right to invade Iraq turned into such a rhetorical tirade against Palestine. (Here I would want to
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It is the ability to
imagine the other side as another human being, rather than simply
an enemy to be psyched out, that is the greatest gift of
romanticism. What I was saying the other day about the humanities comes in here,
because this is the terrain where a solid grounding in the
humanities allows one to think the spirit rather than the letter of
the law, and not think of the imagination as mere unreason. Although I do
that we want the creative faculty to imagine that which we know.33
think that Mike Davis, in his new book Dead Cities, is somewhat over the top, he certainly does have a good deal
of documented material that would not allow us to think that we are above the law because we will never be
irresponsible with weapons of mass destruction.34 Not to mention Agent Orange! I grant that I am somewhat
outside the grounds of the debate because historical experience makes me very uncomfortable with the precomprehended assumption on both sides that America should think of itself as having an imperial mandate. I
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Hegemony
***ALSO VIOLENCE IMPMACT***
( ) The new form of imperialism and control is economic hegemony,
but the same violent, war-mongering effects take place, destroying
entire nations, and subjugating all who are in the countries the US
tries to economically engage
Escobar 04 [Arturo, Colombian-American anthropologist primarily known for his contribution to
postdevelopment theory and political ecology, Beyond the Third World: Imperial Globality, Global Coloniality, and
Anti-Globalization Social Movements, http://www3.nd.edu/~druccio/Escobar.pdf, JCook.] Acccessed 6/27/13.
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Helping Colonials
***A lot of the framework cards extend this argument***
( ) From the perspective of working for colonials, not from a
colonial perspectives, epistemological turns solvency
Grosfuguel 11 [Ramon, University of Cal. Berkeley, Decolonizing Post-Colonial Studies and Paradigms of
Political Economy: Transmodernity, Decolonial Thinking, and Global Coloniality,
http://www.dialogoglobal.com/granada/documents/Grosfoguel-Decolonizing-Pol-Econ-and-Postcolonial.pdf, JCook.]
Accessed 6/25/13.
In October 1998, there was a conference/dialogue at Duke University between the South Asian Subaltern Studies
Group and the Latin American Subaltern Studies Group. The dialogue initiated at this conference eventually
resulted in the publication of several issues of the journal NEPANTLA. However, this conference was the last time
the Latin American Subaltern Studies Group met before their split. Among the many reasons and debates that
produced this split, there are two that I would like to stress. The members of the Latin American Subaltern Studies
with and from a subaltern perspective . Like the imperial epistemology of Area Studies,
theory was still located in the North while the subjects to be
studied are located in the South. This colonial epistemology was crucial to my dissatisfaction
with the project. As a Latino in the United States, I was dissatisfied with the epistemic consequences of the
knowledge produced by this Latinamericanist group.
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Homogenizing Culture
( ) The ideas of national cultures are adopted and twisted by
imperial powers to assert their dominance over those cultures seen
as different
Mignolo 05 [Walter D., Duke University, The Idea of Latin America,
https://cdn.anonfiles.com/1349073241953.pdf, JCook.] Accessed 7/11/13.
Culture, in other words,
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Humanitarian Aid
First, The usage of humanitary aid allows the US to claim it is the
savior of the world This props up state nationalism that is at the
heart of reproductive heteronormativity
Spivak 04, GayatriChakravorty, Avalon Foundation Professor in the Humanities at Columbia University and
the director of the Center for Comparative Literature and Society at Columbia University, 2004 Terror: A Speech
After 9-11 Published by Duke University Press. boundary 2 31.2 (2004) 81-111 Access provided by University of
Minnesota -Twin Cities LibrariesProject Muse 10/8/2008.
In the midst of what seemed to be a disastrous engagement with Iraq, I went back to reading Martin Luther King
Jr.s Beyond Vietnam, the 1967 speech he delivered at Riverside Church in New York, a minutes walk from
where I live now. Again and again in the text of the speech, I found Dr. King exhorting us to speak for those who
have been designated as our enemies, because the human spirit [does not] move without great difficulty
against all the apathy of conformist thought within ones own bosom and in the surrounding world. How do they
judge us? King asked. When we ask why they do not leap to negotiate, these things must be remembered, he
said. It was first in Hawaii that I was able to connect my efforts to imagine the suicide bomber with these
exhortations. I spoke there of the fact that this resonance with Dr. Kings effort had received hostile responses from
various persons and journals and this in itself was cause for alarm. I referred to the speech given in Ebenezer
Dont let
anybody make you think that God chose America as His divine
messianic force to bea sort of policeman of the whole world. God
has a way of standing before the nations with judgment, and it
seems that I can hear God saying to America: You are too arrogant!
If you dont change your ways, I will rise up and break the backbone
of your power. I wonderedeven as I repeated the apologia offered to Dr. Michael Bernetif these
Baptist Church in Atlanta on April 30, 1967, which contained these powerful words:
words applied to the curtailment of civil liberties, including intellectual freedom, the exacerbation of military
permissiveness, the deformation of the polity through racial profiling, and the re- designing of the entire culture
for the prevention of autoimmunity, of which I spoke in section 1.I
hands up in the room for condoning the right to kill. Even one hand up for this is unnerving since we were not
speaking of capital punishment, which I do oppose, but which at least can be discussed within an idea of law. It is
not correct to think that, because inalienable rights have been again and again violated, they do not exist.
assassination is surely that if a covert targeted assassination is discovered, then, at least, in perhaps a utopian
vision of the rule of law, such a thing can be retroactively punished? It was troublesome to see how a debate
presumably on our right to invade Iraq turned into such a rhetorical tirade against Palestine. (Here I would want to
use stronger words.) The repetitive condemnation of Palestinians showed no ability to imagine them in a material
context where Israel figured as anything other than a good figure. This is where George Fletchers idea in
Romantics at war, that romanticism was simply a variety of irrationalism, may be questionable.32 We must call the
glass half full rather than half empty. Romanticism was a strike for a robust imaginationfor me, it is summarized
in Shelleys remark, precisely in the context of the beginnings of capitalism, that we want the creative faculty to
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the top, he certainly does have a good deal of documented material that would not allow us to think that we are
above the law because we will never be irresponsible with weapons of mass destruction.34 Not to mention Agent
Orange! I grant that I am somewhat outside the grounds of the debate because historical experience makes me
very uncomfortable with the pre-comprehended assumption on both sides that America should think of itself as
having an imperial mandate. I admit that George Fletchers repeated assertion that there are no good or bad
states, but equal states, can be read as a questioning of this pre-comprehension. It troubled me then that there
were student hands up in that Law School auditorium condoning murder, albeit to be carried out by the state. This
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Recognized as Such, Journal For Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol 2, No 2, Winter
2003
with contempt.
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Independence/Democracy
( ) Independence is not so independent Economic systems of
domination still exist when states of Latin America are pushed into
a lesser economic position as Western powers These new
independent trade partners are merely being shaped into a new
subordinate position, perpetuating the oppression of coloniality
Rejecting this myth is key to truly progressing and solving the
oppression
Grosfuguel 11 [Ramon, University of Cal. Berkeley, Decolonizing Post-Colonial Studies and Paradigms of
Political Economy: Transmodernity, Decolonial Thinking, and Global Coloniality,
http://www.dialogoglobal.com/granada/documents/Grosfoguel-Decolonizing-Pol-Econ-and-Postcolonial.pdf, JCook.]
Accessed 6/25/13.
1995). The multiple and heterogeneous processes of the world-system, together with the predominance of Eurocentric cultures
a global
coloniality between European/Euro-American peoples and nonEuropean peoples. Thus, coloniality is entangled with, but is not reducible to, the international division of labor.
(Said, 1979; Wallerstein, 1991b; 1995; Lander 1998; Quijano 1998; Mignolo 2000), constitute
The global racial/ethnic hierarchy of Europeans and non-Europeans, is an integral part of the development of the capitalist world
). In these
postindependence times the colonial axis between
Europeans/Euro-Americans and non-Europeans is inscribed not only
in relations of exploitation (between capital and labor) and relations of
domination (between metropolitan and peripheral states), but in the production of
subjectivities and knowledge. In sum, part of the Eurocentric myth is
that we live in a so-called post-colonial era and that the world
and, in particular, metropolitan centers, are in no need of decolonization. In
systems international division of labor (Wallerstein, 1983; Quijano, 1993; Mignolo, 1995
this conventional definition, coloniality is reduced to the presence of colonial administrations. However, as the work of Peruvian
we still live in
a colonial world and we need to break from the narrow ways of
thinking about colonial relations, in order to accomplish the
unfinished and incomplete twentieth-century dream of
decolonization. This forces us to examine new decolonial utopian alternatives beyond Eurocentric and Thirdworldist
sociologist Anbal Quijano (1993, 1998, 2000) has shown with his coloniality of power perspective,
fundamentalisms.
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Identity Politics
First, Policies that use identity politics to at aiding marginalized
groups are used to change the subalteran's life in a way that suits
the needs of the globalized world, reproducing the problem and
reproductive heteronormativity - empirically proven
Spivak February 2012 - Gayatri Chakravorty, Avalon Foundation Professor in the Humanities at
Columbia University and the director of the Center for Comparative Literature and Society at Columbia University,
"An Aesthetic Education in the Era of Globalization", Published 2-27-2012
The construction of the postcolonial subject was to code the failure of decolonization as multiculturalism, in
metropolitan space, to race, itself rewritten as a fantasmatic national identity as its subject. So if the first was class
the Grameen Bank as they vow not to have too many children. 13 Will mainstream feminism ever think critically of
this model of cultural indoctrination, even as Grameen gets more savvy? Different officers of Women's World
Banking repeatedly invoke Chandra Behn, a member of the celebrated Self Employed Women's Association or
SEWA, as their legitimation. At the same time, they speak of opening "the huge untapped market of poor Southern
women to the international commercial sector." When SEWA was founded in the early 1960s, Ela Bhatt, the founder,
had no such ambition. "The World Bank's [Consultative Group to Assist the Poorest] ... appears to be narrowly
focused on microlending as an end in itself. And the means to that end, critics charge, may do more damage to
slot was anti-Fordist, hi-religious (Muslim/Hindu) worker's pride, which lasts to this day, although one senses a
certain unease now, among the working-class Hindu women, in pronouncing the "la ilaha ... "-there is no God but
God-the Muslim credo.
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International Law
( ) International law developed as a way to question what to do
with irrational and lesser beings This epistemological framing
embodies and perpetuates racism and coloniality that strips beings
of value
Mignolo 09 [Walter D., Duke University, Coloniality: The Darker Side of Modernity,
http://m1.antville.org/static/m1/files/walter_mignolo_modernologies_eng.pdf, JCook.] Accessed 6/26/13.
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Literature
First, The link is the aff's speech act and the values that it presents
- each piece of literature has an implied reader who is forced to
embrace the cultural values of the writer perpetuating globalization
and the eradication of subalteran cultures This is the most basic
form of reproductive heteronormativity
Spivak February 2012 - Gayatri Chakravorty, Avalon Foundation Professor in the Humanities at
Columbia University and the director of the Center for Comparative Literature and Society at Columbia University,
"An Aesthetic Education in the Era of Globalization", Published 2-27-2012, PG 36-37
What is the basic difference between teaching a second language as an instrument of communication and teaching
the same language so that the student can appreciate literature? It is certainly possible to argue that in the most
successful cases the difference is not easy to discern. But there is a certain difference in orientation between the
language classroom and the literature classroom. In the former, the goal is an active and reflexive use of the
mechanics of the language. In the latter, the goal is at least to shape the mind of the student so that it can
resemble the mind of the so-called implied reader of the literary text, even when that is a historically distanced
cultural fiction. The figure of an implied reader is constructed within a consolidated system of cultural
representation. The appropriate culture in this context is the one supposedly indigenous to the literature under
consideration. In our case, the culture of a vague space called Britain, even England, in its transaction with
Europeanness (meaning, of course, Western Europe), Hellenism and Hebraism, the advent of Euramericanism, the
trendiness of Commonwealth literature, and the like. "Global English" was not yet a player. Our ideal student of
British literature was expected so to internalize this play of cultural self-representation that she would be able to, to
use the terms of the most naive kind of literary pedagogy, "relate to the text," "identify" with it. However naive
these terms, they describe the subtlest kind of cultural and epistemic transformation, a kind of upward racemobility, an entry, however remote, into a geo-political rather than merely national "Indian"-ness. It is from this
base that R. K. Narayan can speak of "English in India" as if it were a jolly safari arranged by some better-bred
version of the India Tourist Board and, conversely, it is also upon this base that a critical study of colonial discourse
can be built.2 THE BURDEN OF ENGliSH 37 It is with this in mind that many decolonized intellectuals feel that the
straightforward ideal of teaching English literature in the theater o~ ~ecolonization continues the process of
producing an out-of-date, Bnttsh Council-style colonial bourgeoisie in a changed global context. I am not suggesting
for a moment that, given the type of student who chooses English as a field of study in the general Indian context of
social opportunity (whatever that might be), this kind of ideological produ~tion is successfully achieved. The
demand for a "general cultural participant" in the colonies has at any rate changed with. the .dismantling o~ actual
territorial imperialism. Today, the student of Enghsh literature who 1s there because no other more potentially
lucrative course of study is open to him is alienated from his work in a particular way. To make him/her the subject
of an "aesthetic education" is a peculiar problem. It cannot be ignored that there is a class-argument lurking here,
although it is considerably changed from my student days in the mid- to late 1950s. The reasons why a person who
obviously takes no pleasure in English texts chooses English honors are too complex to explore here. At any rate,
the class-value of the choice of English honors is gendered, and is different according to the hierarchy of
institutions-in the metropolitan, urban, suburban, and rural centers. The same taxonomy as it operates among
students of English literature as a Pass (general subject rounding out the study of the Honors subject, or part of a
non-honors general bachelor's degree) and the teacher's accommodation within it as Brit Lit become less and less
normative, are much more demographically and politically interesting. I have not the skills to study it, and so will
turn to a more literary-critical topic and return to the "implied reader." As the years have passed, it is on the
subaltern elementary level that I have confronted the immense problem of the preparation for an aesthetic
education. But I was not to know it then. The implied reader is imagined, even in the most simple reading,
according to rudimentary or sophisticated hypotheses about persons, places, and times. You cannot make sense of
anything written or spoken without at least implicitly assuming that it was destined for you, that you are its implied
reader. When this sense of the latent destiny of the texts of a literary tradition is developed along disciplinary lines,
even the students (mostly women) who come to English studies in a self-consciously purposive way-all students at
Miranda House would have to be included here-might still be open, under the best circumstances, to an alienating
cultural indoctrination that is out of step with the historical moment. This becomes all the more dubious when the
best of them become purveyors of native culture abroad.
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Gordimer is playing a whole set of variations on the topos of languages as epistemes. To begin with, the imperious
gesture, of the pronominal address as imperative: "you," but even before that, and surreptitiously, the sudden
incursion of Mwawate's "inside" into the novel: "Go, he willed" (emphasis added). It remains paratactic-cannot be
staged as becoming syntactic in the hands of this white author woman writing about a female white protagonist,
precisely because both are painfully politically correct. The sentences can start only after that enabling shifter,
"you," (staged by the writer as) pronounced by the imperfect speaker of English. Put this on a spectrum of
contemporary artists using this topos in many different ways: Toni Morrison, J. M. Coetzee, Guillermo G6mez-Peiia,
Jamelie Hassan.32 In the hands of a radical creole writer like Gordimer, the implied black reader of a white text
cannot be in a subject-position, not even a compromised one like Shoshi's. The text belongs to the native speaker.
But the rhetorical conduct of the text undermines and complicates this a lot. The desire of the radical native
speaker is in that sentence: "She understood although she knew no word." How fragile the logic of that sentence is;
there are no guarantees. It is as if the white magistrate in "the elder sister" should enunciate the desire for
understanding Shoshi's ambivalence, which the writer as classed male colonial subject articulates by way of the
representation of his slight smile. And in Gordimer's text there is the strong suggestion that rather than understand
the "burden" of Mwawate's words, the peculiar situation of being addressed by him in his tongue produces in her an
understanding of a narrative of, precisely, the infelicity of their communication. His measure was elsewhere. "He
spoke i~ English what belonged in English." Just as Mwawate's subject-space is syntactically inaccessible in the
rhetoric of the novel, so is the dubious assertion of "understanding" unmoored from the passage that tells you what
she understood. And, in addition, the man speaking his mother tongue-the other tongue from English-is deliberately
distanced by a metonym with nature: Mwawate flickering, adjacent to the moon and the parachute silk clouds. Put
this on a spectrum with the neat divisive locatives of nature and mind in Binodini's self-staging!
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Marx/Capitalism Ks
First, Anti-capitalist movements inevitably fall into a socialization of
the female body, abstracting labor This specter haunts the worker
and removes their subjectivity from the world Their alternative
works in a system that reproduces itself again and again in the
subconscious and the continuation of their system
Spivak 95 (Gayatri Chakravorty, Columbia, Ghostwriting, Jcook.)
by way of a Marxist theorization of reproductive
engineering and population control, as the socialization of
reproductive labor-power, not "the feminization of labor." (The
I would expand this,
nonexhaustive taxonomy that such a theorization has allowed me, tentatively, to formalize in the classroom I offer
here in shorthand, in the hope that Marxist-feminists active in global economic resistance will be able to reproduce
the abstract average subject of rights for woman's identity); (2)surrogacy (metaphoricsubstitutionof abstract
average reproductive labor power as fulfilled female subject of motherhood); (3) transplant (displacement of
eroticism and generalized presupposed subject of immediate affect); (4) population control (objectification of the
female subject of exploitation to produce alibis for hypersize through demographic rationalization); (5) post-Fordist
homeworking (classical coding of the spectrality of reason as empiricist individualism, complicated by gender
ideology). It is only after a discussion of a possible taxonomy of the recoding of this socialization that I would
describe the theatre of global resistance where these issues are now paramount.)' According, then, to the strictest
greater length in Spivak, Outside 107 ff.]. (It wasn't Freud alone-as Glas insists-who speculated with the fetish.)
apparently ran an ad offering high prices for the unfertilized ova of students. Chickens have supplied this
commodity without consent or remuneration for some time now. In Marxian terms, domesticated poultry is
instrurnentum demi-vocale, domesticated human females caught in feudal patterns of loyalty (elaborately coded
by psychoanalysis asdeep-structural) are insh-umenta vocale, and the students are "free lab~r . " ) 'A~s
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Mexican Borders
( ) Borders are a microcosm for US-Mexico relationship One of
Eurocentric, Occidental coloniality towards the lesser Mexico
Olivia Wood, 9-13-2010, Year 3 Single Honours American and Canadian Studies, An Investigation into
Exploitation of the Mexican Female Body along the U.S.-Mexico Border,
http://www.womenontheborder.org/documents/OliviaWooddissertation.pdf, p. 53-59, CP
of war. 264 Furthermore, Falcn suggests that the execution of LIC doctrine can create a climate conducive to
rape.265 This is because, inspired by a discourse and policy that constructs
Mexican migrants as a threat to national security, the Border Patrol
espouses an us versus them philosophy 266 that infuses their
encounters
with migrants
with hostility.
Moreover,
a nation
(Mexico). 267 Thus, although men too frequently encounter violence with border personnel, womens
bodies in particular represent conflict between the U.S. and Mexico. Rape
powerfully symbolizes their unequal colonial relationship , as male
bodies (American) are used to conquer (physically and
symbolically) sexualized and racialized female bodies (Mexican).
Falcn concludes therefore that
employed by the U.S. to wield power and control over Mexico. 268
This practice is systematic, as cases are not random or isolated, but often
planned and institutionally supported. 269A final factor contributing to
Border Patrol rape is the climate of hyper-masculinity within the
organization fostered by militarization. This is due to the overwhelming
male dominance of INS personnel and the masculinized nature of
military doctrine and practice traditionally.270 Violence takes on a gendered
dimension when male officers target the weakest, most exploitable group
(women). By raping women, men demonstrate the power of the nation
through physical domination, while simultaneously reaffirming their
masculinity, gratifying their sexual desires by abusing Mexican
womens bodies. Thus patriarchy, hyper-masculinity, nativism, and
colonialism have all helped induce an environment conducive to
rape at the Mexican border. Case Studies Below I provide two examples of Border Patrol rape to show
how the U.S.s politics of immigration affects the lives of real women traversing the border. Juanita Gmez: On 3
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September 1993, twenty-two-year-old Juanita Gmez and her female cousin, Ana, crossed through a hole
in the fence between Nogales, Sonora, and Nogales, Arizona.271 After meeting two male friends at a McDonalds on
Human Rights Watch reports that from the beginning, the handling and investigation of the case indicated
week and a half before they realized their mistake, thereby ensuring that all meaningful evidence was
destroyed.280 Selders remained employed with the agency until he negotiated a no-contest plea of the lowest
class of felony available, sentenced to only one year in prison, and paroled after six months.281 The case
object into her vagina, placed his hands into various parts of her body, orally copulated her and forced her to have
intercourse with him.287 However Maria did not show up to the preliminary hearing and consequently the charges
history of violence against women, with past domestic violence allegations and a reputation of problematic
behavior toward women early in his career.292 Falcn asserts that the INS is partially to blame for allowing Esteves
to commit multiple acts of violence against women by failing to conduct a thorough background check before
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reform in response to pressure from human rights organizations, for example forming a Citizens Advisory
Panel,300 many of the suggested initiatives have not been implemented and the abuses continue.301 Thus it is
doubtful that the Border Patrol is living up to the standards it has proclaimed: professionalism, honor, integrity,
[and] respect for human life.302
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Some would say (mainly before the 9/11 attacks on the US) that the US was not an
imperial country because it has no colonies like those of Spain or England. This
opinion, however, confuses colonialism with having colonies in the sense of
maintaining the physical presence of institutions, administrators, and armies in the colonized country or region.
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the imperial
project of military interventions under the rhetoric of democracy
and human rights in the 21st century, have all been imposed by
militarism and violence under the rhetoric of modernity of saving
the other from its own barbarianisms. Two responses to the Eurocentric colonial
imposition are third world nationalisms and fundamentalisms. Nationalism provides
Eurocentric solutions to an Eurocentric global problem. It
reproduces an internal coloniality of power within each nation-state
and reifies the nation-state as the privileged location of social
change (Grosfoguel 1996). Struggles above and below the nation-state are not considered in nationalist
political strategies. Moreover, nationalist responses to global capitalism
reinforce the nationstate as the political institutional form per
excellence of the modern/colonial capitalist/patriarchal worldsystem. In this sense, nationalism is complicit with Eurocentric thinking
imposition of the developmentalist project in the 20th century and, more recently,
it is an
inherent European attribute imposed by the West. Both deny the fact that many
this Eurocentric premise and claim that democracy has nothing to do with the non-West. Thus,
of the elements that we call today to be part of modernity such as democracy were form in a global relation
Third World fundamentalisms respond to the imposition of Eurocentered modernity as a global/imperial design
with an anti-modern modernity that is as Eurocentric, hierarchical, authoritarian and antidemocratic as the former.
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partial delinking selective delinking and selective reengagementoffer an alternative path, perhaps at the level
of world regions (e.g, Southern Cone), or network of world regions? This means that it would be possible to rethink
the proposal of delinking introduced by Samir Amin in the 1970s to fit the new conditions.10 Needless to say,
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Nationalism I/L
First, Nationalism uses reproductive heteronormativity as a source
of legitimacy Its in every pore of reproducing the nation as its
main goal
Spivak 09 (Gayatri Chakravorty, Columbia, Nationalism and the Imagination, JCook.)
nationalism was related to reproductive
heteronormativity as source of legitimacy. As I moved to the United States and
became active around the world, I realized that the alibi for transnational agencies
backed explicitly by exceptionalist nationalism( s) was nationalism in
the developing world. Gender was an alibi here even for military
intervention in the name of humanitarian intervention. I believe with Eric
Hobsbawm that there is no nation before nationalism although I do not locate
nationalism as he does in the late 18th century (Hobsbawm, 1990). When and how does the
love of mother tongue, the love of my little corner of ground
become the nation thing? I say nation thing rather than nationalism because something like
nations, collectivities bound by birth, that allowed in strangers gingerly, have been in
existence long before nationalism came around. State formations change,
but the nation thing moves through historical displacements and I
think Hannah Arendt was altogether perceptive in suggesting that the putting together of
nationalism with the abstract structure of the state was an
experiment or a happening that has a limited history and a limited
future. We are living, as Habermas says, in postnational situations. Well see.
As I was growing up, then, I realized that
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Natural Resources
( ) The use and development of Latin America for the use of
cheap labor and resources is the embodiment of subjugation
through new means, a coloniality based perspective that works to
maintain modern imperalism
Mignolo 05 [Walter D., Duke University, The Idea of Latin America,
https://cdn.anonfiles.com/1349073241953.pdf, JCook.] Accessed 7/11/13.
You can still see the same projects today in the appropriation of
areas of natural resources (e.g., in the Amazon or oil-rich Iraq). Land cannot be reproduced.
You can reproduce seeds and other products of land; but land
itself is limited, which is another reason why the appropriation of
land is one of the prime targets of capital accumulation today. The
idea of Latin America is that of a large mass of land with a
wealth of natural resources and plenty of cheap labor. That, of course, is
the disguised idea. What the rhetoric of modernity touted by the IMF, the World
Bank, and the Washington consensus would say is that Latin America
is just waiting for its turn to develop. You could also follow the exploitation of labor
from the Americas to the Industrial Revolution to the movement of factories from the US
to developing nations in order to reduce costs. As for financial control, just
compare the number and size of banks, for example, in New York, London, or Frankfurt, on the one hand, versus
the ones in Bolivia, Morocco, or India, on the other.
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Omission
First, tag
Spivak 99 (GayatriChakravorty, Columbia, Can The Subaltern Speak?,Jcook.)
