Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
IN THE
TWENTY-FIRST
CENTURY
PROCEEDINGS
OF AN INTERNATIONAL
CONFERENCE TO MARK
THE 50TH ANNIVERSARY
OF THE INTERNATIONAL
ASSOCIATION
OF PATRISTIC STUDIES
Edited by
Brouria Bitton-Ashkelony
Theodore de Bruyn
Carol Harrison
Cover picture:
Madaba Mosaic Map, The Holy City of Jerusalem
Archivio Fondazione Terra Santa, Milano
D/2015/0095/153
ISBN 978-2-503-55919-3
Printed in the E.U. on acid-free paper
TABLE OF CONTENTS
KEYNOTE
Susan Ashbrook Harvey
Patristic Worlds 25
TABLE OF CONTENTS
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Eimhin Walsh
Formation from the Fathers: The Place ofPatristics in the Theological
Education ofClergy 405
Reuven Kiperwasser - Serge Ruzer
Syriac Christians and Babylonian Jewery: Narratives and Identity
Shaping in a Multi-Religious Setting 421
PATRISTICS, LITERATURE, AND HISTORIES
OFTHE BOOK
Mark Vessey
La patristique, cest autre chose: Andr Mandouze, Peter Brown,
and the Avocations ofPatristics as aPhilological Science 443
Dominique Ct
Les Pseudo-Clmentines et le choix du roman grec 473
Tina Dolidze
Patristicsas Reflected in Georgian Spiritual and Intellectual History
497
Yonatan Moss
The Rise and Function ofthe Holy Text in LateAntiquity: Severus
ofAntioch, the Babylonian Talmud, and Beyond 521
PATRISTICS AND ART
Robin M.Jensen
Integrating Material and Visual Evidence into Early Christian Studies:
Approaches, Benefits, and Potential Problems 549
Anne Karahan
Patristics and Byzantine Meta-Images: Molding Belief in the Divine
from Written to Painted Theology 571
PATRISTICS AND ARCHAEOLOGY
Bernard J. Mulholland
Identification ofEarly Byzantine Constantinopolitan, Syrian, and
Roman Church Plans in the Levant and Some Possible Consequences
597
Eirini Panou
The Church ofMary in the Probatic Pool and the Haghiasmata of
Constantinople 635
INTRODUCTION
10.1484/J.BAIEP.5.107509
C. HARRISON - T. DE BRUYN
INTRODUCTION
C. HARRISON - T. DE BRUYN
INTRODUCTION
C. HARRISON - T. DE BRUYN
INTRODUCTION
American Patristics Society or the Canadian Society ofPatristic Studies) has been large enough for all to gather in, even if
there are periodic discussions as to whether that is the right
name for the canopy. (The same is true, as Wallraff observed,
in Europe, where most scholars go by another name except
when they attend apatristic conference!) Butif the past offers any clue to the future, then shifts in institutional settings
and academic currents will affect not only whether Patristics
continues to be afield ofstudy but also where and how it is
studied.
This was the second focus ofthe conference in Jerusalem: the multiple perspectives and disciplines that shape the
field ofstudy called Patristics. The Associations first Bulletin dinformation et de liaison, published in1968, explicitly
acknowledged the persectives and disciplines ofthe field in
the way it presented the scholarly activity ofits members.
The section histoire du christianisme included, inter alia,
antiquit et christianisme, christologie, and liturgie, and
was complemented by sciences auxilires: art and archaeology, codicology, epigraphy, and papyrology. Asecond section langues et littratures encompassed studies ofusage,
genre, themes or motifs, and the reception and interpretation
ofscripture.The final section, devoted to studies ofpatristic
sources or authors, was organized, after the second century,
under the headings Orient and Occident. The conference
held in Jerusalem continued and expanded this tradition, inviting papers on the themes Patristics and the confluence
ofJewish, Christian, and Muslim cultures, Patristics between between Eastern and Western Christian traditions,
Patristics and theology, Patristics, literature, and histories
ofthe book, Patristics and art, and Patristics and archaeology. The papers presented at the conference revealed how
complex it is to reflect on Patristics in an inter-disciplinary
persepective: ashift in the horizon ofthe researcher or the
field will entail additional linguistic and philological competencies; areconsideration ofanalytical categories; critical reflection about method when bringing disciplines to bear on
each other; awareness ofideological or confessional commitments. Two days ofthe conference were devoted to papers
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C. HARRISON - T. DE BRUYN
16
INTRODUCTION
Not only was bi-lingualism the norm for ancient peoples, but
also multi-lingualism;in Eastern Asia Minor not only Greek
was used, but also Armenian, Syriac, Kurdish, Georgian, and
Arabic. Moreover, language often had a high and a low, or
aliterary and a spoken, form, and cross-currents oflinguistic
influence led to some rather unexpected literary microclimates.
Stewartalso remarked on the growing importance oflanguages
such as Coptic, Syriac, Armenian, and Georgian as biblical translations and vernacular liturgies were created.
Robin Jensens presentation, which opened the session on
Patristics and Art, also provokingly complicated the problem,
this time by asking not only how we should interpret the artefacts
which have been washed up from the shifting waves ofantiquity,
but also who is best qualified to do the interpreting. Although this
material evidencesculpture, mosaics, wall paintings, buildings,
etc.generally has the advantage ofat least staying still for us,
it too, she arguedlike the languages and peoples ofStewarts
presentationis extremely difficult to pin down for analysis.
While Jensen advised us to be as suspicious ofthese artefacts as
we are oftexts, and for much the same reasons, she first ofall
encouraged us to be suspicious ofourselves, and ofour aims and
preoccupations as textual scholars. Obviously, we do not do the
material evidence justice if we exploit it simply to confirm the
insights we have reached through textual study; indeed, more
often than not, it actually contradicts them, and only occasionally does it complement them.Indeed, she urged that it would
be amistake to expect complementarity, for our text-based concerns are not necessarily, or usually, the ones which will allow
the material evidence to be appreciated for what it frequently
is: the product ofpopular piety, the oral traditions and beliefs
ofmarginal groups, or acommission driven as much by social
status as by piety.
It was telling, therefore, that for his presentation on Patristics and Archaeology,3 focusing on holy sites in Jerusalem, Yoram Tsafrir turned not to apologetic, exegetical, theological, or
homiletic works, but to agenre expressive ofpopular piety as
3 Yoram Tsafrir, Aelia Capitolina and the Holy City: The Roles ofPatristic
Literature and Archaeological Research in the Study ofLate Antique Jerusalem.
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C. HARRISON - T. DE BRUYN
INTRODUCTION
C. HARRISON - T. DE BRUYN
This brings us, finally, to the paper ofAryeh Kofsky on studying Patristics as an outsider.4 His observations arose from his
experience as aJewish patristic scholar.Despite wide learning in
Christian tradition and close association with Christians ofvarious denominations, certain Christian sensibilities would elude
him. At the same time, he found Jewish patristic scholars to be
alert to aspects ofthe theological and political culture ofearly
Christians that have eluded Christian scholars or been ofno interest to them.Thus Jewish patristic scholars have noted commonalities between Ephrem ofSyrias biblical interpretation and
rabbinic approaches to scripture.They have examined the christologies ofAphraat and Theodore ofMopsuestia in relation not
to emerging Christian orthodoxy but to alocal Christian-Jewish matrix, arriving at adifferent rationale for their views. They
have exposed the dynamics ofChristian appropriation ofJewish
tradition, knowledge, and space, which constructed Jews as the
other to be displaced by Christians. The hybridityKofskys
phrasethat motivates such observations and investigations can,
ofcourse, take many forms.Indeed, one can discern hybridities
ofvarious typessome acknowledged, others notin scholars who read early Christian texts in search ofsomething else,
to return to Vesseys theme.Therein lies the as-yet unexplored
richness ofthe textual, material, cultural, and political field ofancient Christianity.
Indeed, as Averil Cameron argued in her public lecture at
the conference, we are only beginning to appreciate the fields
relevance for the study ofearly Islam, an area ofexploration
that requires its own hybribities.Camerons wide-ranging essay surveys recent scholarship that, in different ways, approaches
the origins ofIslam from the perspective oflate antique studies.
She points out that some ofthe relationships or influences proposed by scholars do not correspond to what we know from
other sources (textual, epigraphical, archaeological) about Jewish and Christian groups in late antiquity, and suggests anumber ofareas where expertise in the debates and currents oflate
20
INTRODUCTION
21
KEYNOTE
PATRISTIC WORLDS
The conference celebrating the fiftieth anniversary ofthe Association Internationale dtudes Patristiques/the International
Association ofPatristic Studies brought together colleagues
from six continents.1 The rich program demonstrated at every
turn the diversity, vitality, and originality that characterize the
study ofpatristics today as aglobal enterprise.If there was ever
ahomogeneous world ofpatristic study, that world is now, in
the twenty-first century, wholly diversified and complexified.
Similarly, if there was ever anotion ofan ancient patristic world
(inthe singular), twenty-first century patristic scholarship takes as
its hallmark toapproach antiquity as amultiplicity ofworlds, an
entire prism split open.
My task is tooffer awindow into ancient Christianity that
Ihope honours and marks important changes in patristic scholarship over recent decades, changes now fundamental as we move
forward in anew century.Taking acue from the fifth century
Greek historian Sozomen, Iwill first locate ancient Christianity as areligion amidst the religious pluralism that was its given
social and political context.This pluralism was ahighly fraught
matter. Religious competition and religious confusion framed
ancient Christian practice in tense, agonistic terms, constantly
1 Iam grateful tothe AIEP/IAPS planning committee for the opportunity
toparticipate in this conference; and especially toCarol Harrison, Theodore
de Bruyn, and Brouria Bitton-Ashkelony for their extraordinary generosity
and hospitality. My discussion here has benefitted greatly from conversations
with conference participants. Ihave addressed some ofthe issues and themes
here raised, for different purposes, also in the essay Sensing More in Ancient
Religion, Svensk Teologisk Kvartalskrift, 89(2013), p.97-106.
10.1484/J.BAIEP.5.107510
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S. ASHBROOK HARVEY
evident in the public, civic spaces so important for ancient religious expression. Then, taking the example ofsacred song from
Syriac tradition, Iwill ask what kinds ofvoices we might hear
when we take diversity and pluralism seriously. In this instance,
those voices will be Syriac, female, and lay, all bespeaking locations sorely understudied by patristic scholars until recent years.2
In both scenarios, Iraise the issue ofreligion encountered
and expressed within asensing body.Just as patristic scholars
have come tocontextualize Christianity politically and socially
in areligiously diverse ancient world, so, too, must we contextualize theology and doctrine pillars ofpatristic study within
the embodied religious lives ofancient believers.
For this paper, Iconfine myself toChristianity after the
legalization under Constantine, between the fourth and sixth
centuries: Christianity in LateAntiquity.Ihope by this brief
explorationrepresentative only ofmy own particular, even
idiosyncratic interests, as Dennis Trout admonished during the
same AIEP/IAPS conferenceto suggest avenues that open and
refract the multiple worlds that patristic scholars navigate, both
in our ancient sources and now, in our contemporary settings.
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PATRISTIC WORLDS
27
S. ASHBROOK HARVEY
6 Soz, h.e., 2.4.Eusebius ofCaesarea also recorded the letter in his Life
ofConstantine ed.Av.Cameron, S.G.Hall, p.141-143.For important analysis ofthe cultic activity at Mamre in late antiquity, see A.Kofsky, Mamre:
ACase ofaRegional Cult? in Sharing the Sacred: Religious Contacts and Conflicts
in the Holy Land ed.A.Kofsky, G.G.Stroumsa, Jerusalem, 1998, p.19-30; and
N.Belayche,Iudaea-Palaestina: the pagan cults in Roman Palestine(second tofourth
centuries), Tbingen,2001, p.96-104.
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PATRISTIC WORLDS
29
S. ASHBROOK HARVEY
vivial, shared celebration.Rather, as the imperious (and imperial!) conclusion toSozomens account made clear, the mood
was tense, agonistic, and competitive.Indeed, LateAntiquity
was characterized by apervasive, often belligerent culture ofreligious critique and competition.9 Religious communities were
continually assessing and re-assessing their own practices, even
as they expressed frequent disdain for those ofother traditions.10
Theywere concerned as much with their own effectiveness,
appropriateness, and success, as with their differentiation from
those whose religion they did not accept. Critique was the tool,
competition the tone for such differentiation; religious polemics were the prevailing mode ofexpression.In all ofthis, the
senses played an important rhetorical role, just as they carried
crucial significance as intrinsically functional elements ofritual
practices.11 Sozomens account ofthe events at Mamre was as
much about the dangers ofreligious confusion within acontext
ofcompetitionthe inability todistinguish true religion from
false religionas it was about the triumph ofChristianity, in his
view the right religion.In fact, such confusion and competition
were something ofatheme throughout his Ecclesiastical History.12
This passage from Sozomen, well-known topatristic scholars, raises themes for the study ofancient Christianity that have
gained increasing purchase in recent decades: religion as ashared
yet contested aspect oflate antique society; religious pluralism as
an agonistic and polemical context for Christian piety; and the
sensing body as intrinsically functional for religious practice as
well as religious understanding.These themes provide the frame
in which toset the matter ofpatristic voices.
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PATRISTIC WORLDS
was heard, by whom, and with what import? For these questions
Iturn tovoices from the margins, geographically and perhaps
also socially: those in Syriac, ofwomens choirs leading the laity
in song.
During the fourth century, Syriac hymnography underwent
important changes in form, content, and performance over its
earlier renditions.13 The changes are markedly evident in the
work ofthe greatest ofall Syriac liturgical poets, Ephrem the
Syrian (d.373).14 In form, Ephrem developed the madrash:
hymns devoted todoctrinal instruction, utilising different metrical patterns, arranged in stanzas, punctuated by short refrains.15
In content, Ephrem gave notable attention tothe Bible in
adecidedly canonical form: Old and New Testaments, explored
and woven together through rich tapestries oftypology. As for
performance: Ephrems hymns were apparently sung at evening
vigil services, performed in civic churches (as opposed tomonastic ones) with womens choirs and lay participation.16 In some
ofhis hymns, Ephrem referred tothe womens choirs and
13 On the development ofSyriac hymnography, see F.Cassingena-Trvedy,
Lhymnographie syriaque, in Les liturgies syriaques ed.F.Cassingena-Trvedy,
I.Jurasz(tudes syriaques, 3) Paris,2006, p.183-219.
14 See especially S.P. Brock, The Luminous Eye: the Spiritual World Vision
ofSt.Ephrem the Syrian, Kalamazoo,1992; S.H.Griffith, Faith Adoring the
Mystery: Reading the Bible with St.Ephraem the Syrian, Milwaukee,1997.
15
On the madrash specifically, see S.P.Brock, Poetry and Hymnography(3):
Syriac, in the Oxford Handbook ofEarly Christian Studies ed.S.A.Harvey,
D.G.Hunter, Oxford,2010, p.657-671; Griffith, Faith Adoring the Mystery,
p.10-11; M.Lattke, Sind Ephraems Madrae Hymnen?, Oriens Christianus,
73(1989), p.38-43.
16 A.Palmer,
ALyre without aVoice: the Poetics and Politics of
Ephrem the Syrian, ARAM, 5(1993), p.371-399; Id., ASingle Human Being
Divided in Himself: Ephraim the Syrian, the Man in the Middle, Hugoye:
JournalofSyriac Studies, 1.2(1998 [2010]), p.119-163, in partic. p.128-133;
S.A. Harvey, Performance as Exegesis: Womens Liturgical Choirs in Syriac
Tradition, in Inquiries into Eastern Christian Worship: Acts ofthe Second International Congress ofthe Society ofOriental Liturgy ed.B.J.Groen, S.Alexopoulos,
S.Hawkes-Teeples(Eastern Christian Studies, 12), Leuven,2012, p.47-64.
For the development ofthe Syriac liturgy and the daily offices in the context ofeastern Christianity see, e.g., J.Mateos, Lelya-Sapra: Essai dinterpretation
des matines chaldeennes(OCA, 156), Roma,1959; Id., La clbration de la parole
dans la liturgie Byzantine(OCA,191), Roma,1971; P.Bradshaw, Daily Prayer
in the Early Church, Oxford,1982, p.72-110; R.Taft, The Liturgy ofthe Hours
in East and West: the Origins ofthe Divine Office and its Meaning for Today, Collegeville,1986, esp.p.225-248.
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S. ASHBROOK HARVEY
also tothe congregations singing.This was an era ofexpanding liturgical splendor for Christians in general. The new pattern ofhymns with stanzas and refrains, appearing also in Greek
and Latin around this same time, allowed for the continuation
ofcongregational singing abasic feature in early Christian worshipwith the emerging use oftrained choirs and chanters.17
According tosixth century Syriac sources, Ephrem in fact
established the long-lasting practice ofSyriac womens choirs,
though he himself made no such claim.18 But by the fifth century, womens choirs were mandated by canonical regulation for
Syriac civic churches within the Roman Empire and also in the
Persian Empire.19 An important component ofancient Syriac
liturgical practice, these choirs remain aliving tradition tothis
day in the Middle East as well as in diaspora Syriac communities
in Europe, North America, Scandinavia, and elsewhere.20
Late antique Christian sources in Greek or Latin occasionally
refer tochoirs ofnuns participating in special liturgies: for example, at the Easter liturgy in Jerusalem, or for important funerals or civic occasions.21 Yet in Syriac tradition alone, it would
17 Above all, see now C.Page, The Christian West and its Singers: the First
Thousand Years, NewHaven,2010, p.29-88.
18See the anonymous Syriac vita, chapter 31-32; and Jac.Sar., Homily
on Ephrem, where this is amajor theme throughout.
19
Harvey, Performance as Exegesis.For example, Rules ofRabbula,
rules20, 27; Maruta Canons, canons 26, 41.
20See now S.Bakker Kellog, Fragments ofaLiturgical World: Syriac
Orthodox Christianity and the Dutch Multiculturalism Debates, unpublished
doctoral dissertation, University ofCalifornia, Santa Cruz,2013.
21See the texts conveniently collected in J.McKinnon, Music in Early
Christian Literature, Cambridge,1987, e.g.at p.73-74(#152, Gr.Nyss. from
the Life ofMacrina, on the singing at her funeral); p.104-105(#225, Eus., h.e.,
3.19.1-4 on aconvent choir in Antioch); p.112-113 (#242-243, Egeria on
the Jerusalem choirs). The scholarly convention that women were forbidden
from singing in church in LateAntiquity is based on ahighly influential article
by J.Quasten, The Liturgical Singing ofWomen in Christian Antiquity,
Catholic Historical Review, 27(1941), p.149-165; also in Id., Music and Worship
in Pagan and Christian Antiquitytr.B.Ramsey, Washington, D.C.,1983,
p.75-86. Although Quasten himself cited anumber oftexts referring towomens
liturgical singing, including the Syriac evidence, he insisted that womens
singing was eliminated from Christian liturgical practice during the patristic era.
Unfortunately, recent scholarship continues tocite his conclusions: R.MacMullen, The Second Century: Popular Christianity A.D.200-400, Atlanta, 2009, p.15;
Page, The Christian West and its Singers, p.5.
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PATRISTIC WORLDS
seem, did womens choirs have aplace in the ordinary, and daily,
worship ofthe civic community, whether village or city. Their
prominence in the public context ofliturgical piety appears
tohave been unusual, perhaps even problematic, in the broader
late antique culture.22
All three ofthe above noted elementsform, content, and
performancecontribute tohow we might understand the
sound ofEphrems hymns, for which we have no surviving evidence ofthe music itself.According tothe anonymous sixth
century Life ofEphrem the Syrian, Ephrem began tocompose
madrash as astrategy against heresy.23 Recognising the dangers
and prevalence offoul doctrines, Ephrem was alarmed that heretics dispersed their teachings in hymns ofalluring and ungodly
sounds, captivating the simple folk ofthe cit[ies] with attractive melodies mixed with godlessness.24 Ephrems response
was tofight song with song. He took arrangements ofmelodies and songs and mixed [true doctrine] [lit:fear ofGod] in
them, and offered tohearers an antidote at once agreeable and
wholesome.25 Just as importantly, he prepared troops for battle against those heresies.Calling upon the consecrated virgins
called Daughters ofthe Covenant, he established them as choirs
tosing his compositions.26
Here, in the anonymous Life, and also in an important homily
on Ephrem by the great Syriac poet and homilist Jacob ofSarug
(d.521), the women ofthese choirs were referred toas teachers
(in the feminine form), malphanyath, aweighty term in Syriac,
connoting learning, authority, and wisdom.27 They were des22 Apoint emphasised by K.McVey, Ephrem the Kitharode and Proponent
ofWomen: Jacob ofSerugs Portrait ofaFourth-Century Churchman for
the Sixth-Century Viewer and its significance for the twenty-first century
ecumenist, in Orthodox and Wesleyan Ecclesiologyed.S.T.Kimbrough,
Crestwood, NY,2007, p.229-253.
23 Syriac vita, chapter31.
24 Syriac vita, chapter31; Amar,(CSCO, 630/ Scr.Syr.243), p.76.
25
Syriac vita, chapter31; Amar,(CSCO, 630/ Scr Syr.243), p.78.
26 Syriac vita, chapter31; Amar,(CSCO, 630/ Scr Syr.243), p.77-78. On
the Daughters ofthe Covenant, see S.A. Harvey, Revisiting the Daughters
ofthe Covenant: Womens Choirs and Sacred Song in Ancient Syriac Christianity, Hugoye: Journal ofSyriac Studies, 8.2(2005 [2009]), p.125-149.
27 Syriac vita, chapter31; Amar,(CSCO, 629/ Scr Syr.242), p.71;
Jac.Sar., Homily on Ephrem, vv.41-42, Amar, p.35.
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S. ASHBROOK HARVEY
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PATRISTIC WORLDS
One hears Ephrems insistence on the canon once again as combative in his Hymns on Nativity.33 For example, in Nativity1,
Ephrem presented amagisterial panorama ofbiblical history as
he extolled what came tofulfillment in the birth ofChrist.34
The verses sing through lists ofOld Testament prophets, tapestries ofthe messianic lineage, recountings ofthe sacred generations from Cain and Abel through toMoses and Aaron and
the biblical kings. Did Ephrem think his congregations would
recognize all ofthese names and allusions, with their specific
stories in mind? Surely not. But as his verses wend their course,
punctuated repeatedly by the congregations refrain, Gloryto
You, Son ofour Creator!,35 the sung dialogue drives home the
claim that the stories, generations, prophecies, triumphs, and
sufferings ofthe Hebrew Bible can onlyas Ephrem presents
thembe rightly grasped and rightly understood in and through
the birth ofChrist, the Messiah.Moreover, the Messiah can only
be rightfully understood in and through these inherited biblical histories.Throughout this entire cycle ofhymns, then, one
hears battle with Jews, Marcionites, and others for the ownership
ofscripture.36
At the same time that he battled for and with aparticular
canon, Ephrem utilised biblical instruction topresent moral
exemplars: figures tobe revered, meditated on, and emulated by
faithful Christians.Hence he depicted biblical men and women as
characters ofvirtue with short, vivid images tohold in the mind,
incised in memory by the metrical patterns ofsong. Hispresentation ofbiblical women is especially striking, for in these
instances his verses allude tothe singing ofthe Syriac womens
choirs.They invoke the womens singing as public in impact and
civic in implication.
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S. ASHBROOK HARVEY
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PATRISTIC WORLDS
[OChrist], he sings repeatedly in Nativity9, women committed shocking scandals;41 By You [OChrist] honourable women
made themselves contemptible.42 Yetthis is exemplary:
Ruth lay down with aman on the threshing floor
for Your sake.Her love was bold
for Your sake.She teaches boldness
to all penitents.Her ears held in contempt
all [other] voices for the sake ofYour voice.43
Again, in Nativity15, the Virgin Mary herself glories in the slander she endures, knowing her justification is sure:
Behold, Iam slandered and oppressed,
but Irejoice.[...]
For if Tamar
was acquitted by Judah, how much more will Ibe acquitted
by You!44
In Ephrems hymns, real and imagined womens voices converged amidst the congregation whose response here was the
refrain, Glory be toYou, my Lord, and through You tothe
Father, on the day ofYour nativity!.45 Voice nested within
voice. The Virgin Mary was slandered in the biblical story; virgins (the choir) were slandered in the civic order; the Nicene
congregation was slandered amongst competing congregations
and religions.In Ephrems verses, the (womens) choir led the
church tosing out boldly, in confidence ofthe truth they proclaimed.Their boldness ofvoice had been earned by the Virgin Marys own boldness, which had undone the shame women
inherited from Eve:
Let chaste women praise that pure Mary.
Since in their mother Eve their disgrace was great,
behold in Mary their sister their triumph was magnified.46
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S. ASHBROOK HARVEY
The biblical model justified and also enhanced the work ofthe
womens choirs, as their voices taught awitness proclaimed not
only by the words they sang, but further by the sound oftheir
singing: the sound ofmaligned but faithful virgins.
The model ofbiblical women in bold and scandalous declaration offaith was furthered in Ephrems presentation ofNew Testament women in his Hymns on Virginity.Here again, he portrayed
their models in terms that appear unconventional whether for the
biblical accounts or for Ephrems own social order. InVirginity
26, for example, Ephrem celebrates an entire cascade ofwomen
whom Jesus encountered in his ministry: Martha and Mary the
sisters ofLazarus; the Sinful Woman who anointed Christs feet
with oil and kisses; the Woman who called ablessing from the
crowd; the Hemorrhaging Woman; the Widow with two mites;
the Canaanite Woman; the Widow ofNain; Jairuss Daughter; the mother ofJames and John; and Pilates Wife.47 Each he
praises in turn, in verses punctuated by the refrain, ToYou be
praises from all!.48 His praises are vivid, even startling:
Blessed are you, Martha, who without fear
served the One [Christ] feared by all.
[...]
Blessed are you, Martha, towhom love gave
The confidence that opened your mouth.
By the fruit Eves mouth was closed
while she was hidden among the trees.
Blessed is your mouth that sounded forth with love.49
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PATRISTIC WORLDS
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S. ASHBROOK HARVEY
3.Sounding voices
In the gathered presence ofthe church as awhole, Ephrem
rejoiced at the sounds ofcollective song.
E.g., Ephr., H Res 2.9; Brock, Kiraz, p.177.
56
40
PATRISTIC WORLDS
It was asound towhich he called every believer: Let us glorify with all our mouths the Lord ofall means [of salvation].58
Just as his hymns joined the voices ofhis choirs tothose ofbiblical women, so, too, they joined the voices ofthe congregation
tothe voices ofnatural and supernatural order.For sounding
voices were Ephrems characterisation ofthese orders at their
most glorious.In his Hymns on Paradise, Ephrem reflected
on Paradise as aplace ofresounding splendor, with thunderous sound, blaring trumpets, voices crying, harps and lyres,
shouts ofhosanna, cries ofalleluia, seraphs with their chants,
cherubs with their wings, voices and music for which there is
no comparison here below.59
Such aview had characterized biblical depictions ofworship in human communities, as in the Psalms; and in heavenly
ones, in prophetic accounts such as Isaiah6 or Revelation5.
ForChristians and Jews, creation itself had been an act ofthunderous sound.60 In Ephrems Nativity hymns, that original
commotion was (fittingly) echoed in the thunderous clamor
ofthe second creation, the birth ofChrist, as heaven and earth
together sounded their joy with clamor, thunder, loud voices,
cries, shouts, and proclamations.61 The sound ofsuch singing, he
urged, should pour forth in triumph.At the Easter vigil, he sang:
This joyful festival is entirely made up oftongues and voices:
Innocent young women and men sounding like trumpets
and horns
While infant girls and boys resemble harps and lyres;
41
S. ASHBROOK HARVEY
42
PATRISTIC WORLDS
66
E.g., Jac.Sar., On the Partaking, l.203-340.Cfr the East Syriac liturgical homily, wrongly ascribed toNarsai, Hom.17: An Exposition ofthe
Mysteries, at p.6.Ephrem repeatedly summons the congregation tosing out
their joy: e.g.H Nat 22 and 25.Jacob ofSarugs festal homilies often end with
asummons tothe whole ofcreationincluding the congregationto sing forth
loudly.
67See now Jacob ofSerugh and his Times: Studies in Sixth-Century Syriac
Christianity ed.G.A. Kiraz, Piscataway, NJ,2010.
68 For an important new consideration oflistening in early Christian culture
more broadly, see now C.Harrison, The Art ofListening in the Early Church,
Oxford,2013.
69 Jac.Sar., Homily on Ephrem.
43
S. ASHBROOK HARVEY
Thus Jacob employed in turn typological, theological, sacramental, and ultimately eschatological justifications for the liturgical
role ofthe womens choirs.These he presented tohis congregation as the very terms by which Ephrem exhorted women
tosing.Jacob thereby instructed his congregation in the voice
ofEphrem instructing the women.Once again, voice nested
within voice: voices remembered in liturgical song became the
voices ofthe participants themselves.
At the same time, Jacobs intoned encomium was laced with
references tothe sound ofthe women. The gatherings ofthe
glorious [church] resound with their melodies.71 They sing their
praises with sweet melodies and joyful sound.72 Or again,
their sound is serene, as sweet song with apure melody.73
The churches rang with the pure voices ofpious women who
44
PATRISTIC WORLDS
45
S. ASHBROOK HARVEY
good and for ill.The sounds ofthe city pulled the soul in many
directions.The sounds offunerals (with their wailing women)
were distressing;80 sounds ofthe theatre seduced and led astray;81
the marketplace distracted, gossip misled.82 By contrast, he argued
in On the Partaking ofthe Holy Mysteries, the sound ofliturgy
also impacted the soul, moulding its well-being, forming its disposition.83 He urged the importance oflistening and hearing as
active forms ofliturgical presence through the course ofPsalms,
hymns, scripture readings, and homilies.He drew attention tothe
womens choir: Pay heed tothe hymns (sung) by the virgins with
glorious voices/ that the wisdom ofthe Most High has given
tothe congregations.84 The repetition ofthese holy hymns, in
particular, would soothe, order, and comfort the soul.85
When Jacob turned tothe congregations own voice as liturgical contribution, it was with asense ofbringing liturgy toits
culminating fulfillment.Together the people must call out their
prayers, sing truthful songs, bless, sanctify, chant, and beg for
forgiveness with aloud voice.86 They must voice their prayers
aloud, and their voices must be heard: by the city, which would
resound with wondrous truth instead oflies, deceits, and filth;87
by Satan, who would be annoyed by hymns and prayers; by
God, who would offer forgiveness and mercy tothe faithful.88
Indeed, in ahomily on Elisha he sang out toGod:
The sound ofYour praise [O Lord] thunders awesomely
among the congregations,
and through it the impudent song ofidolatry was silenced.
From Your hymns, Your sermons, and Your teachings
the entire inhabited world shouted out and thundered tosing
praise.89
Jac.Sar., On the Partaking, l.157-158; Jac.Sar.,On the Departed.
Jac.Sar., On the Spectacles, passim.
82 Jac.Sar., On the Partaking, l.53-72, 89-110, 265-278.
83 Jac.Sar., On the Partaking, l.129-188.
84 Jac.Sar., On the Partaking, l.131-132; Harrak, p.18.
85 Jac.Sar., On the Partaking, l.171-176; Harrak, p.22.
86 Jac.Sar., On the Partaking, l.189-320; Harrak, p.23-38.
87 Jac.Sar., On the Spectacles, passim.
88 Jac.Sar., On the Partaking, l.244-256, 261-264.
89 Jac.Sar., On Elisha IV, l.21-30; Kaufman, p.176. Jacob goes on
tonote the power ofthe womens singing, in particular.
80
81
46
PATRISTIC WORLDS
4.Patristic Worlds
Syriac voices from the patristic past are lush with poetic grandeur and crafted elegance.They elicit admiration (or at least, the
admiration ofSyriac scholars!) for the many ways in which they
differ from, but also resonate with, their better known Greek
and Latin counterparts.
Ironically, by their very differences, Syriac voices set in dramatic relief many ofthe silences that patristic scholars have come
tomourn as our knowledge has broadened and deepened in these
past fifty years. My comments here have focused on the voices
ofthose we most often lack in our ancient sources: the voices
oflanguages other than Greek or Latin, the voices ofwomen,
the voices ofordinary laity.Yet all these remain missing voices,
even when remembered by our sources.No known Syriac text
authored by awoman survives tous from pre-modern times.
Asfar as we know, the womens choirs did not compose their
own hymns, but sang the verses ofmale hymnographers, brilliant
or otherwise as they were.Moreover, in Syriac as in Greek or
Latin, the voice ofthe ordinary layperson lies beyond our grasp.
Nonetheless, these texts remind us, in their own distinctive terms, that such voices did sound forth.In the past fifty
years we have come toappreciate the diversity ofthe ancient
Christian world in far richer, more complex terms than scholars
had previously accounted for or recognised.The global present
necessitates such awareness; our own times call us tosuch achal-
90
47
S. ASHBROOK HARVEY
Bibliography
1.Primary Sources
Eus., d.e.=Eusebius ofCaesarea, demonstratio evangelica ed.I.A.