Pierre Macherey provides the following formula for the interpretation of ideology: 'What
is important in
a work is what it does not say. This is not the same as The careless
notation 'what it refuses to say,' although that would in itself be interesting: a
method might be built on it, with the task of measuring silences,
whether acknowledged or unacknowledged. But rather this, what the work
cannot say is important, because there the elaboration of the
utterance is carried out, in a sort of journey to silence."47 Macherey's
ideas can be developed in directions he would be unlikely to follow. Even as he writes, ostensibly, of the
literariness of the literature of European provenance, he
the social text of imperialism, somewhat against the grain of his own argument. Although the
notion "what it refuses to say" might be careless for a literary work, something like a collective
ideological refusal can be diagnosed for the codifying legal practice
of imperialism. This would open the field for a political economic
and multidisciplinary ideological reinscription of the terrain. Because this
is a "worlding of the world" on a second level of abstraction, a concept of refusal becomes
plausible here. The archival, historiographic, disciplinary-critical, and, inevitably, interventionist work
involved here is indeed a task of "measuring silences." This can be a description of
"investigating, identifying, and measuring ... the deviation" from an
ideal that is irreducibly differential. . When we come to the
concomitant question of the consciousness of the subaltern the
notion of what the work cannot say becomes important. In the
semioses of the social text, elaborations of insurgency stand in the
place of "the utterance." The sender-"the peasant"-is marked only as a pointer to an irretrievable
consciousness. As for the receiver, we must ask who is "the real receiver" of an "insurgency?" The histonan,
transforming "insurgency" into "text for knowledge," is only one "receiver" of any collectively intended social act.
Subaltern
historiography raises questions of method that would prevent It
from using such a ruse. For the "figure" of woman, the relationship betweer: woman and
silence can be plotted by women themselves; race and class
dIfferences are subsumed under that charge. Subaltern
predication as indeterminate is already available to the phallocentnc tradItl<:m.
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If, in the
context of colonial production, the subaltern has no history and
cannot speak, the subaltern as female is even more deeply in
shadow.
subject. of insurg~ncy, the ideological co.nstruction of gender keeps the male dommant.
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Problem Regions
( ) The pursuit of the West to help Latin American nations is merely
an attempt to hide the responsibility the West has for creating the
conditions seen in the region. This rhetoric of underdevelopment
and economic intervention into these problem regions perpetuate
the growing domination of coloniality
Grosfuguel 11 [Ramon, University of Cal. Berkeley, Decolonizing Post-Colonial Studies and Paradigms
of Political Economy: Transmodernity, Decolonial Thinking, and Global Coloniality,
http://www.dialogoglobal.com/granada/documents/Grosfoguel-Decolonizing-Pol-Econ-and-Postcolonial.pdf, JCook.]
Accessed 6/25/13.
Although the dependentistas struggled against these universalist/ Occidentalist
forms of
knowledge, they perceived this knowledge as a superstruture or an
epiphenomenon of some economic infrastructure. Dependentistas never perceived
this knowledge as constitutive of Latin Americas political-economy.
Constructing peripheral zones such as Africa and Latin America as
regions with a problem or with a backward stage of
development concealed European and Euro-American
responsibility in the exploitation of these continents. The
construction of pathological regions in the periphery as opposed
to the so-called normal development patterns of the West
justified an even more intense political and economic intervention
from imperial powers. By treating the Other as
underdeveloped and backward, metropolitan exploitation and
domination were justified in the name of the civilizing mission.
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Public Intellectual
First, The claim that specific people have a key role in any
movement to stop oppression, or that this is the only way
reproduces the nation again and again around the world, solving
every problem and crisis This institutes a reproductive
heteronormativity on all politics
Spivak 04, Gayatri Chakravorty, Avalon Foundation Professor in the Humanities at Columbia University and
the director of the Center for Comparative Literature and Society at Columbia University, 2004 Terror: A Speech
After 9-11 Published by Duke University Press. boundary 2 31.2 (2004) 81-111 Access provided by University of
Minnesota -Twin Cities LibrariesProject Muse 10/8/2008. JCook.
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Regulations
( ) Regulations are the crux of colonial modernity pushing forward
against change to the economic systems of control This destroys
solvency for modern problems, by using the system that creates
these problems The only way to solve the aff and coloniality is to
move away from this system
Escobar 04 [Arturo, Colombian-American anthropologist primarily known for his contribution to
postdevelopment theory and political ecology, Beyond the Third World: Imperial Globality, Global Coloniality, and
Anti-Globalization Social Movements, http://www3.nd.edu/~druccio/Escobar.pdf, JCook.] Acccessed 6/27/13.
to guarantee order in society, social regulation is the set of norms, institutions and practices through which
expectations are stabilized; it is based on the principles of state, market, and community. Social emancipation
challenges the order created by regulation in the name of a different ordering; to this end, it has recourse to
aesthetic, cognitive-scientific, and ethical rationalities. These two tendencies have become increasingly
contradictory, resulting in ever more noticeable excesses and deficits, particularly with neo-liberal globalization.
The
result has been the hyper-scientificization of emancipation (all
claims to a better society have to be filtered through the rationality
of science), and the hyper-marketization of regulation (modern
regulation is ceded to the market; to be free is to accept market
regulation), and, indeed, a collapse of emancipation into regulation. Hence
The management of these contradictions chiefly at the hands of science and lawis itself in crisis.
the need for a paradigmatic transition that enables us to think anew about the problematic of regulation and social
emancipation, with the ultimate goal of de-Westernizing social emancipation (Santos, 2002: 1-20). To this end, a
new approach to social theory, oppositional postmodernism, is called for (2002: 13, 14): The conditions that
brought about the crisis of modernity have not yet become the conditions to overcome the crisis beyond
modernity. Hence the complexity of our transitional period portrayed by oppositional postmodern theory:
we
The search for a postmodern solution is what I call oppositional postmodernism . What is
necessary is to start from the disjunction between the modernity of the problems and the postmodernity of the
possible solutions, and to turn such disjunction into the urge to ground theories and practices capable of
reinventing social emancipation out of the wrecked emancipatory promises of modernity.2 Santos thus points at
an other paradigm, distinct from modernity, even if still not fully visible, that make imagining beyond modernity
plausible. His reading of modernity builds on various readings of capitalism, distinguishing between those that
posit an end to capitalism, even if in the very long run (e.g. Wallersteins analysis of Kondratieff cycles, 2000), and
which thus advocate for transformative practices; and those that conceive of the future as so many
metamorphoses of capitalism, and who favor adaptive strategies within capitalism (e.g., Castells, 1996; see
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Rememoration
First, The reproductive drive of nations becomes embedded in our
subconciousness, in our cultural lives, and drive us to further this
reproductive heteronormativity Their claims of remembering the
horror we all faced in the past is a rememoration project that
attempts to embed the nation in our cultural memories
Spivak 09 (Gayatri Chakravorty, Columbia, Nationalism and the Imagination, JCook.)
nationalism I have been describing operates in the public sphere. But the
subaltern affect where it finds its mobilizing is private, though this possibility
of the private is not derived from a sense of the public, an underived private, which is very difficult
The
for Europe to think. Women, men and queers are not necessarily divided along the public-private line everywhere.
public. This shift is historical, of course, but it is also logical. The subaltern folks I am talking about are in our
present, but kept pre-modern. I will not rehearse here the mostly Hegelian historical story of the emergence of the
the impulse
to nationalism is we must control the workings of our own public
sphere. The reclaiming of the past is in that interest. Sometimes nationalism
public sphere. In whatever nationalist colors it is dressed, whether chronological or logical,
leads to the resolve to control others public spheres, although this is not a necessary outcome. With this comes
the necessary though often unacknowledged sense of being unique and, alas, better its a quick shift because
born this way. Every diasporic feels a pull of somewhere else while located here. If we consider the model of
exogamous marriage with reference to that sentence, we might have to revise the entire city/country model
implicit in Metropolis, and think that the women in gendering have always shared this characteristic with what
we, today, have learnt to call "Diaspora", even when it doesn't have much of a resemblance with what happened
so long ago in Alexandria. And yet, metonymized as nothing but the birth-canal, woman is the most primitive
although
nationalism is the condition and effect of the public sphere,
nationalisms are not able to work with the founding logic of the
public sphere: that all reason is one. It is secured by the private conviction
of special birth and hops right from the underived private comfort
which is no more than a thereness in ones corner. If nationalism
secures itself by an appeal to the most private, democracy in its
most convenient and ascertainable form is secured by the most
trivially public universal each equals one. That flimsy arithmetic,
unprotected by rational choice, can also be manipulated by
nationalism. I am not convinced that the story of human movement to a greater control of the public
instrument of nationalism. I have here offered a reading of nationalism that allows us to see why,
sphere is necessarily a story of progress. The religion/science debate makes this assumption, forgetting that the
imagination, forgetting that literature and the arts, belong neither to reason, nor to unreason. That literature and
suggest by the end of this because sometimes I am misunderstood that the literary imagination can impact on
de-transcendentalized nationalism. That is not what I am discussing here. I am supporting the clich that
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imagination feeds nationalism, and going forward toward the literary imagination and
teaching the humanities, through the teaching of the humanities to prepare the readerly imagination to receive
the literary and thus go beyond the self-identity of nationalism toward the complex textuality of the international. I
will come to that later.
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Representation
First, The affirmatives genealogy enacts the same representational
and epistemological violence that they hope to confront. The
affirmative conflates two senses of the word representation. First,
Representation as in direct proxy or political representation. And
second, re-presentation as in painting a portrait. When they
conflate the two senses, they create a static, unified, whole Other,
from which we can learn or know the truth of the situation or
experience. There is no one concrete experience of the Other from
which we can base a genealogy or a politics. The affirmatives
genealogy engages in this problematic representational strategy
that erases their own subject position and political interest and
creates violent essentialist utopian politics. This turns case.
Spivak 99 (GayatriChakravorty, Columbia, A critique of postcolonial reason: toward a history of the
vanishing present)
knowing, politically canny subalterns stands revealed; representing them, the intellectuals represent themselves
as transparent. If such a critique and such a project are not to be given up, the shifting distinctions between
representation within the state and political economy, on the one hand, and within the theory of the Subject, on
the other, must not be obliterated. Let us consider the play of vertreten ("represent" in the first sense) and
darstellen ("re-present" in the second sense) in a famous passage in The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte,
where Marx touches on "class" as a descriptive and transformative concept in a manner somewhat more complex
than Althusser's distinction between class instinct and class position would allow. This is important in the context
of the argument from the working class both from our two philosophers and "political" third-world feminism from
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the metropolis.Marx's
monster brings this home vividly. 96 The following passage, continuing the quotation from The
EighteenthBrumaire, is also working on the structural principle of a dispersed and dislocated class subject: the
(absent collective) consciousness of the small peasant proprietor class finds its "bearer" in a "representative" who
appears to work in another's interest. "Representative" here does not derive from darstellen; this sharpens the
contrast Foucault andDeleuze slide over, the contrast, say, between a proxy and a portrait. There
is, of
course, a relationship between them, one that has received political and ideological
exacerbation in the European tradition at least since the poet and the sophist, the actor and the orator, have both
we thus
encounter a much older debate: between representation or rhetoric as
tropology and as persuasion. Darstellen belongs to the first constellation, vertreten-with
stronger suggestions of substitution- to the second. Again, they are related, but running
them together, especially in order to say that beyond both is where
oppressed subjects speak, act, and know for themselves, leads to
an essentialist, utopian politics that can, when transferred to single-issue gender
rather than class, give unquestioning support tQ4-the :financialization of the globe, which
ruthlessly constructs a general will in the credit-baited rural woman
even as it "format"s her through UN Plans of Action so that she can
be "developed." Beyond this concatenation, transparent as rhetoric
in the service of "truth" has always made itself out to be, is the
much-invoked oppressed subject (as Woman), speaking, acting, and
knowing that gender in development is best for her. It is in the
shadow of this unfortunate marionette that the history of the
unheeded subaltern must unfold.
been seen as harmful. In the guise of a post-Marxist decription of the scene of power,
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Resources/Markets
***Markets***
( ) Control of coloniality has shifted from direct imperial control to
indirect macro-economics, such as markets, creating new systems of
control that replicate the same problems and violence
***Resources***
( ) Control of coloniality has shifted from direct imperial control to
indirect macro-economics, such as markets, creating new systems of
control that replicate the same problems and violence The pursuit
of resources is the lifeblood of this system
Escobar 04 [Arturo, Colombian-American anthropologist primarily known for his contribution to
postdevelopment theory and political ecology, Beyond the Third World: Imperial Globality, Global Coloniality, and
Anti-Globalization Social Movements, http://www3.nd.edu/~druccio/Escobar.pdf, JCook.] Acccessed 6/27/13.
The new empire thus operates not so much through conquest, but
through the imposition of norms (free-markets, US-style democracy
and cultural notions of consumption, and so forth). The former Third World is, above all,
the theatre of a multiplicity of cruel little wars which, rather than barbaric
throwbacks, are linked to the current global logic. From Colombia and Central America to
Algeria, sub-Saharan Africa and the Middle East these wars take place within states or
regions, without threatening empire but fostering conditions
favorable to it. For much of the former Third World (and of course to the Third World within the core) is
reserved the World-chaos (107), free-market slavery, and selective genocide. In some cases, this amounts to a
sort of paleo-microcolonialism within regions (157), in others to balkanization,
in yet others to brutal internal wars and massive displacement to free up entire
regions for transnational capital (particularly in the case of oil, but also
diamonds, timber, water, genetic resources, and agricultural lands).
Often times these cruel little wars are fueled by Mafia networks, and intended for macroeconomic globalization. It is clear that this new Global Empire (the New World
Order of the American imperial monarchy, p. 171) articulates the peaceful expansion of
the free-market economy with omnipresent violence in a novel
regime of economic and military globality in other words, the global
economy comes to be supported by a global organization of
violence and vice versa (200). On the subjective side, what increasingly one
finds in the Souths (including the South within the North) are diced identities
and the transformation of cultures of solidarity into cultures of
destruction.
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It is unmindful of the
current status of globality. As for patriotism, even more than nationalism, it is
an affect that the abstract structure of a functioning state
harnesses largely for defense: Dulce et decorum est pro patria mori. I am back humming that
constitutional patriotism, sitting in Germany, in a post-national world?
childhood song from Mebar Patan, composed in gallant yet ideologically tarnished national liberationism: take up
state or non-government route alone, that the new comparative literature, with its alliances with the social
For
behind this rearrangement of desires the desire to win in the name
of a nation is the work of de-transcendentalizing the ruse of
analogizing from the most private sense of unquestioning comfort
to the most ferocious loyalty to named land, a ruse that uses and
utilizes the axioms of reproductive heteronormativity. Emmanuel Levinas for
sciences, can work at ceaselessly. I think feminist teachers of the humanities have a special role here.
example offers us the ruse as the establishment of a norm the feminine establishing home as home leading to
the masculine exchange of language which inexorably led, for Levinas, to a politics of a most aggressive nation-
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statism, anchored in a myth of identitarianism long predating the historical narrative of the rise of nations (Levinas,
1969: 154-156).
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their aura seems to be altogether mediated and therefore akin to the common understanding (here Cavell's) of
careless notation 'what it refuses to say,' although that would in itself be interesting. . . . But rather than this,
what the work cannot say is important because there the elaboration of the journey is acted out, in a sort of
journey to silence."It is not surprising that, within a definition of writing as a deliberate withholding of voice, the
one sense of "turn"- in Thoreau's "You only need sit still long enough in some attractive spot in the ~voods that all
its inhabitants may exhibit themselves to you by turns"-that Cavell does not (cannot?) mention is "trope," the
It is in
terms of saving the freely choosing subject whose concept
insinuates itself into the most radical commun(al)ist politics of
collectivity that Said uses bcriture as a code word suggesting (I cannot be sure, since
the word hangs unexplained on the borders of his essay) linguistic reductionism at a
second remove. The thumbnail explanation of bcr~turea s the excluded
other that I have given above would have helped his general
argument: "A principle of silent exclusion operates within and at
the boundaries of discourse; this has now become so internalized
that fields, disciplines, and their discourses have taken on the
status of immutable durability" (p. 16).
irreducible turn of figuration that is the condition of (im)- possibility of any redemption of voice.
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Terrorism
( ) The fear of terrorism is the newest move in coloniality No one,
except those people working in the interest of the US are good, and
everyone is a ambiguously drawn terrorist
Escobar 04 [Arturo, Colombian-American anthropologist primarily known for his contribution to
postdevelopment theory and political ecology, Beyond the Third World: Imperial Globality, Global Coloniality, and
Anti-Globalization Social Movements, http://www3.nd.edu/~druccio/Escobar.pdf, JCook.] Acccessed 6/27/13.
the Cold War order). The new coloniality regime is still difficult to discern. Race, class and ethnicity will continue to
be important, but new, or newly prominent, areas of articulation come into existence, such as religion (and
gender linked to it, especially in the case of Islamic societies, as we saw for the war on Afghanistan). However,
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Commission for Refugees and Save the Children-UK, in a report of February 2002, asked peacekeeping missions to
stop trafficking in women and girl children. Feminists agitate against the sexually rapacious behavior of
peacekeeping personnel. 21 The scandal of rape within the US Army is now well known. At the same time,
Barbara Crossette offers the conventional wisdom, in an article entitled How to Put a Nation Back Together
Again, that fastermoving armies are necessary.22 Here is the usual division between the various spheres of
discourse, but they work within the same cultural imaginary, this time almost global: Conquering armies violate
women. Where terror is an affect, the line between agent and object wavers. On the one hand,
the
terrorists terrorize a community, fill their everyday with terror. But
there is also a sense in which the terrorist is taken to be numbed to
terror, does not feel the terror of terror, and has become unlike the
rest of us by virtue of this transformation. When the soldier is not
afraid to die, s/he is brave. When the terrorist is not afraid to die,
s/he is a coward. The soldier kills, or is supposed to kill, designated
persons. The terrorist kills, or may kill, just persons. In the space
between terrorism as a social movement and terror as affect, we
can declare victory. Although civil liberties, including intellectual
freedom, are curtailed, and military permissiveness exacerbated,
although racial profiling deforms the polity and the entire culture
redesigns itself for prevention, and although, starting on September 28, 2001, the UN
Security Council adopts wide-ranging antiterrorism measures, we can still transfer the register to affect and say,
We are not terrorized, we have won. And the old topos of intervening for the sake of women continues to be
I want to
distinguish the suicide bomber, the kamikaze pilot, from these
received binaries.
deployed. It is to save Afghan women from terror that we must keep the peace by force of arms.
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the Geneva Convention (itself unenforceable) because, as Donald Rumsfeld says, among other
things, they did not fight in uniform.2 The US is fighting an abstract
enemy: terrorism. Definitions in Government handbooks, or UN documents, explain little. The
war is part of an alibi every imperialism has given itself, a civilizing
mission carried to the extreme, as it always must be. It is a war on
terrorism reduced at home to due process, to a criminal case: US v.
Zacarias Moussaoui, aka Shaqil, aka Abu Khalid al Sahrawi, with the nineteen dead hijackers named as
unindicted co-conspirators in the indictment. This is where I can begin: a war zoomed down to a lawsuit and
useful. To repeat, then, down to a case, up to an abstraction. I cannot speak intelligently about the law, about
cases. I am not responsible in it. I turn to the abstraction: terror-ism.
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Totalizing Lens
First, tag
Spivak 99 (Gayatri Chakravorty, Columbia, Can The Subaltern Speak?,Jcook.)
I have dwelt so long on this passage in Marx because it spells out the inner dynamics of Vertretung, or
commodities their exchange-value appeared to us totally independent of their use-value. But if we subtract their
use-value from the product of labour, we obtain their value, as it was just determined [bestimmtj. The common
element which represents itself [sich darstelltj in the exchange relation, or the exchange value of the commodity,
is thus its value."21 According to Marx, under capitalism, value, as produced in necessary and surplus labor, is
computed as the representation/sign of objectified labor (which is rigorously distinguished from human activity).
Marxism," Deleuze suggests, "was to determine the problem [that power is more diffuse than the structure of
exploitation and state formation] essentially in terms of interests (power is held by a ruling class defined by its
interests)" (FD, 214).
Marx's project, just as one cannot ignore that, in parts of the Anti-Oedipus, Deleuze and Guattari build
their case on a brilliant if "poetic" grasp of Marx's theory of the money form. Yet we might
consolidate our critique in the following way: the relationship
between global capitalism (exploitation in economics) and nation-state
alliances (domination in geopolitics) is so macrological that it cannot account
for the micrological texture of power. To move toward such an
accounting one must move toward theories of ideology-of subject
formations that micrologically and often erratically operate the
interests that congeal the macrologies. Such theories cannot afford
to overlook the category of representation in its two senses. They
must note how the staging of the world in representation-its scene of
writing, its Darstellung-dissimulates the choice of and need for "heroes,"
paternal proxies, agents of power Vertretung. My view is that radical practice
should attend to this double session of representations rather than
reintroduce the individual subject through totalizing concepts of
power and desire. It is also my view that, in keeping the area of class
practice on a second level of abstraction, Marx was in effect
keeping open the (Kantian and) Hegelian critique of the individual subject as
agent.22 This view does not oblige me to ignore that, by implicitly
defining the family and the mother tongue as the ground level
where culture and convention seem nature's own way of organizing
"her" own subversion, Marx himself rehearses an ancient
subterfuge.23 In the context of poststructuralist claims to critical practice, this seems more recuperable
than the clandestine restoration of Subjective essentialism.
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Trade
( ) The development of export economies of trade coincide with the
most recent form of modernity in Latin America, a form of
Eurocentric control that continues and intensifies current
postcolonial trends
Salvatore 10 [Ricardo D., Universidad Torcuato Di Tella, The Postcolonial in Latin America and the
Concept of Coloniality: A Historians Point of View, Vol. 8, No. 1, Fall 2010, 332-348,
www.ncsu.edu/project/acontracorriente, JCook.] Accessed 6/25/13.
modernity continued
and probably intensified the marginalization and objectification of
indigenous peoples in Latin America. But few would want to defend
the similarity between 16th century Spanish colonialism and the
period of export economies, railroads, banks, and modernist novels. In other words, historians
European modernity. One could argue that late 19th and early 20th century
are likely to resist the homogenization into a single polarity (modernity/coloniality) of different types or waves of
modernity. The modernity that the ABC nations (Argentina, Brazil and Chile) evoked at the time of their first
centenary was neither the first modernity of the sixteenth century, nor the second modernity of the
influenced by currents of thought such as evolutionism, positivism, and literary modernism. This was a
civilizational project in which progress was endowed with transformative potency greater than that granted by
not clear to me to what extent the concept of modernity/coloniality reflects appropriately this moment of rapid
transformations that some Latin American republics experienced ca.1880 and 1930.
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Universal Knowledge/Prescriptions
( ) The view of knowledge as separate and detached from the
person is a symptom of Western ideology and thought. This is
illogical to detach the subject from the view of knowledge they hold,
epistemologically indicting the entirety of their aff AND It
detaches the view of people as having personhood, perpetuating
the view of subaltern groups as lesser and false
Grosfuguel 11 [Ramon, University of Cal. Berkeley, Decolonizing Post-Colonial Studies and Paradigms of
Political Economy: Transmodernity, Decolonial Thinking, and Global Coloniality,
http://www.dialogoglobal.com/granada/documents/Grosfoguel-Decolonizing-Pol-Econ-and-Postcolonial.pdf, JCook.]
Accessed 6/25/13.
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US Key
First, The calls for the US to solve every problem reproduces the
nation again and again around the world, solving every problem and
crisis This institutes a reproductive heteronormativity on all
politics
Spivak 04, Gayatri Chakravorty, Avalon Foundation Professor in the Humanities at Columbia University and
the director of the Center for Comparative Literature and Society at Columbia University, 2004 Terror: A Speech
After 9-11 Published by Duke University Press. boundary 2 31.2 (2004) 81-111 Access provided by University of
Minnesota -Twin Cities LibrariesProject Muse 10/8/2008. JCook.
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Western Criticism/Subject
First, Their criticism confines the decentering of the subject to the
subject of the West, which problematizes the non-Western other as
real and knowable. It makes it impossible to confer with the
subaltern in a discursive practice, which assumes that the subject is
always already the subject of the West. This turns the K by issuing a
new ____their bad thing___ and guts solvency, which reinstituting an
essentialist subject of the Other
Spivak 99 (GayatriChakravorty, Columbia, Can The Subaltern Speak?,Jcook.)
Some of the most radical criticism coming out of the West today is
the result of an interested desire to conserve the subject of the
West, or the West as SUbject. The theory of pluralized "subjecteffects" gives an illusion of undermining SUbjective sovereignty
while often providing a cover for this subject of knowledge. Although the
history of Europe as Subject is narrativized by the law, political economy, and ideology of the West, this concealed
this conclusion by considering a text by two great practitioners of the critique: "Intellectuals and Power: A
Conversation between Michel Foucault and Gilles Deleuze. "3 I have chosen this friendly exchange between two
activist philosophers of history because it undoes the opposition between authoritative theoretical production and
the unguarded practice of conversation, enabling one to glimpse the track of ideology. The participants in this
conversation emphasize the most important contributions of French poststructuralist theory: first, that the
networks of power/desire/interest are so heterogeneous that their reduction to a coherent narrative is
counterproductive-a persistent critique is needed; and second, that intellectuals must attempt to disclose and
know the discourse of society's Other. Yet the two systematically ignore the question of ideology and their own
implication in intellectual and economic history. Although one of its chief presuppositions is the critique of the
sovereign subject, the conversation between Foucault and Deleuze is framed by two monolithic and anonymous
subjects-in-revolution: "A Maoist" (FD, 205) and "the workers' struggle" (FD, 217). Intellectuals, however, are
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fundamentally beyond the insights of these professional conspirators .... He could perhaps have made Flaubert's
statement, "Of all of politics I understand only one thing: the revolt," his own.6
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Omission
First, tag
Spivak 99 (GayatriChakravorty, Columbia, Can The Subaltern Speak?,Jcook.)
Pierre Macherey provides the following formula for the interpretation of ideology: 'What
is important in
a work is what it does not say. This is not the same as The careless
notation 'what it refuses to say,' although that would in itself be interesting: a
method might be built on it, with the task of measuring silences,
whether acknowledged or unacknowledged. But rather this, what the work
cannot say is important, because there the elaboration of the
utterance is carried out, in a sort of journey to silence."47 Macherey's
ideas can be developed in directions he would be unlikely to follow. Even as he writes, ostensibly, of the
literariness of the literature of European provenance, he
the social text of imperialism, somewhat against the grain of his own argument. Although the
notion "what it refuses to say" might be careless for a literary work, something like a collective
ideological refusal can be diagnosed for the codifying legal practice
of imperialism. This would open the field for a political economic
and multidisciplinary ideological reinscription of the terrain. Because this
is a "worlding of the world" on a second level of abstraction, a concept of refusal becomes
plausible here. The archival, historiographic, disciplinary-critical, and, inevitably, interventionist work
involved here is indeed a task of "measuring silences." This can be a description of
"investigating, identifying, and measuring ... the deviation" from an
ideal that is irreducibly differential. . When we come to the
concomitant question of the consciousness of the subaltern the
notion of what the work cannot say becomes important. In the
semioses of the social text, elaborations of insurgency stand in the
place of "the utterance." The sender-"the peasant"-is marked only as a pointer to an irretrievable
consciousness. As for the receiver, we must ask who is "the real receiver" of an "insurgency?" The histonan,
transforming "insurgency" into "text for knowledge," is only one "receiver" of any collectively intended social act.
Subaltern
historiography raises questions of method that would prevent It
from using such a ruse. For the "figure" of woman, the relationship betweer: woman and
silence can be plotted by women themselves; race and class
dIfferences are subsumed under that charge. Subaltern
predication as indeterminate is already available to the phallocentnc tradItl<:m.
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If, in the
context of colonial production, the subaltern has no history and
cannot speak, the subaltern as female is even more deeply in
shadow.
subject. of insurg~ncy, the ideological co.nstruction of gender keeps the male dommant.
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Impacts
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Fascism
( ) The result of coloniality, especially when applied to economics of
developing nations, is the development of financial fascism A
system that subjugates entire nations in the process of
globalization
Escobar 04 [Arturo, Colombian-American anthropologist primarily known for his contribution to
postdevelopment theory and political ecology, Beyond the Third World: Imperial Globality, Global Coloniality, and
Anti-Globalization Social Movements, http://www3.nd.edu/~druccio/Escobar.pdf, JCook.] Acccessed 6/27/13.
social fascism as a social and civilizational regime (p. 453). This regime, paradoxically,
coexists with democratic societies, hence its novelty. This fascism
may operate in various modes: in terms of spatial exclusion;
territories struggled over by armed actors; the fascism of
insecurity; and of course the deadly financial fascism, which at times
dictates the marginalization of entire regions and countries that
do not fulfill the conditions needed for capital , according to the IMF and its faithful
management consultants (pp. 447-458). To the former Third World corresponds the highest levels of social fascism
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Racism/Domination
( ) Coloniality exists as a matrix of different dominating factors
Race, politics, and world economics This multiplicity of different
systems creates the world order that labels people as inferior and
superior, often based on race This is the controlling impact in the
debate Race controls every system in the world
Grosfuguel 11 [Ramon, University of Cal. Berkeley, Decolonizing Post-Colonial Studies and Paradigms of
Political Economy: Transmodernity, Decolonial Thinking, and Global Coloniality,
http://www.dialogoglobal.com/granada/documents/Grosfoguel-Decolonizing-Pol-Econ-and-Postcolonial.pdf, JCook.]
Accessed 6/25/13.
structures . What is new in the coloniality of power perspective is how the idea of race and
racism becomes the organizing principle that structures all of the
multiple hierarchies of the world-system (Quijano 1993). For example, the
different forms of labor that are articulated to capitalist
accumulation at a world-scale are assigned according to this racial
hierarchy; coercive (or cheap) labor is done by non-European people in the periphery and free wage labor
in the core. The global gender hierarchy is also affected by race: contrary to
pre-European patriarchies where all women were inferior to all men, in the new colonial power matrix some women
(of European origin) have a higher status and access to resources than some men (of non-European origin).
The
European modern/colonial
capitalist/patriarchal world-system (Grosfoguel 2002). European Judeo-Christian patriarchy
and European notions of sexuality, epistemology and spirituality were globalized and exported
to the rest of the world through the colonial expansion as the
hegemonic criteria to racialize, classify and pathologize the rest of
constitutive part of the broad entangled package called the
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Violence
***ALSO HEGE LINK***
( ) The new form of imperialism and control is economic, but the
same violent, war-mongering effects take place, destroying entire
nations, and subjugating all who are in the countries the US tries to
economically engage
Escobar 04 [Arturo, Colombian-American anthropologist primarily known for his contribution to
postdevelopment theory and political ecology, Beyond the Third World: Imperial Globality, Global Coloniality, and
Anti-Globalization Social Movements, http://www3.nd.edu/~druccio/Escobar.pdf, JCook.] Acccessed 6/27/13.
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2NC Violence
( ) Occidental thought perpetuates global struggles throughout the
world and play out in vastly violent ends This is the root cause of
your impacts Turns case
Ikenberry 04 [G. John, Theorist of international relations and United States foreign policy, and a professor
of Politics and International Affairs in the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs at Princeton
University, Review of Occidentalism: The West in the Eyes of Its Enemies by Ian Buruma and Avishai Margalit for
Foreign Affairs, http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/59557/g-john-ikenberry/occidentalism-the-west-in-the-eyes-ofits-enemies, JCook.] Accessed 6/26/13.
the
hostility of Islamic jihadists toward the United States is but the most
recent manifestation of a long-running, worldwide reaction to the
rise of Western modernity. They call the cluster of prejudices and
unflattering images of the West conjured by its enemies
"Occidentalism," a phenomenon that originated within the West itself in the late eighteenth century and
In this grandly illuminating study of two centuries of anti-Western ideas, Buruma and Margalit contend that
only later spread to the Middle East, Asia, and beyond. German romantics, reacting to the Enlightenment and the
threat -- to religious fundamentalists, priest-kings, and radical collectivists alike -- because it deflates the
can do about Occidentalism, however, is less clear. The anti-Western impulses in nineteenth-century Europe and
interwar Japan were only transitional, overwhelmed by the forces of socioeconomic advancement. Whether the
Occidentalism of present-day Islamic radicals will also come to accommodate modernity is the great question of our
time. Buruma and Margalit do not venture an answer, but their evocative study shows that,
whatever
happens in the end, it will play out as a long and violent historical
drama.
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War
First, This reproductive Heteronormativity ends in the countless
justification of wars As nations reproduce themselves in masculine
ways, war is fought amongst the protection of the female, and the
protection of the nations reproductive abilities This makes war
inevitable by re-entrenching in the heterosexism that produces the
justifications for wars in the first place Only the alternatives break
away from this system of reproductive heteronormativity solves the
impact.
Global Feminisms 402 08 (Amy T., Writes on the war in Iraq and particularly its impact on
women, The Gender of War, December 15, 2008.)
(http://globalfeminisms.wordpress.com/2008/12/15/the-gender-of-war/. JCook.) Accessed 8/21/12.
woman. Land is feminized, as in Mother Earth and calling countries the motherland and she.[1] Womens relation
Wars
begin to protect and save women, because patriarchy wants
everyone to believe that women dont have the agency to protect or
save themselves. This feminization of that over which war is fought is simultaneously the result of and
the reason behind war being coded as masculine. Masculinization of war attempts to
reduce women to property, beings without agency to quite literally
call their own shots. Oftentimes womens rights become a kind of
capital over which men fight. When war is fought in order to save women, then questions of
to war becomes about how they are in need of the protection the military can provide them.[2]
which group affords more rights to women becomes an issue not of commitment to gender equality but rather in
who can claim higher moral ground. Patriarchy and the systems of oppression with which it intersects are happy to
perform concern for the well-being of the very groups they oppress when doing so will reify their own power and
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Groups are emasculated in defeat, like the US after its failure in Vietnam.[5] When war becomes about masculine
posturing[6] and facing up to a bully,[7] then admitting defeat means admitting a lack of masculine potency and
strength. Starhawk write that [s]oldiers can be coerced into dying for killing when their fear of being called
womanlike or cowardly overrides their reluctance to face death or to inflict injury on others.[8] War, violence and
killing become a way to prove manliness and masculinity. Add in the phallic images of much of modern weaponry
and war becomes a battle of who has a bigger penis, who is the bigger and more masculine man. The US
occupation of Iraq is definitely gendered masculine and easily matches the dominant narrative of masculinized
war. The US government used the well-being of women to justify their invasion. Even though the war is really about
imperialism, Western dominance, and capitalist greed, the US claimed that it wanted to liberate the Muslim
women of course remembering to represent these women as an Orientalist monolith. Eisenstein describes that
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Value to Life
Not very good
First, Reproductive heteronormativity destroys the spirit of human
life It controls our actions and our basic unconscious, removing
any true freedom
Spivak August 2012 (Gayatri Chakravorty, Columbia, Re: Discussion of Your Ideas and Academic
Debate, http://emailswithdebateauthors.blogspot.com/2012/08/conversation-with-gayatri-spivak.html, JCook.)
Accessed 8/26/12.
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HIV/AIDs
First, Reproductive heteronormativity leads nations like the US to
pull funding from HIV and AIDs programs
Spivak 09 (Gayatri Chakravorty, Columbia, Nationalism and the Imagination, JCook.)
In August, 2003, at the public hearing of crimes against women in Bangladesh, the jury had suggested (I was part
of the jury) that the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation, or SAARC, be requested to put in place
trans-state jurisdiction so that perpetrators could be apprehended with greater ease, and survivor-friendly laws
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Otherization
If youre going to read this as an impact read framework with it
the only way youll win an outweighs and theres some pretty good
policy failure stuff with it
Reproductive Heteronormativity forces the postcolonial to become
the other
Spivak February 2012 - Gayatri Chakravorty, Avalon Foundation Professor in the Humanities at
Columbia University and the director of the Center for Comparative Literature and Society at Columbia University,
"An Aesthetic Education in the Era of Globalization", Published 2-27-2012
the universities, the journals, the institutes, the exhibitions, the publish- . ers' series are rather overtly involved
it can
be said that the shift into transnationalism brought a softer and
more benevolent third worldism into the Euramerican academy. This
was indeed a ricorso from the basically conservative social scientific
approach that matched the initial dismantling of the old empires. It
is in this newer context that the postcolonial diasporic can have the
role of an ideologue. This "person" (although we are only naming a subject-position here),
belonging to a basically collaborative elite, can be uneasy for
different kinds of reasons with being made the object of
unquestioning benevolence as an inhabitant of the new third world.
(S)he is more at home in producing and simulating the effect of an
older world constituted by the legitimizing narratives of cultural and
ethnic specificity and continuity, all feeding an almost seamless
national identity-a species of" retrospective hallucination." 14 This
produces a comfortable "other" for transnational postmodernity,
"ground-level activity," "emergent discourses." The radical critic can
turn her attention on this hyperreal third world to find, in the name
of an alternative history, an arrested space that reproaches
postmodernity. In fact, most postcolonial areas have a class-specific access to the society of informationhere. Keeping the banal predictability of the cultural apparatus in transnational society firmly in mind,
command telematics inscribed by microelectronic transnationalism. And indeed, the discourse of cultural specificity
and difference, packaged for transnational consumption along the lines sketched above, is often deployed by this
specific class. What is dissimulated by this broadstroke picture is the tremendous complexity of postcolonial space,
especially womanspace.15
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Structural Violence
Reproductive Heteronormativity tasks women with the job of
maintaining culture making them become the self and the other.
This causes structural violence because the man vents his
aggression on them because the woman becomes a symbol of the
global
Spivak February 2012 - Gayatri Chakravorty, Avalon Foundation Professor in the Humanities at
Columbia University and the director of the Center for Comparative Literature and Society at Columbia University,
"An Aesthetic Education in the Era of Globalization", Published 2-27-2012
In the field of
political culture, to engage in a strategy-driven globalization, to
step into a modernity not forever marked by the West and
contrasted to a tradition necessarily defined as static, it is to the
past as the call of the unburied dead that the postcolonial must
strain to gain access. (In the intervening years, I have realized, as I have plunged more and more
Farhad Mazhar to speak of these predicaments of infelicitous or unmourned modernities.
into the specific task of the uncoercive rearrangement of desires at two ends of the spectrum-represented here as a
double bind-that strategy-driven globalization is the old goal of international socialism recoded into the global; and
that it still needs supplementation by a persistently repeated, diversified, aesthetic education for all. But I get
ahead of myself.)
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subsequently in underclass migrancy, and thrust into a bewildering simulacrum of freedom in the underbelly of
globalization. To undo this is not a matter of a quick-fix gender training, bringing the international feminist into the
fragility of the family.
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Deontology
Tag me
Spivak 2005 GuyatriChakravorty, Columbia University, Scattered speculations
on the subaltern and the popular, Postcolonial Studies Vol. 8 No. 4, pp. 475-486,
2005 Routledge
As you can see, however, in what I am writing today, the problems that emerged out of Can the Subaltern Speak?,
_/ the problem of subject-ship and agency, and the call to build infrastructure in the colloquial, not the Marxist
sense, so that agency would emerge _/, have not left me. At that stage already, I saw agency as institutional
validation, whereas subject formation exceeded the borders of the intending subject, to put it brutally briefly. And I
saw reproductive heteronormativity as the broadest global institution. Now, in addition, I see agency as the play of
self-synecdochising in a metonym. To restore rights to the people without laying the groundwork for this (political)
will can be well-intentioned but only that, and only at best. In general, the leaders of collectivities _/ good or bad
_/ have the right to the metonym/synecdoche complex. That the rank and file do not, sometimes gets overlooked.
That I believe is the difference between good and bad movements. My foray into teacher-training for the
subaltern is because they also are citizens, the name for hegemony. In order to work for them, I set aside my
differences _/ Columbia Professor, dollar income, classed caste-birth, and all that comes with it .
I
synecdochise myself as nothing but a citizen of India, which is
where my students, their parents and relatives, and I, can form a
collectivity, in search of agency. On the other hand, they are not,
mentally or materially (the two bleed into each other), free to put
aside their differences. The effort is to build infrastructure so that
they can, when necessary, when the public sphere calls for it,
synecdochise themselves without identitarian
exploitation(sometimes well-meaning but equally destructive), from
above. The solution, as I see it, is not to celebrate or deny difference, but
find out what specific case of inequality brings about the use of
difference and who can deny it on occasion. The solution is also not
to create a politics of recognition where this problematic is
altogether ignored.25 The solution cannot come to us from the
international civil society, self-selected moral entrepreneurs who
distribute philanthropy without democracy.26 I believe the existing debates about
contingency and universality have not taken into account.27 Here is another example, from the other end of the
polity are not engaged on an ordinary day. It is only when there are transformative Supreme Court decisions and
popular mandates that they act.29 And now Donald Pease was suggesting that even that has been changed. He,
however, was not able to see that RHN kicks in here as well .
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interspersed with looking through numerous photo albums with Spivak, searching for and talking through
photographs of women.gayatrichakravortyspivak I dont quite know where to begin in this introduction, Nayanika.
Derrida has this idea of destinerrance that a thing always errs away from its destination, and I feel that pulling
these pictures up from 71/72 has been almost an allegory of that. These pic tures were not records of anything for
me I should say here I am not a photographer. I am completely excited by and committed to the unverifiable.
On the other hand, in the deepest possible way I am dedicated to entering the protocols of their episteme,
attempting to inhabit the often-metaphoricalsyncategoremes that link their presuppositions, as one enters the
text one reads, which is a very different thing. As you will see, these pictures are poor pictures. They were taken
because we were there. My mother and I were involved in working for the establishment of Bangladesh as a state.
We did publicity we talked to the women a lot but not to interview, but to energize, to understand, to explain.
reproductive
heteronormativity the para-reasonable assumption that
producing children by male-female coupling gives meaning to any
life is the oldest, biggest sustaining institution in the world, a
tacit globalizer. And war and rape belong there. Now you will see the picture of
I dont know whether you have heard me say this since you saw me at Cambridge, that
one young woman who was completely unhinged, never spoke a word at all I felt she was completely unhinged
which is also a Derridean thing out of joint. The out of place (atopos), following Socrates, is assigned a
on these pictures this is not my work, it was a literary or disciplinary disinclination to turn her into my object of
investigation.This
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of the scene of violation was originary to all this. It was, as it were, a lesson not
to read too soon. want to come back to the point of images. There is a certain kind of
standardization of images that has happened in terms of wartime
experiences to the extent that people feel bored about it the
citational point about the enemy. Yes and through this the feeling is that once dealt with
they need not be brought up again. I am glad you brought this up. I am talking about this
entire construct which contained my approach to it and I had no plan. And we hadnt gone to do this.
What I am talking about is preimagistic. I do not follow Freud, but Freud is very canny he says that the dream
in its work has to start with words but it slowly undoes the words worthiness. Freud is talking about the fact that in
the dream the significance-quality of the image is undone, the meaning making of the image gets undone in
the dreamer can dream the very last thing the dream does,
the dream work does, making a representation. It conceals all this
work by producing a dream narrative. It is this dream narrative that
I am talking about. I want to show you the pictures first. It is interesting to me that they are mixed in
order that
with other pictures let me get a bigger table for the photographs. I want to show you the picture of the woman
who was completely muted. I believe this is she. I have forgotten her name there are two pictures which are
nearly the same. These are awful pictures these are some of the women, and this is of that woman who was
always quiet. The photographs are of January 73. I dont know if these pictures mean anything to you. The
settings of these images are similar to images other Bangladeshi social workers have. Maybe you could tell me
how you went with your mother to Bangladesh what triggered it off. That is interesting indeed. I was of that
immediately postcolonial generation that went to Presidency College in Calcutta in 1957. I was always engaged
with whatever was going on that was not new. I came to the US in 1961, and I would say that the first couple of
years I was slightly detached from what was on the ground. Although during that time James Brown and Malcolm
X debated at Cornell, Schwerner and his associates went down south and were killed in Mississippi. There was a lot
of stuff going on. But since I am not someone who would want to join for joining, I wasnt cluing in. And then came
the Vietnam War and I was a bit more senior, right? 65 I became an assistant prof, and I found myself
completely sucked into the antiVietnam War movement. And one of the things that kept not just me but most of
the international students on the left separate from it a little was our conviction that people with whom we were
struggling SDS, DSOC, NAM [Students for a Democratic Society, Democratic Socialist Organizing Committee, and
New American Movement] they seemed more interested in reclaiming America than entering the protocol of
the episteme of the Vietcong: how Marx is transformed in Asia the atopos in Socrates that was not the story.
Because student activists tend to cluster and I was becoming quite visible and I was clearly a Bengali into this
came the Bangladeshi activists abroad, who were working very hard. This was in Iowa the Midwest was a solid
base of the antiVietnam War movement. And so it was there that the Bangladeshis and I found each other. I
remember the guy calledSayadAlam the day that Bangladesh was proclaimed and there was a huge
celebration at our house, March 71. And so I was in contact with my mother in Calcutta Mother had often said to
me that the best days of her life were spent in Dhaka. My fathers name was Pares Chandra Chakravorty, and my
mothers name was SivaniChakravorty. So what happened was my father was asked by the British government
to give false evidence in a rape trial in 1941 in Dhaka, and in a second he destroyed his career by refusing. Of
course, Mother remembered the entire narrative vividly. After that my father left Dhaka. My mothers grandmother
Barahini Debi was given in widow remarriage. Her father was a friend of IswarchandraVidyasagar, the great
nineteenth-century Bengali reformer. Brahmins in my fathers village had therefore felt that my fathers father
had lost his Brahminical standing by giving his son into such a rule-breaking household. So he tore his sacred
All
of these stories have to do with the cultural policing of
reproductive heteronormativity. A widow remarried is akin to a rape
victim, a transgressor. So now, coming to talk to you, I realize this inventory without traces,
thread and vowed never to come back to the village again. My mother had never seen my fathers birthplace.
Gramscis great formula for the historiography of the subaltern. I get my political passion from both my parents,
and the entire narrative was in my mothers mind. As this drama was being played in Iowa by me thirty years
later, my mother said we should go to Bangladesh and she started to make contacts. So in 71 Mother and I
together went to Bangladesh, and this was just about the end well, the bridges were still down. So my
chronology is not accurate this was not being undertaken for any academic transcoding. It was an emotional
thing mother and daughter going back to where mother had been happiest. Going back to where no one in the
family had been after 1940. It was extremely exciting and Mothers MA was in Bengali literature and she could
speak all of the dialects. As we are going north I understand my mother tongue less and less. My Bengali is not
bad, but she was becoming the interpreter and she was talking to them, whereas I could not talk and I could not
understand either. So it was very much a womens emotional journey. Into this because she had clearly worked
in the womens sector, and while I had worked in the general new-nation sector like the anti Vietnam War
movement I began to discover that through her I met lots of groups of upper-middle-class nationalist women.
The PunorbashonKendras (rehabilitation centers) that you mentioned approached Mother, and I went along. That
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is how it happened. I was twenty-nine. I hadnt begun any of my activist work of the mid-80s that was much
later. And so I was very much my mothers assistant.
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Ontology
Aff is responsible for their representations and forces a flawed
ontology - the act of reading forces one to construct a self in
opposition to their own [also can be used as a perm card if its
something to the effect of all other instances or do both since it
focuses on the role of the affs literature]
Spivak February 2012 - Gayatri Chakravorty, Avalon Foundation Professor in the Humanities at
Columbia University and the director of the Center for Comparative Literature and Society at Columbia University,
"An Aesthetic Education in the Era of Globalization", Published 2-27-2012, PG 58
Writing and reading in such general senses mark two different positions in relation to the uneven manystrandedness of "being." Writing is a position where the absence of the weaver from the web is structurally
necessary. Reading is a position where I (or a group of us with whom I share an identificatory label) make this
anonymous web my own, even as I find in it a guarantee of my existence as me, one of us. Between the two
positions, there are displacements and consolidations, a disjunction in order to conjugate a representative self.
(Even solitude is framed in a representation of absent others.) In the arena of cultural politics, whose disciplinary
condition and effect are history, anthropology, and cultural studies, this disjunction/conjunction is often ignored. The
socius, it is claimed, is not woven in the predication of writing, not text-ile. It is further claimed that, when we push
ourselves, or the objects of our study, forward as agents of an alternative history, our own emergence into the court
of claims is not dependent upon the transformation and displacement of writing into something readable. By that
reasoning, we simply discover or uncover the socius and secure the basis of cultural or ethnic power through the
claim to knowledge. By that reasoning, power is collective, institutional, political validation. I do not advise giving
up this practical notion of power. If, however, we "remake history" only through this limited notion of power as
collective validation, we might allow ourselves to become instruments of the crisis-management of the old
institutions, the old politics. We forget at our peril that we get out of joint with the pretext, the writing of our desire
for validation, which one can only grasp by being "nominalistic, no doubt: power is not an institution, and not a
structure; neither is it a certain strength some are endowed with; it is the name that one lends to a complex
strategical situation in a particular society," so that one can read that writing. 3
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Spurlock
First, We challenge the binary of the universal particular these
divisions rest upon reproductive Heteronormativity
Spivak 05 Guyatri Chakravorty, Columbia University, Scattered speculations on the subaltern and the
popular, Postcolonial Studies Vol. 8 No. 4, pp. 475-486, 2005 Routledge
Bhaduri was metaleptically substituting effect for cause and producing an idea of national liberation by her suicide.
an idea of national liberation was produced by, socalled, terrorist movements.23 It was a frightening, solitary, and
Clytemnestralike project for a woman.
Chatterjees argument is that
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Turns Case
First, Ethical Interruptions of the systematic norm are the only way
to make lasting change to prevent the inevitable violence that the
case focuses on AND Only the alternative alone can solve The
openness to the other runs counter to state action and combinatory
acts
GayatriChakravorty Spivak 08, Avalon Foundation Professor in the Humanities at Columbia University and
the director of the Center for Comparative Literature and Society at Columbia University, 2004 Terror: A Speech
After 9-11 Published by Duke University Press. boundary 2 31.2 (2004) 81-111 Access provided by University of
Minnesota -Twin Cities LibrariesProject Muse 10/8/2008.
Yet, being a citizen of the world who aspires to live and prosper under the rule of law, I will risk a word. When
Critique of Power Benjamin writes, what stands outside of the law as the educative power in its perfected form,
is one of the forms of appearance of divine power.5 I happen to be a Europeanist, but I have no doubt at all
thathistorically
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I am also not suggesting that political analyses and resistances and, on another level, aid and human rights, are
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Education
First, Epistemic violence is rooted in the subjugation of many modes
of knowledge and education We must attack this idea of supreme
thought in any form to develop a true way of learning that is freed
of all educational colonialism
Spivak 99 (Gayatri Chakravorty, Columbia, Can The Subaltern Speak?,Jcook.)
The clearest available example of such epistemic violence is the remotely
orchestrated, far-flung, and heterogeneous project to constitute the
colonial subject as Other. This project is also the asymetrical
obliteration of the trace of that Other in its precarious Subject-ivity.
It is well known that Foucault locates epistemic violence, a complete
overhaul of the episteme, m the redefinition of sanity at the end of
the European eighteenth century.28 But what if that particular
redefinition was only a part of the narrative of history in Europe as
well as in the colonies? What if the two projects of epistemic overhaul
worked as dislocated and unacknowledged parts of a vast twohanded engine? Perhaps it is no more than to ask that the subtext of the palimpsestic
narrative of imperialism be recognized as "subjugated knowledge,"
"a whole set of knowledges that have been disqualified as
inadequate to their task or insufficiently elaborated: naive
knowledges, located low down on the hierarchy, beneath the
required level of cognition or scientificity" (PK, 82). .This is not to
describe the way things really were" or to privilege. The narrative of
history as imperialism as the best version of history.29 It is, rather, to
offer an account of how an explanation and narrative of reality was
established as the normative one. To elaborate on this let us consider briefly the
underpinnings of the British codification of Hiddu Law.
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Turns Case
Theory is useless in practical and specific applications and is not
value-neutral guts solvency and turns case
Spivak 03 (Gayatri, Winter 2003, Resistance That Cannot be Recognised as Such: Interview with
GayatriChakravortySpivak, Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. II, No. 2, TvB)
about Althusser, that his essay Contradiction and Overdetermination says this so clearly and for so many years
ago,
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No Solvency
First, The Other as a subject cannot be accessed in the ivory towers
of Deleuze and Foucault The contexts of the individual is need, the
subaltern cannot speak They cannot break down the conditions
they are in You affirmative ignores this fact Guts solvency The
alternative is a prerequisite to your affirmative
Spivak 99 (GayatriChakravorty, Columbia, Can The Subaltern Speak?,Jcook.)