Heikel (GCS,6),1913, M.22.13.
Eus., v.c.= Eusebius ofCaesarea, de vita Constantii ed.and
tr.Av.Cameron, S.G.Hall, Eusebius: the Life ofConstantine,
Oxford,1999.
Eus., h.e.=Eusebius ofCaesarea, historia ecclesiastica ed.E.Schwartz
(GCS,2),1903-8, M.20.45.
Ephr., HNat=Ephrem Syrus, Hymns on the Nativity ed.and
tr.E.Beck in Des heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Nativitate
(Epiphania) (CSCO, 186-187/ Scr.Syr.82-83), Louvain,1959
[Eng.trans.K.McVey, Ephrem the Syrian: Hymns, NewYork,
1989, p.61-217].
Ephr., H Par=Ephrem Syrus, Hymns on Paradise ed.and tr.E.Beck
in Des heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Paradiso und contra
Julianum (CSCO, 174-175/ Scr.Syr.78-79), Louvain,1957
[Eng.trans.S.P.Brock, St.Ephrem the Syrian, Hymns on Paradise,
Crestwood, NY,1990].
Ephr., HRes=Ephrem Syrus, Hymns on the Resurrection ed.and
tr.E.Beck inDes heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Pascha-hymnen
(de Azymis, de Crucifixion, de Resurrectione), (CSCO, 248-249/
48
PATRISTIC WORLDS
49
S. ASHBROOK HARVEY
2.Secondary Sources
N.Andrade, The Processions ofJohn Chrysostom and the Contested Spaces ofConstantinople, Journal ofEarly Christian Studies,
18.2(2010), p.161-189.
S.Bakker Kellog, Fragments ofaLiturgical World: Syriac Orthodox Christianity and the Dutch Multiculturalism Debates,
unpublished doctoral dissertation, University ofCalifornia, Santa
Cruz,2013.
J.F.Baldovin, The Urban Character ofChristian Worship: The Origins, Development, and Meaning ofStational Liturgy (OCA, 228),
Rome,1987.
N.Belayche, Iudaea-Palaestina: the pagan cults in Roman Palestine
(second tofourth centuries), Tbingen,2001.
P.Bradshaw, Daily Prayer in the Early Church, Oxford,1982.
S.P.Brock, The Bible in the Syrian Tradition, Piscataway, NJ,20062.
S.P.Brock, The Luminous Eye: the Spiritual World Vision ofSt.Ephrem
the Syrian, Kalamazoo,1992.
S.P.Brock, Poetry and Hymnography(3): Syriac, in the Oxford
Handbook ofEarly Christian Studies ed.S.A.Harvey, D.G. Hunter,
Oxford,2010, p.657-671.
P.Brown, The Notion ofVirginity in the Early Church, in Christian Spirituality: Origins tothe Twelfth Century ed.B.McGinn,
J.Meyendorff,J.Leclerq, NewYork,1985, p.427-443.
F.Cassingena-Trvedy, Lhymnographie syriaque, in Les liturgies
syriaquesed.F.Cassingena-Trvedy,I.Jurasz (tudes syriaques,3), Paris,2006, p.183-219.
50
PATRISTIC WORLDS
H.A.Drake, Intolerance, Religious Violence, and Political Legitimacy in LateAntiquity, Journal ofthe American Academy ofReligion, 79(2011), p.193-235.
S.H.Griffith, Asceticism in the Church ofSyria: the Hermeneutics ofEarly Syrian Monasticism, in Asceticism ed.V.Wimbush,
R.Valantasis, NewYork,1995, p.220-245.
S.H.Griffith, Faith Adoring the Mystery: Reading the Bible with
St.Ephraem the Syrian, Milwaukee,1997.
S.H.Griffith, Setting Right the Church ofSyria: Saint Ephrems
Hymns Against Heresies, in The Limits ofAncient Christianity:
Essays on Late Antique Thought and Culture in Honour ofRobert
A.Markused.W.E.Klingshirn,M.Vessey, AnnArbor,1999,
p.97-114.
E.Grypeou,H.Spurling, Abrahams Angels: Jewish and Christian
Exegesis ofGenesis 18-19, in The Exegetical Encounter between
Jews and Christians in LateAntiquity ed.E.Grypeou, H.Spurling
(Jewish and Christian Perspectives,18), Leiden,2009, p.181-203.
C.Harrison, The Art ofListening in the Early Church, Oxford,2013.
S.A.Harvey, Impudent Women: Mt1: 1-16 in Syriac Tradition,
Parole de lOrient, 35 (Actes du XeSymposium)(2010), p.65-76.
S.A.Harvey, Performance as Exegesis: Womens Liturgical Choirs
in Syriac Tradition, in Inquiries into Eastern Christian Worship:
Acts ofthe Second International Congress ofthe Society ofOriental
Liturgyed.B.J.Groen,S.Alexopoulos,S.Hawkes-Teeples
(Eastern Christian Studies,12), Leuven,2012, p.47-64.
S.A.Harvey, Revisiting the Daughters ofthe Covenant: Womens
Choirs and Sacred Song in Ancient Syriac Christianity, Hugoye:
Journal ofSyriac Studies, 8.2(2005 [2009]), p.125-149.
S.A.Harvey, The Senses in Religion: Piety, Critique, Competition, in ACultural History ofthe Senses ed.C.Classen, Vol.I:
Antiquityed.J.P.Toner, London,2014, p.91-113.
S.A.Harvey, Sensing More in Ancient Religion, Svensk Teologisk
Kvartalskrift, 89(2013), p.97-106
S.A.Harvey, Singing Womens Stories in Syriac Tradition, Internationale Kirchliche Zeitschrift, 100.3(2010), p.171-189.
S.A.Harvey, To Whom Did Jacob Preach?, in Jacob ofSerugh and
his Times ed.G.A.Kiraz, p.115-131.
Jacob ofSerugh and his Times: Studies in Sixth-Century Syriac Christianity ed.G.A.Kiraz, Piscataway, NJ,2010.
A.Kofsky, Mamre: ACase ofaRegional Cult? in Sharing the Sacred:
Religious Contacts and Conflicts in the Holy Land ed.A.Kofsky,
G.G.Stroumsa, Jerusalem,1998, p.19-30.
51
S. ASHBROOK HARVEY
52
PATRISTIC WORLDS
Abstract
Over the past fifty years, patristic scholars have shown increasing
interest in the diversity and pluralism ofthe ancient Christian world.
This paper marks these changes by presenting two windows into
Christianity ofthe patristic era. First, the Greek historian Sozomen
presents aspects ofreligious pluralism that bear upon how scholars
understand ancient Christianity as areligion. Second, Syriac liturgical
poetry provides an example ofthe diverse voices patristic scholars
have increasingly come tovalue in recent years. In both cases,
Iseek toemphasise religion as an embodied experience, physically
performed and sensorily engaged. This perspective itself marks arecent
turn in scholarly attention, one that again brings tolight the
multiplicity ofChristianity during the patristic era. This paper will
not argue athesis, but rather present considerations for re-thinking
the ancient Christian world in larger, more diverse terms than have
characterised patristic scholarship in other times and places.
53
OVERVIEW
OF PATRISTIC STUDIES
MARTIN WALLRAFF
Universitt Basel
WHOSE FATHERS?
AN OVERVIEW OFPATRISTIC STUDIES
IN EUROPE
10.1484/J.BAIEP.5.107511
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M. WALLRAFF
58
what diffuse opinion that the fathers are Church fathers and
more than that.2 They somehow belong to the origins ofour
European culture. Anarrow definition in an ecclesial (or even
denominational) sense would be too technical; abroader definition remains vague and arbitrary. However, most Church
fathers are not European, and if they fathered children, then it
was not the European culture (of which they could not and did
not know anything, because it originated much later). Even the
most important and well known European Church father is not
European at all: Augustine ofHippo was an African bishop and
theologian.
This, ofcourse, has always been true, but as part ofaprocess ofglobalisation and pluralisation European scholars become
more and more aware ofit. For me personally this became clear
in avivid manner, when Iattended an African American church
in Washington, D.C., where St.Augustine was proudly presented in the stained glass windows in avery ostensibly African way.3 Today, the fathers cannot (and should not) be read
in ateleological perspective, i.e., in adirect ancestral line from
Jesus Christ to the Fathers, from there to the Latin (and Christian) culture ofthe European Middle Ages, to the theologians
ofthe age ofReformation and post-Reformation, to European
scholarship today.
Today Europe may be in search ofacommon narrative and
identityafter along phase ofpostmodern delight in diversity
and plurality. But the fathers do not easily lend themselves to
Kirchen des Ostens bis zum Konzil vonEphesus(431)(Beitrge zur Historischen
Theologie,118), Tbingen,2002; A.Merkt, Das patristische Prinzip.Eine Studie
zur theologischen Bedeutung der Kirchenvter(Supplements to Vigiliae Christianae,58),
Leiden,2001; M.Fdou, Les Pres de lglise et la thologie chrtienne, Paris,2013.
2 Already Henri-Irne Marrou in his opening lecture ofthe first Oxford
Conference on Patristic Studies in1951 claimed the Church fathers as asource
ofthe classical humanism that post-war Europe needed. (The lecture was printed
only in1976; it served as aprogrammatic opening contribution to ahomonymous collection ofarticles: H.-I.Marrou, Patristique et humanisme, in Id.,
Patristique et humanisme.Mlanges, Paris,1976, p.25-34.)
3 St.Augustine Catholic Church, the Mother Church ofAfrican American
Catholics in the Nations Capital; the church was built in the nineteenth
century for an Irish parish in the historicizing style ofthe time. Most stained glass
windows ofthe original building survive(in their European pseudo-medieval
style)except for the one mentioned in the text.
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M. WALLRAFF
60
achievements ofthe last fifty years.This will be only illustrative, as Isaid, without any claim to being exhaustive. First
ofall, most patristic texts are to be read in European editions.
This is certainly true for the older editions, like the Maurists
and others, mostly reprinted in Mignes monumental Patrologia.
Although most fathers are not European, they come to us in
European clothes, as it were. It is also true for most recent critical
editions. As is well known, the most important series are the Corpus Scriptorium Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum (CSEL) originally from
Vienna, now Salzburg,5 the Griechische Christliche Schriftsteller
der ersten Jahrhunderte (GCS) from Berlin6 and the Corpus Christianorum from Turnhout in Belgium.7 All three are older than
half acentury, and thus older than AIEP, but they all continued
to flourish in these years. In all three cases, the institutional background is neither auniversity nor areligious institute, but an academy ofscience in Austria and in Germany, and an independent
foundation in Belgium. To name but afew recent developments:
For the Corpus Christianorum, the last decades were characterized
by an extension ofthe original programme.The corpus publishes
not only Latin fathers, but also aGreek series, apocryphal texts,
and avery prolific medieval continuation.The Vienna corpus
is still known under this name (and they still operate in Vienna),
5
www.csel.eu; the new Festschrift ofthe project contains relatively little on its history: Edition und Erforschung lateinischer patristischer Texte.150 Jahre
CSEL ed.V.Zimmerl-Panagl, L.J.Dorfbauer, C.Weidmann, Berlin,2014,
cfr. in particular C.Harrauer, ...die Akademie ist in eine sehr fatale Lage
gekommen.Schlaglichter aus den Anfngen des CSEL, in ibid., p.289-311.
The older contribution by M.Zelzer, Ein Jahrhundert(und mehr) CSEL.
Evaluation vonZiel und Verffentlichungen, Sacris Erudiri,38(1998-1999),
p.75-99, continues to be useful.
6 The series is published by de Gruyter(www.degruyter.com/view/serial/
16240); it is affiliated to the project at the Berlin academy(www.bbaw.de/
forschung/bibelexegese; see below).For the early history ofthe project, cfr. the
magisterial work ofS.Rebenich, Theodor Mommsen und Adolf Harnack. Wissenschaft und Politik im Berlin des ausgehenden19.Jahrhunderts, Berlin,1997, in
partic.p.129-222.After the re-unification ofGermany aNeue Folge ofthe
series was launched(1995-). For the preceding volumes auseful overview can
be found in S.Rebenich, Adolf vonHarnack.Protokollbuch der Kirchenvter-Kommission 1897-1928, Berlin,2000, p.163-173.
7 www.corpuschristianorum.org; cfr. J.Leemans, Fifty Years ofCorpus
Christianorum(1953-2003).From Limited Edition Project to Multi-located
Scholarly Enterprise, in Corpus Christianorum1953-2003.Xenium Natalicium.
Fifty Years ofScholarly Editing ed.J.Leemans, Turnhout,2003, p.9-55.
61
M. WALLRAFF
62
10
The Scrittori greci e latini started in1974.The series is published by Arnoldo Mondadori Editore, and among its numerous volumes appear both
patristic and non-patristic texts(http://collane.librimondadori.it/scrittorilatini-e-greci).Biblioteca patristica started in1984; it has produced around fifty
volumes so far and is published by Edizioni Dehoniane(www.dehoniane.it).
The Collana di testi patristici(only translations) is very productive: nearly 250
volumes since1991.The publisher is Citt Nuova(editrice.cittanuova.it).
The same publisher produces Opera omnia ofauthors like Ambrose, Gregory the
Great, and others(reprint ofLatin text without apparatus, Italian translation).
11 www.patristicum.org; the history ofthe institute still remains to be written(for the time being, cfr. only afew remarks on the homepage).
12 The proceedings are regularly published in the series Studia Ephemeridis
Augustinianum(first volume1967), cfr. www.patristicum.org/it/pubblicazioni
(also for the journal Augustinianum).
13 The respective URLs are: www.etudes-augustiniennes.paris-sorbonne.fr,
www.antike-und-christentum.de, www.augustinus.de.
63
M. WALLRAFF
14
The proceedings ofthe last conference of2011 filled eighteen(!)
volumes: Papers Presented at the Sixteenth International Conference on Patristic
Studies Held in Oxford2011, 18vols. ed.M.Vinzent(Studia Patristica,53-70),
Leuven,2013.The early volumes appeared in East Berlin(vols.1-2, ed.K.Aland
[Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur,63-64], Berlin,
1957). When this became impossible for political reasons, the series passed
to Peeters Publishers in Belgium.
15Proceedings appear in the series Bibliotheca ephemeridum theologicarum
Lovaniensium. The last published volume is Origeniana decima.Origen as Writer.
Papers ofthe 10th International Origen Congress, University School ofPhilosophy
and Education Ignatianum, Krakw, Poland, 31 August4 September2009
ed.S.Kaczmarek, H.Pietras, A.Dziadowiec(Bibliotheca ephemeridum theologicarum
Lovaniensium, 244), Leuven,2011.
16 The next event will be the XIIIInternational Colloquium in Rome in
September2014 (www.gregoryofnyssa.org).Proceedings appear in the series
Supplements to Vigiliae Christianae.The last published volume is Gregory ofNyssa.
The Minor Treatises on Trinitarian Theology and Apollinarism.Proceedings ofthe 11th
International Colloquium on Gregory ofNyssa(Tbingen, 17-20 September2008)
ed.V.H.Drecoll, M.Berghaus(Supplements to Vigiliae Christianae,106), Leiden,
2011.
64
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M. WALLRAFF
present at the Jerusalem conference and not. This is, maybe, the
most serious drawback ofmy presentation, because ultimately
behind all initiatives there are always individuals with their personal energy and imaginationand some ofthem were and are
remarkable. Let me only say in passing that our scholarly community significantly contributed to European societies in general. Patristic scholars have served as archbishop ofCanterbury or
as president ofthe Humboldt University ofBerlin.Others have
been named cardinal or dame ofthe British empire,20 or have
received other high honours. Rather than naming afew and
offending others, Iwish to come to my third section and final
remarks.
66
If Ihad to identify atrend in terms ofcontents, Iwould probably mention the growing interest in Origen.In the last fifty
years in Europe, studies on the Alexandrian theologian have been
flourishing in asurprising way.21 The discovery ofamanuscript
with unknown homilies on the psalms in April2012 was the
icing on the cake.The publication ofthe text in the GCS series,
edited by Lorenzo Perrone, is imminent.22 It is quite remarkable,
that the one father who attracts particular attention is not really
afather but, technically speaking, acondemned heretic. This
observation may lead back to my initial remarks on paternity.
Apparently, being afather is not an objective category; the question who is afather for whom? is more complex.
Another observation may also shed some light on this: the
useful Nuovo dizionario patristico e di antichit cristiane obviously
contains alemma patrologia/patristica.But then it also containsquite surprisinglyan article on matristica (which is
even longer).23 This does not necessarily mean that new female
authors have been discovered; it is more asign ofcontemporary
sensitiveness, anew approach to paternity, again agrown sense
ofdistance between aworld offathers and aworld in which
fathers and mothers define their roles in new and more equal
ways.
Iwill come back to these considerations.Before doing so, let
me single out two more trends, or rather one anti-trend and one
future trend. The first is adevelopment in the last decades which
Isee as aregrettable loss.Iam talking about the loosened ties
between Patristics and Christian archaeology. It is certainly true
that we are living in atime ofgrowing specialization, sometimes
over-specialization, and it also true that contents and methods
ofChristian archaeology have now reached avery high level
ofprofessionalization which makes it difficult for outsiders to
21
For the Colloquia Origeniana see above n.15; for the journal Adamantius
see above n.19.
22 Now in print: Origenes, The New Homilies on the Psalms.ACritical Edition ofCodex Monacensis Graecus314 ed.L.Perrone(Die griechischen christlichen
Schriftsteller der ersten Jahrhunderte, Neue Folge,19), Berlin,2015.
23 A.Hamman,J.Leal, Patrologia-Patristica, in Nuovo Dizionario patristico
e di antichit cristianeed.A.DiBerardino, 3vols., Rome,2006-2008, III,
col.3967-3972; K.E. Brresen, Matristica, in ibid., II, col.3149-3156.
67
M. WALLRAFF
Bibliography
1.Primary Sources
Cipriano di Cartagine, Lunit della Chiesa ed.P.Siniscalco,
P.Mattei, A.Carpin, Rome,2006.
Origenes, The New Homilies on the Psalms.ACritical Edition ofCodex
Monacensis Graecus314 ed.L.Perrone (Die griechischen christlichen
Schriftsteller der ersten Jahrhunderte, Neue Folge,19), Berlin,2015.
2.Secondary Literature
Augustinus-Lexikon ed.C.Mayer et al., 3vols., Basel,1986-2010.
K.E.Brresen, Matristica, in Nuovo Dizionario patristico e di antichit
cristiane ed.A.DiBerardino, 3vols., Rome,2006-2008, II,
col.3149-3156.
Edition und Erforschung lateinischer patristischer Texte.150 Jahre CSEL
ed.V.Zimmerl-Panagl, L.J.Dorfbauer, C.Weidmann, Berlin,
2014.
M.Fdou, Les Pres de lglise et la thologie chrtienne, Paris,2013.
.Fouilloux, La collection Sources chrtiennes.diter les Pres de lglise
au xxesicle, Paris,1995.
T.Graumann, Die Kirche der Vter.Vtertheologie und Vterbeweis in
den Kirchen des Ostens bis zum Konzil vonEphesus (431) (Beitrge zur
Historischen Theologie,118), Tbingen,2002.
Gregory ofNyssa.The Minor Treatises on Trinitarian Theology and Apollinarism.Proceedings ofthe 11thInternational Colloquium on Gregory
69
M. WALLRAFF
70
Abstract
Europe has a special relationship with the fathers. Although Patristics
deals with Church fathers (and not fathers or mothers of European
history/culture), there is a closeness which has gradually weakened
in the last decades. Patristic research in Europe is still very lively,
but it has to redefine its paradigms. The article argues that a deepened reflection on paternity and alterity can contribute to this process.
Europe has given and still gives a considerable contribution to Patristic research in a multi-religious and globalized world.
71
MARCIN R.WYSOCKI
The John PaulII Catholic University ofLublin, Poland
BETWEEN WESTERN
AND EASTERN TRADITIONS:
POLISH PATRISTIC STUDIES
AFTER WORLD WAR II
73
M.R. WYSOCKI
74
75
M.R. WYSOCKI
76
77
M.R. WYSOCKI
Prof.Wincenty Myszor.19 As well, the very helpful Dictionary ofEarly Christian Literature, edited by Prof.Szymusiak and
Prof.Starowieyski, was published during this period.20 In1977,
the journal Studia Antiquitatis Christianae was started in Warsaw. Unfortunately, the restrictions imposed by the state, lack
ofpaper, and old printing methods did not facilitate the publication ofnumerous works on patrology; such works remained in
patristic circles in the form ofmanuscripts or academic scripts.
As aresult ofthe earlier published translations, mostly Eastern
fathers and the most important Western fathers such as Ambrose,
Jerome, and Augustine were studied and interpreted. Thediscussion was most often ofdogmatic and moral topics.
As aresult ofthe work ofthese three teamsPAX, PSP,
and the Interdepartmental Research Centre on Christian Antiquity
and ofothers as well, often quite independently ofeach other,
there were alot ofinstruments in Poland in the1970s, including anumber oftranslated works, to guide research into Christian antiquity. The1960s and70s was also atime to harvest
the fruits ofthe development ofscientific staff after the damages
ofwar: the Revd Wojciech Kania(1911-2000),21 the Revd
Prof.Waclaw Eborowicz(1915-1994),22 the Revd Prof.Andrzej
Bober, SJ(1917-1986),23 the Revd Prof.Szczepan Pieszczoch
(1921-2004),24 the Revd Prof.Ludwik Gadyszewski(1932-
78
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M.R. WYSOCKI
80
because ofthe greater availability oftheir works in Polish translation.Along with this strong influence ofthe Eastern writers and
the increasing importance ofthe spiritual sphere oflife, there
appeared ajuridical approach so characteristic for the West.
In2001, in the series Sources ofTheological Thought, the first volume ofthe Acts ofthe Ecumenical Councils was published (with the
text in Greek, Latin, Polish, and if necessary also in Syriac), followed by The Synodal Acts, also in the original languages. Among
the themes taken up in this series, eschatological issues and those
related to anthropology and spirituality were especially popular.
In recent years, to our great joy, patristic studies has become
very popular among students and graduate students. Every year
about eighty theses (masters and doctoral) on Christian antiquity
are written and defended in Polish patristic centres, ofwhich
themost important are Lublin,36 Cracow,37 and Poznan.38
At the Faculty ofTheology ofthe John PaulII Catholic University ofLublin there are four chairs focused on early Christian studies: the Chair ofGreek Patrology, the Chair ofLatin
Patrology, the Chair ofPatristic Theology and Literature, and
36
About the history ofthe patristics centre in Lublin see F.Draczkowski,
Katedra Patrologii w Katolickim Uniwersytecie Lubelskim(rys historyczny), in
Tysiac imion Chrystusa.Seminarium Patrystyczne KUL1983-1993 ed.J.Paucki,
Lublin,1994, p.9-15; J.Paucki, Katedra patrologii w Katolickim Uniwersytecie Lubelskimkierunki badan, in Sympozja Kazimierskie poswiecone kulturze
swiata pznego antyku i wczesnego chrzescijanstwa ed.B.Iwaszkiewicz-Wronikowska, I, Lublin,1998, p.145-152; F.Draczkowski,P.Szczur, Wkad
Katedr Patrologii KUL w przyblizanie nauki Ojcw Koscioa, Vox Patrum,3637(1999), p.39-51; F.Draczkowski, Wkad Katedr Patrologii w historiografie koscielna, in Rola i miejsce Instytutu Historii Koscioa KUL w historiografii
ed.J.Walkusz, Lublin,2010, p.19-26; P.Szczur, Wkad Katedry Patrologii
Greckiej w historiografie koscielna, in Rola i miejsce Instytutu Historii Koscioa
KUL w historiografii ed.J.Walkusz, Lublin,2010, p.27-31; M.Zikowska,
Katedra Patrologii acinskiej, in Rola i miejsce Instytutu Historii Koscioa KUL w
historiografii ed.J.Walkusz, Lublin,2010, p.33-48; M.Szram, Rola i znaczenie Katedry Historii Koscioa w Starozytnosci Chrzescijanskiej IHK KUL w
rozwoju historiografii, in Rola i miejsce Instytutu Historii Koscioa KUL w historiografii ed.J.Walkusz, Lublin,2010, p.49-57.
37 About the history ofthe patristics centre in Cracow see J.W. Z
elazny,
Dzieje patrystyki w srodowisku krakowskim(Zarys), Vox Patrum,36-37(1999),
p.85-96.
38About history ofthe patristics centre in Poznan
see B.Czyzewski,
Wkad srodowiska poznansko-gnieznienskiego w badania nad literatura
wczesnochrzescijanska, Vox Patrum,36-37(1999), p.97-108.
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82
Bibliography
1.Primary Literature
Ath., Apol.Const., Fug.=Athanasius Alexandrinus, Apologia ad
Constantium, Apologia de fuga sua ed.J.M.Szymusiak (SC, 56),
Paris,19581.
2.Secondary Literature
R.Bumer, Laemmer, Hugo, in Lexikon fr Theologie und Kirche, 6,
Freiburg i.Br.,19612, col.767-768.
83
M.R. WYSOCKI
84
85
M.R. WYSOCKI
J.Paucki, Katedra patrologii w Katolickim Uniwersytecie Lubelskim kierunki badan, in Sympozja Kazimierskie poswiecone kulturze
swiata pznego antyku i wczesnego chrzescijanstwa ed.B.Iwaszkiewicz-Wronikowska, I, Lublin,1998, p.145-152.
H.Pietras, Seria Pisma Starochrzescijanskich Pisarzy w ocenie patrologa, Studia Antiquitatis Christianae,11(1995), p.31-34.
J.Sajdak, Studia patrystyczne w Polsce, Poznan,1931.
H.Schiel, Max Sdralekder Bergrdunder der Breslauer Kirchengeschichtsschule, im Bannkreis vonFranz Xawer Kraus, Archiv
fur schlesische Kirchengeschichte,35(1977), p.239-284.
T.Skibinski, Ksiadz Profesor Marek Starowieyski, Vox Patrum, 49
(2006), p.13-18.
T.Skibinski, Wykaz drukowanych prac Ks.Prof.Marka Starowieyskiego, Vox Patrum,49(2006), p.19-46.
Sownik wczesnochrzescijanskiego pismiennictwaed.J.M.Szymusiak,
M.Starowieyski, Poznan,1971.
E.Staniek, Ks.Marian Michalski(1900-1987), Vox Patrum, 12-13
(1987), p.545-546.
M.Starowieyski, Uwagiopatrologii w Polsce, Vox Patrum, 36-37
(1999), p.11-20.
W.Stawiszynski, Bibliografia patrystyczna1901-2004. Polskie tumaczenia tekstw starochrzescijanskich pierwszego tysiaclecia, Cracow,
2005.
A.Stepniewska, Ksiadz Profesor Stanisaw Longosz: filolog, patrolog,
dydaktyk, zaozyciel i redaktor Vox Patrum, Vox Patrum, 52.1
(2008), p.25-38.
A.Stepniewska, Ksiadz profesor Emil Stanula, Vox Patrum,32-33
(1997), p.7-14.
J.Strzelczyk, Znaczenie serii Pism Starochrzescijanskich Pisarzy
zpunktu widzenia historii starozytnej i wczesnosredniowiecznej,
Studia Antiquitatis Christianae, 11(1995), p.43-53.
P.Szczur, Wkad Katedry Patrologii Greckiej w historiografie
koscielna, in Rola i miejsce Instytutu Historii Koscioa KUL w historiografii ed.J.Walkusz, Lublin,2010, p.27-31.
M.Szram, Sekcja Patrystyczna przy Komisji Episkopatu Polski
ds.Nauki Katolickiej, in Miedzy sensem abezsensem ludzkiej
egzystencji.Teologiczna odpowiedz na fundamentalne pytania
wspczesnego czowieka.VIII Kongres Teologw Polskich, Poznan
13-16wrzesnia2010 ed.D.Bryl, B.Kochaniewicz, E.Kotkowska, J.Nawrot, Poznan,2012, p.556-559.
86
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Abstract
In the pastand also the presentthe geographical location ofPoland
has been achallenge for the Polish Church and Polish theologians.
Polands position between the great powers and between Eastern
and Western traditions has had amajor impact on the development
oftheology there. After the Second World War there has been
asignificant growth in patristic studies and in interest in these studies.
Thepresent paper reviews the development and achievements
of Polish patristics. It traces over sixty years ofpost-war patristic
studies in Poland, describing the main areas ofresearch, the main
series oftranslations and journals, and the most eminent researchers
and centres. It allows one to appreciate the current position ofPolish
patristic studies in the European and global context.
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University ofMissouri-Columbia
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journal) JECS must be considered the leading venue for publication ofwork in Patristics in North America.
Rather more recently, in2008, the Society for LateAntiquity, sponsor ofthe Shifting Frontiers Conferences, spawned
the first issue ofthe Journal ofLateAntiquity (JLA), which like
the Journal ofEarly Christian Studies, is published by the Johns
Hopkins University Press. TheJournal ofLateAntiquity, asemiannual journal ofapproximately 400 pages per year (and likewise home to articles by members ofthis association), has won
multiple publishing awards in its infancy. As its title suggests, it
has apotentially wider purview than the Journal ofEarly Christian
Studies but the overlap in content and readership between the
two journals is significant: three ofthe six articles in arecent
fascicle ofJLA (Fall2012), those by Samuel Collins on the
mosaics ofMilans San Vittore, by Sigrid Mratschek on Melania
the Elder and an unknown governor ofPalestine, and by Jacob
Ashkenazi and Mordechai Aviam on late antique monasteries
in Western Galileecould just as easily have appeared in
the pages ofthe Journal ofEarly Christian Studies.Together then
these two young journals offer afocus for work in or relevant
to Patristics that far surpasses in point and power the scattering
ofeffort across the run ofjournals in classics, theology, and
history that for so long (and lest Iseem ungrateful, thankfully
still) offered us the only North American pages in which to
present our work to awide academic audience. Moreover, it
hardly needs to be pointed out that not afew ofthe best
books that have appeared in our field in recent years first broke
through in articles in JECS andJLA.
Indeed, more could be said here about the critical importance to the field ofPatristics in North America ofsuch book
series as the Transformation ofthe Classical Heritage published by
the University ofCalifornia Press, whose first volume appeared
in1981 under the general editorship ofPeter Brownor ofthe
University ofPennsylvanias equally revolutionary (in its own
way) series, Divinations: Re-Reading Late Ancient Religion, which
published its first volume (Cynthia Bakers Rebuilding the House
ofIsrael: Architecture ofGender in Jewish Antiquity) through Stanford University Press in2002. From its inception Divinations
has been co-edited by aleading Patristics scholar and former
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with the1970s birth and infancy ofboth NAPS and the Canadian Society.Peter Browns catalytic The World ofLateAntiquity
appeared in1971; seven years later he began an academic residency in the United States (Berkeley1978-86; Princeton19862011) that has trained nearly two generations ofscholars, many
ofwhom now hold professorial positions in history, religion,
and classical studies departments in North American colleges
and universitiesand whose own graduate students are often
on the NAPS and Canadian Societys programs.Peter Browns
presence and influence runs deepparalleling and intermingling
with the rising stream ofNorth American Patristics and Patristics
scholars since the1970s.
But that is to get ahead ofthe story.What do we learn from
those conference programs and journal titles that will help us
better understand the state ofPatristics in North America?
Ithink we will see first ofall that Patristics in North American is
at once conservative and innovative.Consideration ofthe more
than200 papers presented at the recent NAPS meeting reveals
the abiding centrality ofworks and authors that have consistently
formed the core oflater twentieth-century patrologiesfrom
Johannes Quasten to Angelo di Berardino to Hubertus Drobner.
So, too, questions ofhistoric or systematic theology governed
many, perhaps half, ofthe paper sessions: Christology, soteriology, pneumatology, anthropology, grace and freewill, Augustine, Gregory ofNyssa, John Chrysostom, and other long familiar categories and names.Yet, the works ofthe trio just named
(as well as similar heavyweights and less well-known writers)
also provide the bulk ofthe material for lines ofinquiry that
have only climbed to prominence in the last twenty years: issues
ofgender, sexuality, and the body; the poetics ofasceticism; literary and rhetorical studies; and critical and theoretical approaches
to identity formation or the ideology ofthe book. Atthe same
time art historical and archaeological approaches have introduced
ranges ofevidence typically absent from the standard patrologiesthough tellingly they have aprominent place in such newstyle manuals as Susan Ashbrook Harvey and David Hunters
Oxford Handbook ofEarly Christian Studies (Oxford University
Press,2008) or Philip Rousseaus Companion to LateAntiquity
(Wiley-Blackwell,2009).
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participate in the same kinds ofdiscursive and rhetorical strategies that require us to read the Fathers with the eyes ofliterary
critics. To the two specific examples ofcontemporary methods
and questions just reviewed, we could easily add many others,
for the cultural turn in Patristics has brought to the fore avast
array ofnew approaches to even old material: rhetorical, literarycritical, historicist, cognitive, and psychological. Thepathways
are paved with new methodologies.