These authorities are the very best of the sources for the nonspecialist French intellectual's entry into the
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not they themselves perceive it-in fact Guha sees his definition of "the people" within the master-slave dialectictheir text articulates the difficult task of rewriting its own conditions of impossibility as the conditions of its
between interest and action in the intermediate group, their conclusions are closer to Marx than to the selfconscious naivete of Deleuze's pronouncement on the issue. Guha, like Marx, speaks of interest in terms of the
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Solves
The aff uses a flawed epistemology that suggests that problems can
be solved through embracing a certain set of assumptions - Only
embracing the ideas of aesthetic education can allow for effective
problem solving and scholarship - literature is the key place to start
an embrace of alternative methods of thought because it is loaded
with the assumptions of the writer and is designed to evoke certain
feelings and passions in the reader
Spivak February 2012 - Gayatri Chakravorty, Avalon Foundation Professor in the Humanities at
Columbia University and the director of the Center for Comparative Literature and Society at Columbia University,
"An Aesthetic Education in the Era of Globalization", Published 2-27-2012, PG 5-7
In his essay Bateson spelled out the training of the imagination in terms of a mise-en-abyme, an indefinite series of
mutual reflections: INTRODUCTION - --- ~------speaking of "dilemma[s] ... not confined to the contexts of
schizophrenia" (EM, p. 258), he distinguishes between "people and ... robots in the fact of learning ... from passing
on from solution to solution, always selecting another solution which is preferable to that which preceded it" (EM, p.
240). He "enlarge[s] the scope of what is to be included within the concept of learning" by way of "hierarchic series
[that] will then consist of message, metamessage, meta-meta message and so on" (EM, pp. 247-248). This
"training," the bulwark of an aesthetic education, habitually fails with religion and nationalism: "Up in the dim
region where art, magic, and religion meet and overlap, human beings have evolved the 'metaphor that is meant,'
the flag which men will die to save, and the sacrament that is felt to be more than 'an outward and visible sign,
given unto us' " (EM, p. 183 ); it is interesting that Freud mentions the same two items-"Throne and Altar"-in
"Fetishism," as the monitors of fetishistic illogic.16 Play training, an aesthetic education, habitually fails with flag
and sacrament, throne and altar. Bateson described habit altogether unsentimentally. A practitioner's line connects
him here to the Wordsworth of the Lyrical Ballads, interested in undoing the bad episterna/affective consequences
of nascent capitalism, and to Gramsci looking to produce the subaltern intellectual out of "the man [sic] of the
masses" in a place and time where clan politics were not unknown.17 Here is Bateson: In the field of mental
process, we are very familiar with this sort of economics [of trial and error adaptability], and in fact a major and
necessary saving is achieved by the familiar process of habit formation. We may, in the first instance, solve a given
problem by taking them out of the range of stochastic operation and handing over the solutions to a deeper and
less flexible mechanism, which we call "habit." (EM, p. 257) The passage above was written in 1959. Ten years later,
at a symposium on the double bind, Bateson generalizes habit. Here the practitioner/ philosopher's connection is
with the Freud who attempted to go beyond the pleasure principle to a more general "organic compulsion to repeat
[that] lie[s] in the phenomena of heredity and the facts of embryology" (SE 18, p. 37). Here, again, is Bateson: By
superposing and interconnecting many feedback loops, we (and all other biological systems) not only so~ve
particular problems but also form habits which we apply to the solution of classes of problems. We act as though a
whole class of problems could be solved in terms of assumptions or premises, fewer in number than the members
of the class of problems. In other words, we (organisms) learn to learn .... [The] rigidity [of habits] follows as a
necessary corollary of their status in the hierarchy of adaptation. The very economy of trial and error which is
achieved by habit formation is only possible because habits are comparatively "hard programmed." ... The economy
consists precisely in not re-examining or rediscovering the premises of habit every time the habit is used. We may
say that these premises are partly "unconscious", or-if you please-a habit of not examining them is developed. (EM,
p. 274) The aesthetic short-circuits the task of shaking up this habit of not examining them, perhaps. I said to begin
with that in the earlier stages we could find in British Romanticism our models. But as long as we take the literary
as substantive source of good thinking alone, we will fail in the task of the aesthetic education we are proposing: at
all cost to enter another's text. Otherwise, we will notice that William Wordsworth's project is deeply class-marked,
and that he does not judge habit. He is clear about being superior to others in being a poet, unusually gifted with a
too-strong imagination, capable of organizing other people's habits. I will quote at length to show his lack of interest
in working with the subaltern, although he certainly acknowledges the power of their "real" language. His chief
interest is in changing the taste of the readers of poetry; his confidence in "the poet's" (the trace of the author?)
gifts is elaborately expressed in these passages, again even as the (unself-conscious?) power of the "real" language
of "men" is recognized: For our continued influxes of feeling are modified and directed by our thoughts, which are
indeed the representatives of all our past feelings; and, as by contemplating the relation of these general
representatives to each other, we discover what is really important to men, so, by the repetition and continuance of
this act, our feelings will be connected with important subjects, till at length, if we be originally possessed of much
sensibility, such habits of mind will be produced, that, by obeying blindly and mechanically the impulses of those
habits, we shall describe objects, and utter sentiments, of such a nature, and in such connexion with each other,
that the understanding of the Reader must necessarily be in some degree enlightened, and his affections
strengthened and purified. (LB, p. 126) [The poet] is a man speaking to men: a man, it is true, endued with more
lively sensibility, more enthusiasm and tenderness, who has a greater knowledge of human nature, and a more
comprehensive soul, than are supposed to be common among mankind; a man pleased with his own passions and
volitions, and who rejoices more than other men in the spirit of life that is in him; delighting to contemplate similar
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volitions and passions as manifested in the goings-on of the Universe, and habitually impelled to create them where
he does not find them. To these qualities he has added a disposition to be affected more than other men by absent
things as if they were present; an ability of conjuring up in himself passions, which are indeed far from being the
same as those produced by real events, yet (especially in those parts of the general sympathy which are pleasing
and delightful) do more nearly INTRODUCTION 7 resemble the passions produced by real events, than any thing
which, from the motions of their own minds merely, other men are accustomed to feel in themselves; whence, and
from practice, he has acquired a greater readiness and power in expressing what he thinks and feels, and especially
those thoughts and feelings which, by his own choice, or from the structure of his own mind, arise in him without
immediate external excitement .... (LB, p. 138) But, whatever portion of this faculty we may suppose even the
greatest Poet to possess, there cannot be a doubt but that the language which it will suggest to him, must, in
liveliness and truth, fall far short of that which is uttered by men in real life, under the actual pressure of those
passions, certain shadows of which the Poet thus produces, or feels to be produced, in himself. However exalted a
notion we would wish to cherish of the character of a Poet, it is obvious, that, while he describes and imitates
passions, his situation is altogether slavish and mechanical, compared with the freedom and power of real and
substantial action and suffering. So that it will be the wish of the Poet to bring his feelings near to those of the
persons whose feelings he describes, nay, for short spaces of time perhaps, to let himself slip into an entire
delusion, and even confound and identify his own feelings with theirs; modifying only the language which is thus
suggested to him, by a consideration that he describes for a particular purpose, that of giving pleasure .... (LB, pp.
138-139) But it may be said by those who do not object to the general spirit of these remarks, that, as it is
impossible for the Poet to produce upon all occasions language as exquisitely fitted for the passion as that which
the real passion itself suggests, it is proper that he should consider himself as in the situation of a translator, who
deems himself justified when he substitutes excellences of another kind for those which are unattainable by him;
and endeavours occasionally to surpass his original, in order to make some amends for the general inferiority to
which he feels that he must submit. (LB, p. 139) Thus he may be a "man speaking to men." For him, however,
Marx's third thesis on Feuerbach would have held no appeal: that since the knowledge gap between teacher and
taught cannot be circumvented, not to let this develop into a power gap is a constant task that will keep society
always in the state of upheaval that is necessary for liberation. (The English translation of upheaval-Umwiilzung-is
usually "revolution" rather than "upheaval," thus destroying Marx's important warning: the educators must be
educated.) 18 The deeply individualistic theory of the Romantic creative imagination in Wordsworth must remain
anti-systemic. 19 By contrast, Gramsci's entire energies are devoted to producing the subaltern intellectual, by
instrumentalizing the "new intellectual":
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Key to Ethics
Affirming a correct view of pedagogy is the only way in which ethical
decisions can be made and epistemology is critical to the process
because education forms the habits that affect decision making
Spivak February 2012 - Gayatri Chakravorty, Avalon Foundation Professor in the Humanities at
Columbia University and the director of the Center for Comparative Literature and Society at Columbia University,
"An Aesthetic Education in the Era of Globalization", Published 2-27-2012, PG 8-10
In an important comment on Marx, Gramsci distinguishes between the psychological, the moral (our word would
perhaps be "ethical"), and the epistemological. Our task is to "ab-use" this, not to excuse its seeming
INTRODUCTION 9 systemic confidence (belied by much of the hesitation of what Gramsci wrote in prison), nor to
accuse it of that very thing, but to see in the addition of the epistemological a way of reading Gramsci with "history
in the reading": 24 The proposition contained in the Preface to A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy to
the effect that men acquire consciousness of structural conflicts on the level of ideologies should be considered as
an affirmation of epistemological and not simply psychological and moral value. From this, it follows that the
theoretical-practical principle of hegemony has also epistemological significance, and it is here that Ilyich [Lenin]'s
greatest theoretical contribution to the philosophy of praxis [i.e., Marxism] should be sought. In these terms one
could say that Ilyich advanced philosophy as philosophy in so far as he advanced political doctrine and practice.
The realization of a hegemonic apparatus, in so far as it creates a new ideological terrain, determines a reform of
consciousness and of methods of knowledge: it is a fact of knowledge, a philosophical fact. In Crocean terms: when
one succeeds in introducing a new morality in conformity with a new conception of the world, one finishes by
introducing the conception as well; in other words, one determines a reform of the whole of philosophy. 25 The
relationship between education and the habit of the ethical is as the relationship without relationship between
responsibility and the gift that we must imagine in order to account for responsibility-an unrestricted
transcendental deduction, if you like.26 Training for the habit of the ethical can only be worked at through attending
to the systemic task of epistemological engagement. We "learn to learn" (Bateson's more general phrase) how to
teach from the historico-cultural text within which a certain group of students might be placed. Thus Gramsci
invokes the active relationship which exists between [the intellectual] and the cultural environment he is proposing
to modify. The environment reacts back on the philosopher and imposes on him a continual process of self-criticism.
It is his "teacher." ... For the relationship between master and disciple in the general sense referred to above is only
realised, where this political condition exists, and only then do we get the "historical" realisation of a new type of
philosopher, whom we could call a "democratic philosopher" in the sense that he is a philosopher convinced that his
personality is not limited to himself as a physical individual but is an active social relationship of modification of the
cultural environmentP An aesthetic education teaches the humanities in such a way that all subjects are
"contaminated." I have repeated that I have not much hope for this in the current context. Let me at least quote
Gramsci's hope: The mode of being of the new intellectual can no longer consist in eloquence, ... but in active
participation in practical life, ... superior to the abstract mathematical spirit; from technique-as-work one proceeds
to technique-as-science and to the humanistic conception of history, without which one remains "specialised" and
does not become "directive" (specialised and political).28 I will come later to Gramsci's "techno-scientific" lesson,
"superior to the abstract mathematical spirit." For now, let us remember that the prison notebooks, being notes to
oneself for future work, are necessarily in an open form that requires careful acquaintance with the protocols of the
text. I would like to propose that the training of the imagination that can teach the subject to play-an aesthetic
education-can also teach it to discover (theoretically or practically) the premises of the habit that obliges us to
transcendentalize religion and nation (as Bateson and Freud both point out). If, however, this is only a
"rearrangement of desire" or the substitution of one habit for another through pedagogical sleight-ofhand, there will
be no ability to recover that discovery for a continuity of epistemological effort. We must learn to do violence to the
epistemoepistemological difference and remember that this is what education "is" and thus keep up the work of
displacing belief onto the terrain of th'e imagination, attempt to access the epistemic. The displacement of belief
onto the terrain of the imagination can be a description of reading in its most robust sense. It is also the irreducible
element of an aesthetic education. In the context of the beginning of the twenty-first century, to learn to detranscendentalize religion and (the birth of a) nation into the imaginative sphere is an invaluable gift. But this
particular function of reading is important in a general and continuing way as well. Elsewhere I have argued that
this type of education, with careful consideration of social context, can be part of education from the elementary
level, where it is even more formal rather than substantive. In this book, that argument flashes up here and there,
but the general terrain of the book is tertiary and postgraduate education, the reproduction of citizens and
teachers. This is where we use the legacy of the Enlightenment, relocate the transcendental from belief, with a view
to its double bind, producing a simpler solution: privatize belief, rationalize the transcendent. This particular
solution, offered as liberal education as such, suits capitalism better. We saw briefly how Bateson takes the double
bind out of the limited context or narrow sense of a mental "disease." Indeed, it may have become, for him, a
general description of all doing, all thinking as doing, all self-conscious living, upstream from capitalism, a question
of degrees. Contradictory instructions come to us at all times. We learn to listen to INTRODUCTION 11 them and
remain in the game. When and as we decide, we know therefore that we have broken the double bind into a single
bind, as it were, and we also know that change will have to be undertaken soon, or, things will change: task or
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event. Knowing this, the typical emotion that accompanies decisions-ethical, political, legal, intellectual, aesthetic,
and indeed decisions of the daily grind-is a spectrum of regret and remorse to at least unease, otherwise selfcongratulation followed by denial or bewilderment. This is different from the unexamined hope which animates
much globalist and alter-globalist enterprise today, in the United States as in the global elite.
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2NC Solves
( ) Border thinking empirically has worked, and is adaptable to even
the first world Its rethinking of epistemological relations breaks
down the holds of coloniality
Escobar 04 [Arturo, Colombian-American anthropologist primarily known for his contribution to
postdevelopment theory and political ecology, Beyond the Third World: Imperial Globality, Global Coloniality, and
Anti-Globalization Social Movements, http://www3.nd.edu/~druccio/Escobar.pdf, JCook.] Acccessed 6/27/13.
The corollary is the need to build narratives from the perspective of modernity/coloniality geared towards the
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in the planet had to deal with those global designs that were, at
the same time, abstract universals (Christian, liberal, or socialist). For that reason,
cosmopolitanism today has to become border thinking, critical and
dialogic, from the perspective of those local histories that had to
deal all along with global designs. Diversality should be the
relentless practice of critical and dialogical cosmopolitanism rather
than a blueprint of a future and ideal society projected from a
single point of view (that of the abstract universal) that will return us (again!) to the Greek
paradigm and to European legacies (Z izek 1998).
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2NC Zapatistas
( ) The Zapatistas prove that border thinking can be applied to
politics We need to rethink how we engage in the government, so
we can work to change coloniality, but under our definition and
terms
Mignolo 00 [Walter D., Argentine semiotician (cole des Hautes tudes) and professor at Duke University,
The Many Faces of Cosmo-polis: Border Thinking and Critical Cosmopolitanism, Public Culture 12(3): 721748,
Copyright 2000 by Duke University Press, JCook.] Accessed 7/3/13.
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Solves Economy
( ) The alternative provides a better incorporation of countries into
economic partnerships, allowing for us to solve your aff best AND
Our alternative spills over and improves all of economics
Zein-Eladin 09 [Eiman O., Franklin & Marshall College, Department of Economics, Economics,
postcolonial theory and the problem of culture: institutional analysis and hybridity,
http://relooney.fatcow.com/00_New_3133.pdf, JCook.] Accessed 6/26/13.
Postcolonial theory, on the other hand, though much criticised for neglecting the economy, has generated
tremendous insights on issues of cross-cultural hegemony, that is, the creation of a political climate that elicits the
subaltern (subordinated) groups consent to a dominant ideology, and the role of knowledge construction in this
institutional economics,
with its paradigmatic emphasis on culture and long standing
openness to inter-disciplinarity, is best positioned to bridge the gap
conceptualise them as premodern or transitory. In this paper I argue that
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allow more illuminating, truly substantive analysis. Space does not allow a full account of hybridity, nor an
extended exploration of its implications, but only a general outline to indicate its relevance and potential
productivity for institutional economics.
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Solves
Alternative text: The United States federal government should
engage in a process of harnessing responsibility for accountability,
check up on other directedness without persistent training and
feudalism. We reserve the right to clarify.
This solves human rights, 1AC and gender oppression It also
avoids Social Darwinism, Essentialism, and the exacerbation of 1AC
harms through the affirmatives inevitable propagation of colonial
education
Spivak 04 (Gayatri. Summer 2004, Righting Wrongs, The South Atlantic Quarterly, Volume 103, Number
2/3, Spring/Summer 2004, pp. 523-581, TvB)
The idea of human rights, in other words, may carry within itself the agenda of a
kind of social Darwinismthe fittest must shoulder the burden of
righting the wrongs of the unfitand the possibility of an alibi. Only a
kind of Social Darwinism, of course. Just as the white mans burden, undertaking
to civilize and develop, was only a kind of oppression. It would be silly to footnote the
scholarshipthat has been written to showthat the latter may have been an alibi for
economic, military, and political intervention. It is on that model that I am using the concept-metaphor of the alibi in
these introductory paragraphs. Having arrived here, the usual thing is to complain about the Eurocentrism of
same category as the enabling violation of the production of the colonial subject.3 One cannot write off the
righting of wrongs. The enablement must be used even as the violation is renegotiated. Colonialism
was
committed to the education of a certain class. It was interested in
the seemingly permanent operation of an altered normality . Paradoxically,
human rights and development work today cannot claim this self-empowerment that high colonialism could. Yet,
requires changes in the habit of what seems normal living: permanent operation of an altered normality. This group
learn all the local languages, dialects, and idioms of the places where they
provide help. They use local interpreters. It is as if, in the field of class formation
through education, colonialism, and the attendant territorial
imperialism had combined these two imperativesclinic and
primary health careby training the interpreters themselves into
imperfect yet creative imitations of the doctors. The class thus
formedboth(pseudo)doctor and interpreter, as it werewas the colonial
subject. The end of the Second World War inaugurated the postcolonial dispensation. We must question the
assumption that, if the sense of doing for the other is not produced on call
from a sense of the self as sovereign, packaged with the sense of being fittest, the alternative
cannot
assumption, romantic or expedient, of an essence of subalternity as the source of such a sense, denies the
depradations of history. Paulo Freire, in his celebrated Pedagogy of the Oppressed, written during the era of guerilla
warfare in Latin America, warns us against subalternist essentialism, by reminding us that, during
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Trace Alternative
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Solves
Reproductive heteronormativity codes and scripts genealogical
realities through the natural machine of translation, programming
the mind and inducing irreversible violence the alternative is to
rearrange reproductive heteronormativity into a field of traces in its
deepest generality separating agency and subjectship.
Spivak 05 (Gayatri, Avalon Foundation Professor in the Humanities at Columbia University and the director
of the Center for Comparative Literature and Society at Columbia University,Notes toward a Tribute to Jacques
Derrida, November 2005, TVB)
In every possible sense, translation is necessary but impossible. Melanie Klein, the Viennese psychoanalyst whom
the Bloomsbury Group killed with kindness, suggested that the work of translation is an incessant shuttle that is a
in the strict Freudian sensetranslating the incessant translating shuttle into that which is read, must have the
most intimate knowledge of the rules of representation and permissible narratives that make up the substance of a
culture, and must also become responsible and accountable to the writing/translating presupposed original. When
so-called ethnophilosophies describe the embedded ethico-cultural subject being formed prior to the terrain of
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Extension
First, Write the alt extension here
Second, The sign system of reproductive Heteronormativity must be
destroyed Only the trace solves at the most basic level
Spivak 05 (Gayatri, Avalon Foundation Professor in the Humanities at Columbia University and the director
of the Center for Comparative Literature and Society at Columbia University,Notes toward a Tribute to Jacques
Derrida, November 2005, TVB)
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AT - Deleuze
First, Deleuze and Deconstuctionist argue the same basic principle
The lack and absence is a presence and a force in itself This solves
all of their offense
Hofmeyr 08 (Benda, Department of Philosophy University of Pretoria, Pretoria South Africa, 0002.
Department of Philosophical Anthropology Faculty of Philosophy Radboud University Nijmegen, Review of Andrea
Hurst, Derrida Vis--vis Lacan. Interweaving Deconstruction and Psychoanalysis., JCook)
have seen above, that Lacans insistence upon the indivisibility of the letter does not evoke the Real as a thing-initself but rather in its unspeakable singularity. However one may divide the traumatic event up into units of
understanding through analysis, the event remains excessive, inherently resistant to analytical, interpretative
therefore not as his criticism would suggest in fundamental disagreement with Lacan, for they seem to be
saying the same thing, albeit in different ways about the Real. For the Real, according to Lacan, is a matter not of
(fullness) as transcendental signifieds. Rather, he insists upon the quasi-transcendental function of the Real, which
is neither the absence nor the fullness of being, but, as Hurst claims, a fundamental splitting akin to diffrance (cf.
p. 378).
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Deconstruction Alternative
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Solves
First, Only breaking down the foundation of movements, ideology
and discourse allows us to create a more subjective political and
philosophical movement that allows the subaltern to speak All
alternatives are coopted by the system they fight to oppose
Honkanen 07 (Katriina, rhizomes.14 summer 2007, Deconstructive Intersections.)
(http://rhizomes.net/issue14/honkanen.html. JCook.) Accessed 8/21/12.
So the problems concerning feminisms' others are complex ones. This article aims to discuss othering in relation to
the politics of representation. I discuss various examples of feminist practices by focusing on how these practices
other a substantial number of feminist issues in the dominant Finnish equality discourses. On the basis of this, I
argue for the benefits of a deconstructive feminist politicsboth on a practical policy level and an academic
theoretical level. I consider this important in order to take responsibility for the problems related to representational
politics, since "the
the problems involved in an identity politics (for a discussion see Phoenix &
Pattynama, 2006) and pointed at the unavoidable complicity we have in the
very power we oppose. A deconstructive politics that takes this
critique seriously needs to proceed through careful deconstruction
of the very discourses that it is constituted by. This enables us to
see and problematize the extent to which our practices are
constituted by the political climate and global situation we
inescapably find ourselves in. We have to begin to deconstruct the
neoliberal individualist and Judeo-Christian values that our ideals
and values concerning human rights and equality usually are based
on, especially in an intellectual atmosphere where these values are considered unproblematically "secular." This
not because one would want to give up all values and finally become somehow "secular," but because feminists, as
A
deconstruction of the equality discourse hinders a reformist
approach that would firmly place one inside the parameters of the
particular political discourse one operates with. Deconstructing the
equality discourse reveals its ethical rootedness in a Judeo-Christian
value system and a liberal individual political discourse (Badiou, 2004).
Equality discourses are essential systems of power that neoliberal
market economies operate through (Thornton, 2006: 155). [5] This kind of
contextualization and genealogical investigation helps when there is
a wish to avoid indulging in another branch of moral and religious
"preaching" directed against various others. Examples of this kind of "missionary
knowledge producing and political agents, have always wanted to problematize our complicity in power.
work" can be found in the rhetoric of western and especially US based civilizing projects, directed against Islam or
this
moralism is promoted in the name of democracy, human rights and
God (see, for instance, George W. Bush's proclamation on Human Rights Day 2004[1]). We have to ask
in what ways the values that feminist critical thinkers and
policymakers promote differ from the othering practices of
conservative political agendas. We have to ask this because we cannot be blinded
the moralizing preaching in the name of equality and human rights directed at Iran. Very often
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to the fact that our values might take as their departure point the
very same discursive setting. [6] Although this article mainly discusses equality discourses, I
still wanted to show that a deconstruction of the equality discourse and the two-sex model that it operates with is
an undertaking that has its contexts also on this level of generality. It is important to realize that the problem of
consensus ridden "progressive thinking", a thinking, moreover, that does not contextualize itself may end up
universalizing a western liberal value-system in problematic ways. [8] A great deal of identity-based equality
where the practice of deconstruction is an attitude or an ideology, if you wish, that springs from ethics. Braidotti
it is connected to politics as it is
the site at which politics itself constituted. A productive antagonism (Butler) and
the refusal to "speak for" should be seen as the poststructuralist
political and ethical solution that it is. Deconstruction is much more
than a method of investigation. The ethics of deconstruction lies in
the practice of deconstructing representationalism. This is the main message
that this article aims to communicate. [9] Within a constructivist epistemology I ask
what equality discourses leave unsaid, what is marginalized in them
and what power mechanisms are embedded in them. I do this by
calls this an ethical pragmatism (Braidotti, 2006: 14), and
deconstructing some of the language that equality discourses circulate. I deconstruct the theme of sexual
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unification.Bion
mode of thinking, deconstruction attempts to erase the gap between the life drive and the death drive, but always
fails, and this failure eternally confines deconstructive practice to the domain of antagonism between the life drive
and the death drive.
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Key to Politics
First, Only a deconstructionist method can fully access politics,
making frames such as policy makers be called into question and
not isolated on their own This involvement of intersectionality is
key to both a new, progressive politics
Honkanen 07 (Katriina, rhizomes.14 summer 2007, Deconstructive Intersections.)
(http://rhizomes.net/issue14/honkanen.html. JCook.) Accessed 8/21/12.
Kimberl Crenshaw (1989) uses political intersectionality to indicate how inequalities and their intersections are
relevant to political strategies: "Crucial questions in analysing political intersectionality are: How and where does
feminism marginalize ethnic minorities or disabled women? How and where do measures on sexual equality or on
racism marginalize women? How and where do gender equality policies marginalize lesbians" (Verloo, 2006: 213)?
theory and politics, "applied" practice can safeguard the researcher from ethical responsibility and reflexivity in
relation to her own practice of representation and her complicity in a particular discursive set of meanings. She
might claim her theory to be just thata reflection on politics without being itself a politics. In these cases the
researcher can ascribe various meanings to equality that are exclusionary without acknowledging the role of her
An
assumed division between politics and theory strangely implies that
politics should not be advanced through theory. It implies that there
is a possibility to become a neutral "expert" that supplies
policymakers with theoretically informed bulleted lists of best
practices for easy consumption. It again assumes that equality and
human rights are unproblematically universal values and that
academic knowledge produced within these discourses is necessary
for the "improvement" of policies. Since when have critical thinkers
become public servants for the establishment? [13] Within a
deconstructive epistemology, it is not enough to for instance name
oneself as "white middle class heterosexual" and portray "others" as lesbian in relation
to one's own position (or indeed to portray others as "policymakers"
representing politics and oneself as "knowledge producer"
representing theory). Deconstruction proceeds from the assumption
that one is advancing a politics. Without this awareness we produce subjects of equality and
do not acknowledge that our own practice is a politics in itself. [14] According to Mieke Verloo (2006) the
simultaneity of structural and political intersectionality is mostly
own practice. This is why we need a genealogical awareness of our academic representational practices.