There are also, it seems, many more pathways converging on
Patristics from new or newly reimagined lands.Our panel considered three ofthem.Robin Darling Young described how Syriac
language training and Syriac studies are now firmly anchored in
anumber ofNorth American colleges and universities: Harvard,
Yale, Princeton, Johns Hopkins, Catholic University, the University ofChicago, and St.Johns University, by way ofexample.Moreover, like gender studies, Syriac Studies, she observed,
has won aplace at the table ofearly Christian studies in such
universities as Duke (which in2011 hosted the sixth quadrennial
meeting ofthe Syriac Studies Symposium), Brown, the Universities ofTennessee and Oregon, and Toronto, typically through
the work ofindividual scholars associated with those institutions. Again, the programs ofthe annual NAPS meeting or the
Tables ofContents ofthe Journal ofEarly Christian Studies (which
recently published alengthy piece by Fergus Millar on The Evolution ofthe Syrian Orthodox Church) will confirm this claim.
Atthe same time, Young recognized that the further advancement ofSyriac studies will require continued production ofthe
kinds ofcritical editions too easily taken for granted by scholars
ofLatin and Greek Christianities. Inthis respect, she observed,
Syriac Studies lags behind and this gap impedes engagement by
Syriac specialists with the cultural studies agenda now characteristic ofother areas ofearly Christian studies in North America.
Though our panel did not include aCoptic specialist, Isuspect he or she would have echoed this observation. Thepoint
was made, in fact, by Anne Boudhors in asurvey ofThe Coptic Tradition that she wrote for the Oxford Handbook ofLate
Antiquity (Oxford University Press,2012), wherein she noted
that many [Coptic] texts still remain unedited or have not even
been identified (225). At the same time, not unlike the energy
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http://apaclassics.org/index.php/apa_blog/apa_blog_entry/4041/.
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Abstract
This paper offers a set of reflections upon the state of patristic
studies in North America. It first surveys the professional landscape of patristic studies on the North American continent by
discussing the roles and history of several scholarly organizations,
the primary conferences at which patristics scholars meet and
present their ideas, and some of the main outlets for the publication of relevant work. Throughout its course the essay highlights the interdisciplinary nature of patristic studies in its North
American setting, a trend that has accelerated with the convergence of patristic studies and the expanding field of late antique studies. This development, it suggests, has both broadened
the scope of North American patristic studies and presented
the discipline with a number of new challenges. Several of the
latter are treated through attention to five specific areas: modern
historical perspectives, womens and gender studies, material and
visual culture, Syriac studies, New Testament Studies, and contemporary theology. The paper closes by posing the question
of whether or not the term Patristics is still adequate to the task
of defining the many kinds of vital work that patristics scholars
nowdo.
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1.Mxico
Los estudios patrsticos en Mxico han tenido un desarrollo limitado en los ltimos cuarenta aos. Lo dicho tiene sus razones.
Antes del ao1992, cuando el gobierno mexicano otorg validez oficial alos estudios eclesisticos, las instituciones eclesisticas deban dar constancia de planes de estudio en los que la
enseanza de la religin estaba proscrita. Se pusieron en prctica
diversas formas de presentacin para mantener programas educativos religiosos en las instituciones catlicas. La Reforma Liberal,
suprimi la Universidad Pontificia yen1932 luego de las guerras
de los Cristeros, fue definitivamente clausurada. En1982 se abre
nuevamente yen1992 el gobierno mexicano le concede reconocimiento oficial. Esto explica en parte la precariedad de los
estudios eclesisticos en Mxico. Durante los ltimos veinte aos
los estudios patrsticos se han concentrado en garantizar la preparacin de profesores de esta materia en los seminarios yubicar
asimismo los estudios patrsticos en las universidades no confesionales en los departamentos de cierta afinidad: Filosofa, Historia,
Filologa yArte. Se pueden encontrar ponencias yconferencias
de temas patrsticos en los congresos yreuniones de antroplogos yestudiosos de las religiones.Existe asimismo un Instituto Patrstico de Mxico que preside el Maestro Presbtero Jos
Alberto Ibez Hernndez. El mencionado Instituto ha iniciado
un programa de publicaciones de divulgacin. Existe asimismo
un reciente proyecto denominado La introduccin de los textos
patrsticos en la Nueva Espaa en colaboracin con la Biblioteca
Nacional de Mxico. En lo que se refiere al personal docente
yde investigacin se cuenta con un buen nmero de egresados
de la licenciatura de Patrologa del Instituto Patrstico Agustiniano de Roma que avalan la posibilidad de concretar proyectos
de investigacin en un futuro cercano1.
1Informaciones proporcionadas por el Dr.Luis Gonzaga Ramos Gmez
Prez, OP, Len, Guanajuato.En las revistas mexicanas Analoga Filosfica,
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2.Colombia
En Colombia los estudios patrsticos se concentran en dos Universidades: la Pontificia Universidad Javeriana de los Jesuitas
en Bogot yla Universidad Pontificia Bolivariana de la Arquidicesis de Medelln.En Bogot se distinguen los profesores Alfonso Rincn por sus estudios sobre el lenguaje en san
Agustn yAlfonso Flrez por sus estudios sobre Agustn de
Hipona yel conocimiento. Canal de difusin de estos estudios
es la revista Universitas Philosophica yla editorial correspondiente.
La biblioteca de la Universidad Javeriana es rica en fuentes patrsticas en ediciones cannicas.En la Universidad de los Andes,
Bogot, ha habido traducciones yediciones bilinges de textos de san Agustn con introducciones histricas hechas por el
profesor Felipe Castaeda.En Medelln, sobresalen los estudios
de los profesores Alberto Ramrez, Guillermo Correa, Gonzalo
Soto yDiego Uribe.Sus rganos de publicacin son las revistas Escritos, Cuestiones Teolgicas yla editorial de la Universidad.
Del P.Alberto Ramrez sobresale un estudio sobre Melitn de
Sardes yla Pascua, el profesor Guillermo Correa ha publicado el
De musica de Agustn, el profesor Diego Uribe ha publicado sus
cursos de Patrologa ytraducciones de textos latinos patrsticos
yel profesor Gonzalo Soto ha editado estudios sobre el lenguaje
yla mstica en Agustn.Adems las Etimologas de Isidoro de
Sevilla yla mstica en Dionisio Areopagita.Los autores mencionados han realizado sus estudios en las Universidades de Lovaina,
Roma, Salamanca, Bogot, Quebec yMedelln. All han estado
en contacto con patrlogos, fillogos ycon ediciones cannicas
de excelencia.Sobre la historia del cristianismo sobresalen los
estudios del estudioso jesuita P.Alberto Gutirrez, profesor en
las Universidades Javeriana yGregoriana2.
3.Per
Es digno de notar la esmerada traduccin del Adversus Haereses
de Ireneo de Lyon por Carlos Ignacio Gonzlez, SJ, Facultad
Anmnesis, Mathema, Mayutica, Logos, oportunamente se publican trabajos de
Patrstica.
2 Noticias facilitadas por el profesor Gonzalo Soto Posada.
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de Teologa Pontificia yCivil de Lima, Centro de Investigaciones Teolgicas, como un nmero especial de la Revista Teolgica
Limense, con tres ndices agregados, de Textos bblicos, de Vocablos gnsticos ygenerales e ndice general3.
4.Brasil
Los estudios Patrsticos en Brasil tienen un marco central en relacin con el Concilio Vaticano II, que contribuy activamente
para el reconocimiento yvalorizacin de la Patrstica dentro de
la vida cristiana.De esta manera la reflexin sobre los estudios
patrsticos en Brasil si se vincula con algunas referencias anteriores, encuentran su marco central, como se ha dicho, en el
Concilio Vaticano II.Los diversos medios teolgicos brasileos se beneficiaban de las colecciones de textos de los Padres.
El material producido en Europa era en general utilizado en los
textos originales, sin traduccin En los ambientes monsticos se
cultivaba asimismo su estudio.En sus bibliotecas todava hoy, se
encuentran las tradicionales publicaciones patrsticas, en particular las Patrologas griega ylatina de Migne. En el perodo inmediato anterior al Concilio Vaticano IIse puede comenzar mencionando aFray Paulo Evaristo Arns, OFM, quien asu regreso al
Brasil en1953, luego de doctorarse en Letras en Pars, en la Sorbonne, con una tesis sobre san Jernimo public varios artculos
sobre Patrstica en la Revista Eclesistica Brasileira. Conjuntamente
con su presencia en Brasil, fue fundamental el impulso que el
Concilio Vaticano IIdio alos Estudios Patrsticos, cuyas influencias se fortalecieron apartir de la dcada de los aos setenta,
durante la que tuvo lugar una irrupcin de trabajos sobre Patrstica en las Facultades de Teologa.Surgan las Fontes da Catequese,
presentando peridicamente textos traducidos de los Padres.
Al frente de esta iniciativa estaba Paulo Evaristo Arns, aesa altura
obispo de San Pablo.El 4 de mayo de1970 el Papa PabloVI
fundaba el Instituto Patrstico Agustiniano yen el ao1972
110
se produjo un hecho que llena de orgullo alos patrlogos brasileos: Fray Fernando Antonio Figueiredo Alem, OFM, fue el
primer doctor del recientemente creado Institutum Patristicum
Augustinianum.
En la dcada de los ochenta se publica una nueva coleccin
de textos patrsticos con el nombre de Padres da Igreja.Responsable de la coleccin fue el citado Fray Fernando Figueiredo.
l tambin organiz ypublic durante los aos1983-1990 un
Curso de Teologa Patrstica en tres volmenes, que abarcan los
siglos IaV. La aparicin de la Teologa de la liberacin en Brasil
produjo algunos frutos para los estudios patrsticos. Se public la
coleccin Pais e Maes da Igreja. Apartir de textos patrsticos, los
volmenes de la coleccin se desenvolvan dentro de una ptica
ms social. Otro hecho importantsimo en la dcada de los aos
ochenta fue la iniciativa del telogo holands Leonardo Meulenberg, quien contando con subsidios extranjeros apoy mucho el
estudio del perodo patrstico anivel nacional. Se cre un rgano
divulgador para promover esos estudios abierto atelogos de
diversas denominaciones cristianas: el CEPAMI(Centro Ecumnico de Estudos dos Pais e Mes da Igreja). Casi todo este material
estaba dirigido aun pblico no especializado, aunque interesado
en los temas patrsticos. En1995 la Editorial Paulus lanz una
coleccin de Patrstica, de traducciones con un estudio introductorio.Cuenta hasta el momento con treinta volmenes publicados yes la coleccin ms amplia de textos patrsticos publicados
en Brasil.
Unos diez aos despus una nueva iniciativa marcara un
impulso para los estudios patrsticos.Durante el XV Congreso Eucarstico Nacional, realizado en Florianpolis en mayo
del2006, fue creada una revista cientfica exclusivamente dedicada ala Patrstica: Cadernos Patrsticos-textos e estudos. Editor
responsable es el Profesor Pbro.Dr.Edinei Da Rosa Cndido
del Instituto Teolgico de Santa Catarina (ITESC). Esta revista
difiere de las propuestas anteriores por su carcter estrictamente
acadmico con la publicacin de artculos del rea de Teologa yCiencias Patrsticas con ms de200 pginas, en nmeros
temticos, habiendo publicado hasta el presente nueve nmeros.
Es evidente que en Brasil, los comienzos de los estudios patrsticos fueron promisorios, pero que en los ltimos aos se produjo
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una discontinuidad, tanto en la cantidad de doctores ymagister en Patrstica, como en las pocas horas ctedras dedicadas ala
Teologa patrstica en las facultades.Otro problema casi crnico
ha sido el aislamiento de los estudiosos de la Patrstica frente
alos biblistas, liturgistas, moralistas yotras disciplinas teolgicas, porque los patrlogos brasileos trabajan aislados. Este grave
inconveniente del aislacionismo, sin embargo, ya est en vas de
solucin, pues si hasta el2011 Brasil no tuvo un representante en
la Association Internationale dtudes Patristiques (AIEP), apartir del ltimo encuentro de Patrstica en Chile, organizado por
el Pbro.Dr.Samuel Fernndez, fue posible conocer yentablar
contacto con el Pbro.Dr.Edinei Da Rosa Cndido, aquien se
augura que realice una promisoria tarea4.
5.Chile
Los Estudios Patrsticos en Chile tienen continuidad desde hace
ms de cuarenta aos.Un relato preciso del P.Sergio Zaartu
escrito en un artculo publicado en la revista chilena de difusin
internacional, Teologa yVida, puede servir de hilo conductor de
esta historia, que tiene una firme proyeccin en el presente de los
estudios patrsticos en Amrica del Sur.Relataba el P.Zaartu:
Sorpresivamente lleg ala Facultad de Teologa una carta
soadora de Oscar Velsquez, quien haca su Master sobre
Platn, en Cambridge, Inglaterra.Propona organizar seminarios patrolgicos abiertos del tipo de los congresos patrsticos en Oxford.Recuerdo que me sonre escptico. Pero el
sueo, aguijoneado por el entusiasmo del profesor Velsquez,
pudo ms que la realidad ydesat su propia dinmica. Hasta
la fecha, las Facultades de Filosofa yTeologa ya han organizado cinco seminarios de Estudios Patrsticos.El primero
se realiz en19775.
4Informe proporcionado por el profesor Edinei Da Rosa Cndido en
Proposta para publicaes patrsticas no Brasil e Amrica Latina: os 6 anos dos
Cadernos Patrsticos.Recientemente ha concluido una tesis sobre Antonio Orbe
el Dr.Francisco Berrizbeita de Sao Paulo, ver F.Berrizbeita, Antonio Orbe,
pionero de una nueva pedagoga de la teologa de los siglos II yIII, Gregorianum,
94(2013), p.377-387.
5 S.Zaartu, El estudio de los Padres de la Iglesia en la Facultad de Teologa desde1967 hasta el presente.Impresiones, Teologa yVida, 40(1999), p.439.
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6.Argentina
Una breve sntesis de los estudios patrsticos en Argentina como
actividad de investigacin colectiva, debe remontarse acomienzos de la dcada de los setenta, en el momento en que el doctor
Jos Pablo Martn yel autor de este informe acadmico publican
sus tesis de Doctorado en Teologa yde Licenciatura en Filosofa, respectivamente sobre: El Espritu Santo en los orgenes del
cristianismo yGnosis.La esencia del dualismo gnstico10. Poco tiempo
despus se inician las relaciones institucionales con la AIEP.
Ambos estudiosos de la Patrstica ysu contexto tardo-antiguo, se haban formado en centros de estudios superiores argentinos yen Roma con conocidos investigadores de la Patrstica:
Vincenzo Loi (Pontificia Universit Salesiana) yAntonio Orbe,
SI, (Gregoriana).Los dos investigadores asimismo son autores
de una extensa produccin bibliogrfica centrada, respectivamente, en el campo de los padres apostlicos yapologistas del
sigloII yde los escritores eclesisticos alejandrinos, extendindose aFiln el Judo, en el caso de Jos Pablo Martn yen el rea
del gnosticismo ysus vnculos filosficos por parte del responsable del presente informe acadmico.
El Dr.Jos Pablo Martn es en aos ms recientes el editor de
Tefilo de Antioqua, AAutlico, Ciudad Nueva, Madrid, 2004
yel director de la edicin espaola de Filn de Alejandra, Obras
Completas, edicin programada en ocho volmenes, de los que se
han publicado la mitad de la edicin11.
En cuanto ala actividad de quien les habla ha realizado el
esfuerzo de introducir en los mundos de habla espaola yportuguesa parte de las versiones de los cdices en copto de la Biblioteca de Nag Hammadi, desde su juventud: Sobre la resurreccin
(Epstola aReginos)12, yposteriormente cuando fue convo10
J.P.Martn, El Espritu Santo en los orgenes del cristianismo, Zurich,1971;
F.GarcaBazn, Gnosis.La esencia del dualismo gnstico, Buenos Aires,19782.
11 Filn de Alejandra, Obras Completas ed.J.P.Martn, 8vols., Madrid,
2009-: I(2009), II(2010), III(2012), V:(2009).Hay asimismo una versin
anterior de Obras Completas de Filn de Alejandratr.J.M.Trivio, 5vols.,
Buenos Aires,1975-1976.
12 F.GarcaBazn, Sobre la resurreccin(Epstola aReginos): Traduccin, Introduccin, yComentario, Revista Bblica,38.2(1976), p.147-178.
115
F. GARCA BAZN
13
Textos gnsticos.Biblioteca de Nag Hammadi ed.A.Piero, F.Garca
Bazn, J.Montserrat Torrents, 3vols., Madrid,1997-2000; O livro secreto de
Joo ed.A.Piero, F.GarcaBazn, J.Montserrat Torrents(Biblioteca Nag
Hammadi,I), Lisboa,2005; Evangelhos gnsticos ed.A.Piero, F.GarcaBazn,
J.Montserrat Torrents(Biblioteca Nag Hammadi,II), Lisboa,2005; Arevelao
de Pedro ed.A.Piero, F.GarcaBazn, J.Montserrat Torrents(Biblioteca Nag
Hammadi,III), Lisboa,2005.
14 La gnosis eterna.Antologa de textos gnsticos griegos, latinos ycoptos
ed. ytr.F.GarcaBazn, 2vols., Madrid,2003-2007; El evangelio de Judas
ed.F.GarcaBazn, Madrid,2006.
15 Ver tambin de M.Bergad, La concepcin de la libertad en el De hominis opificio de Gregorio de Nyssa, Stromata,24(1968), p.243-263, yA.Caturelli, El hombre yla historia.Filosofa yteologa de la historia, Buenos Aires,1959.
116
117
F. GARCA BAZN
118
119
F. GARCA BAZN
mencionada actividad un grupo de estudiosos argentinos, chilenos ybrasileos pudieron durante el desarrollo de este ltimo
Congreso en Oxford proyectarse de manera muy positiva en vistas al futuro desarrollo de los Estudios Patrsticos en Sudamrica
yel Caribe.Lo expresado avanz por dos iniciativas:
a) Porque con ponencias atinentes se pudo mostrar una parte
de lo que se hace en relacin con la Patrstica en nuestros
pases de habla ycultura hispanolusitana.Lo expresado se
concret apartir del ofrecimiento hecho por los integrantes
del Comit Organizador del Congreso, quienes le permitieron aIberoamrica llevar acabo un workshop de dos tardes.
En la ocasin se expusieron trabajos sobre la situacin de
cada pas yasimismo ponencias vinculadas alas diversas
lneas de investigacin de los especialistas iberoamericanos.
Adems, por indicacin expresa de dicho Comit, se solicit
que uno de los trabajos acargo de la Dra.Patricia Ciner que
marc las lneas centrales que ha seguido esta exposicin, se
presentara en las sesiones ordinarias del congreso afin de
que pudiera ser escuchado por un nmero importante de
participantes.
b) Porque, adems, por primera vez en la historia de la AIEP,
obtuvo la Vicepresidencia un estudioso hispanoamericano:
el chileno, Dr.Oscar Velsquez24.
120
Bibliografa
1.Fuentes Primarias
Arevelao de Pedro ed.A.Piero, F.GarcaBazn, J.Montserrat
Torrents (Biblioteca Nag Hammadi,III), Lisboa,2005.
Dion.Ar., C.h., E.h., Myst., Ep.=Dionisio Areopagita, Jerarqua celestial, La jerarqua eclesistica, La teologa mstica, Epstolas ed.P.Cavallero (Obras maestras del pensamiento), Buenos Aires,2007.
Dion.Ar., D.n.=Dionisio Areopagita, Los nombres divinosed.P.Cavallero (Obras maestras del pensamiento), Buenos Aires,2008.
El evangelio de Judas ed.F.GarcaBazn, Madrid,2006.
El Evangelio de Judas yotros textos gnsticos ed.D.M.Santos,
P.Ubierna, Buenos Aires,2009.
25 F.Garca Bazn, La biblioteca gnstica de Nag Hammadi ylos orgenes
cristianos, Buenos Aires,2013.
121
F. GARCA BAZN
2.Fuentes Secundarias
M.Bergad, La concepcin de la libertad en el De hominis opificio
de Gregorio de Nyssa, Stromata, 24(1968), p.243-263.
F.Berrizbeita, Antonio Orbe, pionero de una nueva pedagoga de
la teologa de los siglos II yIII, Gregorianum, 94(2013), p.377387.
A.Caturelli, El hombre yla historia.Filosofa yteologa de la historia,
Buenos Aires,1959.
P.Ciner, Los estudios patrsticos latinoamericanos en perspectiva
internacional, Cuadernos Monsticos, 180(2012), p.11-20.
E.Contreras,R.Pea, Introduccin al estudio de los Padres latinos.
De Nicea aCalcedonia, Monasterio Ntra.Sra.de losAngeles,1994.
E.Contreras,R.Pea, Elcontexto histrico eclesial de los Padres latinos.
SiglosIV-V, Lujn, 1992.
E.Contreras,R.Pea, Introduccin al estudio de los Padres del perodo
pre-niceno, Monasterio Ntra.Sra.de los Angeles,1991.
S.Fernndez, La patrologa en los 40 aos de Teologa yVida, Teologa yVida, 41(2000), p.310-327.
122
Abstracts
Amrica del Sur yel Caribe, abarca una extensa regin geogrfica
ycultural, subdividida en muchos pases.Los idiomas espaol yportugus han constituido una unidad lingstica por ms de 500 aos.
Las fuentes yautores patrsticos han sido traducidos en estos dos idiomas,
yla investigacin yla enseanza tambin se han llevado acabo en estas
lenguas. Durante los ltimos cincuenta aos en esta regin, la produccin sobre el tema ha sido desigual yen algunos pases casi inexistente.
En los pases en los que ha habido algunas seales de actividad, tambin ha sido desigual; pero en la medida en que nos movemos hacia
el sur, la actividad ha ido en crecimiento, particularmente en Brasil,
Chile yArgentina.
123
F. GARCA BAZN
South America and the Caribbean cover avast geographical and cultural region, subdivided into many countries. TheSpanish and Portuguese languages have afforded it alinguistic unity for over 500 years.
Thepatristic sources and authors have been translated into these two
languages, and research and teaching have been carried out in these
languages. Over the last fifty years in this region, research in the field
has been uneven, in some countries even non-existent. Inthe countries where there have been some signs ofactivity, it has also been
uneven; but as one moves south, activity has been increasing, particularly in Brazil, Chile, and Argentina.
124
SATOSHI TODA
Hokkaido University, Sapporo
1.Prologue
Ihave to begin this paper by confessing my inability to cover
the entire region ofEast Asia. InChina, at least in mainland
China, no significant group ofscholars seems to be active in
the field ofpatristic studies; on the other hand, it is only to be
expected that in South Korea, which is one ofthe most active
Christian countries, not only in Asia but in the entire world,
people are interested in Christian history and thought. Inrecent
years, many scholars who are apparently ofKorean origin have
been publishing in international languages the results oftheir
research in the field ofbiblical studies, either in the form ofbooks
or articles; and one can doubtless observe the same tendency also
in the field ofpatristic studies, albeit to alesser extent. And needless to say, any assessment ofthe current situation should take
patristic studies in South Korea published in the Korean language
into account.However, this last task Iam unable to assume
because ofmy very poor knowledge ofthe Korean language.1
Thus, although some activities in East Asia will be mentioned
later, in which Korean patristic scholars are also involved, this
paper will be basically limited to what has happened in Japan
in the field ofpatristic studies.My apologies for not duly covering patristic studies in South Korea, and also in Taiwan and
Hong Kong, ofwhich Ihave to confess again my total ignorance.
Naturally Isought the cooperation ofKorean researchers in patristic studies in this matter, but regrettably the task was ofsuch enormity that it was not
feasible for them to provide assistance.
1
10.1484/J.BAIEP.5.107515
125
S. TODA
2 The term Gakuin itself means academic institute and has no specifically
Christian connotations. TheURL ofthe university is http://www.meijigakuin.
ac.jp/index_en.html.All URLs referred to in this article were accessed
on20 June2013.
3 The URL ofthe university is http://www.aoyama.ac.jp/en/.
4 The URL ofthe university is http://english.rikkyo.ac.jp/.
126
127
S. TODA
128
Among all these universities or colleges, only afew have departments specifically dedicated to the study oftheology or to the
study ofChristianity in general.20 Earlier, more universities
had either seminaries or faculties oftheology, but many ofthem
have ceased to exist.
Japan is really aheathen country, in the sense that Christians
constitute avery tiny minority (less than one per cent) ofthe
total population; not surprisingly, therefore, all the universities hitherto mentioned are private universities.On the other
hand, it is the national rather than the private universities that
play pivotal roles in university education ofJapan. How then
are Christian studies, and specifically patristic studies, represented
in national universities?
To the best ofmy knowledge, the only national university
that has apermanent section explicitly dedicated to the study
ofChristianity is Kyoto University.21 Adepartment ofChristian Studies was established there in1922, originally as asubsection ofthe Department ofReligious Studies.22 Needless to say,
this department ofChristian Studies is not limited to studies
in Christian antiquity.However, the chair ofthe department was
held by scholars such as Hatano Seiichi (1877-1950), who worked
not only on religious studies in general, but also on Christian
studies (especially on Christian origins),23 and Ariga Tetsutaro
(1899-1978) who began his academic career with research
on Origen ofAlexandria.24 Because ofthat, students interested
20On the Protestant side, besides the two seminaries mentioned above,
Doshisha University and Kwansei Gakuin University have undergraduate and
graduate schools oftheology, and Rikkyo University has agraduate school
ofChristian studies.On the Catholic side, Sophia University has the faculty,
as well as graduate school, oftheology, and Nanzan University has the department ofChristian studies at the undergraduate level and the graduate program
in Christian thought in its graduate school ofhumanities.
21
The URL ofthe university is http://www.kyoto-u.ac.jp/en.
22
For the history ofthe Department ofChristian Studies in Kyoto University, see Kyoto Daigaku Hyakunen-shi.Bukyoku-shi hen [History of aHundred
Years ofKyoto University.History ofDepartments], I, Kyoto,1997, p.84-87
http://hdl.handle.net/2433/152982.
23The second volume ofhis complete works(published in1969 in six
volumes by Iwanami Shoten) comprises the following treatises: The Origins
ofChristianity; Primitive(i.e.Earliest) Christianity; The Life ofPaul; and Paul.
24His Studies on Origen(see n.26) is based on his doctoral dissertation, AStudy
ofOrigen as aChristian Personality(Union Theological Seminary,1936).
129
S. TODA
130
131
S. TODA
2.3.Translations
Since the large series oftranslations ofpatristic as well as medieval Christian literature has just been mentioned, it would be
good to note here to what extent patristic literature is rendered into Japanese. First ofall, there is aseries oftranslations
ofAugustines works, which now counts more than thirty
volumes. Theyear2013 saw publication ofanother two volumes ofthe series: translations ofAugustines letters, including
some ofthe newly discovered letters.33 There is also aseries
oftranslations ofGreek and Latin patristic literature, which
began in1987 with the translation ofthe first part ofContra
Celsum by Prof.Demura Miyako. Several volumes ofthe series
still remain to be published, so it is along-run translation project.34 Another Japanese scholar, the RevdFr Odaka Takeshi,OFM, published translations ofseveral works ofOrigen
in another series, among which the De principiis, the Commentarii in Iohannem, and the Commentarii in Epistulam ad Romanos
may be mentioned.35 There are ofcourse other translations
which were published individually and separately, such as the
Apologeticum ofTertullian,36 the De trinitate ofAugustine,37
the Itinerarium ofEgeria,38 and the Apophthegmata (CPG5560,
translated twice).39
Needless to say, translation goes hand in hand with the
study ofpatristic materials. Inthis context, mention should be
made ofabibliography compiled by Prof.Walter Dunphy and
published in the Bulletin dinformation et de liaison ofthe Inter-
132
40
W.Dunphy, Recent Studies ofPatristics in Japan(1986-1996), Bulletin
dinformation et de liaison,29(1997), p.108-129.
41 Translated by Mizuochi Kenji and published by Kyobunkwan, Tokyo,
in1988.
42 Translated by Miyamoto Hisao and published by Keiso
Shobo, Tokyo,
1986. For reference, one ofthe earliest translations specifically related to patristic
studies is atranslation published in1969 by Takeda Makoto et al. ofF.L.Cross,
The Early Christian Fathers.
43 According to the published volumes ofthe series Studia Patristica, the late
Prof.Imamichi Tomonobu seems to be the earliest Japanese participant in the
133
S. TODA
regular. Tothe best ofmy knowledge, the earliest regular participant seems to have been Prof.Demura Miyako, aspecialist ofOrigen who has regularly participated in the conference
since1983 (i.e.,the ninth conference).But still, Japanese patristic
studies were not so well represented on the international scene.
Thesituation began to change around the beginning ofthe
third millennium. Theimpulse for the change came from the
close contact Prof.Demura Kazuhiko, husband ofMiyako, had
around the end ofthe1990s with agroup ofAustralian patristic
scholars headed by Prof.Allen.Prof. Allen and her excellent
disciples such as Dr Bronwen Neil and Dr Geoffrey Dunn have
since been strongly and continuously engaged in encouraging
Japanese patristic scholars to go abroad and read their papers
in international conferences, beginning with the Oxford conference. And inorder to institutionalize their effort, so to
speak, in2003 the Western Pacific Rim Patristics Society was
created (renamed Asia-Pacific Early Christian Studies Society
around2007), and it was determined that each year except
for the year ofthe Oxford conference, patristic scholars ofthe
western Pacific rim region (Australia, Japan, Korea, etc.) would
get together in either Australia or Japan.(In2010 ameeting
was held for the first time in Korea.) Patristic scholars ofneighbouring regions also come to the meeting; there are some regular participants from Russia, and in2009 three scholars came
all the way from South Africa to the meeting in Japan, apparently because ofthe powerful connection ofProf.Allen with
that southernmost country. Moreover, in response to the effort
ofour Australian colleagues, Japanese patristic scholars increasingly go abroad to participate in international conferences.
For the Japanese participants ofthe Oxford conference of2011,
it was amilestone that Prof.Demura Kazuhiko, who is their
leader, read aplenary paper during the conference. Ihear
that this event came about thanks to the kind consideration
ofDr Neil McLynn, who was then on the organizing com-
134
3.Epilogue
Iwould like to finish my pauvre presentation with the following
question: what is the significance at all ofpatristic studies in Japan,
not only for Japan itself, but for the whole ofChristendom?
Of course we have to show by ourselves that we, Japanese patristic scholars, can make contributions to patristic studies at the
international level, and in this connection mention can be made
ofan interesting remark ofProf.Demura Kazuhiko: he observed
that, curiously enough, patristic literature may be much more
relevant in Japan than in the West, because in Japan there still
remain plenty ofcustoms deriving from paganism in the GrecoRoman sense ofthe term.44 This remark ofProf.Demura seems
basically correct; thus from religious point ofview, one can say
that Japan is rather an ancient country. Atthe same time, it is
well known that Japan is one ofthe most advanced countries in
the world as far as the material aspect ofcivilization is concerned.
Thereal question, then, is to what extent patristic studies can be
meaningful in such acountry, in which antiquity and modernity
(or even hyper-modernity) co-exist. Theanswer to this question
is yet to come, and we, Japanese patristic scholars, hope that by
tackling this and other questions we can someday make some
unique contributions to patristic studies at large.
135
S. TODA
Appendix:
Major translation projects
The following list presents, in chronological order, the major projects for the translation ofpatristic texts into Japanese. For reference, for each translation the number ofthe Clavis patrum graecorum
(CPG) or the Clavis partrum latinorum (CPL) is provided wherever
possible.
1. Kirisuto-kyo Koten Sosho (Collection ofChristian Classics), edited
by P.Nemeshegyi, SJ, and published by Sobunsha, Tokyo.
Vol.1(1963, tr.KumagaiK.): Possidius, Vita Augustini (CPL358).
Vol.2(1963, tr.KumagaiK.): Augustinus, De moribus ecclesiae
catholicae (CPL261).
Vol.3(1963, tr.KumagaiK.): Ambrosius, De sacramentis (CPL154).
Vol.4(1964, tr.KumagaiK.): Augustinus, De catechizandis rudibus (CPL297).
Vol.5(1965, tr.KumagaiK.): Leo I, Sermones xcvi (CPL1657).
Vol.6(1965, tr.KumagaiK.): Cyprianus, De bono patientiae
(CPL48) and Epistulae 5, 8, 52, 54, 56, 57, 77 (CPL50).
Vol.7(1967, tr.IeiriT.): Prudentius, Cathemerinon liber (CPL1438)
and Psychomachia (CPL1441).
Vol.8(1970, tr.KumagaiK.): Augustinus, De sermone Domini in
monte (CPL274).
Vol.9(1978, tr.OdakaT.): Origenes, De principiis (CPG1482).
Vol.10(1982, tr.OdakaT.): Origenes, In Canticum canticorum libri
iv (CPG1433) and In Canticum canticorum homiliae ii (CPG1432).
Vol.11(1984, tr.OdakaT.): Origenes, Commentarii in Iohannem
(CPG1453).
Vol.12(1985, tr.OdakaT.): Origenes, De oratione (CPG1477)
and Exhortatio ad martyrium (CPG1475).
Vol.13(1986, tr.OdakaT.): Origenes, Disputatio cum Heracleida
(CPG1481).
Vol.14(1990, tr.OdakaT.): Origenes, Commentarii in Epistulam
ad Romanos (CPG1457).
Vol.15(1992, tr.OdakaT.): Athanasius Alexandrinus, Epistulae
iv ad Serapionem (CPG2094); Didymus Alexandrinus, De spiritu
sancto (CPG2544).
Vol.16(1995, tr.KumagaiK.): Gregorius I, Homiliae xl in evangelia (CPL1711).
136
2.
Augusutinusu Chosaku-shu (translation ofAugustines works), published by Kyobunkwan, Tokyo.Atranslation ofthe relevant section
ofthe Retractationes is appended to each individual work.
Vol.7(1979, tr.OkanoM.): De duabus animabus (CPL317), Contra Fortunatum Manichaeum (CPL318), Contra epistulam fundamenti
Manichaeorum (CPL320), De natura boni (CPL323), De bono coniugali (CPL299).
Vol.8(1984): De baptismo contra Donatistas (CPL332, tr.SakaguchiK., KanekoH.), Epistula 185 seu De correctione Donatistarum
(CPL262, tr.KanekoH.).
137
S. TODA
138
4. Chusei Shiso Genten Shusei (Corpus fontium mentis medii aevi), published by Heibonsha, Tokyo. Incase the work in question is not mentioned in either CPGor CPL, the name ofthat work is presented, as
closely as possible, in accordance with F.Cavallera, Patrologiae cursus
completus. Series Graeca.Indices, Turnhout,1990 (repr.). Thecontents
ofvol.1-5, which contain patristic literature, are as follows:
Vol.
1, Early Greek Fathers ed.OdakaT.,1995: Doctrina xii
apostolorum (Didache) (CPG1735, tr.SugizakiN.); Iustinus,
Dialogus cum Tryphone Iudaeo 48-76 (CPG1076, tr.HisamatsuE.);
Theophilus Antiochenus, Ad Autolycum (CPG1107, tr.ImaiT.);
Irenaeus Lugdunensis, Demonstratio praedicationis apostolicae (Epideixis) (CPG1307, tr.KobayashiM., KobayashiR., from French);
Clemens Alexandrinus (tr.AkiyamaM.), Stromata 5 (CPG1377)
and Quis dives salvetur (CPG1379); Hippolytus Romanus, Contra Noetum (CPG1902, tr.OdakaT.); Origenes (tr.OdakaT.),
In Genesim homiliae 1, 4, 8, 13 (CPG1411) and In Exodum homiliae
5-7 (CPG1414) and In Numeros homilia 27 (CPG1418); Gregorius Thaumaturgus (tr.OdakaT.), Confessio fidei (CPG1764)
and Ad Theopompum de passibili et impassibili in Deo (CPG1767,
139
S. TODA
140
141
S. TODA
Bibliography
1.Primary sources
2.Secondary literature
ArigaT., Collected Works,I: Studies on Origen; II:ACommentary to
the Epistle to the Hebrews; III:Symbolic Theology; IV:The Problem
ofOntology in Christian Thought; V:Belief, History and Practice,
Tokyo,1981.
F.L.Cross, The Early Christian Fatherstr.TakedaM.et al.,
Tokyo,1969.
DemuraK., Patristic Studies as Both Old and New Challenge, Chuo
Hyoron (Chuo Review; Chuo University),261 (Autumn2007),
p.32-37.
W.Dunphy, Recent Studies ofPatristics in Japan(1986-1996),
Bulletin dinformation et de liaison,29(1997), p.108-129.
Hatano S., Collected Works,II: The Origins ofChristianity; Primitive
(i.e.Earliest) Christianity; The Life ofPaul; and Paul, Tokyo,1969.
ImamichiT., Die Notizen vonder Metamorphose der klassischen Ethik bei den griechischen Kirchenvtern, Studia Patristica,
5(1962), p.499-507.
Kyoto Daigaku Hyakunen-shi.Bukyoku-shi hen [History of aHundred
Years ofKyoto University.History ofDepartments], I, Kyoto,1997,
p.84-87.
V.Lossky, Thlogie mystique de lEglise dOrienttr.MiyamotoH.,
Tokyo,1986.
A.Louth, The Origins ofChristian Mystical Traditiontr.MizuochiK.,
Tokyo,1988.
142
Abstract
Focusing mainly on the situation in Japan, this paper presents abrief
historical survey ofpatristic studies in East Asia, and touches upon
various topics, such as Japanese educational institutions (especially
universities) founded on principles which can be deemed Christian,
major societies ofscholars ofChristian studies in Japan, and how
patristic scholars in East Asia have become more and more involved
in international activities related to patristic studies, beginning with
the Oxford patristic conferences.Lastly, the possible significance
ofpracticing patristic studies in Japan is briefly discussed. Theappendix
presents alist ofpast major projects for the translation ofpatristic texts
into Japanese.
143
BRONWEN NEIL
Australian Catholic University
PATRISTICS IN AUSTRALIA:
CURRENT STATUS
AND FUTURE POTENTIAL
145
B. NEIL
146
B. NEIL
148
projects with the self-nominated Field ofResearch classification Religion and Religious Studies. (The other successful
project in this area was aNew Testament economic-history
project, The Sacred Economy, at University ofNewcastle).
Three other members ofthis centre deserve special notice.
Its director, DrMalcolm Choat, is an internationally recognised specialist in Coptic studies, whose most recent research
project focused on literacy and scribal practices in late antique
Egypt.5 Associate Professor Andrew Gillett is well known
for his work on diplomatic missions from late antique Gaul.
DrKen Parry is aspecialist in Orthodox studies. TheAncient
Cultures Research Centre co-publishes the Brepols series Studia Antiqua Australiensia, which includes several volumes on
patristic themes.6
The Centre for Medieval and Renaissance Studies at Monash
University is home to mediaevalist Constant Mews, who has
worked on medieval rhetoric, Gregory the Great and the Roman
liturgy, and ancient letter writing.7
2.1.Centre for Early Christian Studies (CECS)
On1May1997 the Centre for Early Christian Studies (CECS)
began its existence, and its office since then has been located at
the McAuley Campus ofACU in Brisbane. In1998 it became
the first research centre within ACU to receive the special
endorsement ofthe Senate ofthat institution for the reason
that it profiled the mission ofthe university in aspecial way.
In2000 the Centre became one ofthe Universitys flagship
areas, astatus which it held until the end of2003, when it was
designated aUniversity Priority Research Centre. Atthe end
of2013, the research activities ofCECS were brought under
5
See the project description at the website for the Ancient Cultures
Research Centre, http://mq.edu.au/research/centres_and_groups/ancient_
cultures_research_centre/ [accessed 31 October2013].
6 See n.24 below.
7Prof.Mews is currently working on agovernment-funded Discovery
Outstanding Research Award project, Encountering diversity: communities
oflearning, intellectual confrontations and transformations ofreligious thinking in Latin Europe, 1050-1350.See further http://artsonline.monash.edu.au/
medieval-renaissance-centre [accessed 31 October2013].
149
B. NEIL
B. NEIL
1. Bishops ofRome.Geoffrey Dunn held aprestigious Australian Research Council Fellowship(2007-2012) for his project,
The Clash ofSacred and Secular Authority in the Letters
ofInnocent I.An edition and translation ofInnocents letters
are being prepared for CC SL.8 Dunns application for funding ofhis edition ofand commentary on the letters ofPopes
Zosimus and Boniface was badged as astudy ofReligious
Conflict in the Early Fifth Century, using Weberian conflict
theory.Dunn has recently edited avolume ofpapers presented
at the Oxford Patristics Conference in2011 on the Bishop
ofRome in LateAntiquity.9 In2013 Pauline Allen and Bronwen Neil completed an introduction to, translation of, and
commentary on selected letters ofPope Gelasius Ifor publication in Brepols new series Adnotationes.10 An annotated translation by Allen and Neil ofapproximately 150 letters ofPope
Hormisdas is also in preparation.
2. Crisis management. TheGelasian letters project was part ofa
152
5.
153
B. NEIL
154
Other online dictionaries that are bigger than Ben Hur include:
the Oxford Dictionary ofLateAntiquity,18 the Brill Encyclopedia
ofEarly Christianity, published progressively online,2011-2015,19
the Oxford Handbook ofEarly Christian Biblical Interpretation,20
and The Oxford Encyclopedia ofthe Bible and Gender Studies.21
3.4.From nouvelle thologie to neo-conservatism
The requirement to teach for seminaries affects curriculum
and content, but also allows us to keep ecclesiastical Latin and
patristic Greek courses alive. Theplace ofbiblical languages is
increasingly under threat, and course offerings seem to diminish year by year. Therequirement for seminarians to have at
least basic training in Latin has helped to sustain enrolments in
ecclesiastical Latin, which is taught online only at ACU and now
Melbourne College ofDivinity, and face-to-face at the Catholic
Institute ofSydney.Many more institutions offer koin Greek
and Hebrew as part oftheir biblical studies offerings.Aworking
knowledge ofLatin and/or Greek, which used to be mandatory
for those wishing to undertake postgraduate studies in patristics,
is increasingly difficult to insist upon as acriterion for enrolment.
155
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156
except every fourth year, when the Oxford Patristics Conference is held. Asia-Pacific Early Christian Studies Society brings
together scholars from Japan, Korea, Australia, New Zealand,
South Africa, Philippines, and Russia.Membership is free and
includes abiannual e-newsletter, currently edited by Dr Naoki
Kamimura ofTokyo Metropolitan University. Thesharing
ofinformation and resources, so critical to scholars outside the
traditional centres ofEurope and North America, has been facilitated by this sort ofelectronic exchange.
Previously entitled Prayer and Spirituality in the Early
Church, these conferences encompass themes between the first
and the seventh centuries, from Pauline literature, the New Testament, Jewish, Gnostic, pagan, late antique, and proto-Islamic
perspectives. They have attracted prestigious international patristics scholars such as the Reverend Professor Rowan Williams,
former Archbishop ofCanterbury, Professor Philip Rousseau,
former director ofthe Center for the Study ofEarly Christianity (Catholic University ofAmerica), and Emeritus Professor
Andrew Louth (Durham University).There are opportunities
for literature, art, architecture, liturgy, monasticism, philosophy, and the material remains ofthe early Christian centuries
to be explored in these conferences, each ofwhich has atheme.
Thetheme chosen for the2013 conference was Men and
Women in the Early Christian Centuries, and keynote speakers
were Claudia Rapp (University ofVienna), Mathijs Lamberigts
(Katholieke Universiteit Leuven), and New Testament scholar
Elaine Wainwright (University ofAuckland). Theinclusion
ofboth New Testament scholars and those in late antique and
reception studies allows us to reach critical mass. Forty-five
short papers were presented at the conference, by scholars from
Japan, Greece, Canada, Italy, Russia, Bosnia, Australia, and
NewZealand.28 Six volumes ofconference proceedings have
been published, from1996 to2012.29
See n.23 above.
The first five volumes appeared in the series Prayer and Spirituality
in the Early Church. Thesixth volume appeared as Studies in Politics and Religion
in the Early Christian Centuries ed.D.Luckensmeyer, P.Allen(Early Christian
Studies,13), Brisbane,2010. All volumes are published by St Pauls Press,
http://www.cecs.acu.edu.au/conferenceproceed.htm [accessed 31October2013].
28
29
157
B. NEIL
159
B. NEIL
Bibliography
1.Primary sources
Cypr., Laps.=Cyprianus episcopus Carthaginensis, De lapsis
ed.G.W.Clark, tr.M.Poirier (SC,547), Paris,2012.
Innoc., Epist.=Innocentius I, Epistulae ed.and tr.G.D.Dunn
(CCSL), Turnhout, forthcoming.
Narrationes de exilio sancti papae Martini ed.and tr.B.Neil, Seventhcentury Popes and Martyrs: The Political Hagiography ofAnastasius
Bibliothecarius (Studia Antiqua Australiensia,2), Turnhout,2006.
2.Secondary literature
ABrill Companion to Gregory the Great ed.B.Neil, M.DalSanto,
Leiden,2013.
P. Allen, B. Neil, Crisis Management in LateAntiquity.ASurvey
ofthe Evidence ofEpiscopal Letters (410-590ce) (Supplements to
Vigiliae Christianae,121), Leiden, 2013.
Ancient Jewish and Christian Texts as Crisis Management Literature.Thematic Studies from the Centre for Early Christian Studies ed.P.Allen,
D.Sim, London,2012.
Brill Encyclopedia ofEarly Christianity. Authors, Texts, Ideas, and their
Reception ed.P.vanGeest, D.G. Hunter, B.J.Lietaert Peerbolte,
Leiden, 2011-.
M. Choat, Belief and Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri (Studia Antiqua
Australiensia,1), Turnhout,2006.
Collecting Early Christian Letters.From the Apostle Paul to Early Christianity ed.B.Neil, P.Allen, Cambridge, forthcoming.
Men and Women in the Early Christian Centuries (Early Christian
Studies,17) ed.W.Mayer, I.Elmer, Brisbane, 2014.
B. Neil, P. Allen, Letters ofGelasius (492-496).Micromanager and
Pastor ofthe Roman Church (Adnotationes), Turnhout, 2014.
Oxford Dictionary ofLateAntiquity ed.F.Haarer, Oxford, in press.
Oxford Handbook of Early Christian Biblical Interpretation ed.P. Blowers,
P.Martens, Oxford, forthcoming.
Oxford Handbook ofMaximus Confessor ed.P.Allen, B.Neil, Oxford,
forthcoming.
The Oxford Encyclopedia ofthe Bible and Gender Studies ed.J.M.
OBrien, Oxford, 2014.
160
Abstract
The purpose ofthis presentation is to offer an overview ofthe history, development, current status, and future currents within patristics
in Australia. Icover seven basic areas: 1.the location ofpatristics in
secular or religious institutions ofhigher learning; 2.areas ofscholarly strength; 3.trends in the discipline(s) ofpatristics including the
endangered species ofbiblical languages; 4.journals and publishers
devoted to patristics; 5.patristic societies and conferences; 6.funding
for research activities in patristics (including opportunities for postgraduates and visiting fellows). Iclose with some speculations on the
future ofpatristics in Australia, which faces economic and cultural
challenges that are not unique to it alone.
161
LA CONTRIBUTION
DES TUDES PATRISTIQUES
LA THOLOGIE AFRICAINE:
LTUDE DES PRES DE LGLISE
LCOLE THOLOGIQUE
DEKINSHASA(1957-2013)
Notre expos tente de prsenter une synthse des tudes et des
recherches patristiques menes au sein de la Facult de Thologie de lUniversit Catholique du Congo, afin de mettre en
relief leur contribution dans llaboration de la thologie qui se
fait dans le continent noir.Pour ce faire, notre propos comprend
trois points essentiels: le cadre dtudes et de recherches, le dfi
de lactualisation des Pres de lglise dans le contexte africain
daujourdhui et la contribution des tudes patristiques dans les
domaines de la thologie africaine.
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M.W. LIBAMBU
164
M.W. LIBAMBU
167
M.W. LIBAMBU
grec et latin de cet hritage.La question se pose de manire invitable: comment les Pres ont-ils exprim dans leur contexte
culturel le message de la Rvlation divine? Il sagit dune
preuve hermneutique qui consiste interroger les Pres de
lglise sur lactualit de lglise dAfrique4. Ala lumire de ce
qui prcde, nous tirons les leons du point de vue historique,
pistmologique, doctrinal et linguistique.
2.1.Sur le plan historique: la contextualisation
La premire leon tirer des tudes patristiques en Afrique
concerne lhistoire.Elle consiste prendre au srieux le contexte
dmergence des uvres des Pres de lglise avant den cerner
le contenu.Car toute pense, toute doctrine est le fruit dun
contexte. Ce contexte est dynamique, tant il est vrai quil se
rapporte lhistoire humaine, marque par les alas du temps et
de lespace.
La contextualisation prend en considration le temps et le lieu
partir desquels lauteur sexprime5; elle met en avant le rle de
lhistoire dans la comprhension des textes des Pres. Le patrologue cherche comprendre leurs textes dans un mouvement de
va-et-vient entre le pass et le prsent.Il sefforce de combler
la distance culturelle qui le spare dune poque dj rvolue et
laquelle appartient lauteur du texte; il sapplique se rendre
contemporain du texte pour se lapproprier afin de dcouvrir le
monde du texte qui soffre lui par la lecture.
Ltude sur la vie, luvre et la doctrine des Pres requiert la
connaissance de lantiquit dans sa confrontation avec lhistoire
du christianisme, mme dans ses expressions les plus banales6.
Prcisment, il est question de mettre en relief le contexte de
la fides catholica, en lien avec lorganisation de la cit antique.
Tout cela fait surgir de graves interrogations auxquelles les Pres
devaient rpondre, comme chrtiens, thologiens et pasteurs.
4
Cfr. J.NtedikaKonde, La thologie au service des glises dAfrique,
Revue africaine de thologie, 1(1977), p.24.
5Cfr. E.Coreth, Grundfragen der Hermeneutik.Ein philosophischer Beitrag,
Freiburg, 1969, p.211.
6Cfr. H.R. Drobner, Patrologia, Roma,1992, p.7.
168
7
8
169
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170
M.W. LIBAMBU
172
Dans la Semaine thologique organise par la Facult de Thologie en1972, on aexamin la question du rapport entre foi et
langage. Les participants ont pris en compte la question du rle
de la culture dans lexpression de la foi depuis lglise naissante
jusqu nos jours. De ce fait, on areconnu lunit de la foi par
rapport la pluralit linguistique ou culturelle.Cest toute la
yadautres secteurs qui ont fait lobjet de recherches fcondes qui ne sont pas
voqus ici, notamment le bouillonnement dans le domaine de lthique, les
rflexions sur les fondements et les pratiques de la liturgie, les essais de droit
canoniques, les recherches de patrologie et dans dautres secteurs.
173
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174
175
M.W. LIBAMBU
nulla salus lors de la quatrime Semaine thologique de Lopoldville, aujourdhui Kinshasa, en juillet196821. Cette confrence, prononce devant le grand historien du christianisme Jean
Danilou, avait pour vise dinviter les thologiens africains une
interprtation authentiquement africaine qui sera la contribution
de lAfrique la thologie mondiale.Il se rapportait au tmoignage de lglise de lAfrique du Nord au temps dAugustin.
Dans son ouvrage intitul: la thologie africaine, MgrTharcisse Tshibangu soulignait que lvocation de cette parole des
Pres servait soutenir largument des propagateurs de la thologie du salut des mes.Fermement appuye sur ladage extra
ecclesiam nulla salus, la thologie du salut des paens disqualifiait
logiquement les traditions culturelles et religieuses des peuples,
en loccurrence des peuples africains.Le langage mobilisateur
des vocations missionnaires et de la charit chrtienne se fondait, acrit H.Maurier, surtout sur la piti que devait inspirer la triste situation spirituelle, morale et humaine des peuples
sauvages non-chrtiens22. On le comprendra mieux plus tard.
Lorsque la question de loriginalit du christianisme se posera
dans le contexte des dialogues des religions, les tudes patristiques retourneront sur cet adage pour clarifier le contexte initial
du propos de saint Cyprien que certains thologiens de mauvaise
foi considraient comme une barrire au dialogue interreligieux.
Trs vite on commena promouvoir des tudes thologiques sur les religions traditionnelles africaines. En1968 parut
larticle dHenri Maurier qui montrait que les religions traditionnelles africaines, outre lapproche descriptive, avaient besoin des
approches systmatiques.Nous concluons ce bref essai en faisant laveu suivant: une thologie authentiquement chrtienne
des religions non-chrtiennes doit souhaiter la constitution de
thologies paennes du christianisme! En un mot: la rciprocit!
Sije situe le paen par rapport ma foi, il peut bien me situer
moi-mme par rapport sa religion23.Mais, le matre le plus
incontest dans la recherche des voies du dialogue entre le chris21
Cfr. Y.Feenstra, Extra Ecclesiam nulla salus, Revue du clerg africain,
24(1969), p.180-190.
22 Tshibangu, La thologie africaine, p.7.
23 H.Maurier, Approche thologique des religions africaines, Revue du
clerg africain, 1(1969), p.4-5.
176
177
M.W. LIBAMBU
30
L.SantediKinkupu, Hors du monde, point de salut.Rflexions sur
le salut chrtien en Afrique lheure de la mondialisation, in Repenser le salut
chretien dans le contexte africain.Actes de la XXIIIeSemaine theologique de Kinshasa,
du10 au 15mars2003, Kinshasa, 2004, p.161-185.
31 T.Tshibangu, Lintelligence de la foi et voies non occidentales, Revue
du clerg africain, 5(1968), p.503-505.
32 A.Ngindu, Unit et pluralit de la thologie, Revue du clerg africain,
6(1967), p.593-615.
178
179
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180
3.2.2.Ecclsiologie
36
J.NtedikaKonde, Lglise-famille chez les Pres de lglise, in glisefamille, eglise-fraternite: perspectives post-synodales.Actes de la XXeSemaine theologique
de Kinshasa, du 26novembre au 2decembre1995, Kinshasa,1997, p.223-237;
M.Dujarier, Lglise fraternit chez les Pres de lglise, in ibid., p.213-221.
37Dujarier, Lglise fraternit, p.221.
38Cfr. NtedikaKonde, Lglise-famille, p.223-237.
181
M.W. LIBAMBU
39
Cfr. M.W. Libambu, La saintet de lvque.Cas de saint Augustin,
Revue africaine des sciences de la mission, 22-23(2007), p.55-77.
40 J.Moingt, Les ministres des communauts, in Ministeres et services dans
lEglise.Actes de la huitieme Semaine theologique de Kinshasa, 23-28juillet1973,
Kinshasa, 1979, p.63-66.
41 J.NtedikaKonde, La thologie des ministres dans les lettres Iet IIIde
la correspondance de saint Cyprien, Revue africaine de thologie, 23-24(1988),
p.79.
182
La thologie de la pnitence et de la rconciliation abnfici au dpart des tudes fort fouilles du professeur Vanneste
sur le pch originel44 o il sinspire abondamment de la doctrine de saint Augustin.Replaant le trait augustinien le De
peccatorum meritis dans son contexte, lauteur finit par conclure:
Pour Augustin, ctait un peu le cas.Car il ne voyait aucun
inconvnient reprendre en les explicitant mme davantage certaines conceptions de son temps.Pour nous, au contraire, qui
sommes obligscomme nous le disions au dbutde repenser
la doctrine du pch originel de la faon la plus radicale, largumentation de lvque dHippone ne peut constituer quun point
de dpart. Mais un point de dpart tout fait sr et qui semble
pouvoir servir de base llaboration dune thologie du pch
originel dmythis et rpondant aux exigences de la critique
moderne45. Ainsi, la neuvime Semaine thologique de1974
J.F. Mapwar, Un lac peut-il imposer les mains aux malades?, in
La thologie au service de la socit. Inmemoriam Professeur Ren De Haes
ed.A.Kabasele, Kinshasa, 2007, p.385-400.
43 M.W. Libambu, Incidences trinitaires de la lutte antimanichenne
en Afrique romaine lpoque de saint Augustin, in Histoire du christianisme
en Afrique.vanglisation et rencontre des cultures. Mlanges offerts au professeur
Abb P.Mukuna Mutanda ed.F.J.Mapwar, A.Kabasele, M.W.Libambu,
Kinshasa, 2010, p.75-92.
44Cfr. A.Vanneste, La thologie du pch originel, Revue du clerg
africain, 5(1967), p.492-513.
45 Vanneste, La thologie du pch originel, p.502.
42
183
M.W. LIBAMBU
46
J.NtedikaKonde, La pratique de la pnitence dans lglise ancienne,
in Pch, pnitence et rconciliation: tradition chretienne et culture africaine. Actes de la
neuvime Semaine thologique, du22 au 27juillet1974, Kinshasa,1980, p.269280.
47 A.Dondeyne, Prsence de lglise au monde daujourdhui, Revue du
clerg africain, 3(1966), p.206-216.
48 H.Maurier, Insertion de lglise dans le monde africain et problmatique de la doctrine chrtienne, Revue du clerg africain, 1(1969), p.315-323.
184
185
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186
4.Conclusion
Notre propos visait souligner la place et la contribution des
tudes patristiques dans llaboration de la thologie africaine.
Tout revient sur une question de fond: quelle est la contribution
des tudes africaines dans lvolution de la thologie en Afrique
aujourdhui? Les rflexions, occasionnes par la tenue du colloque loccasion des cinquante ans de lAssociation Internationale dtudes patristiques montrent que cette contribution at
dj faite en amont, si on en croit lhistoire de la thologie africaine au sein de la Facult de Thologie de lUniversit Catholique du Congo.Pour ce faire, notre propos sest divis en trois
points essentiels.
Au premier point, nous avons montr lexistence de la tradition patristique dans les objectifs de la formation des tudiants.
Alheure actuelle le cursus prvoit au moins trois cours dtudes
patristiques obligatoires pour tous les tudiants, deux cours obligatoires pour les tudiants de licence en dogmatique et un sminaire
dtude approfondie de Patrologie pour ceux qui se prparent au
doctorat.Cette insistance sur les sources prvient les tudiants du
danger de passer pieds joints de lcriture la thologie moderne.
Au deuxime point, il at question de prciser les axes
dtudes au sein de la Facult de Thologie de Kinshasa. Ilsagit
avant tout des tudes critiques des sources du palo-christianisme africain.Ici, les Pres dorigine africaine ont une place de
choix. On sintresse aussi bien au contenu de leur pense quau
contexte qui afait merger leur doctrine thologique. Ensuite,
suivant les besoins de lglise dAfrique, la doctrine des Pres est
voque pour lactualisation grce la thologie de la reprise.
Cest une thologie des thologies.Autrement dit, cest une
relecture des doctrines thologiques des Pres de lglise en vue
dune insertion dans laujourdhui des africains.
58Cfr. L.Ndolela, La justice dans le DeOfficiis de saint Ambroise. Un cas
de christianisation de la morale paenne, thse, Facult Catholique de Kinshasa,
Kinshasa, 1970.
187
M.W. LIBAMBU
Bibliographie
Littrature secondaire
B.Bujo, Introduction au dbat Tshibangu-Vanneste, in Thologie
africaine au xxiesicle.Quelques figures ed.B.Bujo, J.Ilunga Mayu,
I, Kinshasa, 2004, p.186-188.
E.Coreth, Grundfragen der Hermeneutik.Ein philosophischer Beitrag,
Freiburg, 1969.
J.Danielou, La thologie des religions-non chrtiennes, Revue du
clerg africain, 5(1968), p.501-503.
R.DeHaes, Sectes et gurison, Cahier de religions africaines, 28-29
(1993-1994), p.405-418.
R.DeHaes, Le ministre de gurison, Revue africaine de thologie,
9(1985), p.31-41.
A.Dondeyne, Prsence de lglise au monde daujourdhui, Revue
du clerg africain, 3(1966), p.206-216.
H.R. Drobner, Patrologia, Rome, 1992.
M.Dujarier, Lglise fraternit chez les Pres de lglise, in glisefamille, glise-fraternite: perspectives post-synodales.Actes de la XXeSemaine theologique de Kinshasa, du 26novembre au 2decembre1995,
Kinshasa,1997 p.213-221.
188
189
M.W. LIBAMBU
190
E.Ntakarutimana, Oen est la thologie africaine?, in Lathologie et lavenir des socits ed.L.Santedi, Paris, 2010, p.231-247.
J.NtedikaKonde, La Facult de thologie de Kinshasa et la
socit.Formation en profondeur et engagement total, in La thologie et lavenir des socits ed.L.Santedi, Paris, 2010, p.217-247.
J.NtedikaKonde, Le Christ-fondement et option fondamentale
de vie selon Saint Augustin, in Les titres christologiques dans la
patristique, Kinshasa,2001, p.53-72.
J.NtedikaKonde, Lglise-famille chez les Pres de lglise, in
glise-famille, eglise-fraternite: perspectives post-synodales.Actes de la
XXeSemaine theologique de Kinshasa, du 26novembre au 2decembre1995, Kinshasa,1997, p.223-237.
J.NtedikaKonde, Les phnomnes parapsychologiques dans la spculation augustinienne face notre projet de socit, in Religions
traditionnelles africaines et projet de societe.Actes du cinquieme Colloque
international du C.E.R.A., Kinshasa, du 24au 30novembre1996,
Kinshasa, 1997, p.341-364.
J.NtedikaKonde, La thologie des ministres dans les lettres I
et IIIde la correspondance de saint Cyprien, Revue africaine de
thologie, 23-24(1988), p.79-98.
J.NtedikaKonde, La pratique de la pnitence dans lglise
ancienne, in Pch, pnitence et rconciliation: tradition chretienne et
culture africaine.Actes de la neuvime Semaine thologique, du22 au
27juillet1974, Kinshasa, 1980, p.269-280.
J.NtedikaKonde, Valeur sotriologique des religions non-chrtiennes, in Levangelisation dans lAfrique daujourdhui. Actes de la
dixieme Semaine theologique de Kinshasa, du 21 au 26juillet1975,
Kinshasa,1980, p.20-26.
J.NtedikaKonde, Saint Augustin et linterprtation de la parole
de Dieu, in Foi chrtienne et langage humain, Kinshasa, 1978,
p.162-172.
J.NtedikaKonde, La thologie au service des glises dAfrique,
Revue africaine de thologie, 1(1977), p.5-30.
L.SantediKinkupu, Hors du monde, point de salut.Rflexions
sur le salut chrtien en Afrique lheure de la mondialisation,
in Repenser le salut chretien dans le contexte africain.Actes de la
XXIIIeSemaine theologique de Kinshasa, du 10 au 15mars2003,
Kinshasa, 2004, p.161-185.
Secretariatgeneralacademique, Programme dtudes.Anne acadmique 2012-2013, Universit Catholique du Congo, Kinshasa,
2013.
191
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Abstracts
Notre propos vise souligner la place et la contribution des tudes
patristiques lcole thologique de Kinshasa (la Facult de Thologie de lUniversit Catholique du Congo), en Rpublique Dmocratique du Congo.Tout revient sur une question de fond: quelle est la
contribution des tudes patristiques dans lvolution de la thologie
en Afrique aujourdhui? Pour ce faire, notre propos se divise en trois
points essentiels. Au premier point, nous montrons lexistence de la
tradition patristique dans les objectifs de la formation des tudiants
forms Kinshasa. Au deuxime point, il est question de prciser
les axes dtudes au sein de la Facult de Thologie de Kinshasa.
Il sagit avant tout des tudes critiques des sources du palo-christianisme africain, en insistant particulirement sur les Pres dorigine
africaine. Ensuite, suivant les besoins de lglise dAfrique, la doctrine
des Pres est voque pour lactualisation grce lhermneutique
de la reprise, en vue dune insertion dans laujourdhui des africains.Cest pourquoi, au troisime point, nous tentons de mettre en
lumire la contribution des tudes et recherches des patrologues aussi
bien de la facult que ceux venus dailleurs, dans la gense et lvolution de la thologie dite africaine, notamment en thologie des
religions, thologie fondamentale, christologie, ecclsiologie, thologie des ministres, thologie sociale et politique, cologie.
Our purpose is to highlight the importance and contribution of
Patristics in the theological program in Kinshasa at the Faculty of
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10.1484/J.BAIEP.5.107518
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A.M. RITTER
For this famous professor ofthe Sorbonne and impressive exponent ofthe just mentioned atmosphere, moreover adecidedly
homo politicus,
the drama, as aconstituent part ofthe economy ofsalvation, which Augustine had described in his De civitate Dei
on atruly universal background, was aroad marking through
the past, he likewise had to come to terms with, as well
as aguide into the future.Augustine, the Church father,
became for him, after the catastrophe ofthe Second World
War, the figure-head ofaCatholic humanism ofErasmian
character [as the sole promising way out ofthe] crisis ofour
time.6
4
The author exemplified this by reporting on theastonishingly discreet
critique ofW. Kamlahs highly problematic interpretation ofDe civitate
(in his monograph Christentum und Selbstbehauptung.Historische und philosophische
Untersuchungen zur Entstehung des Christentums und zu Augustins Brgerschaft
Gottes, Frankfurt amMain,1940) by H.-I.Marrou(Augustinus Magister, 3vols.,
Paris,1955, III, p.194), as well as by the young J. Ratzinger (in his contribution
on Herkunft und Sinn der Civitas-Lehre Augustins, Augustinus Magister, II,
p.965-979).
5 See H.-I.Marrou, La thologie de lhistoire, Augustinus Magister, III,
p.193-204.Marrous personal contribution on Un lieu ditCit de Dieu
(Augustinus Magister, I, p.101-110) deals, in contrast, with abagatelle or
curiosity.