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overlooked in policy-making (Verloo, 2006: 214). By using the two-sex model as a lens I will
show what I understand as such instances of overlooking within an uncritical equality research. A
deconstructive approach to gender is needed when we want to pay
attention to political intersections. Uncritical equality discourses
operate within the hegemonic two-sex model that, I will show, might
appropriate "the lesbian," "ethnicities," and various subaltern "groups" through
the practice of representation. These meanings are appropriated and constructed as part of
the hegemonic struggle. I think that a deconstructive approach manages to reveal
how feminist practices that want to take heterogeneity and the
Other into account can end up appropriating the Other if and when
the complicity between representation as speaking for (Vertreten[2]) and
representation as the staging of the world (Darstellen[3]) is forgotten (Spivak,
1994: 74). How could feminists be constructive about the paradox they face: Being produced by the very discursive
power that we resist? How could we be reflexive about the seductiveness of resistance - a resistance that calls us to
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AT Deleuze
First, Deleuze and Deconstuctionist argue the same basic principle
The lack and absence is a presence and a force in itself This solves
all of their offense
Hofmeyr 08 (Benda, Department of Philosophy University of Pretoria, Pretoria South Africa, 0002.
Department of Philosophical Anthropology Faculty of Philosophy Radboud University Nijmegen, Review of Andrea
Hurst, Derrida Vis--vis Lacan. Interweaving Deconstruction and Psychoanalysis., JCook)
have seen above, that Lacans insistence upon the indivisibility of the letter does not evoke the Real as a thing-initself but rather in its unspeakable singularity. However one may divide the traumatic event up into units of
understanding through analysis, the event remains excessive, inherently resistant to analytical, interpretative
therefore not as his criticism would suggest in fundamental disagreement with Lacan, for they seem to be
saying the same thing, albeit in different ways about the Real. For the Real, according to Lacan, is a matter not of
(fullness) as transcendental signifieds. Rather, he insists upon the quasi-transcendental function of the Real, which
is neither the absence nor the fullness of being, but, as Hurst claims, a fundamental splitting akin to diffrance (cf.
p. 378).
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Rejection Alternative
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Resistance
( ) Text: Reject and resist occidental, coloniality in all instances.
Only ardent resistance has the chance of breaking away from the
coloniality of today Nothing else will do
Escobar 04 [Arturo, Colombian-American anthropologist primarily known for his contribution to
postdevelopment theory and political ecology, Beyond the Third World: Imperial Globality, Global Coloniality, and
Anti-Globalization Social Movements, http://www3.nd.edu/~druccio/Escobar.pdf, JCook.] Acccessed 6/27/13.
After the Third World signals both the end of an era and way of
thinking and the birth of new challenges, dreams, and real
possibilities; both observations, however, can be hotly contested. On the one hand, what has really
ended? Assuming that the historical horizon that has finally come to a close is that of anti-colonial nationalist
struggles in the Third World, how about the other, perhaps less intractable, aspects of the spirit of Bandung and
Third Worldism? For instance, how about the tremendous international solidarity that it elicited among exploited
peoples? How about its passionate call for justice, or its eloquent demand for a new international economic order?
And is the centrality of the political on which that spirit was based also a thing of the past? Are all of these
features ineluctably left behind by the steamroller of modern capitalist history? I believe the articles in this special
issue of Third World Quarterly demonstrate they are not, even if they are in dire need of rearticulation. To begin
Today the
world is confronted with a capitalist systema global empire led by
the United States--that seems more inhumane than ever; the power of
this empire makes the ardent clamoring for justice of the Bandung leaders
appear to us today as timid. Even more, the inhumanity of the US led
empire continues to be most patently visible in what until recently was called
the Third World. So it can be argued that the need for international solidarity
with, many of the conditions that gave rise to Third Worldism have by no means disappeared.
is greater than ever before , albeit in new ways, not to speak about the
indubitable necessity of resisting a now global market-determined
economy that commands, in more irrefutable tone than in the past,
that the world has to be organized for exploitation and that nothing
else will do.
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2NC Resistance
( ) Resistance isnt just doing nothing Its the act of imagining a
new world as an alternative to the current realm we are resisting
This alone creates the epistemological and cultural framework to
solve
Escobar 04 [Arturo, Colombian-American anthropologist primarily known for his contribution to
postdevelopment theory and political ecology, Beyond the Third World: Imperial Globality, Global Coloniality, and
Anti-Globalization Social Movements, http://www3.nd.edu/~druccio/Escobar.pdf, JCook.] Acccessed 7/3/13.
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3. This analysis suggests the need to move from the sociology of absences of
subaltern knowledges to a politics of emergence of social movements; this
requires examining contemporary social movements from the perspective of
colonial difference. At their best, todays movements, particularly
anti-globalization and global justice movements, enact a novel logic
of the social, based on self-organizing meshworks and largely
nonhierarchical structures. They tend to show emergent properties
and complex adaptive behaviour that movements of the past, with their
penchant for centralization and hierarchy, were never able to manifest. This
logic is partly strengthened by the selforganizing dynamics of the
new information and communication technologies (ICTs), resulting in
what could be called subaltern intelligent communities. Situated on the
oppositional side of the modern/colonial border zones, these communities
enact practices of social, economic and ecological difference that
are useful for thinking about alternative local and regional worlds ,
and so for imagining after the Third World.
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transmodernity signals this possibility of a noneurocentric dialogue with alterity, one that fully enables the
negation of the negation to which the subaltern others have been
subjected . Mignolos notions of border thinking and pluritopic hermeneutics are important in
this regard. They point at the need for a kind of thinking that moves
along the diversity of historical processes (Mignolo, 2001: 9), and that
engages the colonialism of Western epistemology (from the left and from the
right) from the perspective of epistemic forces that have been turned
into subaltern (traditional, folkloric, religious, emotional, etc.) forms of knowledge
Dussels notion of
(2001: 11). While Mignolo acknowledges the continued importance of the monotopic critique of modernity by
Western critical discourse (critique from a single, unified space), he suggests that this has to be put into dialogue
a possibility
of thinking from different spaces which finally breaks away from
eurocentrism as sole epistemological perspective (on the application of the
notion of diatopic hermeneutics to incommensurable cultural traditions, see also Santos, 2002: 268-274). Let
it be clear, however, that border thinking entails both
displacement and departure (Mignolo, 2000: 308), double critique (critique of
both the West and other traditions from which the critique is launched), and the positive
affirmation of an alternative ordering of the real.
with critique(s) arising from the colonial difference. The result is a pluritopic hermeneutics,
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First, tag
Spivak 99 (Gayatri Chakravorty, Columbia, Can The Subaltern Speak?, Jcook.)
The reduction of Marx to a benevolent but dated figure most often serves the interest of launching a new theory of
interpretation. In the Foucault-Deleuze conversation, the issue seems to be that there is no representation, no
signifier (Is it to be presumed that the signifier has already been dispatched? There is, then, no sign-structure
the apparatus to be able to say that this is discursive and that isn't ... given that my problem isn't a linguistic one"
(PK, 198). Why this conflation of language and discourse from the master of discourse analysis? . E?ward W. Said's
critique of power in Foucault as a captivating and mystlfying ca!egory that allows him "to obliterate the role of
classes, the role ofeconom1cs, the role of insurgency and rebellion," is most pertinent here.24 I add to Said's
analysis the notion of the surreptitious subject of power and desire marked by the transparency of the intellectual.
Curiously enough, Paul Bove faults Said for emphasizing the importance of the intellectual, whereas "Foucault's
project essentially is a challenge to the leading role of both hegemonic and oppositional intellectuals."25 I have
suggested that
caught within the debate of the production of that Other supporting 0; critiquing the constitution of the Subject as
Europe. It is aiso that, in the constitution of that Other of Europe, great care was taken to obliterate the t~xtual
i~gr~~ients with which su~h a subject could cathect, could occupy (mvest?) 1tS. 1tl~era!"y-not only by
1deological and scientific production, but also by the mstltutlOn of the law. However reductionistic an economic
analysis might seem, the French intellectuals forget at their peril that this entire overdetermined enterprise was in
the interest of a dynamic economic situation requirin~ that interests, motives (desires), and power (of knowledge)
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Turns Case
First, We need to reject the utopian fantasies of the affirmatives
project. Only when recognizing that it is a fantasy can we endlessly
traverse and get over it.
Stavrakakis 99, Ideology and Discourse Analysis Program in the Department of Government at the
University of Essex, 1999 ( Yannis, Lacan and the Political, Ruteledge Press 76-78)
approach is to move beyond fantasy towards a self-critical symbolic gesture recognising the contingent and
transient character of every symbolic construct. This is a scientific discourse different from the reified science of
standard modernity. I take my lead, in this regard, from Lacans text Science and Truth (it is the opening lecture of
his 1965-6 seminar on The Object of Psychoanalysis). In this particular text, Jacques Lacan stages a critique of
modern science as it has been articulated up to now, that is as a discourse constantly identifying the knowledge it
produces with the truth of the real. If the constitutive, non-reducible character of the real introduces a lack into
human reality, to our scientific constructions of reality for example, science usually attempts to suture and
eliminate this gap. Lacan, for his part, stresses the importance of that which puts in danger this self-fulfilling nature
of scientific axioms: the importance of the real, of the element which is not developing according to what we think
about it. In that sense, science la Lacan entails the recognition of the structural causality of the real as the
element which interrupts the smooth flow of our fantasmatic and symbolic representations of reality. Within such a
context, this real, the obstacle encountered by standard science, is not bypassed discretely but introduced within
the theory it can destabilise. The point here is that truth as the encounter with the real is encountered face to face
Verwerfung of the Thing which is presupposed by the ideal of absolute knowledge, an ideal which as everybody
knowswas historically proved in the end to be a failure (VII: 131). In other words, we cannot be certain that
definite knowledge is attainable. In fact, for Lacan, certainty is not something we should attribute to our knowledge
of things. Certainty is a defining characteristic of psychosis. In Lacans view, it constitutes its elementary
phenomenon, the basis of delusional belief (III:75). Opening up our symbolic resources to uncertainty is, on the
other hand, the only prudent move we have left. What we can know has to be expressed within the structure of
language but this structure has to incorporate a recognition of its own limits. This is not a development which
should cause unease; as Nancy has put it What will become of our world is something we cannot know, and we can
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fantasies-images of an experience beyond ideological control-and these fantasies assist in rendering the people
docile. In the case of Murdoch, we see clearly how ideological control depends on a fundamental fantasy.
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Solves
First, The only way to solve this reproductive heteronormative drive
that nationalism produces is to embrace a comparative approach to
nations that is equivalent To learn to acknowledge that other
things can occupy the unique place of the example of my first
language This side steps all of your offense and solves
Spivak 09 (Gayatri Chakravorty, Columbia, Nationalism and the Imagination, JCook.)
If nationalism secures itself by an appeal to the most private, democracy in its most convenient and ascertainable
form is secured by the most trivially public universal each equals one. That flimsy arithmetic, unprotected by
rational choice, can also be manipulated by nationalism. I am not convinced that the story of human movement to
a greater control of the public sphere is necessarily a story of progress. The religion/science debate makes this
assumption, forgetting that the imagination, forgetting that literature and the arts, belong neither to reason, nor to
unreason. That literature and the arts can support an advanced nationalism is no secret. They join them in the
task of a massive rememoration project, saying we all suffered this way, you remember, this is what happened,
you remember, so that history is turned into cultural memory. Literature can then join in the task of a massive
counterrememoration project suggesting that we have all passed through the same glorious past, the same grand
national liberation battles, the same religious tolerance or whatever. I am going to suggest by the end of this
because sometimes I am misunderstood that the literary imagination can impact on de-transcendentalized
come to that later. I want now to share with you a lesson learned from the oral-formulaic. If the main thing about
narrative is sequence, the main thing about the oralformulaic is equivalence. Equivalence here does not mean
value in the sense of commensurate. That was the Marxist definition in the economic sphere. I am speaking of value in a more colloquial sense. The oral-formulaic is equivalence. We learn
from narrative by working at the sequence. We learn in the oral by mastering equivalence. Some years ago Roman Jakobson offered equivalence as the poetic function. In typical modernist fashion he thought equivalence lifted
the burden of meaning. My experience with the oral-formulaic presentation of Sabar women, these groups that I used to train teachers for until the local landlord took the schools away from me and handed them to the corporate
sector even that is gone now has convinced me that it is the inventiveness in equivalence that makes something happen beyond the tonal and verbal monotony that turns off many literate sympathizers. The Sabar women are
members of a tiny and unrepresentative group among Indias eighty-two million Aboriginals. They still practice the oral-formulaic, although they will soon forget this centuries-old skill. The hold upon orality is gender-divided here.
The mens access to the outside world is wretched, working day labor for the Hindu villages, and since they dont themselves know that there are twenty-four hours in the day, they are cheated constantly. That is why I used to
have these schools, to give the subaltern a chance at hegemony. The mens access to the outside world is nonetheless more open. When the men sing, the archived yet inventive memory of the oral-formulaic approaches rote.
The men, and this is a very important distinction, inhabit enforced illiteracy rather than an orality at home with itself and with the great genealogical memories. The women, because of the peculiar situation of gender, were still
practicing the oral-formulaic. The pre-colonial name for the area where I worked is Mnbhum. It is not the name now. In the adjoining state of Jharkhand there is Singbhum, not the name on the map now. Pre-colonial names. To
the south there is Birbhum, etc. Imagine the frisson of delight that passed through me the first time I heard these women weave a verse that began: Mnbhur Mn rj, King Mn of Mnbhm, using the precolonial name of this
place that nobody uses. Then they even brought up another pre-colonial name There were other folkloric details that sped through my mind. The next line was even more delightful: Kolkatar rajar pathorer dalan be the king of
Kolkata has a stone mansion. Kolkata was in the place of what I am calling inventive equivalence. They were going to Kolkata, a little group for a fair, so they were honoring the king of Kolkata. They were preparing these
songs. Kolkata is my hometown and I was thinking as I sang with the women in that remote room with no furniture, no doors and windows, no plumbing, no electricity obviously. In that remote room with no furniture but a 6-foot
by 9- foot sheet of polythene in some way associated with chemical fertilizer I thought, who would the King of Kolkata be? Kolkata is a colonial city and unlike older Indian cities had never had a Nobab; and indeed, unlike
Bardhaman, Krishnanagar, Srihatta (Sylhet), Jashor, or Mymensingh, it had never had a Hindu Raja either. But the women were singing The king of Kolkata has a stone mansion, where Kolkata occupied the place of a shifter, and
who was I to contradict it? I translate the fiction of Mahasweta Devi and, as I was saying this afternoon, she is a wonderful writer, she writes about these tribals, but she is somewhat feudal. And the more I work with these tribals I
also think that her image of the tribals is somewhat romanticized. That is ok, I keep translating her stuff because it is interesting material, but she also and this I didnt like much, she doesnt do it any more, she is too old now
she used to organize these tribal fairs in Kolkata where people came to look at them and buy handicraft, etc. So the women were going there, and that is why they were preparing. The building where this tribal fair actually took
place in Kolkata is called tathhokendra Information Center. What is the name of that place, one of the women asked me. Tathhokendra, I said. They produced the line: Tathhokendrer rajar patharer dalan b the King of the
It would be better to keep it Kolkata, I said, inwardly noting with wonderment that although
they knew that Kolkata was a city with zoos and parks and streets and the Information Center only a building, and
although they knew no king had power over them, the concept of sovereignty, which would put a space in
apposition to archaic Manbhum or Barabhum, applied to both equally. Here, then, is a thinking without nation,
Information Center has a stone mansion.
In
internationality the nation-state has such equivalence, now
rationally determined. In globalization, no, because there the
medium of value is capital. This is the sort of intuition that Lyotard and before him McLuhan had
space-names as shifters, in a mythic geography because of the power of the formulaic.
claimed for postmodernity, jumping the printed book in between. Their politics ignored the texture of subalternity,
and equated it with internationality with no gap. Lyotard tried, in The Differend, to undo it, but most readers did
not make the connection. Without the benefit of post-modern argumentation such geographical intuitions are defined as pre-modern, by Hobsbawm as prepolitical. This group is not tied to counterglobalization. They are too subaltern to attack the indigenous knowledge or population control people and their avoidance of chemical fertilizers or pesticides (now destroyed) was then too recent and not connected to large-scale
agriculture. If, however, they had been connected to counter-globalization then they would accede to a nationalist moment, because the activist workers would speak nation to them. This is a nationalist moment in affective
collectivity with no historical base, ultimately productive of neither nationalism nor counter-globalization, but rather of obedience disguised as self-help. Indeed one year I had added a line to their singing of locaters names of
their village (the Hindus deny them entry there), their district and so on West Bengal is my state, India is my nation. The next day a group of women larger than the group that went to Kolkata and I walked to the central
village of the area. One of the protocols of these two-and-a-half-hour walks was that we sang at the top of our voices. I longed for a camera person. (I am joking, I have never wanted anybody there). I longed for a camera person
as these aboriginal women and I walked in the sparsely forested plains of Manbhum, the women and I screaming India is my country bharat henak desh be again and again and again the moment of access to nationalism
Gayatri Spivak travelling with the subaltern would then be caught on camera. Except that it wasnt access to nationalism of course. The oral-formulaic can appropriate material of all sorts into its machine, robbing the content of
its epistemic charge if it does not fit the inventiveness of the occasion and this is what Jakobson thought was the poetic that takes away the meaning and is only equivalence. Indeed West Bengal or Paschim Banga the name of
And the lines are only sung when Shukhoda wants to show me
that she loves me still. (I havent seen her for three years now; moved my schools away from the landowners
the state has long been changed into Paschim Mangal, a meaningless phrase with a Sanskrit-like aura.
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impulse. It is not all that a fullyelaborated comparativism does. But the principle would
destroy the hierarchical functioning of current comparative
literature which measures in terms of a standard at whose heart
are Western European nationalisms. Standing in the airport of Paris I have been turned off
by the accent of upstate New York and turned to my mother and said in Bengali You cant listen to this. But she
chided me, also in Bengali, Dear, it is a mother tongue. That sense, that the language learned first through the
You cannot be an
enemy of English. People say easily English is globalization. It is destroying cultural specificity. Here
is equivalence. It is not equalization, it is not a removal of difference, it is
not cutting the unfamiliar down to the familiar. It is perhaps learning to
acknowledge that other things can occupy the unique place of the
example of my first language. This is hard. Its not an easy intuition
to develop, yet this need not take away the comfort in ones food,
ones language, ones corner of the world. Although even this the nomad can give up.
Remember Edward Said quoting Hugo of St. Victor: The man who finds his homeland
sweet is still a tender beginner; he to whom every soil is as his
native one is already strong; but he is perfect to whom the entire
world is as a foreign land. The human being can give up even the
facticity of language, but comparativism need not. What a
comparativism based on equivalence attempts to undermine is the
possessiveness, the exclusiveness, the isolationist expansionism of
mere nationalism.
infantile mechanism is every language, not just ones own, is equivalence.
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Solves
First, The Alt is to embrace the perspective of the diasporic
postcolonial - only through doing so can class analysis be completed
and stories from colonialism shattered
Spivak February 2012 - Gayatri Chakravorty, Avalon Foundation Professor in the Humanities at
Columbia University and the director of the Center for Comparative Literature and Society at Columbia University,
"An Aesthetic Education in the Era of Globalization", Published 2-27-2012
character of Mahasweta Devi's "The Hunt," altogether different from the two figures described above, my chief
literary example of remaking history in this piece, negotiates a space that can not only historically but
colonies is not exactly like class-formation in the metropolitan that becomes the "national bourgeoisie," with a hand
in the carving out of "national identities" by methods that cannot break formally with the system of representation
that offered them an episteme in the previous dispensation: a "national" buffer between the ruler and the ruled. A
good deal of this repetition of the colonial episteme in the presumed rupture of postcoloniality will come into play in
Mahasweta's story. For the moment let us hold onto the fact that de-colonization does quite seriously represent a
it is precisely
these counterintuitive imaginings that must be grasped when
history is said to be remade, and a rupture is too easily declared
because of the intuition of freedom that a merely political
independence brings for a certain class. Such graspings will allow us
to perceive that neocolonialism is a displaced repetition of many of
rupture for the colonized. It is counterintuitive to point at its repetitive negotiations. But
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the old lines laid down by colonialism. They will also allow us to
realize that the stories (or histories) of the postcolonial world are
not necessarily the same as the stories coming from "internal
colonization," the way the metropolitan countries discriminate
against disenfranchised groups in their midst.12 And the
contemporaneity of globalization has dated these instruments of
analysis. The diasporic postcolonial can take advantage (most often
unknowingly, I hasten to add) of the tendency to conflate the three in the
metropolis. Thus this frequently (though not invariably) innocent informant, identified and welcomed as the
agent of an alternative history, may indeed be the site of a chiasmus, the crossing of a double contradiction: the
system of production of the national bourgeoisie at home, and, abroad, the tendency to represent neocolonialism
by the semiotic of "internal colonization."
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Deconstructive Psychoanalysis
Alternative
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1NC
The alt: Reject the affs western subjectivity and engage in a
deconstructive psychoanalytical approach to the world and the
subaltern
A deconstructive psychoanalytic approach to ethics and actions is
the only way of giving the subaltern a voice It puts the
psychoanalyst in a position that ensures solvency, while avoiding
the problems of political powers which leaves a normative system
that links to the K This kills perm solvency
Spivak 82 (Gayatri Chakravorty, Columbia, The Politics of Interpretations, JCook.)
But the most interesting sign of disciplinary privileging is found in Julia Kristeva's "Psychoanalysis and the Polis."
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2NC
First, Extend the alternative of rejecting the affs western
subjectivity and engaging in a deconstructive psychoanalytical
approach to the world and the subaltern This solves all of the K
Engaging in a deconstructive psychoanalytic approach to the
affirmatives problems allows us to find a real political solution while
avoiding the subjection of the subaltern by deconstructive the
dominant paradigm of western subjectivity, allowing us to uncover
there justifications, assumptions and underlying cultural drives
Only this approach allows to know the other and experience the
other, giving the subaltern a voice Thats Spivak 82
AND We need to reject the utopian fantasies of the affirmatives
project. Only when recognizing that it is a fantasy can we endlessly
traverse and get over it.
Stavrakakis 99, Ideology and Discourse Analysis Program in the Department of Government at the
University of Essex, 1999 ( Yannis, Lacan and the Political, Ruteledge Press 76-78)
approach is to move beyond fantasy towards a self-critical symbolic gesture recognising the contingent and
transient character of every symbolic construct. This is a scientific discourse different from the reified science of
standard modernity. I take my lead, in this regard, from Lacans text Science and Truth (it is the opening lecture of
his 1965-6 seminar on The Object of Psychoanalysis). In this particular text, Jacques Lacan stages a critique of
modern science as it has been articulated up to now, that is as a discourse constantly identifying the knowledge it
produces with the truth of the real. If the constitutive, non-reducible character of the real introduces a lack into
human reality, to our scientific constructions of reality for example, science usually attempts to suture and
eliminate this gap. Lacan, for his part, stresses the importance of that which puts in danger this self-fulfilling nature
of scientific axioms: the importance of the real, of the element which is not developing according to what we think
about it. In that sense, science la Lacan entails the recognition of the structural causality of the real as the
element which interrupts the smooth flow of our fantasmatic and symbolic representations of reality. Within such a
context, this real, the obstacle encountered by standard science, is not bypassed discretely but introduced within
the theory it can destabilise. The point here is that truth as the encounter with the real is encountered face to face
Verwerfung of the Thing which is presupposed by the ideal of absolute knowledge, an ideal which as everybody
knowswas historically proved in the end to be a failure (VII: 131). In other words, we cannot be certain that
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definite knowledge is attainable. In fact, for Lacan, certainty is not something we should attribute to our knowledge
of things. Certainty is a defining characteristic of psychosis. In Lacans view, it constitutes its elementary
phenomenon, the basis of delusional belief (III:75). Opening up our symbolic resources to uncertainty is, on the
other hand, the only prudent move we have left. What we can know has to be expressed within the structure of
language but this structure has to incorporate a recognition of its own limits. This is not a development which
should cause unease; as Nancy has put it What will become of our world is something we cannot know, and we can
that Of
Grammatology, a large section of the texts contained in Writing and Difference and Margins of
Philosophy, and at least up until and including Dissemination, can be read as giving a
systematic answer (which is not the same as the answer of a system) to a fundamental
question, a question that Derrida gives its unary trait by repeatedly aligning it with what he considers the
question of metaphysics itself. In these texts, the local question of one particular
thinker, be it Husserl, Plato, Austin, Artaud, or his contemporary Foucault, is raised to the
dignity of a deconstruction of metaphysics. I would argue that this is the
reason why it is not wrong to consider this part of Derridas work as
inaugurating, or at least co-founding, a poststructuralist program. The
question of metaphysics was only interrogated anew, that is, given a genuinely
alleviate them somewhat, I will permit myself to argue the following, namely,
novel philosophical form, with the high tide of structuralism. We are tempted to paraphrase the question as follows:
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2NR
At the top The criticism solves and turns case Rejecting the affs
western subjectivity and engaging in a deconstructive
psychoanalytical approach to the world and the subaltern allows us
to find a real political solution while avoiding the subjugation of the
subaltern by deconstructive the dominant paradigm of western
subjectivity which underlies the affs justification and harms Thats
Spivak 82 Theres three implications here:
First, the only way to change the world and answer the problems of
reality is the alternative We fundamentally question and change
the underlying assumptions and subconscious drives that cause the
affirmative impacts Only the alternative can solve Thats Wilberg
11
Second, the affs approach is steeped in symbolizing reality and
fixes only the ways in which we interact with our perception of
reality This is doomed to fail until it we question how we got to the
point were at and begin rejecting utopian plans that rely of link
chains upon link chains to some odd impact. This approaches forces
us to become obsessed with our fantasy of reality Guts all
solvency Thats Stavrakakis 99
Third, Even if they prove that their plan solves 100% of the plan
The alternative solves it as well, with risk of the silencing of the
subaltern This means risk of the criticism is a vote negative
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Psychoanalysis First
The psychoanalytic method comes first it interrogates the
unconscious schemes that imprison our symbolic reality, allowing
revolutionary social change
Barratt '93 [Barnaby, Practicing Analyst, Psychoanalysis and the Postmodern Impulse, Baltimore: John
Hopkins University Press, 1993, 20-1//uwyo-ajl]
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that Of
Grammatology, a large section of the texts contained in Writing and Difference and Margins of
Philosophy, and at least up until and including Dissemination, can be read as giving a
systematic answer (which is not the same as the answer of a system) to a fundamental
question, a question that Derrida gives its unary trait by repeatedly aligning it with what he considers the
question of metaphysics itself. In these texts, the local question of one particular
thinker, be it Husserl, Plato, Austin, Artaud, or his contemporary Foucault, is raised to the
dignity of a deconstruction of metaphysics. I would argue that this is the
reason why it is not wrong to consider this part of Derridas work as
inaugurating, or at least co-founding, a poststructuralist program. The
question of metaphysics was only interrogated anew, that is, given a genuinely
novel philosophical form, with the high tide of structuralism. We are tempted to paraphrase the question as follows:
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Turns Case
First, We need to reject the utopian fantasies of the affirmatives
project. Only when recognizing that it is a fantasy can we endlessly
traverse and get over it.