6Cfr. Augustinus Magister, III, p.202.Marrous autobiography and his
literary bequest testify to this.His posthumously published monograph, Crise de
198
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four-yearly intervals, grew, until that of1967, opened by Cardinal Pellegrino, was more than double the size ofthe first, and
everyone took part without any denominational distinction.8
4. Guy Stroumsa spoke in Oxford, in2011, ofthe German Adolf
vonHarnack, as the greatest ofall Patristic scholars in modern times. Ithink it is more appropriate to say with F.L.Cross
that in the range ofhis achievements Harnack was prob(ably)
the most outstanding patristic scholar ofhis generation.9
On the one hand it was undoubtedly mainly his achievement
whenin connection with ageneral historicisation oftheology, in no way confined to theological liberalismChristian
antiquity became important for Protestant theologians (not only
in Germany) as never before. It also met the interest ofawider
public, even outside the churches, first ofall on grounds that
it was asignificant scholarly project, to prepare and publish
genuinely critical texts ofall relevant Christian writers, orthodox as well as heretical, disputed and non-disputed likewise
(in the series Die Griechischen Christlichen Schriftsteller der
ersten drei Jahrhunderte [GCS]), and that it was within the
scope ofathoroughly modern, large-scale research enterprise
(theKaiser-Wilhelm-Gesellschaft, founded to alarge extent on
the suggestion ofHarnack, so that he deservedly became its first
president until his death). On the other hand, there can be no
doubt that his mastery ofPatristics, which nobody will call in
See Livingstone, p.xxxvi.
Harnack, Adolf(1851-1930), in The Oxford Dictionary ofthe Christian
Church, p.736f. E.A.Livingstone assures us that the Dictionary was very
largely his own work(p.xxxvi), and she must know it! For awell-balanced
picture ofHarnacks position within the Patristics(a term he never used)
ofhis generation, see now H.-C. Brennecke, Patristik oder altchristliche
Literaturwissenschaft? Eine historische Leitwissenschaft der protestantischen
Theologie in Deutschland am Beginn des20. Jahrhunderts, Zeitschrift fr Antikes
Christentum, 15.1(2011), p.7-46, together with the contributions ofV.H.
Drecoll, Die katholische Patrologie an deutschen Universitten im Jahr1911,
and P. Gemeinhardt, Die Patristik inDeutschland um1911 in ihrem Verhltnis
zur Religionsgeschichte, ibid., p.47-74; 75-98. Cfr. also my paper on Adolf
vonHarnack und die Frage nach dem Wesentlichen des Christentums in
altkirchlicher Perspektive, in Das ist christlich.Nachdenken ber das Wesen des
Christentums ed.W. Hrle, Gtersloh,2000, p.37-48. See also D. Buda,
Some Aspects ofAdolf vonHarnacks criticism on Orthodox tradition, Harvard
Theological Studies, 69.1(forthcoming).
8
201
A.M. RITTER
10
S.A. Harnack, Marcion.Der moderne Glubige des 2.Jahrhunderts, der erste
Reformator.Die Dorpater Preisschrift(1870)(Texte und Untersuchungen 149)
ed.F. Steck, Berlin, NewYork,2003.
11Cfr. my paper on Situationsgerechtes kirchliches Handeln in der
Sptantike und heute am Beispiel des Johannes Chrysostomos, in A. Martin
Ritter, Studia Chrysostomica.Aufstze zu Weg, Werk und Wirkung des Johannes
Chrysostomus (ca.349-407)(STAC, 71), Tbingen,2012, p.183-221, in partic.
p.183-185.
12 So often repeated in materials at my disposal, documenting the origins
ofthis study group.
202
5.
203
A.M. RITTER
pared to undertake this heavy task. Inclose contact with M.Pellegrino, who immediately after the fourth Oxford conference
of1963 took the initiative, H.-I.Marrou undertook the work
oforganizer, and Jacques Fontaine (b.1922) became his most
important and very effective collaborator.Fontaine is awell
known Latinist and historian ofthe literatures ofLateAntiquity and High Middle Ages, later an ordinary member ofthe
Acadmie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres and responsible for
the quipe latine at the Centre de Recherches Lenain de Tillemont for almost20 years. From1965 aprovisional bureau
existed in Paris, appointed by an informal meeting or colloquium
(June1965) ofinvited experts from Paris as well as from outside (among them prominent foreigners). Theoffice was composed, besides Marrou and Fontaine, ofPieter G.van der Nat
(Leiden) as treasurer, and Kurt Aland (Mnster) and H.Chadwick (Oxford) as vice-presidents. They drew up statutes and prepared all the necessary arrangements to bring our association into
being and to apply for its legal registration(1967). After endless
correspondence and an announcement during the Oxford conference of1967, the first issue ofthe Bulletin dinformation et
de liaison appeared in1968, under the aegis ofand as asupplement to Vigiliae Christianae. This issue was distributed using
the available addresses ofthe participants ofthe Oxford conferencesan Annuaire, with alist ofmembers, their addresses and
an indication oftheir main interests and competencies naturally
did not yet exist; it did not appear until1980.
This provision ofaddresses was not the only help that the
founders ofAIEP received from the organizers ofthe Oxford
conferences.For example, the first issue ofthe Bulletin
included, with the permission ofDr.Cross, the communications regarding the Instrumenta studiorum from the conference
in1967. Oxford remained, on the whole, indispensable for
AIEP, because it offered the sole forum for bringing together the
large number ofmembers who were participating in the conference, in order to convene general assemblies; to discuss fundamental problems (such as the nature ofthe bulletins); to fix the
membership fee; to convene the so-called councils (Conseils),
consisting ofarestricted number ofelected delegates from the
various countries, in order to elect anew Executive; and last,
204
15
205
A.M. RITTER
true for this Jerusalem conference and marks its main difference
from the origins ofAIEP. This difference should be considered
however not as apity, but as an unexpected chance and challenge or, better, as adivine grace: to participate in aconference
on Patristic studies as guests ofthe Hebrew University (unfortunately, it is true, not (yet) including Muslim scholars)!
My second remark is that progress concerning ecumenical
relations (between Christians and Christian churches), and also
with regard to interreligious dialogue (between the three Abrahamic and other religions), depends upon abetter knowledge
ofeach other and an increasing ability and willingness to rejoice
with the other at his achievements and to mourn with him
for his losses.
Bibliography
C.Andresen, Introduction in Zum Augustingesprch der Gegenwart
ed.C.Andresen, 2vols., Darmstadt,1981, II, p.1-39.
Augustinus Magister.Congrs International Augustinien, Paris, 21-24
Sept.1954, 3vols.
H.-C. Brennecke, Patristik oder altchristliche Literaturwissenschaft? Eine historische Leitwissenschaft der protestantischen
Theologie in Deutschland am Beginn des20.Jahrhunderts,
Zeitschrift fr Antikes Christentum, 15.1(2011), p.7-46.
D.Buda, Some Aspects ofAdolf vonHarnacks criticism on Orthodox tradition, Harvard Theological Studies, 69.1 (forthcoming).
V.H. Drecoll, Die katholische Patrologie an deutschen Universitten im Jahr1911, Zeitschrift fr Antikes Christentum, 15.1(2011),
p.47-74.
P. Gemeinhardt, Die Patristik in Deutschland um1911 in ihrem
Verhltnis zur Religionsgeschichte, Zeitschrift fr Antikes Christentum, 15(2011), p.75-98.
A.Harnack, Marcion.Der moderne Glubige des 2.Jahrhunderts, der erste
Reformator. Die Dorpater Preisschrift (1870) ed.F. Steck, Berlin,
NewYork,2003.
W. Kamlah, Christentum und Selbstbehauptung.Historische und philosophische Untersuchungen zur Entstehung des Christentums und zu
Augustins Brgerschaft Gottes, Frankfurt amMain,1940.
E.A. Livingstone, Frank Leslie Cross1900-1968, in The Oxford
Dictionary ofthe Christian Church, Oxford, 19973, p.xxxiv-xxxvii.
206
Abstract
The intention of this report is to integrate the origins of AIEP/IAPS
(until the International Conference on Patristic Studies in Oxford
1979) into their political as well as ecclesiastical and thdeological contexts, by illustrating the situation and rank of Patristic Studies in
different countries, and to outline portraits of the leading figures as
vivid as possible.
207
ANGELO DI BERARDINO
Institutum Patristicum Augustinianum
THE DEVELOPMENT
OFTHE AIEP/IAPS
Ishall start with some personal memories. In1981 Ihad awelcome visit from Claude Mondsert, editor ofSources Chrtiennes, when he was in Rome. Ihad met him in Lyon in1979,
whenwith his encouragement and advicewe organized the
Dizionario diPatristica eantichit cristiane at at the offices ofSources
Chrtiennes.1 Father Mondsert was in the process ofcreating
anetwork ofnational contributors for the Bulletin deinformation
et de liaison.
The great names in patristic research in Europe, especially
French, are those responsible for the founding ofthe AIEP/
IAPS. Ihad the good fortune to know almost all ofthem personally. TheAIEP was founded in in Paris, in1965: it was above
all the work ofFrench scholars, those who were best qualified
at that time; but the official establishment occurred in Oxford
in1967. Jacques Fontaine published the first Bulletin in1968.
This first edition was very important, both for the richness ofits
content and because it contained an outline ofthe sections into
which the bibliographical information would be subdivided.
This model was then continually expanded in the subsequent
editions. Thesame Bulletin, to the credit ofLorenzo Perrone,
and more recently ofMarco Rizzi, has now become agreat
wealth ofinformation and bibliography. Ibelieve Ican say that
every volume contains more information than each and every
volume ofthe renowned Bibliographia Patristica, the last edition
1 Encyclopedia ofthe Early Church ed.A.DiBerardino, tr.from Italian
A.Walford, foreword W.H.C.Frend, 2vols., Cambridge,1992.
10.1484/J.BAIEP.5.107519
209
A. DI BERARDINO
210
A. DI BERARDINO
A. DI BERARDINO
Now to return to the secretary, Mondsert, who still prepared the Bulletins for the years1982 and1983, just as he did the
Annuaire, i.e., the updated the list ofmembers. In1983 the paying members numbered420; the action ofMondsert and ofhis
collaborators had been efficacious in attracting members ofother
nationalities. Inthree years the number increased from 244 to
420. This demonstrated the international vitality ofpatristic
studies and the desire to get to know other scholars. We were in
aperiod ofenthusiasm and inception. Many young people were
drawn to our studies. Inthe universities the number ofdepartments dedicated to the study ofChristian antiquities increased.
In Oxford in1983, the General Council elected anew
Executive Committee on the occasion ofthe Ninth International
Conference on Patristic Studies (5-9 September1983). Inthe General Assembly42 delegates participated. Thenew Committee
was made up ofthe following: Adolf Martin Ritter, president;
William H.C.Frend and Willy Rordorf, vice-presidents; Angelo Di Berardino, general secretary; Germain Hudon(Canada)
and Benot Gain, treasurers.M.-L.Guillaumin, the historical
memory ofthe AIEP, was named archivist ofthe official documents. For the first time anon-European, aCanadian, was
amember ofthe Committee. Theaim was to have someone
on the American continent who could recruit members in the
NewWorld, whether in NorthAmerica or SouthAmerica.
TheAmericansboth inCanada and in the United States had
their functioning associations and were not extremely interested
in an international association.
This new committee immediately introduced something new,
the designation associate member.This category embraced
those members who did not have apermanent teaching appointment or young people who were working on their dissertations.
They paid half ofthe fees and did not have the right to vote.
Theintention here was to promote and support the young.
The Bulletin of1985 had on its cover page the official title
Association Internationale dtudes patristiques with an added subtitle: International Association for Patristic Studies. President Ritter,
during his brief introduction in English, expressed the wish that
anincreasing number ofyoung scholars will make use ofthe
facilities ofan associate membership.
214
A. DI BERARDINO
This policy ofhelping colleagues has continued in the succeeding years and until today.
In the Eleventh International Conference on Patristic Studies of
1991, after the fall ofthe Berlin Wall, we enjoyed an increased
number ofscholars from Central and Eastern Europe and more
members ofthe AIEP/IAPS from these countries. Thecollaboration between our Association and DrElizabeth Livingstoneafter Cross, the soul ofthe Patristic Conferencewas
always very close in many ways. Anew executive committee
216
3
4
217
A. DI BERARDINO
tion by mail (we did not yet have electronic mail). Theoutcome ofthis election was as follows: Angelo Di Berardino,
president; Hanns Christof Brennecke and Samuel Rubenson,
vice-presidents; Pauline Allen, secretary. Theoffice oftreasurer
remained vacant. Marc Milhau continued as treasurer for afew
months and Angelo Di Berardino prepared the Bulletin in2000
(n.33). Thecommittee nominated Marie-Gabrielle Gurard,
ofSources Chrtiennes, as treasurer, and she prepared the Annuaire of2001 (n.34).
The secretary, Pauline Allen, prepared two issues ofthe Bulletin: 35(2002) and 36(2003). On 21August2003 anew Executive Committee was elected by the General council. Thenew
office-holders elected were Pauline Allen, president, Hanns
Christof Brennecke and Samuel Rubenson, vice-presidents;
and John OKeefe, general secretary. Thenew Committee
co-opted Roberto Palla as treasurer.Following the resignation ofJohn OKeefe, the Executive co-opted Michael Slusser
(Pittsburg) as general secretary. Inthe Council, the annual dues
were fixed at 14euros and the category ofassociate membership was abolished. Because ofthe difficulties oftransferring
the money from France, in these years it was not possible to
consider supporting such initiatives as providing scholarships
for student research or supporting the acquisition ofbooks
by the libraries in need.
Michael Slusser, in2006, achieved the amazing feat ofpreparing both the Annuairethat is, the addresses ofall the
membersand the Bulletin. Thepreparation ofthe Annuaire
required much attention, because it was necessary to verify
changes ofaddress, insert the names ofnew members, and
remove from the list those who were not paying their dues
or were deceased.Such atask is now much easier because
ofelectronic mail and the work ofthe national correspondents.
With 650 members in forty nations, the Association was constantly changing and developing. Thework ofM.Slusser
was also facilitated by the collaboration ofthe various members
ofthe Association. Thearchives ofthe AIEP/IAPS were transferred to the Centre National des Archives de lglise de France
in Issy-les-Moulineaux, where they can now be consulted
by appointment. Inn.39 ofthe Bulletin an old notice written
218
219
A. DI BERARDINO
Abstract
My paper is intended as a continuation of that of Dr A.M. Ritter, which gave us the background of the foundation of AIEP/IAPS.
TheAIEP was founded in France, at Paris, in 1965; it was above
all the work of French scholars, but it was later officially established
at Oxford in 1967. Jacques Fontaine, who died recently, published
the first Bulletin in 1968, which was the very model that continually expanded in the following editions, until the last years. After the
year 1973 the Association was confronted with a profound crisis, and
was threatened with disappearing altogether. As a matter of fact, the
Bulletin was not published for six years, from 1974 until 1980.
Onthe occasion of the Eighth International Conference on Patristic
Studies in 1979, the Association was refounded with the approval of
the revised Statutes; Claude Mondsert, secretary, restarted the Bulletin. In 1983 I inherited the office of Claude Mondsert; I prepared
17 Bulletins, from 1984 till 2000. The life of the association has continually improved up to the present day and membership is steadily
increasing, from a wide variety of countries.
220
JEAN-NOL GUINOT
Sources Chrtiennes
DITER ET TRADUIRE
LES CRITS DES PRES
DANS SOURCES CHRTIENNES:
REGARD SUR SOIXANTE-DIX ANS
DACTIVIT DITORIALE
221
J.-N. GUINOT
222
223
J.-N. GUINOT
donnant lire dans leur intgralit les crits des Pres grecs, et de
renouveler ainsi, de lintrieur, la spiritualit, la vie chrtienne et
la thologie. Comme en attestent la plupart des dix-huit premiers
volumes de la Collection, la ligne ditoriale initialement retenue
est nettement spirituelle, dinspiration surtout alexandrine, voire
noplatonicienne. Il nest que de relire, pour sen convaincre, les
deux grandes introductionsaux allures de manifesterdiges
par H.deLubac pour prsenter les homlies dOrigne sur la
Gense et sur lExode, reprises ensuite, dans Histoire et Esprit.
Lintelligence de lcriture daprs Origne (Paris,1950); ou celle,
la fois philosophique et spirituelle, de J.Danilou son dition
de LaVie de Mose de Grgoire deNysse, ou encore de C.Mondsert ldition du Protreptique de Clment dAlexandrie, qui
achve en ces termes la prsentation de celui quil juge lun des
plus sduisants parmi les Pres grecs:
Il serait enfin trs intressant de sarrter la doctrine spirituelle de Clment et linfluence quil exera sur toute la spiritualit grecque chrtienne.Aprs Philon, qui, dj, marque
une transition nette entre lidal hellnique paen et lidal
juif, il apparat un peu comme linitiateur de cette grande
tradition qui compte des noms tels que ceux dOrigne, de
Grgoire de Nysse, de Macaire, dvagre, de Maxime et de
Denys, pour ne citer que ceux-l. Dj il offre une esquisse
de thologie ngative, et, sentant bien toute la difficult de
lascension jusqu Dieu, il sessaie marquer les tapes qui
conduisent jusqu la vision de lme guide par le Logos
rvlateur.4
224
225
J.-N. GUINOT
226
227
J.-N. GUINOT
228
Supplique dAthnagore (SC, 3),19 le Journal de voyage dthrie (SC, 21)devenue entre-temps grie20, ou encore les
Homlies sur les Nombres dOrigne (SC,29).21 Faute de mieux,
on se contenta souvent, en ces dbuts, de reprendre le texte de
la Patrologie grecque ou latine de J.-P.Migne, quitte lamender partir de quelques tmoins manuscrits ou dune dition existante.Telle est la solution retenue par dom B.Botte
pour son dition du De sacramentis dAmbroise (SC,25bis).22
Mais pour ldition des Sermons de Lon le Grand (SC,22bis),
lauteur se contenta de reprendre ldition Ballerini (Venise, 1755)
reproduite par Migne, en attendant ldition critique annonce
par lAcadmie de Vienne.Toutefois, ds quil prit en charge
la direction effective de la Collection, Mondsert souhaita que,
dans la mesure du possible, chaque volume part accompagn
dun appareil critique.
2.2.Diffrents types ddition de texte
Pour des raisons similaires, les ditions de Sources Chrtiennes
prsentent toujours aujourdhui une relative htrognit.
Sil existe une dition critique satisfaisante, qui rend inutile un
travail frais nouveaux dont lapport serait insignifiant, le
texte de cette dition est reproduit, sans son apparat critique
ou avec un apparat critique rduit.Ne sont notes alors que
les variantes les plus significatives.Dans tous les cas cependant,
un chapitre de lIntroduction prsentera les critres suivis par
lditeur pour la constitution du texte. Cela ninterdit pas celui
qui le reprend pour Sources Chrtiennes doprer un certain
nombre de choix diffrents de ceux de cet diteur, condition de les justifier. Pour prendre des exemples rcents, telle est
la solution retenue pour la publication dans la Collection des
histoires ecclsiastiques de Socrate, Sozomne, Thodoret de
Cyr et vagre le Scolastique, ou encore pour celle de la Dfense
des Trois Chapitres de Facundus dHermiane. G.Bardy avait dj
Remplac par SC, 379.
Remplac par SC, 296.
21 Remplac par les numros SC, 415, 442 et 461.
22 Cfr. B.Botte d.Desacramentis dAmbroise de Milan(SC, 25 bis), Paris,
1961, Introd., p.40-45.
19
20
229
J.-N. GUINOT
230
231
J.-N. GUINOT
3.La traduction
Par rapport aux collections savantes, loriginalit de la Collection
est de fournir en vis--vis du texte original, grec ou latin dans la
majorit des cas, sa traduction. Cela relve non seulement dune
tradition franaise, mais dune ncessit imprative si lon veut
232
233
J.-N. GUINOT
235
J.-N. GUINOT
une annotation plus sobre que celle dun trait doctrinal ou dun
texte historique.
Cette volont de donner la priorit au texte se traduit enfin
par la prsence dun index verborum, toujours slectif dsormais,
en raison de lexistence doutils informatiques qui rendent lexhaustivit superflue. On ne retiendra donc, en fonction de la
nature du texte, quun nombre limit de mots, dans la mesure
o ils sont reprsentatifs du vocabulaire exgtique, thologique
ou spirituel de lauteur.
Lindex scripturaire tient naturellement une place essentielle
dans nos ditions, dautant que les citations bibliques chez les
Pres prsentent un intrt particulier pour ltude des diffrentes
formes du texte de la Bible.31 Lutilit dun index des noms de
personnes et de lieux nest jamais aussi grande, bien entendu, que
dans un ouvrage caractre historique.
236
J.-N. GUINOT
238
239
J.-N. GUINOT
rcemment ouvert en marge de la Collection,34 avec le soutien du C.N.R.S.Sous la responsabilit dun membre de notre
quipe, Mme Laurence Mellerin, le projet fdre plusieurs
centres de recherche et universits dEurope. On trouvera sur
le site de Sources Chrtiennes tous les renseignements souhaits sur cette base informatique qui intgre dj toutes les
donnes publies dans Biblia Patristica par le Centre dAnalyse
et de Documentation Patristiques (C.A.D.P.) de Strasbourg.
Ds aujourdhui consultable, la base est destine senrichir de
milliers de rfrences supplmentaires, lobjectif tant terme
de permettre le reprage des citations et allusions bibliques
de toute la littrature juive et chrtienne de lAntiquit et du
Moyen ge. Dj, dans son tat actuel, avec plus de 650.000
rfrences, elle permet daccder une meilleure connaissance
de la Bible des Pres grecs et latins, et, dans un avenir proche, des
Pres orientaux.Avec le projet en cours de LaBible dAlexandrie
aux ditions duCerf,35 auquel contribuent plusieurs collaborateurs de Sources Chrtiennes, Biblindex est trs reprsentatif
de ce double mouvement de la recherche actuelle, qui va de la
Bible aux Pres et des Pres la Bible, comme pour mieux
souligner le lien qui unit les deux domaines de recherche.
Telle quelle se prsente aujourdhui, avec plus de 560volumes
et un accroissement de 8 9 titres nouveaux par an, en moyenne,
la Collection Sources Chrtiennes offre dj un panorama
assez complet de la littrature patristique.Certes des manques
demeurent criants, notamment en ce qui concerne les Pres
orientaux. Mais enfin la littrature des trois premiers sicles yest
largement reprsente: les apologistes et Irne dans leur totalit,
Tertullien en grande partie et aussi Cyprien de Carthage, Clment
et Origne pour lessentiel.On peut dj ylire, au fil des sicles,
une histoire de lexgse, de la thologie et de la christologie, du
monachisme, de la spiritualit orientale et occidentale. Ysuivre
aussi, dans une certaine mesure, les diverses expressions de la vie
liturgique ou les proccupations pastorales des Pres concer Adresse du site: http://www.biblindex.mom.fr.
Cette collection aentrepris depuis1986, sous la direction de M.Harl,
la traduction en franais et lannotation des livres de la Septante(texte de
A.Rahlfs); une vingtaine de volumes est dj publie.
34
35
241
J.-N. GUINOT
36 Le mot est emprunt au titre de la confrence que pronona C.Mondsert Naples, en1986, intitule Sources Chrtiennes: une aventure de quarante-cinq annes et publie dans Alle sorgenti della cultura cristiana, Naples,1987,
p.21-46.
37Voir Bulletin des amis de Sources Chrtiennes, 42(juin1980): Sans doute
la Collection pourrait-elle tre encore plus et mieux connue, et devrait-elle
avoir une clientle plus tendue, mais ces progrs souhaitables deux faits rcents
apporteront peut-tre une contribution efficace: la publication et la diffusion
de la brochure Pour lire les Pres de lglise(Foi Vivante,196) [...]; et la prise
en charge, par lInstitut des Sources Chrtiennes, du Secrtariat gnral de
lAssociation Internationale des tudes Patristiques, charge qui nous at impose lan dernier, au Congrs dOxford, charge qui est onreuse tous points de
vue, mais qui permet dtendre et de perfectionner encore notre rseau de relations internationales. Cest grce aux longs efforts et lesprit mthodique dune
de nos collaboratrices, Marie-Louise Guillaumin, que les archives et la comptabilit de cette Association ont t remises en ordre, aprs une grande dbcle,
suite de maladies et de dcs prmaturs parmi les responsables; aujourdhui,
nous venons dachever la rdaction dun premier Annuaire et nous prparons
pour lautomne un Bulletin dinformation sur les travaux en cours, les projets,
242
243
J.-N. GUINOT
40
En1975, Johannes Divjak identifiait, la Bibliothque municipale de
Marseille, un lot de 29lettres dAugustin, parmi lesquelles 27 taient jusque-l
totalement inconnues, aujourdhui dites dans la Bibliothque Augustinienne
(BA, 46B), Paris,1987.
41En1990, Franois Dolbeau dcouvrait 62sermons dAugustin dans
un manuscrit de la Bibliothque municipale de Mayence, dits(latin) par linventeur sous le titre Vingt-six sermons au peuple dAfrique, retrouvs Mayence
(Collection des tudes Augustiniennes, 147), Institut dtudes augustiniennes, Paris,
1996 (2eed.2009).
42M.Fdou, Les Pres de lglise et la thologie chrtienne, ditions Facults
Jsuites de Paris, Paris,2013, p.11.
244
Bibliographie
Littrature secondaire
M.Fdou, Les Pres de lglise et la thologie chrtienne, ditions Facults Jsuites de Paris, Paris,2013.
.Fouilloux, La collection Sources Chrtiennes: diter les Pres de
lglise au xxesicle, Paris,1995, 2edition,2011.
M.Harl, La Bible en Sorbonne ou la revanche drasme, Paris,2007.
H.I. Marrou, Saint Augustin et la fin de la culture antique, 2vols.,
Paris,1938.
C.Mondsert, Sources Chrtiennes: une aventure de quarante-cinq
annes, dans Alle sorgenti della cultura cristiana, Naples,1987,
p.21-46.
http://www.sources-chretiennes.mom.fr.
http://www.biblindex.mom.fr.
Ibid., p.337-338.
43
245
J.-N. GUINOT
Abstracts
La concidence de la clbration des cinquante ans de lAIEP avec les
soixante-dix ans de la collection Sources Chrtiennes fournit loccasion
du prsent expos. Une premire partie retrace grands traits lhistoire de la Collection depuis sa gense, au scolasticat de la Compagnie
de Jsus, Lyon, sur la colline de Fourvire, puis sa naissance dans les
annes les plus sombres de la guerre et de loccupation (1941/1942),
jusqu la reconnaissance scientifique que lui ont apporte le CNRS
et lUniversit partir de 1950. Sont mises ensuite en vidence les
caractristiques des ditions de Sources Chrtiennes. Unregard rtrospectif port sur les premiers volumes permet de mesurer les volutions qui se sont produites depuis soixante-dix ans. Lesexigences
scientifiques ont t renforces, mais la physionomie gnrale des
volumes demeure inchange, comme la volont de rendre accessibles
au lecteur les crits des Pres grce des introductions substantielles,
des traductions fidles et un appareil de notes et dindex. La dernire
partie de lexpos insiste sur le rle de lInstitut qui assure la vie de la
Collection et sur laide quil apporte aux chercheurs et aux diteurs
de textes patristiques.
The coinciding of the celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of the
IAPS with the seventieth anniversary of the Sources Chrtiennes collection provides an opportunity for this essay. Its first part recounts
in broad terms the history of the Collection from its origins, in
the seminary of the Society of Jesus in Lyon on Fourvire hill,
to its inception in the darkest hours of the war and the occupation
(1941-1942), leading to its scientific recognition through the CNRS
and the University from 1950 onwards. The paper then highlights the
main characteristics of Sources Chrtiennes. A retrospective glance at
the first volumes enables the reader to grasp the evolutions that have
happened in the last seventy years. The scientific requirements have
been strengthened, but the general presentation of volumes remain
unchanged, as is the intention to make the writings of the Fathers
accessible to the reader thanks to substantial introductions, faithful
translations and a system of notes and indexes. The last part of the
essay insists on the role of the Institute which is central to the life of
the Collection and on the support it provides to researchers and to
editors of patristic texts.
246
AVERIL CAMERON
Oxford
PATRISTIC STUDIES
AND THE EMERGENCE OFISLAM
What has Islam to do with patristic studies, and what can patristic
studies contribute to our understanding ofearly Islam? InJerusalem, in the context ofaconference concerned with the discipline
ofpatristic studies, these seem to be questions worth asking.
For the most part, scholars ofearly Islam and ofthe Quran,
and patristic scholars, seem to operate in different worlds.
Not only are disciplinary boundaries maintained but also methodologies, questions and approaches. Iwas first struck by this in
the1980s, not in relation to patristic studies, but to late antique
history, when Ijoined with two colleagues in Arabic and in
Islamic archaeology to set up aseries ofworkshops and apublication series that became Studies in LateAntiquity and EarlyIslam.
Our aim was rather simpleto come together and learn from
each other. Many volumes have been published in the series
since then.1 However, theology, ofapatristic sort, did not
feature very much in our enterprise, and acompanion series,
The Formation ofthe Classical Islamic World,2 does not cover patristic themes.
What then do patristics and early Islam have to do with each
other? Ihave noticed that in the annual bulletin ofthe International Association ofPatristic Studies there are no sections on
1
Edited by L.I.Conrad, J.Scheiner, Princeton, NJ, currently running
to 24 volumes; sadly the volume that should have collected workshop papers
on culture and religion has not appeared.
2 Also edited by L.I.Conrad, also far running to 24 titles, but published by
Ashgate.
10.1484/J.BAIEP.5.107521
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Christianity, or patristics, and Islam (unlike the section on Christianity and Judaism).Yet the question ofconnection seems all
the more worth asking now, when one can detect adistinct
current trend towards seeing the emergence ofIslam as aphenomenon oflate antiquity, and Islam not as asudden eruption
from the deserts ofArabia, but also as aproductin whatever
way ofthe religious framework ofthe eastern Mediterranean.
We can see this trend among historians oflate antiquity and
among scholars ofthe Quran and early Islam alike: take for instance arecent publication, the Oxford Handbook ofLateAntiquity,
published in2012, where we find achapter by Robert Hoyland
with the title Early Islam as alate antique religion,3 in which
Hoyland lists one by one the features ofearly Islam that in his
opinion are characteristic oflate antiquity. It is also commonly
stated that Islam was aproduct ofthe so-called Judaeo-Christian world. One does not have to look as far as the well-known
sceptical studies ofearly Islam by scholars such as John Wansborough, Gerald Hawting or Patricia Crone and Michael Cook,
whose book Hagarism came out in1977,4 when such current
works on the Quran as those by scholars such as Angelika Neuwirth or Gabriel Reynolds are also thinking in terms ofalate
antique context.5 Within late antique scholarship there has been
adecisive turn to the east, to the mixed and culturally and linguistically rich world ofthe eastern Mediterranean and eastern
Christianity; within such aperspective, not only does Byzantium
itself seem faraway, but is also hard to accommodate in the new
historical scenarios. Arecent book by Garth Fowden places the
emergence ofIslam within an expanded late antiquity that con-
3
R.G.Hoyland, Islam as alate antique religion, in Oxford Handbook
ofLateAntiquity ed.S.F.Johnson, NewYork,2012, p.1053-1077.
4 P.Crone, M.Cook, Hagarism. TheMaking ofthe Islamic World, Cambridge,1977; cfr. J.E.Wansborough, The Sectarian Milieu.Content and Composition ofIslamic Salvation History, Oxford,1978; G.Hawting, The Idea ofIdolatry
and the Emergence ofIslam.From Polemic to History, Cambridge,1999.
5 The Quran in its Historical Contexted.G.S.Reynolds, London,2008;
New Perspectives on the Quran. TheQuran in its Historical Context 2 ed.G.S.
Reynolds, London,2011; A.Neuwirth, Der Koran als Text der Sptantike. Ein
europischer Zugang, Berlin,2010; The Quran in Context.Historical and Literary
Investigations into the Quranic Milieu ed.A.Neuwirth, N.Sinai, M.Marx,
Leiden,2010.
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10
R.Le Coz, Jean Damascne.crits sur lIslam(SC, 383), Paris,1992.
John ofDamascuss treatment ofIslam as aChristian heresy is perfectly understandable in the context ofhis On heresies and its debts to earlier heresiological
writing, as Guy Stroumsa has also brought out: G.G. Stroumsa, Barbarians or
heretics? Jews and Arabs in the mind ofByzantium(fourth to eighth centuries),
in Jews in Byzantium.Dialectics ofMinority and Majority Cultures ed.R.Bonfil
et al., Leiden,2012, p.761-776, in partic.p.772-774.
11See S.H. Griffith, Anastasius ofSinai, the Hodegos and the Muslims,
Greek Orthodox Theological Review, 32.4(1987), p.341-358.
12See R.G.Hoyland, Seeing Islam as Others Saw It.ASurvey and Evaluation
ofChristian, Jewish and Zoroastrian Writings on Early Islam(Studies in LateAntiquity
and Early Islam, 13), Princeton,1997.
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254
Kharg in the Persian Gulf had alibrary with wall niches to hold
its books.19
Probably the most striking development has been in recent
scholarship on the kingdom ofHimyar in South Yemen (southwest Arabia), which is richly documented in inscriptions and
written texts. Inthe early sixth century this kingdom had aJewish ruler, who instigated apogrom ofChristians (who had long
been established in the kingdom). It provoked ajoint expedition from Byzantium and the Christian kingdom ofEthiopia
(Axum) across the Red Sea, which established afifty-year period
ofChristian rule in the mid-sixth century, which only came to
an end when the Sasanians took over in 570 the traditional year
ofthe birth ofMuhammad. There is awealth ofrecent scholarship on these events and on the kingdom ofHimyar, mainly in
French, led by the work ofChristian Robin.20 GlenBowersock
has also recently presented it briefly in two short books in
English.21 Thepoint is that aChristian kingdom existed in
southern Arabia during the sixth century, and indeed the sources
suggest that the king in that period tried to extend his influence into central Arabia, or even on some accounts, to Mecca.
Archaeological evidence also exists ofmonasteries and Christian
settlement in the Gulf and the islands.22 It is not necessary to
M.-J.Steve, Lle de Kharg: une page de lhistoire du Golfe Persique et du
monachisme oriental, Neuchtel,2003.
20Recently C.Robin, Arabia and Ethiopia, in Oxford Handbook ofLate
Antiquity ed.S.F.Johnson, p.247-332, and see I.Gajda, Le royaume de
Himyar lpoque monothiste, Paris,2009; Juifs et chrtiens en Arabie aux veet
viesicles: regards croiss sur les sources(Association des amis du Centre dhistoire et civilisation de Byzance, monographies 32, Le massacre de Najran II) ed.J.Beaucamp,
F.Briquel-Chatonnet, C.J.Robin, Paris,2010.
21 G.W. Bowersock, Empires in Collision in LateAntiquity(The Menahem
Stern Jerusalem Lectures2011), Waltham, MA,2012.Also Id., The Throne ofAdulis. Red Sea Wars on the Eve ofIslam, NewYork,2013.
22
M.Morony, Iraq after the Muslim Conquest, Princeton,1984, Introduction; D.Potts, The Arabian Gulf in Antiquity, 2vols., Oxford,1990, II;
G.R.D. King, Settlement in western and central Arabia and the Gulf in
the sixth-eighth centuries A.D., in The Byzantine and Early Islamic Near East,
II: Land Use and Settlement Patterns ed.G.R.D.King, A. Cameron, Princeton,1994, p.181-212; T.Hainthaler, Christliche Araber vor dem Islam.
Verbreitung und konfessionelle Zugehrigkeit: eine Hinfhrung(Eastern Christian
Studies, 7), Leuven, Dudley, MA,2007; B.Finster, Arabia in late antiquity:
an outline ofthe cultural situation in the peninsula at the time ofMuhammad,
in The Quran in Context ed.A.Neuwirth, N.Sinai, N.Marx, p.61-107.
19
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258
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260
35
For pagan monotheism, and generally, see Pagan Monotheism in LateAntiquity ed.P.Athanassiadi, M.Frede, Oxford,1999; One God: Pagan Monotheism
in the Roman Empire ed.S.Mitchell, P.Van Nuffelen, Cambridge, 2010;
Monotheism between Pagans and Christians in LateAntiquity ed.S.Mitchell,
P.Van Nuffelen, Leuven,2010; P.Athanassiadi, La lutte pour lorthodoxie dans
le platonisme tardif de Numnius Damascius, Paris,2006; G.W.Bowersock,
Polytheism and monotheism in Arabia and the three Palestines, Dumbarton
Oaks Papers, 51(1997), p.1-10.Among Islamicists, see Crone, The religion
ofthe Quranic pagans, referring to the monotheistic trend, p.185-88;
G.Hawting, The Idea of Idolatry and the Emergence ofIslam, Cambridge,1999;
Donner, Muhammad and the Believers, e.g.at p.87, cfr. p.59 the idea
ofmonotheism was already well established throughout the Near East, including
Arabia, in Muhammads day; also F.M.Donner, Narratives ofIslamic Origins.
TheBeginnings ofIslamic Historical Writing, Princeton,1998.
36T.Sizgorich, Narrative and community in Islamic late antiquity, Past
and Present, 185.1(2004), p.9-42.
37 See the review of One God.Pagan Monotheism in the Roman ed.S.Mitchell,
P.Van Nuffelen, by C.Addey, Journal ofRoman Studies, 101(2011), p.259-260.
38 On this see further Averil Cameron, Late antique apocalyptic: acontext
for the Quran?, in Visions ofthe End ed.E.Grypeou, Leuven, forthcoming.
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which were key centres ofreligious activism in the seventh century, but we probably ought to.
As for John ofDamascus, later in the Umayyad period, most
writers approach him simply as aByzantine or patristic theologian, perhaps the last patristic theologian.He features straightforwardly as aByzantine writer for Alexander Kazhdan, who
memorably wrote: can we imagine [...] Byzantine literature
without John Damaskenos?45 Andrew Louth, in his important
book on John, offers astrongly monastic (andto me convincing) context for Johns works.46 At the same time, the question
ofwhether John was in any sense an original theologian, or an
original philosopher, has gained new attention, in the context
ofarenewed interest in investigating Byzantine philosophy as
such, and especially the question ofwhether Byzantine philosophy is distinguishable from theology.47 Thetraditional view
ofJohn has been that he has little to offer ofinterest to philosophers, and arecent article argues strongly that his major work,
the Pege gnoseos, or Fount ofKnowledge, is entirely derivative in
nature;48 theauthor does not consider the intriguing question
ofwhat the library resources might have been at the Mar Saba
monastery in Palestine, but speculates that John might have had
acopy ofthe work ofthe philosopher Stephanus.Indeed, there
is some uncertainty, according to Marie-France Auzpy, about
whether John was indeed amonk ofMar Saba, and problems
about the sources for his biography which parallel those for
Maximus.49 We cannotas many scholars doassume without
question the historicity ofthe later Arabic vitae, or fail to take
45 A.P.Kazhdan, with L.F.Sherry and C.Angelidi, AHistory ofByzantine Literature, 650-850, Washington, D.C.,1999, p.3, cfr. p.74-79.
46
A.Louth, St John Damascene.Tradition and Originality in Byzantine
Theology, Oxford,2002.
47 For which see Byzantine Philosophy and its Ancient Sources ed.K.Ierodiakonou, Oxford,2002; The Many Faces ofByzantine Philosophy ed.B.Bydn,
K.Ierodiakonou, Athens,2012.
48 J.A.Demetracopoulos, In search ofthe pagan and Christian sources
ofJohn ofDamascus theodicy: Ammonius, the Son ofHermeias, Stephanus
ofAthens and John Chrysostom on Gods foreknowledge and predestination
and mans freewill, in Byzantine Theology and its Philosophical Background
ed.A.Rigo, Turnhout,2011, p.50-88.
49 See especially M.-F.Auzpy, De la Palestine Constantinople: tienne
le Sabate et Jean Damascne, Travaux et Mmoires, 12(1994), p.183-218.
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268
the docetic and anti-docetic debates, while the anxieties surrounding the proliferation ofsaints cults speak to the Quranic
insistence on an uncompromising monotheism. Finally, in relation to symbolic interpretations, we can point to the theology
ofMaximus Confessors Mystagogia, awork ofthe 630s, as being
expressive ofcontemporary preoccupations with representation,
in its emphasis on symbolic or mystical interpretation, applied by
Maximus to the liturgy.62
Yet another developing feature in late patristic Christianity concerns the cult ofthe Virgin, well documented in many
recent scholarly contributions.Leslie Brubaker, indeed, would
deny any cult ofthe Virgin until after about 680, but the
proliferation ofimages and anecdotes tell adifferent story.63
Stephen Shoemaker, whose work Icited earlier, has also recently
translated the earliest hagiographical Life ofthe Virgin, which he
thinks might have been composed by Maximus the Confessor
himself, but which in any case he dates to this period.64 The Virgin
features frequently in contemporary anecdotes about miracles and
apparitions, and was also often depicted in visual art, not merely in
apse mosaics but also in small objects, ivories, and indeed icons.65
Maximus, Mystagogia, PG 91, 657-717; Cameron, The language ofimages,
p.24-40.
63L.Brubaker has championed the view that relics were initially more
important and that images did not become problematic until the late seventh
century, before which there was also no cult ofthe Virgin: see L.Brubaker,
Introduction, in The Sacred Image East and West ed.R.Ousterhout, L.Brubaker, Chicago,1995, p.1-24; Id., Icons before iconoclasm, in Morfologie sociali
e culturali in Europa fra tarda antichit e also medioevo(XLV Settimane internazionale
di studi sullalto Medioevo), Spoleto,1998, p.1215-1254; also in L.Brubaker,
J.F.Haldon, Byzantium in the Iconoclast Era, c.680-850.AHistory, Cambridge,2011, but see Averil Cameron, The anxiety ofimages: meanings and
material objects, in Images ofthe Byzantine World: Visions, Messages and Meanings. Studies presented to Leslie Brubaker ed.A.Lymberopoulou, Farnham,2011,
p.47-56. Theunderlying question relates to the definition ofcult, perhaps
in fact aword better avoided in this connection.
64S.
J.Shoemaker, The Life ofthe Virgin.Maximus Confessor, trans.with
introduction and notes, NewHaven,2012, and see further Mother ofGod.
Representations ofthe Virgin in Byzantine Art ed.M.Vassilaki, Milan,2000;
The Cult ofthe Mother ofGod in Byzantium.Texts and Imagesed.L.Brubaker,
M.Cunningham, Farnham,2011; B.V.Pentcheva, Icons and Power. TheMother
ofGod in Byzantium, University Park, PA,2006.
65
The earliest surviving assemblage oficons ofthe Virgin(panel paintings,
mosaics and frescoes) is to be found in Rome, not in Constantinople, for reasons
62
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Her exact role was crucial to any debate about the nature ofthe
Incarnation and in particular the divine and human natures
ofChrist.Surely our understanding ofthe Quranic portrayal
ofMary can only be deepened by awareness ofthese contemporary developments within Christianity, which went in parallel
with renewed and agonizing anxieties about the real suffering
and death ofChrist.
Iwould argue therefore that while agreat deal ofattention has
been paid by scholars to the Christian and Jewish reactions to the
Persian invasions ofthe early seventh century, and especially to the
capture ofJerusalem in 614, much less effort has been expended
on the theological developments ofthe succeeding period
and their relevance to the emerging Muslim system.Possible
influences were multiple, as we have seen.But Iwould also
like to argue for amore holistic view, which neither detaches the
theology ofsuch figures as Sophronius, Maximus, and John
ofDamascus from their near Eastern background nor sees the
non-Muslim writers ofthe period primarily as sources for early
Islam. Nor, as Ihave argued, need we posit unattested groups
ofheterodox Christians who might have conveyed their views
to the emerging Muslim community.
In his recent book, The Death of aProphet, to which Ihave
already alluded, the patristic scholar Stephen Shoemaker has
made aforceful case for an early stage ofIslam which focused
on Jerusalem and the Temple.He is not the first to make such
acase, and if it were widely accepted it would force us to rethink
not only Islamic origins but also Christian and Jewish thinking in
the seventh century, in the period after the conquests. Ileave this
argument aside for now, because Shoemakers book also raises
deeper questions about methodology, in particular in relation
to the case he makes for the application ofthe methods ofNew
Testament and Biblical criticism to Islamic origins.66 Even if one
is not convinced by all his central arguments, his book challenges
to do with the history ofboth cities; one can also cite the well-known icon ofthe
Virgin and saints at St Catherines, Sinai, often dated to the sixth century;
for apses, see B.Brenk, The Apse, the Image and the Icon.An Historical Perspective
ofthe Apse as aSpace for Images, Wiesbaden,2010.
66In the course ofwhich he gives avery useful and detailed overview
ofscholarship on early Islam, past and present.
270
Bibliography
C.Addey rec., One God.Pagan Monotheism in the Roman ed.S.Mitchell,
P.Van Nuffelen, Journal ofRoman Studies, 101(2011), p.259-260.
A.al-Azmeh, The Emergence ofIslam in LateAntiquity.Allah and His
People, Cambridge,2014.
A.al-Azmeh, Rom, das Neue Rom und Baghdad.Pfade der Sptantike
(Carl Heinrich Becker Lecture2008), Berlin,2008.
An Age ofSaints? Power, Conflict and Dissent in Early Medieval Christianity ed.P.Sarris, M.Dal Santo, P.Booth, Leiden,2011.
P.Athanassiadi, La lutte pour lorthodoxie dans le platonisme tardif de
Numnius Damascius, Paris,2006.
M.-F.Auzpy, La Vie dtienne le Jeune par tienne le Diacre, Aldershot,1997.
M.-F.Auzpy, De la Palestine Constantinople: tienne le Sabate
et Jean Damascne, Travaux et Mmoires, 12(1994), p.183-218.
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273
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274
275
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276
277
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Abstract
This paper argues for acloser engagement by patristic scholarship
with the issues and problems about the emergence ofIslam. It starts
by discussing recent trends among historians oflate antiquity and
Islamicists alike to reconceive early Islam as alate antique religion,
and moves to suggest that what we now know about the historical
background, together with the intense theological debates that were
going on among Christians in the eastern Mediterranean during the
sixth and seventh centuries provide athick context for Quranic
themes. Especially (but not only) in view ofthe recent tendency
to absorb early Islam into late antiquity, patristic scholarship and
Quranic and early Islamic scholarship would do well to come
closer together.
278
EMANUEL FIANO
Duke University
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F.Ch.Baur, Die Christuspartei in der korinthischen Gemeinde, der
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H.BlherH.-J.Schoeps, Streit um Israel.Ein jdisch-christliches
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99(2009), p.7-36.
D.Burrell, Christians, Muslims (and Jews) before the One God.
Jean Danilou on Mission Revisited, Interpretation,61(2006),
p.34-41.
J.N.Carleton Paget, The Definition ofthe Terms Jewish Christian and Jewish Christianity in the History ofResearch, in Jewish
Believers in Jesus. TheEarly Centuriesed.R.Hvalvik, O.Skarsaune, Peabody,2007, p.22-52.
J.N.Carleton Paget, Jewish Christianity, in The Cambridge History
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W.Horbury, J.Sturdy, Cambridge,2000, p.731-775.
A.Chouraqui,J.Danilou, Les juifs, Paris,1966.
F.Damour, Le retour du fils prodigue? Interprtations juives de
Paul aux xixeet xxesicles: quelques jalons, Revue dhistoire et
de philosophie religieuses,90(2010), p.25-47.
J.Danilou, Les origines du christianisme latin (Bibliothque de thologie.
Histoire des doctrines chrtiennes avant Nice,3), Paris,1991.
J.Danilou, Lavenir de la religion, Paris,1968.
J.Danilou, Dialogue avec Isral, Paris,1963.
J.Danilou, Message vanglique et culture hellnistique aux iieet iiiesicles
(Bibliothque de thologie.Histoire des doctrines chrtiennes avant Nice, 2),
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H.-J.Schoeps, Jdischer Glaube in dieser Zeit.Prolegomena zur Grundlegung einer systematischen Theologie des Judentums, Berlin,1932.
J.H. Schoeps, Hitler ist nicht Deutschland.Der Nationalsozialismus, das Exil in Schweden und die Rckkehr vonHans-Joachim
Schoeps in die ehemalige Heimat, in Wider den Zeitgeist. Studien
zum Leben und Werk vonHans-Joachim Schoeps (1909-1980)
ed.G.Botsch, J.H.Knoll, A.D.Ludewig (Haskala.Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen herausgegeben vom Moses Mendelssohn Zentrum
fr europisch-jdische Studien,39), Hildesheim,2009, p.227-248.
J.H. Schoeps, Ein jdisch-christliches Streitgesprch am Vorabend
der Katastrophe.Ungedrucktes aus dem1932 gefhrten Briefwechsel zwischen Hans Blher und Hans-Joachim Schoeps, Menora.
Jahrbuch fr deutsch-jdische Geschichte, 13(2002), p.313-336.
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und die deutsche Jugendbewegung, in Typisch deutsch. Die Jugendbewegung. Beitrge zu einer Phnomengeschichte ed.J.H.Knoll,
J.H.Schoeps, Opladen,1988, p.137-154.
G.Scholem, Offener Brief an den Verfasser der Schrift Jdischer
Glaube in dieser Zeit, Bayerische Israelitische Gemeindezeitung,
(15August1932), p.241-244.
M.Simon, Verus Israel.tude sur les relations entre chrtiens et juifs dans
lEmpire romain (Bibliothque des coles franaises dAthnes et de Rome,
Srie1,166), Paris,1948.
E.W.Stegemann, Hans-Joachim Schoeps als Interpret frhchristlicher und frhjdischer Religionsgeschichte, in Wider den Zeitgeist.
Studien zum Leben und Werk vonHans-Joachim Schoeps (1909-1980)
ed.G.Botsch, J.H.Knoll, A.D.Ludewig (Haskala. Wissenschaftliche
Abhandlungen herausgegeben vom Moses Mendelssohn Zentrum fr europisch-jdische Studien,39), Hildesheim, 2009, p.31-44.
The Rediscovery ofJewish Christianity.From Toland toBaur
ed.F.St.Jones, Atlanta,2012.
Wider die chtung der Geschichte.Festschrift zum 60.Geburstag vonHansJoachim Schoeps ed.K.Tpner, Mnchen,1969.
D.Veliath, Theological Approach and Understanding ofReligions.
Jean Danilou and Raimundo Panikkar.AStudy in Contrast, Bangalore, 1988.
R.E. Vergastegui, Christianisme et religions non-chrtiennes.
Analyse de la tendance Danilou, Euntes docete,23(1970),
p.227-279.
P.Vithayathil, Jesus and Religions.Jean Cardinal Danilous Theological Understanding ofUniqueness ofChrist and Religious Pluralism in
the Context ofTodays Christological Debate, Rome,1999.
296
Abstract
This paper discusses the accounts ofancient Jewish Christianity
offered in the aftermath ofthe Second World War by the Prussian
nationalist Jewish intellectual Hans-Joachim Schoeps and the French
Jesuit theologian Jean Danilou. Inparticular, it investigates how
these scholars deployment and further development ofJewish Christianity as ahistorical category served their religious and ideological
commitments, and may be seen as expressing their hopes for the
Jewish people oftheir day. Isuggest that Schoepss treatment of
Jewish Christianity should be read in conjunction with his liminal
position in avariety ofrealms, and in particular with his labour
ofnegotiating Jewish identity in tandem with his attraction to
Christianity and investment in the Prussian ideal. As for Danilou,
Ipropose that, in keeping with his theology, he saw Jewish Christianity as an instance ofinculturationreplicable in contemporary
times ofthe Christian faith in apeople that, due to its unbelieving,
had lost its special role in salvation history. Thepaper ends with some
remarks about the relevance ofthese two scholars treatments for
contemporary research on ancient Jewish Christianity.
297
TIMOTHY PETTIPIECE
University ofOttawa
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Even the Aramaic speaking Mandaeans interacted with Manichaeans in important ways, although this remains asubject that
is far from being satisfactorily explored.For example, we find
parallel descriptions ofthe King ofDarkness in Kephalaia Chapter21 and the Mandaean Right Ginza, where the dark ruler is
described as resembling alion, eagle, serpent, and demon.27 Yet,
at the same time, the Mandaeans are harshly critical of their Manichaean cousins, since elsewhere in the Right Ginza, we read:
There is another gate to perdition, which resulted from the
mission ofthe Christ.They are the ones called zandiqia and
mardmania ...they invoke wind, fire, and water and sing
hymns ofpraise to the sun and moon...they are termed
elect ones whom Mar Mani has chosen.28
liner Arbeitskreis fr koptisch-gnostische Schriftens Thirtieth Year ed.H.-G.Bethge
et al., Leiden, 2002, p.67-94; J.K. Coyle, The Gospel ofThomas in
Manichaeism? in J.K.Coyle, Manichaeism and Its Legacy, Leiden,2009, p.123141.
25
Numerous polemical sources, including the Acts ofArchelaus, tell an
alternate story ofManis origins as aslave-boy named Corbicius.
26
M.Vermes, S.N.C.Lieu, K.Kaatz, Acta Archelai(The Acts ofArchelaus),
Turnhout, 2001, p.58.
27See T.Pettipiece, Pentadic Redaction in the Manichaean Kephalaia, Leiden,2009, p.55-56; M.Lidzbarski, Ginza: Der Schatz oder Das groe Buch der
Mander, Gttingen,1978 [1925].
28 Reeves, Prolegomena, p. 143-144.
305
T. PETTIPIECE
Aside from Christians, Islamic writers have the most to say about
Manichaeans and are among our most valuable witnesses, due
in part perhaps to apossible Manichaean resurgence under the
early Islamic regime.29 Yet, as in the case ofthe Mandaeans,
the full trajectory ofinfluence between Manichaean and early
Muslim communities has remained very much underexplored.
For example, what do we make ofthe fact that, as al-Biruni
suggests, Mani called himself Seal ofthe Prophets long before
Muhammad?30 Indeed, we should not be surprised to find
Manichaeans in pre-Islamic Arabia. They are attested by Titus of
Bostras lengthy fourth-century refutation and, in fact, according to the Persian geographer Ibn Rusta, Manichaeans reportedly came from al-Hira to Mecca,31 possibly via Palmyra, where
they had been received by Queen Zenobia.32 Yet, even if we
can demonstrate some historical proximity, can we also detect
some deeper degree ofinterconnection? Tor Andrae suggested
that the only definite trace ofManichaean teaching could be
found in Muhammads docetic Christology,33 but surely we can
see some broad similarities in the way in which both Mani and
Muhammad characterized their respective missions to restore the
primeval revelation given to humanity and as the last in aseries
ofprophetic forerunners. As Mani proclaimed in his Shaburagan,
atext he wrote specifically to announce his mission to the Persian court:
Apostles ofGod have constantly brought wisdom and
deeds in successive times. Inone era they were brought by
29 S.N.C. Lieu, Manichaeism in the Later Roman Empire and Medieval China:
AHistorical Survey, Manchester,1985, p.82-83.
30
E.Sachau, TheChronology ofAncient Nations: An English Version ofthe
Arabic Text ofthe Athar-Ul-Bakiya ofAlbrun, Or, Vestiges ofthe Past, Collected
and Reduced to Writing by the Author in A.h.390-1, A.d.1000.Lahore,1983,
p.207; See Reeves, Prolegomena, p. 97; G.Stroumsa, Seal ofthe Prophets:
the Nature ofaManichaean Metaphor, Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam,
7(1986), p.61-74.
31
T.Andrae, Mohammed: The Man and His Faith, NewYork,1960, p.105.
32 M.Tardieu,Larrivee des manicheens al-Hira, in La Syrie de Bysance
lIslam, viie-viiie siecles: actes du Colloque international De Bysance lIslam,
Lyon, Maison de lOrient mediterraneen, Paris, Institut du monde arabe, 11-15septembre1990 ed.P.Canivet, J.-P.Rey-Coquais, Damas, 1992.
33 Andrae, Mohammad, p. 112.
306
In fact, both prophets claimed (or were said to claim) to represent the Paraclete promised by Jesus.Indeed, as the tenth-century
Islamic scholar al-Nadim stated, Mani claimed that he was the
Paraclete,35 whereas this is an identification also famously applied
to Muhammad in Quran 61.6.More specifically, the Sira of
Ibn Ishaq cites a(non-Peshitta) Syriac version ofIoh.15:23
and states that munahhemana refers to Muhammad.36
307
T. PETTIPIECE
308
309
T. PETTIPIECE
Bibliography
1.Primary Sources
Clement ofAlexandria, Clemens Alexandrinus: Bd.2., Leipzig, 1906.
H.Drijvers, The Book ofthe Laws ofCountries: Dialogue on Fate of
Bardaisan ofEdessa, Assen,1965.
2.Secondary literature
T.Andrae, Mohammed: The Man and His Faith, NewYork,1960.
J.BeDuhn, Augustines Manichaean Dilemma, Volume 1.Conversion and
Apostasy, 373-388ce, Philadelphia,2009.
310
311
T. PETTIPIECE
312
Abstract
After highlighting the rediscovery ofprimary Manichaean sources
over the last century, this article examines the multiple points
of interconnectedness that exist between Manichaeans and the
religions ofthe late antique Near East and suggests anew approach
to understanding the nature oftheir common social and linguistic
milieu.
313
Introduction
This essay explores the intricate pathways oftransmission of
ideas and texts in early Christianity.My hope is to suggest
some perspectives for amore nuanced and accurate portrayal
ofthe literature ofthe Christian world in its first millennium.
Most ofmy examples will be drawn from the literature Iknow
best, ascetic and monastic writings, and from what we know
ofthe people who created and read them.First, Iwill offer some preliminary remarks about the key terms in the title
ofthis lecture, Patristics, East, and West, then Iwill continue with observations about Patristics between Greek East
and Latin West, then Patristics beyond the Greek East, and
finally Patristics beyond East and West.
1.Patristics
Traditionally the study ofPatristics has focused on texts, and
these texts were regarded as if they were fixed monuments with
aquasi-inspired status (unless, ofcourse, they were considered
heretical).Occasionally the sands oftime would shift and anew
text would be uncovered and added to the register ofmonuments. We now accept that texts are not as stable as once was
thought, especially when they have crossed linguistic frontiers,
nor is their attribution always as certain as widely assumed.
We now call the Areopagite Pseudo-Dionysius and place him
10.1484/J.BAIEP.5.107524
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C. STEWART OSB
318
319
C. STEWART OSB
4
G.Ldi, as quoted in M.Janse, Aspects ofBilingualism in the History
ofthe Greek Language, inBilingualism in Ancient Society.Language Contact and
the Written Word ed.J.N.Adams, M.Janse, S.Swain, Oxford,2002, p.333.
5 Geogr.12, 1, 2, as in M.Janse, Bilingualism in the History ofGreek,
p.355.
6See G.Kiraz, Kthobonoyo Syriac: Some Observations and Remarks,
Hugoye: Journal ofSyriac Studies, 10(2007), p.129-142.
7 See the summary ofNeo-Aramaic dialects in L.VanRompay, Aramaic,
in Gorgias Encyclopedic Dictionary ofSyriac Heritageed.S.Brock, A.M.Butts,
G.A.Kiraz, L.VanRompay, Piscataway,2011, p.29-30.
321
C. STEWART OSB
322
there exists in Latin only avery brief excerpt made in the sixth
century by Dionysius Exiguus.9 Gregory ofNyssas De vita
Moysis (CPG, 3159) with its profound mystical instruction was
not known in the west until George ofTrebizonds translation
almost athousand years later.There is no indication that
Evagriuss Kephalaia gnostica (CPG, 2432) or his treatise Deoratione (CPG,2452) were among the works translated by either
Rufinus or Gennadius; nor are they found among the anonymous
translations that survive.10 The works ofPs.-Dionysius were
translated twice in the ninth century (see CPG, 6614), but their
real impact on western spirituality would come only in the
twelfth century.And from the other direction, when speaking
ofGreek translations ofAugustine, Dekkers remarks laconically
in his Clavis, omnes posterioris aetatis (CPL, p.99).
As noted, however, anarrow focus on texts takes us only
so far. The Latin Christian world was steeped in Hellenism,
received its scriptures in Greek and translated them from Greek
(until Jeromes muddled turn to the Hebraica veritas for much
ofthe Old Testament), and even Augustine depended on NeoPlatonism mediated through the translations ofMarius Victorinus
for critical components ofhis theological system. In fact, there
were waves oflinguistic influence, which flowed back and forth
between Greek and Latin.The laments ofLibanius over the
growing fashionableness ofLatin in Antioch in the late fourth
century are well known, even if not to be taken literally.11
This was atime when the city was afrontline imperial and military base for the war against Persia, and experiencing anew
(and surely not unrelated) vogue for the study ofLatin law
rather than Greek rhetoric.In the fifth century the Empire was
inevitably undergoing Hellenization after the definitive shift
ofthe capital to Constantinople, but even so, Latin was still
prominent in Constantinople in the sixth century. The Justi9
Ed. E.Schwartz, Acta Conciliorum Oecumenicorum, IV, 2, Berlin,1914,
p.95, l.10-15.
10 C.Stewart, Evagrius Beyond Byzantium: the Latin and Syriac Receptions, in Evagrius and His Legacy ed.R.D.Young, J.Kalvesmaki, South
Bend(forthcoming)
11See R.Cribiore, The School ofLibanius in Late Antique Antioch, Princeton,2007, p.207-212.
323
C. STEWART OSB
324
325
C. STEWART OSB
326
20
PL, 77, col.149-430.See I.Havener, The Greek Prologue to the
Dialogues ofGregory the Great, Revue Bndictine, 99(1989), p.103-117.
21 P.Hatlie, The Monks and Monasteries ofConstantinople ca.350-850, Cambridge,2008.
22 Greg.M., Dial.4, 57(PL, 77, col.420A-421C); Ioh.Mosch., Prat.192
(PG, 87, col.3072).Abriefer version ofthe Latin story, with reference to
its inclusion in Moschuss collection, is found in the ninth-century Ioh.Diac.
Vita Greg.M.[BHL 3641] 2, 45(PL, 75, col.106).Because the preceding
story in Moschus is narrated by Anastasius ofAntioch, both that one and
this also circulated in at least one manuscript ofthe works ofAnastasius of
Sinai (BL Add.28270, fol.88v-90r, dated 1111), as in F.Nau, Le texte
grec des rcits utiles lme dAnastase(le Sinate), Oriens Christianus, 3(1903),
p.84-85.
327
C. STEWART OSB
Ithas been argued that Gregory was addressing this and other
such stories in the fourth book ofthe Dialogues (de aeternitate
animarum) to controversies in Constantinople about the state
ofthe soul after death.23 The fact that Moschus not only seems
to have heard it while in Rome but chose to include it in the
Pratum spirituale suggests that it had aparticular resonance to an
eastern ear.The same story would have asignificant impact on
the Latin Church, more specifically on its sacerdotal economy,
through the popularization ofthe so-called Gregorian Trental,
aseries ofthirty Masses offered on consecutive days for asoul in
Purgatory.The storys characterization ofastate between death
and the final status ofthe soul played arole in the later western
development ofafull doctrine ofPurgatory and corresponding
pious practices.Given later polemics between Latins and Greeks
over that doctrine, the circulation ofthe story in the Greek
tradition is ironic indeed.
Before leaving Gregory, there must be one last note, about
his mystical teaching.For him, compunction, asorrow-tinged
but expansive kind ofintense spiritual experience, played
amajor role in contemplative development.Gregorys emphasis
on compunction can be traced back to Cassian, though for the
so-called Doctor ofDesire it plays amore dynamic role than
it did for the monk ofMarseilles.24 For Cassian, conpunctio was
aterm inclusive ofvarious forms ofintense spiritual experience,
whether sorrow for sins or gratitude for Gods mercy, and it
was closely associated with the phenomenon ofphysical tears.
For Gregory, compunction yoked to desire was the motor
ofcontemplative progress.In the Moraliacomposed in Constantinoplehe writes:
Hearts are wounded so that they might be healed...The
soul struck by the darts ofhis love...burns with desire for
contemplation...She has been brought back to health by
ablow, called back to the safety ofdeep restfulness by the
See M.DelSanto, Debating the SaintsCults, Oxford,2008.
The phrase is from J.Leclercq, The Love ofLearning and the Desire for
God.AStudy ofMonastic Culturetr.C.Misrahi, NewYork, 19823, p.29-32;
cfr. C.Straw, Gregory the Great.Perfection in Imperfection, Berkeley, 1988,
p.213-235.
23
24
328
Citing the famous verse vulnerata caritate ego sum (Iam wounded
by love, Cant. 2,5) following the Greek tradition rather than
the Vulgates less vivid amore langueo, rendering the Hebrew,
Gregory echoes for aLatin audience Origens mystical interpretations ofthe Canticum Canticorum as well as the kind of
spiritual longing described in Gregory ofNyssas Vita Moysis.
25 Sed [corda] vulnerantur ut sanentur ... percussa autem caritatis eius spiculis ... ardet
desiderio contemplationis ... Percussione ergo ad salutem reducitur quae ad securitatem
quietis intimae amoris sui perturbatione revocatur.Sed cum sauciata mens anhelare
in Deum coeperit, cum cuncta mundi huius blandimenta despiciens ad supernam se
patriam per desiderium tendit (Mor.6.42 ed.M.Adriaen [CCSL, 143, p.315);
cfr. InEz.II 2.8 and 10.21 ed.M.Adriaen [CC SL, 142, p.230 and
p.395-396]).
26The PS finally included three substantial volumes(1894,1907,1926)
ofSyriac texts with Latin translation.ThePO continues and has now reached
235 fascicles, each with edited text and facing translation, which from the outset
were in modern languages rather than the Latin versions ofthe PS and the early
volumes ofCSCO.