Stavrakakis 99, Ideology and Discourse Analysis Program in the Department of Government at the
University of Essex, 1999 ( Yannis, Lacan and the Political, Ruteledge Press 76-78)
approach is to move beyond fantasy towards a self-critical symbolic gesture recognising the contingent and
transient character of every symbolic construct. This is a scientific discourse different from the reified science of
standard modernity. I take my lead, in this regard, from Lacans text Science and Truth (it is the opening lecture of
his 1965-6 seminar on The Object of Psychoanalysis). In this particular text, Jacques Lacan stages a critique of
modern science as it has been articulated up to now, that is as a discourse constantly identifying the knowledge it
produces with the truth of the real. If the constitutive, non-reducible character of the real introduces a lack into
human reality, to our scientific constructions of reality for example, science usually attempts to suture and
eliminate this gap. Lacan, for his part, stresses the importance of that which puts in danger this self-fulfilling nature
of scientific axioms: the importance of the real, of the element which is not developing according to what we think
about it. In that sense, science la Lacan entails the recognition of the structural causality of the real as the
element which interrupts the smooth flow of our fantasmatic and symbolic representations of reality. Within such a
context, this real, the obstacle encountered by standard science, is not bypassed discretely but introduced within
the theory it can destabilise. The point here is that truth as the encounter with the real is encountered face to face
Verwerfung of the Thing which is presupposed by the ideal of absolute knowledge, an ideal which as everybody
knowswas historically proved in the end to be a failure (VII: 131). In other words, we cannot be certain that
definite knowledge is attainable. In fact, for Lacan, certainty is not something we should attribute to our knowledge
of things. Certainty is a defining characteristic of psychosis. In Lacans view, it constitutes its elementary
phenomenon, the basis of delusional belief (III:75). Opening up our symbolic resources to uncertainty is, on the
other hand, the only prudent move we have left. What we can know has to be expressed within the structure of
language but this structure has to incorporate a recognition of its own limits. This is not a development which
should cause unease; as Nancy has put it What will become of our world is something we cannot know, and we can
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fantasies-images of an experience beyond ideological control-and these fantasies assist in rendering the people
docile. In the case of Murdoch, we see clearly how ideological control depends on a fundamental fantasy.
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Dominique de Villepin (who criticised the French State) to the Right like Nicolas Sarkozy (who blamed the rioters)
rushed to do
in the days immediately following the riots. It is what innumerable media critics and
commentators, both in France and abroad, scrambled to do in order that there was no empty air time in which
actually to think. How flimsy, how pathetic, how desperate they all sounded, when we know that, within the current
admittedly, with great difficulty, against the best wishes of his supporters More than this, Zizek is accused in
Deans essay not only of not providing the meaning of the French riots to us, but also to the rioters themselves. In
the most traditional conception of philosophy, he is expected to speak for others, bears a responsibility for
articulating the violence. But the real point here is that, if these riots are to constitute a real event, they must
provide their own meaning. And it is the failure of the rioters to do this, to make of what happened an event, that
Zizek indicates by the simple mathemic repetition of his previous work (mostly passages of Ticklish Subject) in
response to them.3 The riots do not provide an occasion for new thought; they merely play out an existing impasse.
Zizeks authentic ethical stance here, his refusal to offer placebos, his taking of the time to think, strangely enough,
was the response of French President Jacques Chirac, who several days after the riots and he too was criticised for
his delay put forward an equally mathemic decree: The French State will not concede to the rioters. We sense
behind his words here, as with Zizek, a frank admission that the riots did not constitute an authentic event, that the
only true crisis (for Capital) will be that of Capital itself So what, then, is Zizek attempting to do in Some
Politically Incorrect Reflections? What is the role for philosophy he proposes there? What does he mean by saying
that the philosophers task is not to propose solutions, but to reframe the problem itself? If we can begin by
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Lacan.com, Zizek makes a crucial distinction between two different responses to capitalism and the separation it
enforces between truth and meaning: on the one hand, there are conservative [but we would also say pseudoLeftist] reactions to re-enframe capital within some field of meaning; and, on the other, there is the attempt to
raise the question of the real of capitalism with regard to its truth-beyond-meaning (what, basically, Marx did). It
is absolutely this distinction that is at stake in Zizeks attempt to tear the events of the French riots away from their
that all of his songs are protest songs, even when they do not take up the topical issues of the day is that rarest of
events, and constitutes the only real resistance to what must be called the complicity of the well-meaning Left,
which in its desire for immediate results is indistinguishable from its hated rival (the narcissism of small
differences), neo-liberalism.
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AT Cant Solve
Status quo hegemony remains dominant because people give into
its forced choice refusing its ideological coordinates allows one to
rupture hegemony in an act of radical freedom This solves AND
We turned case Try or die for the negative
Zizek 1 [Slavoj, Still gives a shit, On Belief (Thinking in Action), New York City: Routledge, 2001, 120-2//uwyoajl]
REALLY at any point asked the fundamental question of what kind of new order they actually wanted? Is it not that
They were
first told that they were entering the promised land of political
freedom; then, soon afterwards, they were informed that this
freedom involved wild privatization, the dismantling of the system of social security, etc.
they found themselves in the exact situation of the subject-victim of a Beauvois experiment?
etc. - they still have the freedom to choose, so if they want, they can step out; but, no, our heroic Eastern
Europeans didn't want to disappoint their Western mentors, they stoically persisted in the choice they never made,
con-vincing themselves that they should behave as mature subjects who are aware that freedom has its price . .
This is why the notion of the psychological subject endowed with natural propensities, who has to realize its true
Self and its potentials, and who is, consequently, ultimately responsible for his failure or success, is the key
ingredient of liberal freedom. And here one should risk reintroducing the Leninist opposition of "formal" and "actual"
were presented with a new set of given choices (pure liberalism, nationalist conservatism . . . ). What this means is
worth saving today: when he emphasizes that there is no "pure" democracy, that we should always ask who does a
point is precisely to
maintain the possibility of the TRUE radical choice. This is what the distinction
between "formal" and "actual" freedom ultimately amounts to: " formal" freedom is the
freedom of choice WITHIN the coordinates of the existing power
relations, while "actual" freedom designates the site of an
intervention which undermines these very coordinates. In short, Lenin's point
freedom under consideration serve, which is its role in the class struggle, his
is not to limit freedom of choice, but to maintain the fundamental Choice - when Lenin asks about the role of a
freedom within the class struggle, what he is asking is precisely: "Does this freedom contribute to or constrain the
fundamental revolutionary Choice?"
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AT Anything Political
*same as Turns Case Political Action Specific*
Our Alternative is the Proper Form of Political ThinkingThe
Affirmative is a Fundamental Avoidance of Thought and Merely
Recreates the Conditions of the Problem
Butler and Stephens 6 Rex Scott, Lecturers at U of Queensland, Play Fuckin Loud: Zizek vs. the
Left, The Symptom, Issue 7, Spring 2006 (http://www.lacan.com/symptom7_articles/butler.html)
Here, we might say, in a nutshell is everything Zizek writes against. And it is just at this point that the true
distinctions because they are the hardest, the most unpopular, the most difficult need to be made. It is just at
this moment that Zizek breaks with a well-wishing Left in the name of a proper Hegelio-Marxist critique. To begin
with, Zizek absolutely takes a distance from the classical model of the philosopher giving meaning to events,
providing a solution to problems the philosopher as Big Other bringing about narrative and conceptual closure.
(Ironically, in another post from her website, Dean even admits that one of the things at stake in Zizeks work is the
Dominique de Villepin (who criticised the French State) to the Right like Nicolas Sarkozy (who blamed the rioters)
rushed to do
in the days immediately following the riots. It is what innumerable media critics and
commentators, both in France and abroad, scrambled to do in order that there was no empty air time in which
actually to think. How flimsy, how pathetic, how desperate they all sounded, when we know that, within the current
admittedly, with great difficulty, against the best wishes of his supporters More than this, Zizek is accused in
Deans essay not only of not providing the meaning of the French riots to us, but also to the rioters themselves. In
the most traditional conception of philosophy, he is expected to speak for others, bears a responsibility for
articulating the violence. But the real point here is that, if these riots are to constitute a real event, they must
provide their own meaning. And it is the failure of the rioters to do this, to make of what happened an event, that
Zizek indicates by the simple mathemic repetition of his previous work (mostly passages of Ticklish Subject) in
response to them.3 The riots do not provide an occasion for new thought; they merely play out an existing impasse.
Zizeks authentic ethical stance here, his refusal to offer placebos, his taking of the time to think, strangely enough,
was the response of French President Jacques Chirac, who several days after the riots and he too was criticised for
his delay put forward an equally mathemic decree: The French State will not concede to the rioters. We sense
behind his words here, as with Zizek, a frank admission that the riots did not constitute an authentic event, that the
only true crisis (for Capital) will be that of Capital itself So what, then, is Zizek attempting to do in Some
Politically Incorrect Reflections? What is the role for philosophy he proposes there? What does he mean by saying
that the philosophers task is not to propose solutions, but to reframe the problem itself? If we can begin by
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Lacan.com, Zizek makes a crucial distinction between two different responses to capitalism and the separation it
enforces between truth and meaning: on the one hand, there are conservative [but we would also say pseudoLeftist] reactions to re-enframe capital within some field of meaning; and, on the other, there is the attempt to
raise the question of the real of capitalism with regard to its truth-beyond-meaning (what, basically, Marx did). It
is absolutely this distinction that is at stake in Zizeks attempt to tear the events of the French riots away from their
that all of his songs are protest songs, even when they do not take up the topical issues of the day is that rarest of
events, and constitutes the only real resistance to what must be called the complicity of the well-meaning Left,
which in its desire for immediate results is indistinguishable from its hated rival (the narcissism of small
differences), neo-liberalism.
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this we understand die imposition of some formal frame that serves as the a priori of its contingent content):
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AT No Lack/Lack is Affirmation
First, Desire and Lack are not just productive They are equally
negative
Little a is that desire wants to be fulfilled i.e. negated
Little b is that desire is one thing that can only be described as no
other desire besides the desire it is Desire and lack are in an of
themselves infinitely negative to any other desire to affirm their
existence
Second, this means our K must come first Only a deconstructive
psychoanalysis can analyze all aspects of desire and lack
Wilberg 11 (Henrik S., PhD candidate in German Literature and Critical Thought at Northwestern University
and 201011 Yarrington Fellow at cole normale suprieure, Paris. His dissertation project is an investigation of the
figure of infinite judgment in the transformation of language, logic, and aesthetics in early nineteenth-century
German literature and philosophy, No Outside of Psychoanalysis: Towards a Grammatological Concept of the
Unconscious, JCook.)
The
signifier is absolutely negative; it is what all other signifiers are not.
It is pure difference in the symbolic field, whereas the letter is of a
positive order (Milner 12832). This is already the heart of the matter, the
same question raised by the talking cure: how a system of negative
differentiation can produce an effect in the real, that is, one which is
not purely negative, La lettre radicalement est effet de [End Page 154] discours (Lacan, Sminaire
XX: 36). One could say, very concisely, that the letter is that which makes a difference
where there is no(-o)ne.6 From this follows that the signifier is restricted to
the symbolic, whereas the letter ties it to the two other registers,
the I and the R, completing its nodal structure. Also, within the framework of The
Why should we insist on this point? Let us quickly recall some elements of the Lacanian doctrine.
Purloined Letter, there is not simply differentiation of positions but actual transformative acts, in this case the (at
least) two cases of theft. The letter is transmissible, as the signifier qua signifier cannot transmit anything. Once
attuned to this question, one can even sense occasionally a lack of conviction sneaking into Derridas reading: a
milieu of ideality: hence the eminence of the transcendental whose effect is to maintain presence, to wit phon.
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have seen above, that Lacans insistence upon the indivisibility of the letter does not evoke the Real as a thing-initself but rather in its unspeakable singularity. However one may divide the traumatic event up into units of
understanding through analysis, the event remains excessive, inherently resistant to analytical, interpretative
therefore not as his criticism would suggest in fundamental disagreement with Lacan, for they seem to be
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if an
object is to take its place in a libidinal space, its arbitrary character
must remain concealed. The subject cannot say to herself, "Since the object is arbitrary, I can
choose whatever I want as the object of my drive." The object must appear to be found, to
child, the object- child proves interchangeable. But the accent of Rendell's story offers a different lesson:
offer itself as support and point of reference for the drive's circular move- ment. In Rendell's novel, the mother only
accepts the other child when she can say to herself "I really cannot do anything, if I refuse him now, things will get
even more complicated, the child is practically imposed on me." We can say, in fact, that The Tree of Hands works
in a way opposite to that of Brechtian drama: instead of making a familiar situation strange, the novel demonstrates
the way we are prepared, step by step, to accept as familiar a bizarre and morbid situation. This procedure is far
Herein Consists, also, the fundamental lesson of Lacan: while
it is true that any object can occupy the empty place of the Thing, it
can do so only by means of the illusion that it was always already
there, i.e., that it was not placed there by us but found there as an "answer of the real.
"Although any object can function as the object-cause of desireinsofar as the power of fascination it exerts is not its immediate
property but results from the place it occupies in the structure-we
must, by structural necessity, fall prey to the illusion that the power
of fascination belongs to the object as such. This structural necessity enables us to
more subversive than the usual Brechtian one.
approach from a new perspective the classic Pascalian-Marxian description of the logic of "fetishistic inversion" in
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inter-personal relationships. The subjects think they treat a certain person as a king because he is already in himself
an immediate property of the person-king but as a "reflexive determination" of the comportment of his subjects, or-
it
is a positive, necessary condition for this performative effect to take
place that the king's charisma be experienced precisely as an
immediate property of the person-king. The moment the subjects
take cognizance of the fact that the king's charisma is a
performative effect, the effect itself is aborted. In other words, if we attempt to
to use the terms of speech act theory-a performative effect of their symbolic ritual. But the crucial point is that
"subtract" the fetishistic inversion and witness the performative effect directly, the performative power will be
dissipated. But why, we may ask, can the performative effect take place only on condition that it is overlooked?
Why does the disclosure of the performative mechanism necessarily ruin its effect? Why, to paraphrase Hamlet, is
the king (also) a thing? Why must the symbolic mechanism be hooked onto a "thing," some piece of the real? The
Lacanian answer is, of course:
already barred, crippled, porous, structured around some extimate kernel, some impossibility. The
function of the "little piece of the real" is precisely to fill out the place of this void that gapes in the very heart of the
symbolic.
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have seen above, that Lacans insistence upon the indivisibility of the letter does not evoke the Real as a thing-initself but rather in its unspeakable singularity. However one may divide the traumatic event up into units of
understanding through analysis, the event remains excessive, inherently resistant to analytical, interpretative
therefore not as his criticism would suggest in fundamental disagreement with Lacan, for they seem to be
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Third, Even if there are multiple selves, those selves are still out of
joint in the world and find themselves in a space in which there's no
consistently grounded big other, meaning that our argument still
applies.
Fourth, Far from liberating the subject, assertion of hybridity
ignores the way that deterritorialization is traumatic to marginaled
peoples and feeds the stability of capital
Zizek '99 [Slavoj, Senior Researcher at Institute for Social Studies, Ljubliana and Badass, The Ticklish Subject:
the absent centre of political ontology, New York: Verso, 1999, 220-1//uwyo-ajl]
Does this mean that the solution lies in acknowledging the 'hybrid'
character of each identity? It is easy to praise the hybridity of the postmodern migrant subject,
no longer attached to specific ethnic roots, floating freely between
different.cultural circles. Unfortunately, two totally different sociopolitical
levels are condensed here: on the one hand the cosmopolitan upper- and
upper-middle-class academic, always with the proper visas enabling him to
cross borders without any problem in order to carry out his (financial, academic. . .) business, and thus able to
a border or reuniting with his family can be an experience full of anxiety, and demanding great effort. For this
second subject, being uprooted from his traditional way of life is a traumatic shock which
destabilizes his entire existence - to tell him that he should enjoy the hybridity and the lack of fixed identity of his
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we are dealing here with what one is tempted to call the ideological
practice of disidentification. That is to say, one should turn around the standard notion of
26). More generally,
ideology as providing a firm identification to its subjects, constraining them to their 'social roles': what if, on a
different - but no less irrevocable and structurally necessary - level ,
ideology is effective
precisely by constructing a space of false disidentification, of false
dis-tance towards the actual co-ordinates of those subjects' social
existence?27 Is not this logic of disidentification discernible from the
most elementary case of 'I am not only an American (husband, worker,
democrat, gay. . .), but, beneath all these roles and masks, a human being,
a complex unique personality' (where the very dis-tance towards the
symbolic feature that determines my social place guarantees the
efficiency of this determination), up to the more complex case of cyberspace playing with
one's multiple identities? The mystification operative in the perverse 'just playing' of cyber-space is therefore
double: not only are the games we are playing in it more serious than we tend to assume (is it not that, in the guise
of a fiction, of 'it's just a game', a subject can articulate and stage features of his symbolic identity - sadistic,
'perverse', and so on - which he would never be able to admit in his 'real' intersubjective contacts?), but the
opposite also holds, that is,
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have seen above, that Lacans insistence upon the indivisibility of the letter does not evoke the Real as a thing-initself but rather in its unspeakable singularity. However one may divide the traumatic event up into units of
understanding through analysis, the event remains excessive, inherently resistant to analytical, interpretative
therefore not as his criticism would suggest in fundamental disagreement with Lacan, for they seem to be
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the Oedipal father-the agency of symbolic law guaranteeing order and reconCiliationon the perverse figure of the
Father-Of-Enjoyment that explains why Lacan prefers to write perversion as pre-version, i.e., the version of the
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be asked immediately: which (singular) philosophy was, for him, a stand-in for philosophy 'as such'? Following a
suggestion by Francois Regnault (who draws attention to the fact that Lacan made this statement in 1975, in the
the psychoanalyst who acknowledges the pathological consequences of 'repression', but none the less claims that
'repression' is the condition of cultural progress, since outside symbolic authority there is only the psychotic void),
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have seen above, that Lacans insistence upon the indivisibility of the letter does not evoke the Real as a thing-initself but rather in its unspeakable singularity. However one may divide the traumatic event up into units of
understanding through analysis, the event remains excessive, inherently resistant to analytical, interpretative
therefore not as his criticism would suggest in fundamental disagreement with Lacan, for they seem to be
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monster which pursues its path regardless of any human or environmental concern is an ideological abstraction,
and one should never forget that behind this abstraction there are real people and natural objects on whose
productive capacities and resources Capital's circulation is based, and on which it feeds like a gigantic parasite. The
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emphasis). Opposing the mutual antagonism between these thinkers, Hurst compares what the Lacanians say
about Lacan with what the Derrideans say about Derrida and curiously argues in favour of a deep theoretical
accord, a mirroring symmetry or, precise match (ibid.), precisely in the name of the poststructural postulation
of diffrance or splitting. She justifies this rather paradoxical enterprise of eliminating differences in the name of
difference, by insisting that it would help clarify the field in which both operate (ibid.) and provide a key to a
more productive interchange between deconstruction and Lacanian pscychoanalysis (p. 11). The overall task of
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is
the necessary condition for having money, and, these days, money is
the necessary condition for having a life). For Lacan, the task of
analysis is to guide the analysand beyond this lose/lose double bind
the aporias of paranoiac universalism and hysterical nominalism to a third stance, the
possibility of a win/win scenario: the revolutionarys choice
between freedom or death. Ch Guevara risked all for the sake of freedom, whereas Socrates
chose death rather than forsaking freedom. By choosing for decisive action, both
retained eternal freedom. This freedom for, then, is the only possible freedom, the paradoxical
freedom attained through the refusal to submit to the constrictions of the either/or choice given by a binary
determination of options, what Foucault dubbed the Enlightenment blackmail, and the willingness therefore to
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there is Derridas insistence, to be found in its most explicit form already in Freud
and the Scene of Writing, that despite appearances, the deconstruction of
logocentrism is not a psychoanalysis of philosophy (196). This is
despite appearances, since deconstruction does indeed advance
and insist not only on a concept of repression, namely the thesis of a repression of
writing, but also, through the articulation of the logic of the trace, which, analogous to the Freudian
Urverdrngung (primary/original repression), is refused the status of a concept but
whose very structure [] makes possible, as the movement of
temporalization and pure auto-affection, something that can be
called repression in general, the original synthesis of original
repression and secondary repression, repression itself (Freud 230).1
Here, the question of the relationship between deconstruction and
psychoanalysis already finds itself organized around the thinking of
temporality that Derrida considers inaugurated with Freud, and that
crystallizes in the notion of the compulsion to repeat
(Wiederholungszwang). Providing a new, or indeed a first, philosophical
interpretation of this Freudian concept dominates all of Derridas
engagement with psychoanalysis and explains the central role
played by a limited number of Freuds texts, above all Beyond the
Pleasure Principle.
three: First,
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aggressive response to his own work that takes the form of "kettle
logic," or the accumulation of incompatible assertions. In his words: "1. Devaluation and
rejection: 'it is worthless' or 'I do not agree.' 2. Valuation and reappropriation: 'moreover it is mine and I have always
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Derridas canonical deconstruction of Lacan. This text, a reading of Lacans 1956 Seminar on Poes
inscribes Lacan
into the pre-established framework of the earlier reading of Freud,
and results in the well-known neologistic denunciation of
phallogocentrism. Then there are the discussions of Lacans notion
of the symbolic in the 1971 interview with Jean-Louis Houdebine and Guy Scarpette, later
traded as
Purloined Letter that concludes the highly complex textual assemblage of The Post Card ,
published in Positions. Also, some clear references to Lacanian concepts, though not by way of the proper name,
can be discerned in Dissemination. All of these texts, we [End Page 148] should recall, deal with Lacans thought as
presented in crits, published in 1966. In Facteur de la vrit in particular, the apparent privilege Lacan himself
subsequently republished in Resistances.2 On the other hand, there is only one reference to Derrida in the entirety
of Lacans work, published and unpublished: a rather malicious remark (je le crois en analyse) made in Seminar
XIX, Ou pire. This remark soon found the ears of Derrida, despite being promptly left out in the institutionally
sanctioned summary later published in the journal of the cole freudienne, Scilicet 5.
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It originates in
the development of the question of the archive as an explicit
development of Derridas earlier reading of the Freudian topic of the
psyche in Freud and the Scene of Writing. In Archive Fever, Derrida seeks to show that
what Freud presented as a topic of retention and an account of
memory is not contained and exhausted by this function , but, in what is
essentially a rupture, organizes an entire topology of interiority and
exteriority. It does so not only as a condition for psychic activity, but
as the institution of the hypomnemic apparatus that does not
dissolve itself into either the mnme or the anmnesis. According to Derrida,
what the Freudian topic of the psyche is supposed to achieve is
already the mark of the institution as such: Ce Bloc magique , ce modle extrieur,
The third obstacle is arguably the most important, but it is also much less straightforward.
donc archival, de lappareil psychique denregistrement et de mmorisation nintgre pas seulement les concepts
inauguraux de la psychanalyse, depuis lEsquisse jusquaux articles de la Mtapsychologie, en passant par la
Traumdeutung, en particulier tous ceux qui concernent par exemple le refoulement, la censure, lenregistrement
(Niederschrift) dans les deux systmes ICS et PCS, les trois points de vue topique, dynamique et conomique. En
tenant compte de la multiplicit des lieux dans lappareil psychique, il intgre aussi, au-dedans de la psukh mme,
la ncessit dun certain dehors, de certaines frontires entre du dedans et du dehors. Et avec ce dehors
domestique, cest--dire aussi avec lhypothse dun support, dune surface ou dun espace internes sans lesquels il
ny a ni consignation, enregistrement ou impression, ni rpression, censure ou refoulement, il accueille lide dune
archive psychique distincte de la mmoire spontane, dune hupmnsis distincte de la mnme de lanmnsis :
linstitution, en somme, dune prothse du dedans. Nous disons institution (on pourrait dire rection ) pour
marquer, ds le seuil originaire de cette prothse, une rupture tout aussi originaire avec la nature. La thorie de la
psychanalyse devient alors une thorie de larchive et non seulement une thorie de la mmoire. (Derrida, Mal 37
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Can one deny that the actuality of the exigency of resistance persists and imposes itself, perhaps even more so
than twenty years ago, when these phrases were uttered? This is not a historicist, or even an historical, argument.