329
C. STEWART OSB
330
Even if authors from these regions wrote in only one language, they inhabited more than one linguistic space.Theodoret
ofCyrrhus is the famous example: as anative ofAntioch, his
literary output was extensive and entirely in Greek, though he
was clearly able to speak some version ofSyriac, which Sebastian
Brock has suggested should be considered his mother tongue.31
Theodoret provides some ofour best information about language use in northern Syria in the early fifth century.At the
monasteries ofTeleda, some were chanting the poet in Greek,
some in the local language.32 The monastery ofPouplios near
Zeugma was divided into Greek and Syriac communities with
different leaders.33 In commenting on Iud.12,6 (shibboleth
vs. sibboleth), Theodoret compared the spoken varieties of
Aramaic/Syriac, noting: In the same way, those from Osrhoene
and Syria and Euphratensis and Palestine and Phoenicia use
the phone ofthe Syrians; but all the same their dialexis exhibits
many differences.34
So was Theodoret Greek, Syriac, or both? Paul Peeters
described Theodoret as an example of:
[T]hose Orientals in whom Hellenic culture, brought to
arare degree ofexcellence, has masked without effacing
[their] ethnic character.One ofhis admirers, who studied
him extensively, regarded his being a pure Greek as an
essential aspect ofhis glory.But this is an illusion among
many others attributable to the Hellenic mirage.We must
restore Theodoret to Syria.35
31 Brock, Greek and Syriac in LateAntique Syria, p.154. See also
T.Urbainczyk, The Devil Spoke Syriac to Me: Theodoret inSyria,
in Ethnicity and Culture in LateAntiquity ed.S.Mitchell, G.Greatrex,
London,2000, p.253-265.
32
H.rel.4, 13(SC, 234, p.324).
33
H.rel.5, 5 and 6(SC, 234, p.334-338): Theogenos inherited the
leadership of[those of] the Greek tongue, and Aphthonios ofthe Syrian.
34 Qu.1-28 in Iud.19(PG, 80, col.507-509).
35[Thodoret est un] de ces Orientaux chez qui la culture hellnique,
porte un rare degr dexcellence, arecouvert sans leffacer le caractre
ethnique. Un de ses admirateurs, qui la pourtant bien tudi, regarde comme
essentiel sa gloire quil soit un pur grec.Cest une illusion entre beaucoup
dautres dues au mirage hellnique.Il faudra bien quon rende Thodoret
la Syrie. P.Peeters, Orient et Byzance.Le trfonds oriental de lhagiographie
byzantine (Subsidia hagiographica, 26), Bruxelles,1950, p.89.
331
C. STEWART OSB
332
333
C. STEWART OSB
44
See L.VanRompay, al-Suryan, Dayr, in Gorgias Encyclopedic Dictionary
ofSyriac Heritage ed.S.Brock, A.M.Butts, G.A.Kiraz, L.VanRompay,
Piscataway,2011, p.386-387.
45 S.Brock, Syriac Manuscripts Copied on the Black Mountain, near
Antioch, inLingua restituta orientalis.Festgabe fr Julius Assfalg(gypten und
Altes Testament,20) ed.R.Schulz, M.Grg, Wiesbaden,1990, p.59-67;
W.Z.Djobadze, Materials for the Study ofGeorgian Monasteries in the Western
Environs ofAntioch on the Orontes(CSCO, 372), Louvain,1976, p.86-108;
J.J.S.Weitenberg, The Armenian Monasteries on the Black Mountain, in
East and West in the Medieval Eastern Mediterranean.I: Antioch from the Byzantine
reconquest until the end ofthe Crusader principality, acta ofthe congress held at Hernen
Castle in May2003(Orientalia Lovaniensia analecta, 147) ed.K.Ciggaar,
M.Metcalf, Leuven,2006, p.79-94.
46 W.Wright, Catalogue ofSyriac Manuscripts in the British Museum Acquired
Since 1838, London, 1870-1872, vol.1, p.35-36(=no.LIV, the first part
ofMS Add.14434). Cfr. Milan, Ambrosianus C313 Inf.
334
Syriac biblical translations.Pauls was one ofthe mirror translations ofthe period, marked by such precise attention to the
Greek original that one could retrovert the results back into
Greek with some ease.47 In this manuscript ofthe Psalms in
Paul ofTellas Syriac version, there are prefixed to the Psalter
some translated extracts from various Greek commentators on
the Psalms, including Hippolytus, Basil, Eusebius ofCaesarea,
Athanasius, and Origen. The selection ofthat particular array
ofauthorities to acollection ofcommentaries on the Psalms
translated from Greek into Syriac in the early sixth century
on the Black Mountain, presumably the famous center near
Antioch.48 The manuscript is additionally notable for the inclusion ofarare marginal note in Latin, providing afew lines from
Psalm50, added by someone residing at the monastery, probably
before the twelfth century. Was it avisiting monk? In any case,
here we have asixth-century translation from Greek done at
the Black Mountain in Syria, accompanying aseventh-century
Syriac translation ofthe Psalms done at the Enaton in Egypt,
found in an eighth-century manuscript from Wadi Natrun bearing aLatin note from the Crusader era.
335
C. STEWART OSB
Bibliography
1.Primary sources
Greg.M., Dial.=Gregorius Magnus, Liber dialogorum, Latin text
and Greek version by Pope Zacharias (PL, 77, col.149-430).
Greg.M., Epist. =Gregorius Magnus, Registrum epistularum
ed.D.Norberg (CCSL, 140, 140A), Turnhout,1982.
Greg.M., In Ez.II 2.8 and 10.21=Gregorius Magnus, In Ezechielem homiliae ed.M.Adriaen (CC SL, 142), Turnhout,1971.
Greg.M., Moral.=Gregorius Magnus, Moralia, sc.Expositio beati
Iob ed.M.Adriaen (CCSL, 143, 143A, 143B), Turnhout,1979.
336
2.Secondary sources
A.Baumstark, Geschichte der syrischen Literatur, mit Ausschluss der
christlich-palstinensischen Texte, Berlin,1922.
S.Brock, Syriac on Sinai: the main connections, inEukosmia:
Studi miscellanei per il 75o di Vincenzo Poggi S.J. ed.V.Ruggieri,
L.Pieralli, Soveria Mannelli,2003.
S.Brock, Syriac into Greek at Mar Saba: the Translation ofSt Isaac
the Syrian, in The Sabaite Heritage in the Orthodox Church from
the Fifth Century to the Present (Orientalia Lovaniensia analecta, 98)
ed.J.Patrich, Leuven,2001, p.201-208.
S.Brock, Greek and Syriac in Late Antique Syria, in Literacy and
Power in the Ancient World ed.A.Bowman, G.Woolf, Cambridge,1994, p.149-160.
S.Brock, Syriac Manuscripts Copied on the Black Mountain, near
Antioch, inLingua restituta orientalis.Festgabe fr Julius Assfalg
(gypten und Altes Testament,20) ed.R.Schulz, M.Grg,
Wiesbaden,1990, p.59-67.
S.Brock, Towards aHistory ofSyriac Translation Technique,
in IIISymposiumSyriacum,1980:les contacts du monde syriaque avec
les autres cultures: Goslar 7-11Septembre1980 (Orientalia christiana
analecta, 221) ed.R.Lavenant, Roma,1983, p.1-14.
A.Cameron, Old and New Rome: Roman Studies in Sixth-Century Constantinople, in Transformations ofLateAntiquity. Essays
for Peter Brown ed.P.Rousseau, M.Papoutsakis, Farnham,2009,
p.15-36.
337
C. STEWART OSB
338
F.Nau, Le texte grec des rcits utiles lme dAnastase (le Sinate),
Oriens Christianus, 3(1903), p.56-90.
E.Papoutsakis, The Making ofaSyriac Fable: from Ephrem to
Romanos, Le Muson, 120(2007), p.29-75.
P.Peeters, Orient et Byzance.Le trfonds oriental de lhagiographie byzantine (Subsidia hagiographica,26), Bruxelles,1950.
L.Perrone, Riscoprire Origene oggi: prime impressioni sulla raccolta di omelie sui Salmi nelCodex Monacensis Graecus314, Adamantius, 18(2012), p.41-58.
W.Petersen, The Dependence ofRomanos the Melodist upon the
Syriac Ephrem: Its Importance for the Origin ofthe Kontakion,
Vigiliae Christianae, 39(1985), p.171-187.
M.Plested, The Macarian Legacy: the Place ofMacarius-Symeon in the
Eastern Christian Tradition (Oxford Theological Monographs), Oxford,
2004.
M.Molin Pradel, Novit origeniane dalla Staatsbibliothek di Monaco
di Baviera: ilCod.Graec.314, Adamantius, 18(2012), p.16-40.
L.VanRompay, Aramaic, in Gorgias Encyclopedic Dictionary ofSyriac
Heritageed.S.Brock, A.M.Butts, G.A.Kiraz, L.VanRompay, Piscataway,2011, p.29-30.
L.VanRompay, Pawlos ofTella, Gorgias Encyclopedic Dictionary
of Syriac Heritage ed.S.Brock, A.M.Butts, G.A.Kiraz,
L.VanRompay, Piscataway, 2011, p.325-326.
L.VanRompay, al-Suryan, Dayr, in Gorgias Encyclopedic Dictionary ofSyriac Heritage ed.S.Brock, A.M.Butts, G.A.Kiraz,
L.VanRompay, Piscataway,2011, p.386-387.
F.Sarre, E.Herzfeld, Archologische Reise im Euphrat und Tigris
Gebiet, vols., 2, Berlin,1920.
A.Scher, Joseph Hazzaya, crivain syriaque du viiiesicle, Comptes
de LAcadmie des inscriptions et Belles-Lettres,
rendus des sances
Paris,1909, p.300-307.
A.Scher, Catalogue des manuscrits syriaques et arabes conservs dans la
bibliothque piscopale de Sert (Kurdistan), Mosul,1905.
C.Stewart, Evagrius Beyond Byzantium: the Latin and Syriac
Receptions, in Evagrius and His Legacy ed.R.D.Young,
J.Kalvesmaki, South Bend [forthcoming].
C.Stewart, Cassian the Monk, Oxford,1998.
C.Stewart, Working the Earth ofthe Heart: the Messalian Controversy
in History, Texts, and Language to ad431 (Oxford Theological Monographs), Oxford,1991.
339
C. STEWART OSB
Abstract
The traditional view ofPatristics as the study ofacanon of
texts is challenged by awareness that many texts have been lost,
others survive only in translations, some in asingle manuscript.
The static view is yielding to amore supple understanding
ofcultures, languages, and the interactions among them. The
flow ofideas and texts across linguistic frontiers suggests the
naturally multilingual context ofLate Antique Christianity.
340
341
BARBARA CROSTINI
Stockholm University
AMEETING-POINT
BETWEEN EAST AND WEST:
HESYCHIUS OFJERUSALEM
AND THE INTERPRETATION
OFTHE PSALTER IN BYZANTIUM
10.1484/J.BAIEP.5.107525
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B. CROSTINI
344
345
B. CROSTINI
focus; indeed, its political role came to the fore precisely around
the turn ofthe millennium.
Beside his Palestinian and Jewish origins, Hesychius strides
across the environments ofboth cathedral and monastery.
His preaching and teaching appear to have taken place in
achurch setting before an audience as varied as that expected of
aplace ofpilgrimage like Jerusalem, and his capable rhetoric
was influenced by the bishops who were his teachers, notably
JohnII and Juvenal.This point has been admirably proved by
the editor ofHesychiuss Festal Homilies, Michel Aubineau,
through adetailed study oftheir rhetoric and vocabulary.10
But the roots ofHesychiuss formation and perhaps his deepest
allegiance belonged to the monastic world, aworld spreading
out from Jerusalem across the desert to Egypt, comprising a
variegated reality ofcommunities and anchorites that the studies
by Brouria Ashkelony, Aryeh Kofsky,11 and Lorenzo Perrone12
are gradually bringing to scholarly attention. These communities
evolved from simple retirement into the desert into complex
networks regulated by strict rhythms and nourished by aspecial literature that dissected the movements ofthe soul and
prescribed progressive askesis.
Not alien to this monastic setting, however, was also the
classical training in rhetoric and grammar, which these ascetics
had been and perhaps were still being exposed to in the context
oftheir monastic schooling, in their roles as learners and then
as teachers.This particular interaction, often underestimated,
has been the special focus ofthe project Paideia and Ancient
Monasticism at the University ofLund.13 The notes taken
346
347
B. CROSTINI
not alone in considering Hesychius as probably sharing the antiChalcedonian perspective ofthe monastic milieu ofthe Judaean
desert, even though his death soon after prevented his full and
explicit participation in that schismatic party.
Besides Horns study pointing to the emphasis on penance
in Hesychius, Mats Erikssons recent doctoral thesis at Uppsala
University suggests that the conventional view ofHesychius
portrayed as entirely orthodox (i.e.Chacedonian) in the ponderous volumes written by Jssen18 may need revisiting.Eriksson maintains that more personal and ascetic material is to be
found in the Hesychian corpus than the limited studies have
so far managed to highlight.For example, Hesychiuss glosses
on Ps.131 LXX (132Heb.) make explicit references to the
monastic choice as fulfillment ofthe words ofthe psalm: the
tabernacles () ofthe Lord explicitly become the
that we are invited to enter into.19 This monastic
facet ofHesychiuss writings makes it likely that his theological
position was closer to that ofthe anti-Chalcedonians, who were
mostly supported within Palestinian monasticism.Nonetheless,
far from alienating him, the monastic involvement may be among
the factors that accompanied the survival and guaranteed the
transmission ofHesychiuss exegesis. Whether his glosses and
commentaries were written directly by him or were taken down
by disciples from his oral presentations, these works were often
selected for inclusion in the catenae, that is, the commentaries
copied in the margins ofparchment manuscripts ofthe Scriptures and made up ofexcerpts from the fathers. This process
began probably in Palestine around the sixth century, Procopius
ofGaza (circa 465-528 ad) being cited as the initiator or one
ofthe earliest examples ofthis type ofcommentary, although the
manuscript evidence begins later on.20
18
K.Jssen, Die dogmatische Anschauungen des Hesychius vonJerusalem(Beitrge
zur Theologie,17,20), 2vols., Mnster i.W.,1931,1934.
19 Hesych.H., Ps.tit.(PG,27, col.1249A12 and C12 [interpretatio]): see
M.Eriksson, The Scholia, p.15.
20 The hiatus between actual composition and extant evidence has given rise
to much speculation as to the early form and function ofcatenae.On Procopius,
see the work by F.Petit, Introduction, in Autour de Thodoret de Cyr. La Collectio Coisliniana sur les derniers livres de lOctateuque et sur les Rgnes. Le Commen-
348
The freedom in the use ofsources that the excerptors experienced in their work is attested by the survival ofanumber
ofcondemned or dubious authors in the form ofpassages that
either became attached to adifferent author or blended in with
the rest by remaining unattributed.21 The variety ofcatenae that
have been preserved in manuscripts, particularly those on the
Psalter, also witnesses to the creative use ofjuxtaposition in the
sequence ofpatristic sources selected for the commentaries, and
although scholars have attempted, and to asmall degree succeeded, in systematizing the extant evidence, questions about
their evolution remain open. Thefundamental survey by Gilles
Dorival, now published in four volumes, distinguishes primary
from secondary compilations, calling them mother-catenae
and daughter-catenae.22 However, it is not uncommon to find
compilations produced ad hoc for aspecific edition, and the case
ofVatican, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vat.gr.752, an illuminated Greek Psalter from the eleventh century, appears to
contain precisely such an apposite and original catena, that must
be categorized as its own type.
2.Hesychius in Vat.gr.752
The catena ofVat.gr.752 is principally composed ofpassages
from Hesychiuss commentaries on the Psalter, flanked by interpretations by other authors such as Theodoret ofCyrrhus, who
is in particular paired with Hesychius in nearly all the glosses
on the titles (also called inscriptions) ofthe Psalms. Ininventorying this manuscript in his survey ofcatenae to the Greek
Psalter, Dorival noted from the start the presence ofuniden-
349
B. CROSTINI
350
351
B. CROSTINI
in the Old Testament, their value for the exegete was nonetheless intact. Avery unusual image ofAquila and Symmachus in
the illuminations ofVat.gr.752 well visualizes the respect that
these biblical scholars were accorded, and raises issues about
the perception ofJews both in ahistorical and acontemporary
perspective (see Figure 1=fol.187r).
While the main gist ofHesychiuss exegesis tallies more
closely with the Alexandrian interpretative approach (allegorical/
spiritualizing),27 he also resorts to etymological discourse and
Christ-centred typology to expose the gamut ofmeanings
that the Scriptures open up, rather than define.This range
ofmeanings is explored through connection with other parts of
Scripture, through an analysis oflanguage and words, including
proper names, and with an eye to ethical engagement with the
Word ofGod as found especially in the Psalms.This attitude at
once puts Hesychiuss writings at one remove from the heart
ofcontemporary controversy in its more technical sense, and
offers apositive, slowly paced approach to religious contemplation as constituted by meditative and critical reading, resulting in adiffraction ofpossible meanings and approaches.
27 M.Simonetti, Lettera e/o allegoria: un contributo alla storia dellesegesi patristica(Studia Ephemeridis Augustinianum, 23), Rome,1985, p.226-230, at p.227.
352
353
B. CROSTINI
354
Even from this limited and, to us, unusual example, the richness
ofHesychiuss outlook, and his mental habit ofstretching far and
wide to gather material for his interpretations, is evident. Rooted
in the interrelationship ofscriptural texts, its resonances branch
out towards the contemporary situation. Thesons ofKore as
privileged performers ofthe Psalms impresses on these texts the
mark ofauthority, dealing with issues ofpurity as reflected in
the Levitical law but also representing the strife that disputations
impart onto the mechanisms ofthe ecclesia as seen in the biblical
narrative and reflected in Hesychiuss own times.
In his edition Mercati provides one example for each of
Hesychiuss possible meanings ofsons ofKore, based on the
gloss to the title applied in each case by Hesychius himself.
So, the purity concept appears in the title to Ps.83, while the
abandonment is found for Ps.43 and the disputational issues
in Ps.84 and87. These different leads suggested by the interpretation ofthe sons ofKore go at least some way towards
explaining the different and at times ostensibly diverging functions that the representations ofthe sons ofKore take in the
illustrations to Vat.gr.752. These characters, unusually taking
centre stage in this manuscripts programme ofilluminations,
have puzzled commentators, who naturally sought one meaning
for their rather extensive presence. Here Hesychius shows us
that arange ofmeanings can be applied to them, going from the
quasi-saintly to the more expected disputational aspect related to
the objectionable behaviour ofKore.
Iwould like to dwell on the concept ofpurity and its
application to Ps.83 in the Vatican illuminated manuscript, in
view ofthe importance ofthe concept ofclerical purity in the
eleventh-century liturgical reform ofthe Church. Iam inclined
to attribute the use ofHesychius to the demonstration ofthe
ancient roots ofthis shared concern that came to the fore again
355
B. CROSTINI
356
4.Conclusion
It is likely that the illuminated Psalter now known as Vat.gr.752
had the contemporary ecclesial climate in mind when it was
planned and copied around the1050s. Inits combination of
imagery and text it engages with the question ofthe Eucharist by depicting the liturgical action ofthe sacrament and the
typological Old Testament meals.It also appears to pursue some
political agenda in emphasizing the repentance ofDavid (usually
asymbol for the Byzantine emperor) and in choosing to represent several times the rather unusual figure ofSaint Sylvester,
37 Still useful is the little volume by M.H.SmithIII, And Taking Bread...
Cerularius and the Azyme Controversy of1054(Thologie historique,47), Paris,1978.
38 P.Gemeinhardt, Der Filioque-Streit zwischen Ost und West, in Vom
Schisma zu den Kreuzzgen, 1054-1204 ed.P.Bruns, G.Gresser, Munich,2005,
p.105-132, esp.p.122-28.
357
B. CROSTINI
39
Witness to the heretical movements coming into contact with Byzantine
monastics ofthe captial is the text edited by F.Osti, LEpistola invettiva di
Eutimio della Peribleptos(1050ca.) nei codici Vaticani greci840 e604.
Una versione breve e un rimaneggiamento, in Vie per Bisanzio ed.A.Rigo,
A.Babuin, M.Trizio, 2vols., Venice,2013, I, p.251-274, at p.263.
40 See especially G.Lobrichon, Riforma ecclesiastica e testo della Bibbia,
in Le Bibbie Atlantiche.Il Libro delle Scritture tra monumentalit e rappresentazione
ed.M.Maniaci, G.Orofino, Montecassino,2000, p.15-23.
41 J.Kirchmeyer, Hsychius de Jerusalem, in Dictionnaire deSpiritualit,7,
Paris,1968, col.399-408, at col.407.On the complex questions concerning
the Glossa ordinaria and its transmission, see L.J.Smith, The Glossa Ordinaria.
TheMaking of aMedieval Bible Commentary, Leiden, 2009.
358
Bibliography
1.Primary sources
Ath., Ep.Marcell.=Athanasius Alexandrinus, Epistula ad Marcellinum (PG,27), Paris, 1857, col.12-45.
Didym., Fr.Ps.=Didymus Alexandrinus, Fragmenta in psalmos
ed.A.Mai (PG,39), Paris, 1863, col.1155-1616.
Hesych.H., Comm.in Iob=Homlies sur Job: version armnienne
ed.Ch, Renoux, tr.Ch.Mercier, Ch.Renoux (PO,42.1-2),
Turnhout,1983.
Hesych.H., Comm.in Lev.=Hesychius Hierosolymitanus, Commentarius in Leviticum (PG,93), Paris, 1865, col.787-1180.
Hesych.H., Homilia in Hypapantem=G.Garitte, Lhomlie gorgienne dHsychius de Jrusalem sur lHypapante, Le Muson,
4(1971), p.353-372.
359
B. CROSTINI
2.Secondary literature
Athanasius Handbuch ed.P.Gemeinhardt, Tbingen,2011.
A.Bayer, Spaltung der Christenheit.Das sogennante Morgenlndische
Schisma von1054 (Beihefte zum Archiv fr Kulturgeschichte, 53),
Bhlau, 2002.
B.Bitton-Ahskelony, Penitence in LateAntique Monastic
Literature, in Transformations ofthe Inner Self in Ancient Religions
ed.J.Assmann, G.G.Stroumsa (Numen Book Series,83), Leiden,
1999, p.179-420.
B.Bitton-Ahskelony,A.Kofsky, The Monastic School ofGaza
(Vigiliae Christianae, Supplements,78), Leiden, 2006.
Clavis patrum graecorum, III: ACyrillo Alexandrino ad Iohannem Damascenum ed.M.Geerard, Turnhout,20032.
B.Crostini, Augustine in the Byzantine World to 1453, in The
Oxford Guide to the Reception ofAugustine ed.K.Pollman, 3vols.,
Oxford,2013, II, p.726-734.
N.de Lange, Jewish Greek Bible Versions, in The New Cambridge
History ofthe Bible,II: From600 to1450 ed.R.Marsden,
A.Matter, Cambridge,2012, p.56-68.
R.Devreesse, Les anciens commentateurs grecs des Psaumes (Studi e testi,
264), Vatican City,1970.
E.de Wald, The Illustrations in the MSS.ofthe Septuagint, II: Vaticanus graecus 752, Princeton, 1942.
G.Dorival, Les Chanes exgtiques grecques sur les Psaumes.Contribution
ltude dune forme littraire (Spicilegium Sacrum Lovaniense,43-46),
4vols., Leuven, 1986-1991.
M.Eriksson, The Scholia by Hesychius ofJerusalem on the Minor
Prophets, unpublished doctoral thesis, Uppsala University,2012.
360
361
B. CROSTINI
3.Web sites
http://mopai.lu.se/education.html
Abstract
The Psalter is in itself aspecial place ameeting-point ofhistories
and cultures, and atimeless voice expressing both the universal and
the particular truths that pertain to each and every human being who
experiences life in its different facets. Theintimate, prayerful voice
ofthis Jewish-Christian text makes it suitable for different adaptations,
but also lays it open to different interpretations. Hesychius ofJerusalem,
writing in fifth-century Palestine, adopts on the one hand ascholarly
and philological approach didactically expounding the different
meanings ofwords and names, and on the other hand emphasizes
aspects offorgiveness and repentance in reflecting as apastor on the
impact ofthe Psalms on the souls journey. InByzantine catenae,
362
he was apopular author, but the use ofhis glosses in the West
and the Latin translation ofhis Commentary on Leviticus argue for his
suitability in East-West dialogue. Iillustrate such possible function
during the eleventh-century crisis between the Latin and Greek
churches from aspecific illuminated Byzantine Psalter, Vatican,
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vat.gr.752, whose tailoring oftexts
and images may be thought to reflect aspects ofthat controversy.
363
B. CROSTINI
Fig. 1.
Vat. gr. 752, fol. 187r
Fig. 2.
Vat. gr. 752, fol. 265r
364
CHRISTOPH MARKSCHIES
Berlin
367
C. MARKSCHIES
368
369
C. MARKSCHIES
an influential role in the study ofearly Christianity, as my colleague from Zurich, Silke-Petra Bergjan, has already shown
with regard to Schrckh and other theologians some timeago.5
Patristics and Theology developed into two separate disciplines
in Protestant continental European Universities in the eighteenth
century already because ofthe differentiation that was taking
place in the academic disciplines in the universities at that time.
Thus, out oftheologia patristica emerged Patristics and systematic theology. However, this development also set free the
study ofearly Christianity to seek out new institutional affiliations and therefore methodical contexts and fundamental frameworks other than the systematic theology ofEuropes confessional churches. Representative ofthis increase in autonomy,
which isfor example, in the German speaking regionsoften
conventionally and confusingly referred to under the central
category Patristics is the article in the classic Realencyklopdie
fr protestantische Theologie und Kirche from the year1904, edited
by Gustav Krger (1862-1940), astudent ofAdolf Harnack.6
Krger basically understood Patristics as aliterary history ofearly
Christian writings and strived verbatim to eradicate the leftovers
ofdogmatic prejudices7.Of course, on the other hand there
have also been since then repeated attempts to revive the classical
theologia patristica or to transform it, in order to meet the needs
ofthe respective contemporary climate. Iam thinking here, for
example, ofthe so-called Neo-Lutheranism (Neuluthertum)
on German Protestant territory. In1867, Adolf vonHarnacks
sometimes friend and later opponent Theodor vonZahn (18381933) portrayed Marcellus ofAncyra as amodel for aBibleoriented Lutheran theologian from Antiquity8. Therepresenta Bergjan, Die Beschftigung mit der Alten Kirche an deutschen Universitten in
den Umbrchen der Aufklrung, p.42-49.
6 G.Krger, Patristik, Realencyklopdie fr protestantische Theologie und Kirche,
24vols., Hamburg,1904, XV, p.1-13.
7 G.Krger, Patristik, p.12; H.Ch. Brennecke, Patristik oder altchristliche Literaturwissenschaft? Eine historische Leitwissenschaft der protestantischen Theologie in Deutschland am Beginn des20.Jahrhunderts, ZAC,
15(2011), p.8f.
8 H.Ch.Brennecke, Patristik in der konfessionellen Theologie des19.
Jahrhunderts, in Zwischen Altertumswissenschaft und Theologie, p.62-90, in partic.
p.83.
5
370
371
C. MARKSCHIES
with David Lerch about the history ofinterpretation as anecessary task oftheological study and examined, if only briefly,
the benefits ofthe history ofinterpretation for systematic
theology.11 Early Christian texts are not dealt with at all in that
essay. Therelationship between Patristics and Theology was
presented completely differently, for example, in alecture also
held in1951 by the editor ofthe conference volume, Lietzmanns student, Kurt Aland (1915-1994), who worked in Halle
and Berlin at the time.Aland dealt in his lecture with the religious attitude ofEmperor Constantine. Atthe end ofhis lecture,
he asksand that only in mild termswhether the religious
changes that took place during the times ofEmperor Constantine, Chlodwig and the Elector ofSaxony, Frederick the Wise
during the Reformation were asign ofareasonable occurrence,
which was driven by the inner strengths ofthe faith, the continuation ofwhich we are referring to here.12 Seen from this
viewpoint, Patristics is one ofthe many terms in modern European times which was deprived ofits original theological context and became secularised (this holds true, no matter what one
thinks about the thesis put forward by the not unproblematic
jurist Carl Schmitt (1888-1985), who stated that all terms used
in modern theories ofthe state are secularised religious terms).13
At the same time, however, the category Patristics also makes
clear what contemporary research on secularisation repeatedly
makes clear as well, namely, that there has not been an uninterrupted dechristianisation ofEurope, but rather always arenewed
religiosity and therefore always arenewed theologia patristica.
Munichs Protestant theologian Trutz Rendtorff has described
these circumstances as multivalent (vielspltig),14 meaning
that in our times what we have is not simply the random parallel existence ofideological pluralism, but asituation, in which
11
L.Vischer,D.Lerch, Die Auslegungsgeschichte als notwendige
theologische Aufgabe, Studia Patristica=TU 63, Berlin,1957, p.417.
12 K.Aland, Die religise Haltung Kaiser Konstantins, Studia Patristica=
TU63, Berlin,1957, p.599.
13 C.Schmitt, Politische Theologie.Vier Kapitel zur Lehre vonder Souvernitt,
Berlin, 20048, p.43.
14 T.Rendtorff, Vielspltiges.Protestantische Beitrge zur ethischen Kultur,
Stuttgart, 1991.
372
15
E.Mhlenberg, Patristik, Theologische Realenzyklopdie, 36vols., Berlin,
NewYork,1996, XXVI, p.97-106, in partic.p.97.
16L.Daston,P.Galison, Objectivity, NewYork,2007.
17 Krger, Patristik, p.12; H.Ch. Brennecke,
Patristik oder altchristliche Literaturwissenschaft?, p.8f.
373
C. MARKSCHIES
374
375
C. MARKSCHIES
376
Studien zu einer Hermeneutik der Konfessionen (Kirche und Konfessionen, 7), Gttingen,19662, p.9-27.
24 Ch.Kannengiesser, Handbook ofPatristic Exegesis, Leiden,2000; B.Studer,
Dominus Salvator. Studien zur Christologie und Exegese der Kirchenvter (Studia
Anselmiana, 107), Roma,1991.
25 G.Rexin, Studer, Basil, in Biographisch-bibliographisches Kirchenlexikon,
33vols., Nordhausen,2011, XXXII, p.1379-1390.
26Cfr. D.E.Gianotti, IPadri della Chiesa al Concilio Vaticano II.La teologia patristica nella Lumen gentium, Bologna,2010; A.M.Triacca, Luso dei
loci patristici nei documenti del Concilio Vaticano II: un caso emblematico
e problematico, in Lo studio dei Padri della Chiesa oggi ed.E.dal Covolo (Biblioteca di Scienze Religiose, 96), Roma,1991, p.149-184.
377
C. MARKSCHIES
378
mostly due to the prejudice that the history ofthe Reformation churches began only in the sixteenth century. Theview
that the Protestant Church is that part ofthe una sancta catholica
which went through the Reformation is not unanimously
held in the run-up to the Reformation jubilee year in2017.31
Atelling example ofthis confusion is the comparatively unhelpful definition ofthe function ofPatristics for theology that can be
found in Ekkehard Mhlenbergs aforementioned article under
the same title:
The word Patristics expresses aconnection to theology.
As aresult, the theological element in the academic study
ofthe early Christian period must be named as clearly as
possible. There is, namely, in Theology, aspecific interest
in its own history and in particular in the knowledge ofthe
ancient Christian era.Roman Catholic theology defines
the theological element as aprinciple oftradition; for the
Orthodox churches, the principle oftradition is rather confined to the time period ofthe seven ecumenical councils,
while the Anglican Church has aleaning towards Patristics.
Therelationship ofthe Protestant churches ofthe Reformation to the Fathers can by comparison be described as
abroken one. However, what should be true for Christian
theology in general is, that it cannot ignore the question
ofthe Churchs historical unity, nor can it detach its truth
from the Christian faith ofthe past.32
The images ofaspecific understanding ofthe respective Christian confessions are static (a theological awakening like the aforementioned one ofthe Nouvelle Thologie is left by the wayside)
and the importance ofPatristics for Protestant theology is here
reduced to aplain interest in gaining orientation via the past
in order to establish arelationship to past concepts ofchurch
and faith.Why it might be necessary or even vital, and
31Cfr., however, Ch.Markschies, Wie katholisch ist die Evangelische
Kirche? Wie katholisch sollte sie sein?, Evangelischer Pressedienst Dokumentation, 16(17.4.2012), p.4-14 [repr.in kumenische Information. Nachrichten
und Hintergrnde aus der Christlichen kumene und dem Dialog der Religionen,
17(24.4.April2012), p.i-xii]; cfr. Italian version: Limportanza di stabilire
cosa significhi cattolicit per la Chiesa evangelica.Certe parole hanno un peso,
LOsservatore romano, 227(3.10.2012), p.4.
32 Mhlenberg, Patristik, p.97.
379
C. MARKSCHIES
33 A.M.Ritter, Protestantisches Geschichtsbewusstsein und vorreformatorische Tradition, in A.M.Ritter, Vom Glauben der Christen und seiner Bewhrung im Denken und Handeln.Gesammelte Aufstze zur Kirchengeschichte(Texts and
Studies in the History ofTheology, 8), Mandelbachtal,Cambridge,2003, p.22f.
380
381
C. MARKSCHIES
382
383
C. MARKSCHIES
Bibliography
S.P.Bergjan, Die Beschftigung mit der Alten Kirche an deutschen
Universitten in den Umbrchen der Aufklrung, in Zwischen
Altertumswissenschaft und Theologie.Zur Relevanz der Patristik in
Geschichte und Gegenwart ed.Ch.Markschies,J.vanOort
(Studien der Patristischen Arbeitsgemeinschaft, 7), Lwen,2002,
p.31-61.