It is not a question of history, but a question of dusk. As is demonstrated by the publication of Benot Peeterss
biography of Derrida3 (meticulously researched, written by someone with the necessary credentials, sanctioned by
a good pressall the characteristics listed by Derrida himself), we are witnessing, at the end of deconstructions
long march through the (American) institutions, a crepuscular taking-shape of the period of thought that sailed
under the flag of post-structuralism. The proper names persist, of course, but the mere preservation of the name
is no guarantee against forgetting; it is perfectly compatible with the continued groundswell of the conformism and
restoration [End Page 150] Derrida wished to resist with his declaration of love of Lacan. To remain for a moment
within the Hegelian imagery of dusk: dusk is not the equivalent of a moment within history. Dusk, as it is famously
presented in the preface to Hegels Principles of the Philosophy of Right, is not historical, but the time of the
incongruence of history and thinking. It is ultimately impossible to determine whether the present is the dusk at
which Minerva takes flight or the melancholic descent into the night in which all cows are black, that is, of true in-
demonstrates: I wish to underline that the efficacity of the thematic of diffrance may very well, indeed must, one
day be superseded, lending itself if not to its own replacement, at least to enmeshing itself in a chain that in truth it
never will have governed (7). This, however, is not to be confused with an echo of Freuds expectation and desire
that his name be erased and forgotten in order to give life to psychoanalysis as a scientific discourse. It has even
If resistance here
does call for a certain supersession of the efficacity of the thematic
of difference, acknowledging and entering into the dusk of
deconstruction does not mean consigning it to the enclosed space of
an epoch, reverting to pre- or non-deconstructive modes of, just to name two phenomena among many,
less to do with a vulgar and quasi-historical notion of overcoming deconstruction.
worth keeping in mind that, in his theory of discourses, Lacan sees the repressive discourse not as the discourse of
the master, but as the discourse of the university, a discourse that precludes both the position of resistance, be it
hysterical or analytical, and that of the master.) On the other hand, then, as Catherine Malabou has argued
recently, it
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Derrida argues that Lacan 's supposedly casual rhetoric leaves him
naively trapped within the so-called metaphysics of presence. While he
Moreover,
might wax lyrical about loving Lacan in Resistances of Psychoanalysis, he does not shift his critical stance in this
unsurprising that many Derrideans on this account tend to avoid even opening Lacan's texts. Despite the fact that
psychoanalysis haunts Derrida's own texts, it does not fare well in the commentaries on Derrida's work. Caputo's
Deconstruction in a Nutshell, for example, seems to cover everything but psychoanalysis, and Bennington's
"Derridabase" offers suggestive but extremely cursory remarks concerning Derrida's encounters with
psychoanalysis. This is all the more surprising since it deals with the quintessentially psychoanalytical theme of
By contrast, he charges Lacan with the hypostatization of "lack," or, that is, the formulation of the meaning of being
in general as absence, which implies that his discourse does not move beyond the categories of being. La can
prejudice in his exposition of Drucilla Cornell's treatment of Lacan's claim that "Woman does not exist/'30 Cornell,
he reports, expresses disappointment in Lacan for undermining the revolutionary implications of this statement by
insisting, as Caputo puts it, "that woman is essentially the truth of castration, or of the hole, essentially the place of
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or defect but excess, for the feminine disrupts the proper place,
including and especially the proper place to which she is assigned
by Lacan as lack.31 According to Copjec, then, the interpretative mistake many
keep making is to take what Lacan calls the "hard kernel of the real"
to be "some essence or quasi-transcendental a priori that manages
to escape the contingent processes of history."32 This is, again, the mistake Judith
Butler makes, for example, in her reading of Lacan's account of sexual difference, where she takes "the Real of
sexual difference" to imply an a priori gender dimorphism in Lacanian discourse, conditioned by normative
Lacanians deny
this charge of covert phallocentrism: an admission such as Colette Soler's, for example,
that Lacan indeed "affirms the phallocentrism' of the unconscious,"
must be placed within the context of his wholesale revaluation of
values (for example, in Seminar XX), where such an affirmation can only function
as a critique of the one-sided "phallic logic" that characterizes the
"Symbolic Order."34
heterosexu-ality, which, as usual, defines woman as the negative of man.33 Again,
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that Of
Grammatology, a large section of the texts contained in Writing and Difference and Margins of
Philosophy, and at least up until and including Dissemination, can be read as giving a
systematic answer (which is not the same as the answer of a system) to a fundamental
question, a question that Derrida gives its unary trait by repeatedly aligning it with what he considers the
question of metaphysics itself. In these texts, the local question of one particular
thinker, be it Husserl, Plato, Austin, Artaud, or his contemporary Foucault, is raised to the
dignity of a deconstruction of metaphysics. I would argue that this is the
reason why it is not wrong to consider this part of Derridas work as
inaugurating, or at least co-founding, a poststructuralist program. The
question of metaphysics was only interrogated anew, that is, given a genuinely
novel philosophical form, with the high tide of structuralism. We are tempted to paraphrase the question as follows:
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AT Phonocentrism Bad
First, Our combination of Deconstruction and Psychoanalysis
removes phonocentrism from our alternative Deconstruction
problematizes the foundation of all thought, removing
phonocentrism and creating ex-centrism
Wilberg 11 (Henrik S., PhD candidate in German Literature and Critical Thought at Northwestern University
and 201011 Yarrington Fellow at cole normale suprieure, Paris. His dissertation project is an investigation of the
figure of infinite judgment in the transformation of language, logic, and aesthetics in early nineteenth-century
German literature and philosophy, No Outside of Psychoanalysis: Towards a Grammatological Concept of the
Unconscious, JCook.)
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Perm Cards
Pragmatic reformist politics buy into ideology via compromise and
are mutually exclusive with a more radical break from the very
ideological coordinates that make that kind of decision possible
Zizek 2000 [Slavoj, Rather Prolific Author, Class Struggle or Postmodernism? Yes, please! Contingency,
Hegemony, Universality: Contemporary Dialogues on the Left, New York City: Verso, 2000, 123//uwyo-ajl]
In the domain of politics proper, most of today's Left succumbs to ideological
blackmail by the Right in accepting its basic premisses ('the era of the welfare
state, with its unlimited spending, is over', etc.) - ulti-mately, this is what the celebrated
'Third Way' of today's social democracy is about. In such conditions,
an authentic act would be to counter the Rightist agitation apropos
of some 'radical' measure ('You want the impossible; this will lead to
catastrophe, to more state inter-vention . . .') not by defending ourselves by
saying that this is not what we mean, that we are no longer the old Socialists, that the
proposed measures will not increase the state budget, that they will even render state expenditure more 'effective'
with the reform programme, the medical lobby (twice as strong as the infamous defence lobby!) succeeded in
imposing on the public the fun-damental idea that with universal healthcare, free choice (in matters concerning
article in Radical Philosophy. Collier's argument is that since it is capitalism that shatters our wholeness and
disempowers us (as if without capitalism we would be on the road to utopia; obviously, capitalism occupies the
structural position of the antichrist in this sort of leftist preaching), then Lacan's theory is, in fact, normalising
capitalist damage, precisely because alienation is so deep for Lacan that nothing can be done to eliminate it
(`Lacan is deeply pessimistic, rejecting cure or happiness as possible goals', my emphasis).'9 Thus Lacan has
nothing to offer radical politics. Something not entirely surprising since, according to Collier, psychological theory in
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general has no political implications whatsoever. The conclusion is predictable: `Let us go to Freud and Klein for our
psychotherapy [Lacan is of course excluded] and to Marx and the environ- mental sciences for our politics, and not
get our lines crossed' (Collier, 1998: 41-3). Surprisingly enough this is almost identical with Homer's conclusion:
Lacanian theory is OK as an analytical tool but let us go back to Marx for our ideological seminar and our utopian
its affirmative refusal to advocate a politics, deconstruction forms, firstly, an account of why all political projects fail.
SInce the projection of any decision has ethical implications, deconstruction in fact generalizes what is meant by
the political well beyond the local sense of politics, in this sense it becomes a radical `critique' of instit tions.
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Deconstruction First
First, There is no outside text Nothing lies beyond our
interpretation of it As such we must call into question the very
premise of our understanding K must come first to access any
claim you make
Hurst 08 (Andrea, Fordham University Press, Dernda vis--vis Lacan : interweaving deconstruction and
psychoanalysis, JCook)
The misconstruction of Derrida's thinking that trumps them all, as John Caputo points out, is the argument that he
has destroyed his own grounds for protest about being misunderstood, since his "anything goes" postmodernism
undermines the very idea that there can be such a thing as misunderstanding.5 There are two versions of this
misconstruction. The first is derived from a catchphrase that Derrida, and those who love him, have good reason to
regret sorely, namely, "/Y n'y a pas de hors-texte" (" there is no outside-text").6 Many take this
phrase as confirmation of Derrida's apparently uninhibited celebration of an utterly nominalist, relativist freeplay of
differences, supposedly based on the premise that there is nothing "out there" beyond the text, which dooms us to
the infinite play of texts upon texts upon texts, all of indifferently equivalent nonvalue and endlessly referring to
nothing but themselves. Derrida persistently and explicitly rejects this misreading, which is the contemporary
equivalent of Hegel's mistaken characterization of Kant's "transcendental turn" as a subjective idealism, and it may
be subjected to the same kind of rejoinder; namely, that transcendental constitution does not create existence, but
interprets or synthesizes what is given, thereby constituting a phenomenal world.7 Derrida's phrase "there is no
outside-text" makes the equivalent claim.
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Reason's very nature, characterized by what he called the "principle of unconditioned unity,"4
combined with a fundamental commitment to some form of
representational relation between perceiving humans and an
independently determined external world, had engendered a "twofold, self-conflicting interest,"5 which trapped reason in metaphysical
antinomies that, he argues, old-style metaphysicians could neither pass beyond nor turn away from.
Reason has a two-fold interest in moving from universal to
particular in determinative judgment and from particular to
universal in reflective judgment. Ideally, for him, these movements should be reversible, but
they led instead to opposing conclusions about the nature of the world-whole, the self, and God, Pure Reason's
"peculiar fate" was its inability to live up to its most fundamental principle, namely complete, systematic unity. He
argues that one can avoid the gridlock of reason's antinomies and preserve Reason's "principle of unconditioned
unity" only on a constitutive, rather than representational, account of the relation between "thought" and "thing"
implicated in the shaping of spatiotemporal things (now viewed as phenomena) in response to the force field of our
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sensory reception, which, in turn, is occasioned by an otherwise unknowable hyletic substratum. Put differently,
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there is nothing around them nor because healthy infants lack the intrinsic cognitive potential necessary to
known "cinnabar" example, if the hyletic substratum that occasions sensation occurs as an utterly irregular chaos,
no subject would be capable of constituting a coherent objective reality.) In other words, he accepts that
a priori powers of
recognition and anticipation, together with intuition, constitute the
power of "productive imagination." This faculty describes the power
to bring a mass of sensations together (or synthesize them) by organizing
them according to an articulated system of a priori concepts to form
a spatiotemporal manifold of objects. When sensory events occur, this synthetic process is
a matter of making multiple basic judgments, which he believes one can describe theoretically as fundamental
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questions of quantity, quality, relation, and modality: for example, is it enduring, instantaneous, fleeting,
Through
learning, then, based on the interaction between sensation and productive imagination,
infants gradually acquire a phenomenal reality (or, in Husserl's terms, a
transcendental "monad"), which may be described as a continuously
experienced phenomenal field capable of being apprehended at a
glance. Importantly, although we have to learn to synthesize (that is, to make the kind of basic judgment just
listed, or to bring our sensations under these fundamental concepts), this synthetic process,
starting almost from birth and increasing in complexity as we
mature, is implicit and generally unconscious. Once developed, synthetic
operations for the most part work automatically to constitute the
world that I now continuously "have" around me (I do not have to reconstitute the
objective manifold anew each time I open my eyes). The a priori conceptualization that is
the work of "productive imagination" goes on all the time and is
presupposed by other mental processes.11
continuous, discrete, regular, irregular, necessary, contingent, universal, particular, singular?10
experiential
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AT Reductionist
First, Derridean psychoanalysis ignores reductionist readings
Instead of break life down to one signifier as a point of problematic
issues, it allows a chain of signifiers that displace and replace each
other Only this solves reductionisms problems and engages in an
ethical stance in the world
Hurst 08 (Andrea, Fordham University Press, Dernda vis--vis Lacan : interweaving deconstruction and
psychoanalysis, JCook)
Even though the majority of Derrida's texts reveal a sustained engagement with psychoanalysis, his readings on
topics other than language and the "purloined letter" draw little explicit attention from many Lacanian theorists,
in a collection
thematizing Lacan's theory of discourse, there is but a single
reference to Derrida, which refers to Jacques-Alain Miller's claim that in contrast to
intellectuals such as Derrida, Lacan "saw patients": that is, he put
his theories to work in the world outside the esoteric self-referential
circle of the academic text.11 More importantly, when reference is made to
Derrida, it is often to his early work on the sign, which is reduced to
an endorsement of freeplaya misreading that precludes serious
engagement with his later writings on ethical issues in the broadest
sense of the term, which are in constant dialogue with
psychoanalysis. Kaja Silverman's approach to Derrida's work provides
a clear but by no means unique example of this reduction. In The
Subject of Semiotics she focuses on his commitment to "the endless
commutability of the signified"12 together with the "principle of
deferral," which is taken to mean simply that "signification occurs
along a chain in which one term displaces another before being
itself displaced."13 These commitments are brought together under
the notion of "freeplay."14 While Silverman's observations are not inaccurate, and Derrida
does indeed insist on this an-economic interpretation of diffrance
(naming it "diffrance as spacing"), she gives no voice at all, at least not in Derrida's name, to
its economic counterpart, namely "diffrance as temporization ."15 I shall
address this complexity in chapter 3; suffice it to note here that her one-sided starting point
assures a reductive interpretation of other Derridean notions. For
and citations more often than not take the form of typical misconstructions. For example,
example, her remark in The Acoustic Mirror that Derrida has "appropriated from sexual difference" a signifier
[namely "invagination"], with which he has attempted to erase the opposition between 'inner' and 'outer,' " can only
sound strange to Derridean ears.16
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AT Rorty/Zizek
First, Both Rorty and Zizek misread Derrida There criticism do not
apply to true Derridean quasi-transcendental thinking which
remains in a dialogue with other forms of throught AND Quasitranscendental thought is never the same Side steps your offense
Hurst 08 (Andrea, Fordham University Press, Dernda vis--vis Lacan : interweaving deconstruction and
psychoanalysis, JCook)
In chapter 3, I offer a more detailed account of Derrida's quasi-transcendental thinking .
could assign the nickname "quasi-transcendental," although it goes by many other nicknames too, my preference
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epistemological projects are caught within the Western canon reproducing within its domains of thought and
practice a particular form of coloniality of power/knowledge.
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After 9-11 Published by Duke University Press. boundary 2 31.2 (2004) 81-111 Access provided by University of
Minnesota -Twin Cities LibrariesProject Muse 10/8/2008.
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canon of thought than simply the Western canon (including the Left
Western canon); 2) that a truly universal decolonial perspective cannot
be based on an abstract universal (one particular that raises itself
as universal global design), but would have to be the result of the
critical dialogue between diverse critical epistemic/ethical/political
projects towards a pluriversal as oppose to a universal world; 3) that
decolonization of knowledge would require to take seriously the
epistemic perspective/cosmologies/insights of critical thinkers from
the Global South thinking from and with subalternized
racial/ethnic/sexual spaces and bodies. Postmodernism and postructuralism as
epistemological projects are caught within the Western canon reproducing within its domains of thought and
practice a particular form of coloniality of power/knowledge.
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it becomes crucial to
question the widely held idea that modernity is now a universal and
inescapable force, that globalization entails the radicalization of
modernity, and that from now on it is modernity all the way down.
One fruitful way to think past this commonly held idea is to
question the interpretation of modernity as an intra-european
phenomenon. This re-interpretation makes visible modernitys
underside, that is, those subaltern knowledges and cultural practices
worldwide that modernity itself shunned, suppressed, made
invisible and disqualified. Understood as coloniality, this other side has
existed side by side with modernity since the Conquest of America;
it is this same coloniality of being, knowledge, and power that
todays US-led empire attempts to silence and contain; the same
coloniality that asserts itself at the borders of the modern/colonial
world system, and from which subaltern groups attempt to
reconstitute place-based imaginaries and local worlds. From this
modern problems, where are we to look for new insights? At this level,
perspective, coloniality is constitutive of modernity, and the third world is part of its classificatory logic.
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with and from a subaltern perspective . Like the imperial epistemology of Area Studies,
theory was still located in the North while the subjects to be
studied are located in the South. This colonial epistemology was crucial to my dissatisfaction
with the project. As a Latino in the United States, I was dissatisfied with the epistemic consequences of the
knowledge produced by this Latinamericanist group.
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the majority of the periphery is politically organized into independent states, non -
European people
are still living under crude European/Euro-American exploitation
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and domination. The old colonial hierarchies of European versus non-Europeans remain in place and are
entangled with the international division of labor and accumulation of capital at a world-scale (Quijano 2000;
Grosfoguel 2002).
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AT State Good
First, We must reclaim our ability to be actors in the statewe are
the owners of our citizenship and subjectivity Alt is key to solve
good parts of State and solve the K
Spivak 04, GayatriChakravorty Spivak Avalon Foundation Professor in the Humanities at Columbia University
and the director of the Center for Comparative Literature and Society at Columbia University , 2004, "On the Cusp
of the Personal and the Impersonal": An Interview with GayatriChakravortySpivak. Laura E. Lyons, Cynthia Franklin.
Biographical Research Center. Biography 27.1 (2004) 203-221. PM 10/8/2008.
LEL: This term, intuition
connected to subjectship, what I still want to develop. I was just told by someone who wants to
translate me into French that the word agency is giving them trouble, so thank God youre at least publishing
this in English. The area of subjectship is where psychoanalysis is important, but in the area of agency, which is
action validated by a collectivity, institutionally validated action, we dont have that much of a problem with using
colloquial language, right? On the other hand,one
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AT Subaltern Bad/PICs
First, The term subaltern does not conotate a specific group of
people It resembles power and the subjugation to it. This term
allows for a diversity that problematizes epistemology and
intersectionality Key to solvency
Honkanen 07 (Katriina, rhizomes.14 summer 2007, Deconstructive Intersections.)
(http://rhizomes.net/issue14/honkanen.html. JCook.) Accessed 8/21/12.
European and Nordic equality research is engaged in. It might also be helpful in attempts to overcome problems
related to representational identity politics discussed above.
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Singularity was a questioning of the universal-particular dyad. The singular is repeated, with a difference. That is
how the human is repeatedindifference in single humans, prior to the construction of personhood or individuality. It
is a powerful concept, anchored in good sense, questioning both universalism and identitarianism. Such differently
repeated singularities collectively are a multiplicity. This is not an empirical collective, not, in other words, a
multitude. As long as we remember these are ways of thinking, always inclined to the empirical, we can continue to
work. If we reduce them to the empirical alone, turn subaltern into popular, we are merely disputatious chroniclers.
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AT Nationalism Good
First, The alternative solves back the bad parts of nationalism
Were not saying that nations shouldnt exist Were saying that the
reproductive drive of nations becomes embedded in our
subconciousness, in our cultural lives, and drive us to further this
reproductive heteronormativity The alternative accesses all of
your offense
Spivak 09 (Gayatri Chakravorty, Columbia, Nationalism and the Imagination, JCook.)
nationalism I have been describing operates in the public sphere. But the
subaltern affect where it finds its mobilizing is private, though this possibility
of the private is not derived from a sense of the public, an underived private, which is very difficult
The
for Europe to think. Women, men and queers are not necessarily divided along the public-private line everywhere.
public. This shift is historical, of course, but it is also logical. The subaltern folks I am talking about are in our
present, but kept pre-modern. I will not rehearse here the mostly Hegelian historical story of the emergence of the
the impulse
to nationalism is we must control the workings of our own public
sphere. The reclaiming of the past is in that interest. Sometimes nationalism
public sphere. In whatever nationalist colors it is dressed, whether chronological or logical,
leads to the resolve to control others public spheres, although this is not a necessary outcome. With this comes
the necessary though often unacknowledged sense of being unique and, alas, better its a quick shift because
born this way. Every diasporic feels a pull of somewhere else while located here. If we consider the model of
exogamous marriage with reference to that sentence, we might have to revise the entire city/country model
implicit in Metropolis, and think that the women in gendering have always shared this characteristic with what
we, today, have learnt to call "Diaspora", even when it doesn't have much of a resemblance with what happened
so long ago in Alexandria. And yet, metonymized as nothing but the birth-canal, woman is the most primitive
although
nationalism is the condition and effect of the public sphere,
nationalisms are not able to work with the founding logic of the
public sphere: that all reason is one. It is secured by the private conviction
of special birth and hops right from the underived private comfort
which is no more than a thereness in ones corner. If nationalism
secures itself by an appeal to the most private, democracy in its
most convenient and ascertainable form is secured by the most
trivially public universal each equals one. That flimsy arithmetic,
unprotected by rational choice, can also be manipulated by
nationalism. I am not convinced that the story of human movement to a greater control of the public
instrument of nationalism. I have here offered a reading of nationalism that allows us to see why,
sphere is necessarily a story of progress. The religion/science debate makes this assumption, forgetting that the
imagination, forgetting that literature and the arts, belong neither to reason, nor to unreason. That literature and
suggest by the end of this because sometimes I am misunderstood that the literary imagination can impact on
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de-transcendentalized nationalism. That is not what I am discussing here. I am supporting the clich that
imagination feeds nationalism, and going forward toward the literary imagination and
teaching the humanities, through the teaching of the humanities to prepare the readerly imagination to receive
the literary and thus go beyond the self-identity of nationalism toward the complex textuality of the international. I
will come to that later.
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AT No Alternative Solvency
First, We do solve Add analysis
Second, Its try or die for the alternative Add analysis on the case
turn
Third, The critique is answering an ethical question, which means
you vote negative no matter if we can solve or not The debate
should be framed around whether or not the affirmative excludes
the subalterns voices. Even if were going to fail to end the
silencing of the subaltern, that doesn't change the fact that we
should fight for it.
Third, Even if we never solve, we must question the current state of
nationalism AND Our criticism can pave the way for a new
imagination that leads us to unlearn the cultural, imaginary control
of the nation, because nations are only the imagination
Spivak 09 (Gayatri Chakravorty, Columbia, Nationalism and the Imagination, JCook.)
As for me, I am altogether utopian. I look toward a re-imagined world that is a cluster in the Global South, a cluster
sounds bad right after liberation. When I spoke in South Africa in the first memorial lecture after the lifting of
Apartheid I spoke in this way. My message was not exactly popular. And then about ten years later, when the piece
was included in an anthology, the editor said that I had been prescient to have spoken at that time of the ab-use
of the enlightenment from below (Vincent, 2002). At the time it had sounded too negative. I am saying therefore
again and again translate from someone who has had sixty years of independence, a little more than that 1947
to 2009 and see if it will translate, rather than simply saying we
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AT Globalization Good
First, K is a DA to this flow
Second, Even if they win that globalization helps some subalterans
the intent behind it is flawed - it forces hyphonated identities and is
done with the sole intent to further entrench globalization and the
homogenization of culture
Spivak February 2012 - Gayatri Chakravorty, Avalon Foundation Professor in the Humanities at
Columbia University and the director of the Center for Comparative Literature and Society at Columbia University,
"An Aesthetic Education in the Era of Globalization", Published 2-27-2012
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AT Perm
First, The permutation creates a combination of heteronormative
logic and teaching that replicates the cultural teaching that caused
our impact in the first place No solvency for the perm
Spivak 04, Gayatri Chakravorty, Avalon Foundation Professor in the Humanities at Columbia University and
the director of the Center for Comparative Literature and Society at Columbia University, 2004 Terror: A Speech
After 9-11 Published by Duke University Press. boundary 2 31.2 (2004) 81-111 Access provided by University of
Minnesota -Twin Cities LibrariesProject Muse 10/8/2008.
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AT Science/Trinity
First, Their criticism romanticizes federal policy and renders cultural
shifts irrelevant
Spivak 2004 Guyatri, Harlem, Social Text 81, Vol. 22, No. 4, Winter 2004
The intent to memorialize can be signified by way of the frames, in the style of medieval illuminated manuscripts.
And, because nature is presumed to be without history in this time frame, a species here can presumably come
back as the same from the verge of extinction. This magnifi cent raptor, runs the wall text for this one, was once
on the verge of extinction due to thinning of its eggshells caused by pesticidal spraying. A ban on the use of DDT in
the 1970s, coupled with Federal protection, paved the way for a successful comeback. In the 1990s it was removed
from the endangered species list (fi g. 22). This romantic conviction (no hungry generations tread thee down) is
dubious at best. Biologically, the gene pool is badly impoverished; ecologically, its relation to the environment is
radically altered. Are the herds of bison raised in national parks the same as the herds the Indians hunted?31 But
it is certain that there can be no hope of a successful comeback as a repetition of the same for inscribed
collectivities, forever vanishing. A seamless culturalism cannot be as effective as federal protection and a ban on
DDT.
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AT Subaltern is Misappropriating
First, Subaltern have no examples
Spivak 2005 GuyatriChakravorty, Columbia University, Scattered speculations
on the subaltern and the popular, Postcolonial Studies Vol. 8 No. 4, pp. 475-486,
2005 Routledge
So far I have spoken of the old subaltern, withdrawn from lines of social mobility, in terms of an educational
enterprise that in a supplementary way tries to release the possibility of self-abstraction, self-synecdoche. Merely
trying to release the possibility _/ it will not happen in the classroom tomorrow. By infrastructure, I had earlier meant
the effort to establish, implement and monitor structures that allow subaltern resistance to be located and heard. In
the interim years, through the electronic circuits of globalisation, the subaltern has become greatly permeable.
Much of a pastiche of global culture is lexicalised in a fragmentary fashion in the underclass public world. (To
lexicalise is to separate a linguistic item from its appropriate grammatical system into the conventions of another
grammar.) But the permeability I speak of is the exploitation of the global subaltern as source of intellectual
property without the benefit of benefit-sharing,31pharmaceutical patenting and social dumping. There is no
permeability in the opposite direction. That is where the permanent effort of infrastructural involvement is called
for. I am not speaking of organising international conferences with exceptionalist examples of subalternity to
represent collective subaltern will. The subaltern has no examples. The exemplary subaltern is hegemonised, even
if (and not necessarily) in bad faith. This must be distinguished from the desperate and hardly perceptible effort at
faking subaltern collective initiative by the leaders of counter-globalist resistances. I have called it feudality
without feudalism. I do not think it is a good idea at this point to take a real position against it, because I know
where the desperation comes from.
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AT Subaltern is Homogenous/Totalizing
First, Subaltern not totalizing or homogenous
Vila 97 Pablo, UT El Paso, Narrative Identities: The Employment of the Mexican
on the U.S.-Mexican Border, The Sociological Quarterly, Vol 38, No 1, Winter 1997,
pp. 147-183, Blackwell
Those feminist authors who turn feminist criticism to the deconstruction of the homogene- ous and unified images
of the colonized subject argue that "while colonization and de-coloni- zation seem to urge the establishment of an
identity and a homeplace, post-colonial critics instead reappropriate displacement: post-colonial criticism valorizes
the hybrid rather than the unified subject-identity figured in the dominant fiction of Western discourse; it
foregrounds the multicultural rather than the unified identity of the nation-state and it insists on locally articulated
criticisms of the globalization of relations of power/knowledge" (Clough 1994, p. 116). Thus, Minh-ha (1990, p. 157)
points out that the question about identity is no longer who am I? but when, where, how am I?: " There
is no
real me to return to, no whole self that synthesizes the woman, the
woman of color and the writer; there are, instead, diverse recognitions of self through difference, and unfinished, contingent,
arbitrary closures that make possi- ble both politics and identity."
Spivak(1988, p. 284) argues similarly that the claim for the identity of the
subaltern subject favors antiessentialism, because the subaltern is
not a unified subject-identity but an "identity-in-differential" in
relation to the elite.
Second, add misappropriating and subaltern bad shit
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AT Other PICs
First, Our Language is not fixed, it is a form of stratgegic
essentialism that calls into question traditional categories of queer
and feminine
Marianucci 2011 Mimi, PhD and Asst. Philosophy Professor at Eastern
Washington University feminist and queer scholar, Queering up Feminism, The
Scavenger, Feb. 13 2011
Despite this apparent contradiction, I have chosen the problematic label queer feminism intentionally, in full
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AT Particular K
First, We challenge the binary of the universal particular these
divisions rest upon reproductive heteronormativity
Spivak 2005 GuyatriChakravorty, Columbia University, Scattered speculations
on the subaltern and the popular, Postcolonial Studies Vol. 8 No. 4, pp. 475-486,
2005 Routledge
I have said that the singular, as it combats the universal-particular binary opposition, is not an individual, a
person, an agent; multiplicity is not multitude. If, however, we are thinking of potential agents, when s/he is not
publicly empowered to put aside difference and self-synecdochise to form collectivity, the group will take difference
itself as its synecdochic element. Difference slides into culture, often indistinguishable from religion. And then the
institution that provides agency is reproductive heteronormativity (RHN). It is the broadest and oldest global
institution. You see now why just writing about women does not solve the problem of the gendered subaltern, just
as chronicling the popular is not subaltern studies. In search of the subaltern I first turned to my own class: the
Bengali middle class: BhubaneshwariBhaduri and Mahasweta Devi. From French theory that is all I could do. But I
did not remain there. In the middle class, according to ParthaChatterjee, BhubaneshwariBhaduri was metaleptically
substituting effect for cause and producing an idea of national liberation by her suicide. Chatterjees argument is
that an idea of national liberation was produced by, so-called, terrorist movements. 23 It was a frightening, solitary,
and Clytemnestralike project for a woman.
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AT Gramci
First, We solve Gramcis criticism
Spivak 2005 GuyatriChakravorty, Columbia University, Scattered speculations
on the subaltern and the popular, Postcolonial Studies Vol. 8 No. 4, pp. 475-486,
2005 Routledge
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the Grameen Bank as they vow not to have too many children. 13 Will mainstream feminism ever think critically of
this model of cultural indoctrination, even as Grameen gets more savvy? Different officers of Women's World
Banking repeatedly invoke Chandra Behn, a member of the celebrated Self Employed Women's Association or
SEWA, as their legitimation. At the same time, they speak of opening "the huge untapped market of poor Southern
women to the international commercial sector." When SEWA was founded in the early 1960s, Ela Bhatt, the founder,
had no such ambition. "The World Bank's [Consultative Group to Assist the Poorest] ... appears to be narrowly
focused on microlending as an end in itself. And the means to that end, critics charge, may do more damage to
slot was anti-Fordist, hi-religious (Muslim/Hindu) worker's pride, which lasts to this day, although one senses a
certain unease now, among the working-class Hindu women, in pronouncing the "la ilaha ... "-there is no God but
God-the Muslim credo.
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AT Alternative is Non-Unique
First, The combination of current efforts and the alternative is
uniquely key to creative new types of movements that solve
Spivak 82 (Gayatri Chakravorty, Columbia, The Politics of Interpretations, JCook.)
An awareness of solidarity with the ongoing pedagogic effort would
have allowed Said to step out of the chalk circle of the three
thousand critics and recognize that the task-"to use the visual
faculty (which also happens to be dominated by visual media such as television, news photography, and
commercial film, all of them fundamentally immediate, 'objective,' and ahistorical) to restore the
nonsequential energy of lived historical memory and subjectivity as
fundamental components of meaning in representation-is
attempted every day by popular culture teachers on the Left (p. 25). I
quote Tablozd as a metonym: "Many of our articles over the past months have given examples of this daily
subversion-women in the home mutating the 'planned' effect of TV soap operas, political activists creating pirate
radio stations, the customization of cars, clothing, etc.""
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Christian sanctions within the recent debate on abortion shows how questions of sexual difference challenge the
secular foundation of Western law.'"
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AT Capitalism
First, Our inclusion of the subaltern is key to solving for capitalism
We must create a new system which is inclusive and listens to the
voices of those who suffered at the hands of capitalism Only this
creates a better, new global system
Spivak 95 (Gayatri Chakravorty, Columbia, Ghostwriting, Jcook.)
The New International, if I understand it right, asks the international law and
international human rights folks to be aware of the economic. ~
~pOagne s 93-94 Derrida assures us that "these problems of the foreign Debt-and
everything that is metonymized by this concept-will not be treated
without at least the spirit of the Marxist critique, the critique of the
market, of the multiple logics of capital, and of that which links the
State and international law to this market." This fine suggestion would
gain in strength if it took into account the vicissitudes suffered by
the sustained organizational opposition to legalized economic
exploitation (the collusion of international law and international capital, legiferant capital-the Group of
Seven today-law "carrying the subjectivity of capital," in other words), in the interest if not
always in the declared name of human rights, ever since Bretton Woods (the
annulment of the gold standard would have worked in nicely with Timon of Athens), through Bandung and all the
global summits, and the machinations of the GATT, and now the WTO.
International so new? Perhaps it is, to the European left liberal; but why should the South feel any
degree of confidence in the project? A researched account would need at least to
refer generally to the longstanding global struggles from below (one of
the problems with Human Rights and International Law lobbies is that they are so irreproachably well-bred),
regularly used the phrase "agent of production" rather than "worker." Was this simply politically correct language?
And, what, without infrastructural effort, would this recognition bring, to whom?
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The
criticism of "ontopology" ("an axiomatics linking indissociably
ontological value to being-present [on] to one's situation, to the
stable and presentable determination of a locality, the topos of
territory, native soil, city, body in general" [SM 1371Fa word that will undoubtedly be
picked up by postcolonial criticism--can only see the unexamined religious nationalism of the migrant
or the national. It can certainly be used to understand the often
meretricious resentment of elite national intellectuals against the
diasporic. But it is to me more important to point out that to see absolute migrancy as the mark of an
impossible deconstruction, and to see all activity attaching to the South as
ontopologocentric, denies access to the news of subaltern
struggles against the financialization of the globe. The subaltern are
neither "nationally rooted" nor migrant; their intra-national
displacement is managed by the exigencies of international capital
[SM 831. Their struggles reflect a continuity of insurgency which can
only too easily be appropriated by the discourse of a come-lately
New internationality in the most extravagantly publicized
theoretical arenas of the world. Subalternity remains silenced
there."
interesting. For Derrida's itinerary is elsewhere: the anterior is the messianic and the future is migration.
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Indian case cannot be taken as representative of all countries, nations, cultures, and the like that may be invoked
as the Other of Europe as Self.
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Framework
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Generic
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Theoretical
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was ordered by the scientific categories and the rationality of 18th century
European thought, the Spanish and Portuguese empires had
consolidated ideas of racial difference, humanity, and patriarchy in
relation to theological paradigms and the very knowledge produced
by the Conquest and Colonization. To start the criticism of
Eurocentrism with Conrad and Kipling, or even with the cultural activities of the
East India Company, seems to miss the origin of modernity by two or
three centuries.
AND Predictable They should be able to defend the assumptions
their plan makes
AND Ground They still can weigh their advantages against us
AND Education We challenge the affirmatives most basic
assumptions This is key to any education claims they make,
because if their education is flawed, then their impacts to education
are flawed
AND There is no such thing as objective knowledge as Western
thought would lead you to believe Everything we know, or appear
to deduce is always based upon our epistemological location This
location determines what we know or learn and is the basis of every
action in life Above all else we must question these fundamental
locations That means they have to beat the thesis of our K before
they gain any offense on this flow
Grosfuguel 11 [Ramon, University of Cal. Berkeley, Decolonizing Post-Colonial Studies and Paradigms of
Political Economy: Transmodernity, Decolonial Thinking, and Global Coloniality,
http://www.dialogoglobal.com/granada/documents/Grosfoguel-Decolonizing-Pol-Econ-and-Postcolonial.pdf, JCook.]
Accessed 6/25/13.
The first point to discuss is the contribution of racial/ethnic and feminist subaltern
perspectives to epistemological questions. The hegemonic Eurocentric
paradigms that have informed western philosophy and sciences in
the modern/colonial capitalist/patriarchal world-system (Grosfoguel
2005; 2006b) for the last 500 hundred years assume a universalistic,
neutral, objective point of view. Chicana and black feminist scholars (Moraga and Anzalda
1983; Collins 1990) as well as Third World scholars inside and outside the United States (Dussel 1977) reminded
us that
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where knowledge produced from below is automatically an epistemic subaltern knowledge. What I am claiming is
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K First LA
( ) Only analyzing the ontological and epistemological implications
of our thoughts of Latin America will allow us to see what caused
our impacts and how to solve those problems today Means the K
must come first
Mignolo 05 [Walter D., Duke University, The Idea of Latin America,
https://cdn.anonfiles.com/1349073241953.pdf, JCook.] Accessed 7/11/13.
The narrative and argument of this book, then, will not be about an entity called
Latin America, but on how the idea of Latin America came
about. One of the main goals is to uncouple the name of the subcontinent from the cartographic image we all
have of it. It is an excavation of the imperial/colonial foundation of the
idea of Latin America that will help us unravel the geo-politics of
knowledge from the perspective of coloniality, the untold and
unrecognized historical counterpart of modernity. By perspective of coloniality
in this case, I mean that the center of observation will be grounded in the colonial history that shaped the idea of
the Americas. I refer to the process as an excavation rather than an archeology because it is impossible to simply
the
Americas exist today only as a consequence of European colonial
expansion and the narrative of that expansion from the European
perspective, the perspective of modernity.
uncover coloniality, insofar as it shapes and is shaped by the processes of modernity. After all,
Ideology in action is what a group takes to be natural and selfevident, that of which the group, as a group, must deny any historical sedimentation. It is both the
condition and the effect of the constitution of the subject (of ideology) as
freely willing and consciously choosing in a world that is seen as
background. In turn, the subject(s) of ideology are the conditions and
effects of the self-identity of the group as a group. It is impossible,
of course, to mark off a group as an entity without sharing complicity
with its ideological definition. A persistent critique of ideology is
thus forever incomplete. In the shifting spectrum between subjectconstitution and group constitution are the ideological apparatuses
that share the condition/ effect oscillation.
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Epistemology Key
( ) Current epistemology of postcolonialism is based within the
Eurocentric view of resistance to Eurocentrism It does not come
from and work with the subaltern perspective when criticizing
Eurocentrism This epistemologically removes our ability to fight
the system that were using
Grosfuguel 11 [Ramon, University of Cal. Berkeley, Decolonizing Post-Colonial Studies and Paradigms of
Political Economy: Transmodernity, Decolonial Thinking, and Global Coloniality,
http://www.dialogoglobal.com/granada/documents/Grosfoguel-Decolonizing-Pol-Econ-and-Postcolonial.pdf, JCook.]
Accessed 6/25/13.
Among the many reasons for the split of the Latin American
Subaltern Studies Group, one of them was between those who read
subalternity as a postmodern critique (which represents a
Eurocentric critique of Eurocentrism) and those who read
subalternity as a decolonial critique (which represents a critique of
Eurocentrism from subalternized and silenced knowledges) [Mignolo
2000: 183-186; 213-214]. For those of us that took side with the decolonial critique, the dialogue with
the Latin American Subaltern Studies Group made evident the need to
epistemologically transcend, that is, decolonize the Western canon and
epistemology. The South Asian Subaltern Studies Groups main project is a critique to Western European
colonial historiography about India and to Indian nationalist Eurocentric historiography of India. But by
using a Western epistemology and privileging Gramsci and Foucault, constrained
and limited the radicalism of their critique to Eurocentrism . Although
they represent different epistemic projects, the South Asian Subaltern School privilege of Western epistemic canon
overlapped with the sector of the Latin American Subaltern Studies Group that sided with postmodernism.
However, with all its limits, South Asian Subaltern Studies Group represents an important contribution to the
critique of Eurocentrism. It forms part of an intellectual movement known as postcolonial critique (a critique of
modernity from the Global South) as opposed to the Latin American Subaltern Studies Group postmodern critique
Postcolonial Studies
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Discourse Key
( ) What terms are we using? Who is using them and what are they
describing? These questions all have implications in the narratives
being used that define our epistemology on any issue. To question
coloniality, we must first question the narratives used around it
Mignolo 05 [Walter D., Duke University, The Idea of Latin America,
https://cdn.anonfiles.com/1349073241953.pdf, JCook.] Accessed 7/11/13.
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constitute what Walter Mignolo (2000) calls a critic of modernity from the geo-political experiences and memories
of coloniality. According to Mignolo (2000), this is a new space that deserves further explorations both as a new
critical dimension to modernity/coloniality and, at the same time, as a space from where new utopias can be
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is the implications of these critiques to the way we conceptualize the global or world system.
The third part, is a discussion of global coloniality today. The fourth part is a critique to both
world-system analysis and postcolonial/cultural studies using
coloniality of power as a response to the culture versus economy
dilemma. Finally, the fifth, sixth, seventh and last part, is a discussion of decolonial thinking, transmodernity
The second part
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neo-liberal model and in the wake of the new 1991 Constitution that granted cultural and territorial rights to ethnic
different), to their territory (as the space for exercising identity), to a measure of local autonomy, and to their own
vision of development. In the encounter with State agents, experts, NGOs, international biodiversity networks,
of practices of cultural, economic, and ecological difference. Emerging from the exteriority of the modern/colonial
world system within which blacks of marginal regions have always been among the most excluded and
forgotten
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K First Spivak
First, The K must be weighed first Your impacts and actions are
dependent on an ideology and subjectivity which constitutes
international actions This basis is what we call into question
Spivak 82 (Gayatri Chakravorty, Columbia, The Politics of Interpretations, JCook.)
It is difficult to speak of a politics of interpretation without a
working notion of ideology as larger than the concepts of individual
consciousness and will. At its broadest implications this notion of ideology would undo the
oppositions between determinism and free will and between conscious choice and unconscious reflex.
Ideology in action is what a group takes to be natural and selfevident, that of which the group, as a group, must deny any historical sedimentation. It is both the
condition and the effect of the constitution of the subject (of ideology) as
freely willing and consciously choosing in a world that is seen as
background. In turn, the subject(s) of ideology are the conditions and
effects of the self-identity of the group as a group. It is impossible,
of course, to mark off a group as an entity without sharing complicity
with its ideological definition. A persistent critique of ideology is
thus forever incomplete. In the shifting spectrum between subjectconstitution and group constitution are the ideological apparatuses
that share the condition/ effect oscillation.
Second, Their framing of ideology and theory constitutes only an
ojective lens that does not include subjectivity and objectivity Only
the combination of both lens allows for dehumanization to stop,
opening up to a more pragmatic theory that truly solves
Spivak 82 (Gayatri Chakravorty, Columbia, The Politics of Interpretations, JCook.)
A critical view of the subject of ideology would call the clarity of these
distinctions into question and thus ask the critic to address a less simplified view
of the world. It would deconstitute and situate (not reject) the "we" who
experiences the productivity of alternative investigative postures,
the "legitima[cy]" and "power" of the "acceptable standpoints."
Such a view does not allow for a personal-subjective category to be
set up over against an intellectual-interpretive category either, since it
would see complicity between the constitution of subjectivity and
the desire for objective identity. These problematic distinctions are
necessary for Toulmin's argument because it cannot accommodate the
concept of ideology. The neier fortuitous choice of normative metaphors sometimes seems to
suggest this necessity: "There is more temptation to present all [author's italics]
interpretations in the human sciences as being essentially political
in character than there is in the physical sciences. Still, it is a
temptation that we ought to resist" (p. 102; italics mine). This resistance
wins a space for us where it is possible to overlook the tremendous
ideological overdetermination of the relationship between the
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Dehumanization
*same as second K first card*
First, Their framing of ideology and theory constitutes only an
ojective lens that does not include subjectivity and objectivity Only
the combination of both lens allows for dehumanization to stop,
opening up to a more pragmatic theory that truly solves
Spivak 82 (Gayatri Chakravorty, Columbia, The Politics of Interpretations, JCook.)
A critical view of the subject of ideology would call the clarity of these
distinctions into question and thus ask the critic to address a less simplified view
of the world. It would deconstitute and situate (not reject) the "we" who
experiences the productivity of alternative investigative postures,
the "legitima[cy]" and "power" of the "acceptable standpoints."
Such a view does not allow for a personal-subjective category to be
set up over against an intellectual-interpretive category either, since it
would see complicity between the constitution of subjectivity and
the desire for objective identity. These problematic distinctions are
necessary for Toulmin's argument because it cannot accommodate the
concept of ideology. The neier fortuitous choice of normative metaphors sometimes seems to
suggest this necessity: "There is more temptation to present all [author's italics]
interpretations in the human sciences as being essentially political
in character than there is in the physical sciences. Still, it is a
temptation that we ought to resist" (p. 102; italics mine). This resistance
wins a space for us where it is possible to overlook the tremendous
ideological overdetermination of the relationship between the
"pure" and "applied" sciences, as well as their relationship with
private- and public-sector technology and the inscription of the
whole into the social and material relations of production. All is
reduced to the classical split between subject and object-"two-way
interactions between the observer and the system being observed"
(p. 106). If the clarity of the theory is dependent upon so stringent a
reduction, it loses persuasive value when applied to the
sociopolitical scene. A statement like the following, concluded from the
subject-object premises I quote above, remains merely theoretical,
normed into ethical decoration: "That being so, there is, a fortiori, no
longer any reason to assume that studying human beings from a
scientific point of view necessarily involves dehumanizing them" (p.
106).
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have lots of criticism about Althusser, that his essay .Contradiction and Overdetermination. says this so clearly and
for so many years ago, this business of .not thinking., you know he was speaking from the bosom of the French
communist party, it was a courageous thing to say. .Not thinking.that the theory is going to be pure, to find a field
for pure application.
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AT Organic Intellectual
First, Our version of the organic intellectual solves better
comparative evidence
Spivak 2005 GuyatriChakravorty, Columbia University, Scattered speculations
on the subaltern and the popular, Postcolonial Studies Vol. 8 No. 4, pp. 475-486,
2005 Routledge
disciplinary limits.
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AT Politics Good
First, We are the prerequisite without it domination of the
subaltern is guaranteed. We must first lay the foundation for the
affs politics to work
Spivak 2005 GuyatriChakravorty, Columbia University, Scattered speculations
on the subaltern and the popular, Postcolonial Studies Vol. 8 No. 4, pp. 475-486,
2005 Routledge
By now it should be clear that insertion into the public sphere means for me the effort to create the possibility of
metonymising oneself for making oneself a synecdoche, a part of a whole, so that one can claim the idea of the
state belonging to one. The particular collectivity claimed here is citizenship: the state can be seen as being in the
citizens service through access to this collectivity. This abstract agential self-perception is a non-dependent
intuition of the public sphere, not as ma-baap but as a claimable right. This is hopelessly idealistic, especially in
the context of a repressive state, in the current era of globalisation where the state is more and more reconfigured
as not the agent of redistribution, but the agent of repression; and the model is not accountability, but
management. The idea of relating to the state in a country as multi-lingual and multi-cultural, as many-leveled as
India _/and to a degree such differences exist everywhere _/, unless you want to go through nationalism/ fascism,
you must be able to metonymise/synecdochise yourself, understand the part by which you are connected to that
abstract whole so that you can claim it. It is not even the right to metonymise oneself, it is the possibility. This kind
of work can only be a supplement to much more quickfix, problem-solving work. But if it isnt there then
subalternisation remains in place and accounts of popular practice as political society remain constative.
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First
First, Only through an embrace of tensions that exist between
cultural narratives can the subalteran speak - failure to include
oppressed voices leads to serial policy failure - a reform of
classroom pedagogy is the critical starting point for inclusion of
alternative narratives
Spivak February 2012 - Gayatri Chakravorty, Avalon Foundation Professor in the Humanities at
Columbia University and the director of the Center for Comparative Literature and Society at Columbia University,
"An Aesthetic Education in the Era of Globalization", Published 2-27-2012
This system of cultural representation and self-representation is the U.S, semiotic field of citizenship and ethnicity.
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counternarratives that implicitly honor the historical withholding of the "permission to narrate." The new culturalist
alibi, working within a basically elitist culture industry, insisting on the continuity of a native tradition untouched by
a Westernization whose failures it can help to cover, legitimizes the very thing it claims to combat.
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Solves
First, We must use the classroom to undo the cultural teaching that
caused our impacts to occur Every small step is necessary
Spivak 04, Gayatri Chakravorty, Avalon Foundation Professor in the Humanities at Columbia University and
the director of the Center for Comparative Literature and Society at Columbia University, 2004 Terror: A Speech
After 9-11 Published by Duke University Press. boundary 2 31.2 (2004) 81-111 Access provided by University of
Minnesota -Twin Cities LibrariesProject Muse 10/8/2008. JCook.
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In Round Solvency
First, Our discourse and discussion in this round leads to us
internalizing these theories, which is truly key to solving It shows
a way of affirming a new way of thinking
Spivak August 2012 (Gayatri Chakravorty, Columbia, Re: Discussion of Your Ideas and Academic
Debate, http://emailswithdebateauthors.blogspot.com/2012/08/conversation-with-gayatri-spivak.html, JCook.)
Accessed 8/26/12.
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Contestatory Fiction
Our 1ac should not be taken as Truth rather as supplement
Spivak 2001 Guyatri Chakravorty, Moving Devi, Cultural Critique, No. 47,
Winter 2001, pp. 120-163, JSTOR, U of Minnesota Press
Hedged in by this framing, then, I give witness to the great goddesses, Durga and Kali. You will work out my
negotiations. "'I'
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Ontology/Epistemology First
First, The separation between the language used and the cultural
values behind it lead to cultural class separation necessarily
fragmenting culture This is a link to the criticism AND means you
have to disprove the thesis of our criticism before gaining this
offense
Spivak February 2012 - Gayatri Chakravorty, Avalon Foundation Professor in the Humanities at
Columbia University and the director of the Center for Comparative Literature and Society at Columbia University,
"An Aesthetic Education in the Era of Globalization", Published 2-27-2012
By contrast, literary activity is usually prolific in the mother tongue of
the writer of Indo-Anglian prose or poetry. The writer of IndoAnglian literature might represent this dynamic base of regional
public culture as if it were no more than a medium of private
exchange or a rather quaint simulacrum of the genuine public
sphere. This artificial separation of public and private is, strictly
speaking, a cultural class-separation. The relationship between the
writer of "vernacular" and Indo-Anglian literatures is a site of classcultural struggle. This struggle is not reflected in personal
confrontations. Indeed, the spheres of Indo-Anglian writing and vernacular writing are usually not in
serious contact. By "class-cultural struggle" is meant a struggle in the
production of cultural or culturalpolitical identity. If literature is a
vehicle of cultural self-representation, the "Indian cultural identity"
projected by Indo-Anglian fiction and, more obliquely, poetry can
give little more than a hint of the seriousness and contemporaneity
of the many "Indias" fragmentarily represented in the many Indian
literatures.
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Deontology First
First, Closing the gap between law and justice is the only way to
acknowledge the role of the historical and political in culture which
is the only way that true ethics can be formed
Spivak February 2012 - Gayatri Chakravorty, Avalon Foundation Professor in the Humanities at
Columbia University and the director of the Center for Comparative Literature and Society at Columbia University,
"An Aesthetic Education in the Era of Globalization", Published 2-27-2012
Radical alterity, if one can say it, appears to require an imaging that
is the figuration of the ethical as the impossible. If ethics are
grasped as a problem of relation rather than a problem of
knowledge, it is not enough to build efficient databases, converting
the "gift," if there is any, to the "given" (datum), upon which
calculating "aid" can be based. It is necessary to imagine this
woman as an other as well as a self. This is, strictly speaking,
impossible. Imagination is structurally unverifiable. Thus, the image
of the other as self produced by imagination supplementing
knowledge or its absence is a figure that marks the impossibility of
fully realizing the ethical. It is in view of this experience of the
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figure (of that which is not logically possible) that we launch our
calculations of the political and the legal. The gift of time grasped as
our unanticipatable present, as a moment of living as well as dying,
of being hailed by the other as well as the distancing of that call, is
launched then as reparation, as responsibility, as accountability. This is an account of the double
bind of the ethical as spelled out in the thinking of Melanie Klein, Emmanuel Levinas, Jacques Derrida, and Luce
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