H. Bhme, Einladung zur Transformation, in Transformation. Ein
Konzept zur Erforschung kulturellen Wandels, ed.H.Bhme etal.,
Mnchen, 2011, p.7-38.
H.Ch.Brennecke, Patristik in der konfessionellen Theologie des19.
Jahrhunderts, in Zwischen Altertumswissenschaft und Theologie.Zur
Relevanz der Patristik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, ed.Ch.Markschies, J.vanOort (Studien der Patristischen Arbeitsgemeinschaft, 7),
Lwen, 2002, p.62-90.
42 A.Ples
u, Rflections sur lactualit et linactualit des Pres, in Les Pres
de lglise dans le monde daujourdhui, p.13-18.
43 Ch.Markschies, Die altkirchlichen Vtereine kumenische Herausforderung?, in ...zur Zeit oder Unzeit.Studien zur sptantiken Theologie-,
Geistes- und Kunstgeschichte.Hans Georg Thmmel zu Ehren, ed.A.M.Ritter,
W.Wischmeyer,W.Kinzig (Texts and Studies in the History ofTheology,9),
Mandelbachtal, Cambridge,2004, p.307-342.
384
H.Ch. Brennecke, Patristik oder altchristliche Literaturwissenschaft? Eine historische Leitwissenschaft der protestantischen
Theologie in Deutschland am Beginn des20.Jahrhunderts, ZAC,
15(2011), p.7-46.
J.F. Budde, Gesammelte Werke, VIII.1: Isagoge Historica-Theologica ad
Theologiam Universam Singulasque eius Partes. Novis Supplementis
Auctior, (Historia Scientiarum), Hildesheim,1999 (=Lipsia, 1730).
G.Collins, Meeting Christ in His Mysteries: ABenedictine Vision ofthe
Spiritual Life, Dublin, 2011.
S.Coakley, Re-thinking Gregory ofNyssa, Oxford,2003 [originally
aspecial issue ofModern Theology, 18(2002)].
S.Coakley, C.M.Stang, Re-thinking Dionysius the Areopagite,
Oxford, 2009 [originally aspecial issue ofModern Theology,
24(2008)].
L.Daston,P.Galison, Objectivity, NewYork,2007.
H.R. Drobner, Lehrbuch der Patrologie, Frankfurt amMain et al.,
20113.
G. Ebeling, Kirchengeschichte als Geschichte der Auslegung der Heiligen
Schrift (Sammlung gemeinverstndlicher Vortrge, 189), Tbingen1947=
G.Ebeling, Wort Gottes.Studien zu einer Hermeneutik der Konfessionen (Kirche und Konfessionen, 7), Gttingen, 19662, p.9-27.
J.Fontaine, Christentum ist auch Antike.Einige berlegungen
zu Bildung und Literatur in der lateinischen Sptantike, JbAC,
25(1982), p.5-21.
.Fouilloux, La collection Sources Chrtiennes, diter les Pres de
lglise au xxesicle, Paris,1995.
H.G. Gadamer, Wahrheit und Methode.Grundzge einer philosophischen Hermeneutik, Tbingen, 19754.
D.Gianotti, IPadri della Chiesa al Concilio Vaticano II.La teologia
patristica nella Lumen gentium, Bologna,2010.
Th.Graumann, Die Kirche der Vter.Vtertheologie und Vterbeweis in
den Kirchen des Ostens bis zum Konzil vonEphesus (431) (Beitrge zur
Historischen Theologie, 118), Tbingen,2002.
R.Herzog, Wir leben in der Sptantike: Eine Zeiterfahrung und
ihre Impulse fr die Forschung, in R.Herzog, Sptantike. Studien
zur rmischen und lateinisch-christlichen Literatur, ed.P.Habermehl
(Hypomnemata.Suppl., 3), Gttingen,2002, p.321-348.
Ch.Kannengiesser, Handbook ofPatristic Exegesis, Leiden,2000.
G.Krger, Patristik, Realencyklopdie fr protestantische Theologie
und Kirche, 24vols., Hamburg,1904, XV, p.1-13.
385
C. MARKSCHIES
386
387
C. MARKSCHIES
Abstract
The paper addresses the issue ofthe complex and intricate relationship
between Patristics and theology today and offers ahistory ofthe
discipline ofPatristics as well as ahistorical overview ofthe relationship
between Patristics and its mother discipline: Theology, in its various
stages and mainly in continental Europe. Thepaper refers to the impact
ofparticular confessional understandings with regard to the historical
development and interpretation ofatheologia patristica. Moreover,
the paper examines the role, and transformation ofthe study ofearly
Christianity in German language Protestant theology with afocus on
the secularisation process in modern times.It suggests anew approach
based on hermeneutics and the philosophy ofscience that highlights
the importance oftheology as an ensemble ofpossible preconceptions
for Patristics. Finally, the paper stresses the importance ofthe study
ofPatristics that expands to include aclassic history ofdogma and
theology as well as religious history and atrans-European dimension
ofthe history ofearly Christianity and argues for the significance
ofthe contribution oftheology to this rich field ofstudy.
388
LENKA KARFKOV
Prague and Olomouc
389
L. KARFKOV
390
391
L. KARFKOV
5
Or. 31,25(SC, 250, p.322,1-7; p.324,22-28) [Eng.trans. after
L.Wickham and F.Williams, Faith, p.292-293].
6 Or.31,26(SC, 250, p.326).
7 Or. 31,26(SC, 250, p.326,4-17) [Eng. trans.after L.Wickham and
F.Williams, Faith, p.293].
392
This double process ofwithdrawal in matters ofrite and ofaddition in theological knowledge appears for Gregory to represent asingle process ofsalvation actualized in human history.
Thegradual enlightenment that we are given (
)that is, the gradual revelation ofthe
deity ofthe individual Persons, first the Father, then the Son,
and finally the Spiritis not just aquestion ofepistemology
( ),8 but is itself the very process ofrevelation,
aprocess by which salvation takes place.Gregory describes
these two transformations ofthe human way oflife as shakings
ofthe earth, but at the same time emphasizes their gradual9
and non-forceful nature.God did not want to enforce them but
was waiting for human acceptance.10 He did not want to act
like atyrannical authority ( ) but on the basis
ofwhat is right in each situation (), like ateacher and
aphysician ( ).11
Knowledge ofthe Spirit also grows gradually,12 as was already
apparent in the New Testament: from the beginning ofthe
Gospels the Spirit partially ( ) dwells in the hearts ofthe
disciples, according to their capacity, but after the Passion
and Ascension ofJesus this capacity is made perfect, the Spirit
is breathed upon them (Ioh.20,22), and appears to them in
tongues offire (Act.2,3).Jesus himself, in his farewell speech in
Johns Gospel, also reveals the Spirit gradually.First, he reveals
his relationship to the Father: And Iwill ask the Father, and
he shall give you another Counsellor[...]the Spirit oftruth
Or.31,27(SC, 250, p.328).
Linked with this idea, J.Plagnieux talks about slowness(lenteur) as
abasic law. See J.Plagnieux, Saint Grgoire de Nazianze thologien, Paris,1952,
p.52.
10 Or. 31,25(SC, 250, p.324): ,
.
11 Or.31,25(SC, 250, p.324).
12 Similarly, in his oration on Pentecost, Gregory talks about the gradual
revelation ofthe Spirit before the Passion, after the Resurrection, and after
the Ascension ofJesus: in the first case the revelation was obscure, in the
second more apparent, and in the last even more perfect, as at Pentecost the
Spirit is present not only in his activity(), but substantially().
See Or.41,11(SC, 358, p.340):
, ,
, , .
8
9
393
L. KARFKOV
394
oftruth in general (although Gregory himself makes no connection between historicity and the concept oftruth).17 It is to
this idea that Iwould like to devote the second part ofthese
reflections.
395
L. KARFKOV
396
23 E.Husserl, Die Frage nach dem Ursprung der Geometrie als intentionalhistorisches Problem, from1936, reprinted as appendix3, in Id., Die Krisis
der europischen Wissenschaften und die transzendentale Phnomenologie; also in Id.,
Die Krisis der europischen Wissenschaften und die transzendentale Phnomenologie
(Husserliana,VI), DenHaag, 1954, p.365-386.
24 Taking into account the historical apriori ofall mathematical formulations, Husserl assumes the ideal objectivity(ideale Objektivitt) ofPythagoruss
theorem(and ofall geometry), which exists only once and is identically the same
no matter how many times or in what language it is expressed(E.Husserl,
Die Frage, p.368). This veritas aeterna, that is, the apodictically general invariant
content ofgeometric science(and every other intellectual construction), allows
for its universal validity and so opens the possibility ofrepeating the insight
which was at its origin(E.Husserl, Die Frage, p.385).
397
L. KARFKOV
25
See H.Jonas, Zwischen Nichts und Ewigkeit.Drei Aufstze zur Lehre vom
Menschen, Gttingen,1963, p.55-62; Id., Der Gottesbegriff nach Auschwitz.
Eine jdische Stimme, Frankfurt a.M.,1987.
26 The movement in European thinking from Hegels Absolute Spirit which
comes to know Himself through history even though He remains at the same
time transcendent to it, to the total secularization ofthe idea ofprogress and
the disintegration ofhistoricity in the doctrine ofeternal recurrence, is shown
by K.Lwith, Von Hegel zu Nietzsche(Smtliche Schriften,IV), Stuttgart,1988,
p.1-490.
27 Or.31,14(SC, 250, p.304).See also Or.31,4(SC, 250, p.280-282);
Or.29,3(SC,250, p.180-182).
398
399
L. KARFKOV
400
to mankind, which changes, not only reveals, the human situation (just as Kierkegaards God in time creates anew situation
oftruth, which Socrates, in his time, could not have known
in any way at all).36
According to this third possibility for understanding historicity which Ibelieve to be the best match for Gregorys ideas
revelation is historical in the sense that it relates to the historical
situation ofmankind and is conditioned also by its knowledge.
So it is not just atemporal truthor atemporal truth revealing
itself gradually to people over timebut aprocess in which
we co-act, rather than one we create ourselves. Inthe story
ofChrist, the Christian God gives himself into human hands
(or into history) in the sense that also man creates this story,
but without being able, by himself, to guarantee (or completely
destroy) its meaning. Thehistoricity ofrevelation is not then
about an atemporal truth revealing itself in time, but arelation ofGod, who is above time, to mankind in its history.
This is why this truth has an atemporal basis, without being
atemporal, and why it is also historical, but without being identical to history.
Bibliography
1.Ancient authors
Gregorius Nazianzenus, Orationes, 27-31ed.P.Gallay (SC, 250),
Paris,1978.
Gregorius Nazianzenus, Orationes, 38-41ed.C.Moreschini
(SC, 358), Paris,1990.
Plato, Phaedo ed.J.Burnet (Platonis opera,II), Oxford,1900
(reprint1967).
Plato, Timaeus ed.J.Burnet (Platonis opera,IV), Oxford, 1902
(reprint1968).
36 God in time is, according to Kierkegaard, ateacher who only in time
creates the conditions for knowledge ofthe truth(S.Kierkegaard, Philosophische
Brocken(Werke,V), Reinbek bei Hamburg,1964, p.101).It is therefore neither
historical fact nor eternal fact, but absolute fact(ibid., p.90-91), that is,
aparadox in which the eternal becomes historical and the historical becomes
eternal(ibid., p.57): God becomes historical(ibid., p.80) due to his concern
for the historical(ibid., p.99).
401
L. KARFKOV
2.Literature
C.A. Beeley, Gregory ofNazianzus on the Trinity and the Knowledge
ofGod: In Your Light We Shall See Light, Oxford,2008.
W.Benjamin, ber den Begriff der Geschichte, in Gesammelte Schriften,
I/2 ed.R.Tiedemann,H.Schweppenhuser, Frankfurt a.M.,
1991.
E.Fleury, Hellnisme et christianisme: Saint Grgoire de Nazianze et son
temps, Paris,1930.
E.Husserl, Die Frage nach dem Ursprung der Geometrie als intentionalhistorisches Problem, in Id., Die Krisis der europischen Wissenschaften und die transzendentale Phnomenologie (Husserliana,VI),
Haag,1954, p.365-386.
H.Jonas, Der Gottesbegriff nach Auschwitz.Eine jdische Stimme, Frankfurt a.M.,1987.
H.Jonas, Zwischen Nichts und Ewigkeit.Drei Aufstze zur Lehre vom
Menschen, Gttingen,1963.
L.Karfkov, Ad Ablabium, Quod non sint tres dei, in Gregory
ofNyssa: The Minor Treatises on Trinitarian Theology and Apollinarism. Proceedings ofthe 11thInternational Colloquium on Gregory
ofNyssa, Tbingen, 17-20September2008 ed.V.H.Drecoll,
M.Berghaus, Leiden,2011, p.131-168.
S.Kierkegaard, Philosophische Brocken (Werke,V), Reinbek bei
Hamburg,1964.
W.Kinzig, Novitas Christiana.Die Idee des Fortschritts in der Alten
Kirche bis Eusebius, Gttingen,1994.
K.Lwith, Meaning in History: The Theological Implications ofthe
Philosophy ofHistory, Chicago,1949.
K.Lwith, Von Hegel zu Nietzsche (Smtliche Schriften,IV), Stuttgart,1988, p.1-490.
K.Lwith, Wahrheit und Geschichtlichkeit, in Smtliche Schriften,
9vols., Stuttgart,1983, II, p.460-472.
E.P. Meijering, God Being History: Studies in Patristic Philosophy,
Amsterdam,Oxford,1975.
F.W. Norris, Faith Gives Fullness to Reasoning: The Five Theological
Orations ofGregory Nazianzen, Leiden,1991.
F.W. Norris, Gregorys Opponents in Oration 31, in Arianism:
Historical and Theological Reassessments.Papers from the Ninth International Conference on Patristic Studies, 5-10September1983, Oxford
ed.R.C.Gregg, (Patristic Monograph Series,11), Cambridge, MA,
1985, p.321-326.
402
Abstract
The revelation ofGod in the story ofChrist establishes apattern
ofrevelation that is both historical and contingent (that is, it could have
happened otherwise). Thehistorical and contingent but nonetheless
binding character ofthis revelation is echoed in the development
ofChristian doctrine. Inhis famous pneumatological oration (Or.31,
25-27), Gregory Nazianzen describes how Gods pedagogy involves
progressive revelation, which includes the historical nature ofthe
theological knowledge attained through the gradual recognition
ofthe deity ofthe Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit. This type
ofhistoricity does not mean the increasing manifestation ofan
atemporal truth or ofaGod who is himself becoming history. Rather,
the progressive revelation applies both to Gods atemporal Trinity
and to human historical cognition and reception.It thus implies truth
which is at one and the same time atemporal and historical, since it
changes the historical situation ofhuman beings.
403
EIMHIN WALSH
Trinity College Dublin
405
E. WALSH
the didaskoli, such as the authors ofthe Epistle ofBarnabas and the
Letter to Diognetus, who operated in asimilar capacity to modern
professional theologians ofthe academy.1 These teachers were
entrusted with the instruction ofcatechumens and ofteaching
the faith to those outside ofit.Aseparate role was fulfilled by
the bishops who offered instruction to the community gathered
in worship for those within the faith. Thetwo teaching offices
represented two sides ofthe same coin, each addressing adifferent audience. Inrecognising that practitioners oftheological
research and practitioners ofChristian ministry each require
formation in the theological disciplines, albeit with different
educational needs, theological educators have, in asense, reappropriated abasic model ofthe teaching offices ofthe Early
Church. Thequestion that this paper shall explore, then, is to
what extent should patristic studies feature on the curricula
ofthose preparing for Christian ministry?
Before delving into this question it is pertinent to begin by
exploring the relative status ofpatristic studies in formational curricula. When one investigates this question it becomes apparent
quickly that in many denominations, there is adiscrepancy
between their theoretical emphasising ofthe importance of
patristics in their ecclesial pronouncements on theological education, and the practical outworking in their limited place in
the curriculum. Thefirst section ofthis paper, therefore, will
explore the theoretical place that patristic occupies in clerical
formation, while the second section will offer astatistical treatment that contextualizes the theory against practice.
In its various decrees on the training ofits clergy, the Roman
Catholic Church has consistently emphasized the importance ofathorough grounding in patristic studies for the formation ofits clergy. Canon252 ofthe Code ofCanon Law
establishes that sacred tradition is the lens through which
dogmatic theology ought to be studied.2 The historical development oftheology is thus endowed with anuminous quality
406
407
E. WALSH
Such privileging ofthe Fathers is not unique to Roman Catholicism. In2003 the Anglican Communion established an office for
Theological Education in the Anglican Communion (T.E.A.C.).
Theoffice has concentrated on developing resources to assist
in theological education and formation across the Communion.
One ofthe resources developed by the office has emphasized
the need to train ministers ofevery order in the Anglican Way,
which is rooted in the integration ofscripture, reason and
tradition as the primary sources for theological reflection.
Theengagement with history is foundational to the Anglican
method oftheology; it mediates the voice ofthe living God
in the Holy Scriptures and so Scripture must be read with
a grateful and critical sense ofthe past.6 What emerges from
the Anglican and Roman Catholic conversations on theological
education is the necessity ofintegrating the study ofChristian
history and doctrine with human experience, which in asense,
endows tradition with atrans-temporal mystical quality.
The emphasis on the integration ofacademic with professional competencies is paramount in the accreditation standards
ofAssociation ofTheological Schools in the United States and
Canada (A.T.S.).This network of270 seminaries from across
the spectrum ofthe Christian traditions has outlined four key
competencies that underpin the Master ofDivinity (M.Div.)
professional degree, which represents the typical training route
for ministerial theology in North America. Thefirst competency
is religious heritage, encompassing study in Scripture, the doctrine and history ofthe particular faith community and general
studies in Christian history and heritage. Thesecond competency is cultural studies and covers topics in contemporary sociocultural issues as well as global and cross-cultural issues relevant
to understanding communities offaith. Thethird competency
5United States Conference ofCatholic Bishops, Program ofPriestly
Formation5thedition, Washington, D.C.,2006, 200-201, p.70.
6 The Anglican Way: Signposts on aCommon Journey, Singapore,2007, 1.
408
409
E. WALSH
410
411
E. WALSH
Professional Studies
Biblical Studies
Theological Studies
Historical Studies
Fig. 1.Distribution ofCore Curriculum
19
412
Professional
Studies
Biblical
Studies
Theological
Studies
Historical
Studies
38.5%
52.6%
35.4%
41.7%
39.5%
51.1%
18.7%
21.8%
27.0%
24.6%
20.4%
17.1%
32.2%
16.0%
25.2%
16.9%
30.8%
13.4%
10.6%
9.6%
12.4%
16.8%
9.3%
18.3%
Roman Catholic
Anglican
Methodist
Presbyterian
Baptist
Orthodox
It is clear that in all cases professional studies are given the highest
priority and never dropping below 35% ofthe curriculum.
Biblical, historical, and theological studies vary substantially
between the various denominations which tend to emphasize
according to their respective ecclesial traditions. TheOrthodox
seminaries are the only seminaries that devote greater attention to
historical studies (18.3%) than to biblical (17.2%) or theological
studies (13.4%); in all other denominations historical studies
are equal to or less than the attention offered to other strands.
Although historical studies generally occupy less ofthe curriculum,
it is encouraging to see that patristic studies tend to be wellrepresented in this element ofthe curriculum:
Roman Catholic
Anglican
Methodist
Presbyterian
Baptist
Orthodox
30.0%
20.0%
64.3%
29.2%
32.1%
52.2%
E. WALSH
414
415
E. WALSH
416
blended spirituality and rationality, which gave rise to an apologetic flavour in their writings.Together their defences and
apologies tell the story ofconflict in ecclesiological, Christological, and Trinitarian matters.But behind the conflict lies
apastoral context that sought to respond to inquiries, offer
teaching, and give spiritual guidance in the midst ofuncertainty.
These tools ofScripture, culture, and apologetics are essential
for the modern ministers toolbox.
Athird contribution is how the awareness ofthe diversity
oftradition can advance the ecumenical project.As witnesses to
the development oftradition, the Fathers illustrate the gradual
and sequential evolution ofChristian theology as it engaged with
surrounding cultures and contexts.For example, they wrote in
Greek, Latin, and Syriac, responding to the cultures in which they
operated. Thestudy ofthe Fathers illustrates the simultaneous
operation ofdiverse spiritual, disciplinary, exegetical, and theological systems.27 The plurality ofthe Early Church in terms of
liturgy, language, and law illustrates that tradition is not
monolithic, and that amidst the diversity lies the unity ofacommon basic faith. Perhaps the study ofthe Fathers can contribute
to the ecumenical movements conversation on what is essential
and what counts as adiaphora? The Fathers witness to an evolving
tradition helps to locate ministers as links in that chain ofteaching, perhaps, empowering them to be open to innovation as they
seek to adapt the essential message for future contexts.
This paper began with an assessment ofthe place patristic
and historical studies holds in anumber ofdifferent Christian
denominations.Through astudy ofseminary curricula it was
observed that the privileged position theoretically afforded
historical and patristic studies is not reflected in the formational
syllabi. Thefinal section constituted an argument for the relevance
ofpatristic studies in the formation ofthe clergy. It was suggested
that patristics are particularly useful in understanding the development oftradition and in framing the challenges ofpastoral
ministry. It was argued that the Fathers composite approach
to theology is essentially pastoral, and consequently there is
27 Instruction on the Study ofthe Fathers ofthe Church in the Formation
ofPriests, p.544.
417
E. WALSH
Bibliography
Secondary literature
The Anglican Way: Signposts on aCommon Journey, Singapore,2007.
Association ofTheological Schools Handbook ofAccreditation, Pennsylvania,2013.
J.Bartlett, From Divinity to Theology in four centuries, in Trinity
College Dublin &the Idea ofaUniversity ed.C.H.Holland,
Dublin,1991.
G.Bebis, Teaching Patristics on the Parish Level, Greek Orthodox
Theological Review, 48(2003), p.233-240.
Code ofCanon Law, 252 3, The Code ofCanon Law: Latin-English
Edition, Washington, D.C.,1983.
Congregation for Catholic Education, Instruction on the
Study ofthe Fathers ofthe Church in the Formation ofPriests,
Origins,19:34(1990), p.549-561.
P.S. Fiddes, Participating in God: aPastoral Doctrine ofthe Trinity,
London,2000.
E.L.Graham, H.Walton, F.Ward ed.Theological Reflection:
sources, London, 2007.
M.N. Kane, Codes ofConduct for Catholic Clergy in the United
States: The Professionalization ofthe Priesthood, Mental Health,
Religion and Culture, 9(2006), p.355-377.
J.Leach, The End ofTheological Education: An Analysis ofthe
Contribution ofPortfolio Learning to Formation in Ministry
within aUniversity Context, Journal ofAdult Theological Education,
7.2(2010), p.117-204.
J.V. Luce, The Church ofIreland and Trinity College Dublin,
1592-1992, Search: aChurch ofIreland Journal, 15(1992), p.9-17.
418
Abstract
This paper begins with an exploration ofthe place ofpatristic
studies in the theological education ofclergy in several Christian
denominations.It then offers asummary ofastudy ofseminary
curricula that attempted to ascertain the relative status ofpatristic
and historical studies vis--vis other theological disciplines. Noting
that patristic studies occupy arelatively small amount ofthe core
curriculum an argument is advanced for the relevance ofpatristics
for pastoral theology. Thepaper argues that the study ofthe Fathers
is particularly relevant to the objectives oftheological education,
namely the formation ofreflective practitioners that capably integrate
personal, theological and professional competencies.
419
SYRIAC CHRISTIANS
AND BABYLONIAN JEWRY:
NARRATIVES
AND IDENTITY SHAPING
IN A MULTI-RELIGIOUS SETTING*
The research of last few decades has elaborated on the possibility of actual or indirect links between Babylonian Jewry of
the Talmudic period and contemporaneous Syriac Christianity,
with the geographical and cultural affinity, that is, the shared
Aramaic (Syriac) language, strongly suggesting the probability
of such links.1 For example, the possibility of the influence of
Jewish exegetical trends on Syriac Old Testament exegesis has
been repeatedly discussed.2 In the Sasanian Empire, Jews and
(Syriac- speaking) Christians also shared the status ofareligious
minority, which makes the comparative analysis of their iden-
421
R. KIPERWASSER - S. RUZER
422
1. Travel hazards
The first narrative unit to be discussed occurs in the Vita following Isosabrans departure from his native city on the way to his
solitary retreat in the wilderness:
One day, when I was staying under that rock, I overheard
something that sounded likeaconversation among many
men who were saying to one another: Lets make this rock
fall on him and destroy him.And they cried all together
withastrong voice like manual workers do: Now, all of
you together!8 And lo,acrack of the rock breaking down
was heard and it was slightly displaced and was already falling
upon me. But in the end all their scheme [thanks to Gods
grace] came to nothing.9
423
R. KIPERWASSER - S. RUZER
424
perfection, the rabbinic protagonists are trying to escape their scholarly destiny and are correspondingly met with the intervention of
angels.Instead of the rock of Isosabrans story, the rabbinic narrative features an unsound wallatypical element of Babylonian
storytelling and an outstanding marker ofahalakhic issue pertaining to city dwellers.14 Literary dependence between the rabbinic
and Syriac traditions under discussion seems unlikely; one should
reasonably see them as developing the source-narrative independently, expressing their different cultural identities. Thus, whereas
journey is an important factor in shaping the identity ofaChristian
ascetic, in rabbinic narrative it is perceived asadistraction from
the ideal of incessant Torah study in the frame ofabeth-hamidrash.
As no explicit polemical markers can be discerned here, we are
inclined to believe that the evidence points rather to the two versions dependence on an underlying common topos.
If we look for an earlier version of the story in the Palestinian
Talmud, we will findaprototype to its second part only in the
form ofadoublet attested in two Talmudic tractates:
y.Ketubbot 6:7 [31 a]
14See Rubenstein, Stories of the Babylonian Talmud, p.44 and 54. The wall
hazard and the miraculous intervention of the angel appear also in aparallel
fromaChristian travel story attributed to John Moschus (late sixth early seventh century). See E.Mioni, Il Pratum Spirituale di Giovanni Mosco: gli episodi
inediti del Cod.Marciano greco 11.21, Orientalia Christiana Periodica, 17(1951),
p.61-94, tr.- J.Wortley, The Spiritual Meadow by John Moschos: Introduction,
Translation and Notes, Kalamazoo, Michigan, 1992, p.220. We are grateful to
Hillel Newman for referring us to the parallel in The Spiritual Meadow.
425
R. KIPERWASSER - S. RUZER
426
16
17
427
R. KIPERWASSER - S. RUZER
2.ConvertingaZoroastrian
The second narrative unit selected for our discussion relates to an
earlier phase in the protagonists spiritual journey. Still, Isosabran
is portrayed here as and already accomplished ascetic, whose
command of the Christian tradition is nevertheless drastically
limited to merelyaknowledge by heart of the Lords Prayer,
which he recites incessantly.18 It is at this stage that Isosabran
decides to hurry down from the solitude of the mountains to
the theater of the world ( ) in order to study
the Holy Scripture, which should serve him as an invincible
armor[...] spiritual iron, the one that would not only be catching the arrows (coming) from those who adhere to false worship
but would also cause delight to the eyes of contemplation with
divine knowledge.19 According to our protagonists understanding, the knowledge of Scripture will both increase the sublime
delight he has already experienced in his mystical exercises and,
most important, will enable him to turn withaChristian mission
to his former Zoroastrian co-religionists.
Isosabran approachesapriest who had earlier brought him to
embrace Christianity and who, out of love for the ascetic, now
gives him asateacher his own young son.The very start of the
study process, however, generatesaconflict between the youth,
well versed in Scripture, and his grown-up pupil.
Isosabran asks: What would be right foraperson to study
first from the Covenant ( ?) And the youth replied
), then
that one should first of all learn the letters (
their (proper) vocalization () . After that one should
learn psalms ( ) and little by little he would read
428
in intelligible characters (
). And he tried
to convince the youth that he would rather grasp things
from hearing them ( ) . And trying to take hold
of asaying he was laboring vigorously moving his neck
( ) back and forward in the manner of the magi
20
429
R. KIPERWASSER - S. RUZER
430
He told him: Who says that this is aleph? He told him: Say (on that)
beth.
He told him: Who says this is beth?
He took hold of his ear and the man exclaimed: Oh my ear!
Oh my ear!
Samuel asked him: Who said this is your ear?
He answered: Everyone knows this is my ear.
He told him: In the same way, everyone knows that this is aleph
and that is beth. The Persian was immediately silenced and
accepted that.
Hence, betterapatient spirit thanahaughty spirit (Eccle.7,8).
Better is the forbearance that Samuel displayed with the Persian than the impatience that Rav showed towards him, for
otherwise the Persian might have returned to his heathenism
([ ) ...]
431
R. KIPERWASSER - S. RUZER
432
433
R. KIPERWASSER - S. RUZER
434
435
R. KIPERWASSER - S. RUZER
3.Conclusion
We have presented two cases, exemplifying the reciprocal potential ofacomparative study of Syriac Christian and Babylonian
rabbinic sources, and we have consciously chosen traditions that
do not show signs of direct dependence or contact. In the first
case, the comparative analysis of the sources representing our
two minority groups both highlighted their different religious
agendas and allowed for restoring otherwise unattested patterns
of their broader pagan Mesopotamian cultural backdrop with
which they converse.This restoration track may be seen as
analogous to the attempts, mutatis mutandis, to restore elements
of first-century common Judaism on the basis of patterns shared
by two minority sectarian groups represented by the Dead Sea
Scrolls and earliest Christian writings.
The second case may also possibly indicateashared religiously neutral topos ofawonder-child primary education; its
main input, however, is that it exemplifies parallel and seemingly
independent attempts at defining self-identity by our two minority groups in response to the same Zoroastrian cultural challenge.
The comparison definitely helps to better appreciate the peculiarities of each of the responses; moreover, this case somehow
offers an even more significant insight into the Jewish aspect of
the conundrum for which the Christian narrative provides an
illuminating backdrop.This may be seen asacomplementing,
and for now less trodden reversal, of the more usual paths of
study of rabbinic sources asabackdrop for patristic ones.
Bibliography
Primary Sources
The History of the Blessed Virgin Mary and The History of the Likeness of Christ Which the Jews of Tiberias Made to Mock At, 2vols.
ed. E.A.W. Budge, London, 1899.
Jesus-Yab of Adiabene, Story of Jesus-Sabraned. M.J.-B. Chabot,
Histoire de Jsus-Sabran, crite par Jsus-Yab dAdiabne,
Archives des missions scientifiques et littraires, 7(1897), p.502-584.
John Moschus, The Spiritual Meadowed.E.Mioni, Il Pratum
Spirituale di Giovanni Mosco: g1i episodi inediti del Cod.Mar-
436
Secondary literature
H.Albeck,Introduction to the Talmud Bavli and Yerushalmi, TelAviv,
19892 (in Hebrew).
A. Becker, The Comparative Study of Scholasticism in Late
Antique Mesopotamia: Rabbis and East Syrians, AJS Review,
34.1 (2010), p.91-113.
S. Brock,Jewish Traditions in Syriac Sources, Journal of Jewish
Studies, 30(1979), p.212-232.
R. Brody, The Geonim of Babylonia and Shaping of Medieval Jewish
Culture, NewHaven, 1998.
C.Cereti, La Letteratura Pahlavi: Introduzione ai testi con riferimenti alla
storia degli studi e alla tradizione manoscritta, Milan, 2001.
Y.Elman, The Other in the Mirror: Iranians and Jews View One
Another: Questions of Identity, Conversion and Exogamy in the
Fifth-Century Iranian Empire: Part2, The Bulletin of the Asia
Institute, 20(2010), p.25-46.
Y.Elman, Middle Persian Culture and Babylonian Sages: Accommodation and Resistance in the Shaping of Rabbinic Legal Tra-
437
R. KIPERWASSER - S. RUZER
438
Abstract
Recent research has drawn attention to the possibility of actual or
indirect links between Babylonian Jewry of the Talmudic period
and contemporaneous Syriac Christianity, with the geographical and
cultural affinitye.g., the shared Aramaic (Syriac) languagestrongly
439
R. KIPERWASSER - S. RUZER
440
PATRISTICS, LITERATURE,
AND HISTORIES OFTHE BOOK
MARK VESSEY
Vancouver
Ask your fathers and they will show you, your elders and they
will tell you (Deut.32,7).With this line from asong ofMoses,
acertain Vincentius, pen-name Peregrinus, writing from an
island on the Gallo-Roman riviera, launched the first methodological essay in patristics avant la lettre, awork later known
as the Commonitorium and nowadays remembered chiefly for its
authors beguilingly uncontroversial definition oforthodoxy
as that which has been believed everywhere, at all times, by
all persons.1 Composing his treatise under the double impact
ofthe complete works ofAugustine (d.430) and the acts ofthe
first Council ofEphesus (431), in amilieu in which the routines
ofmonastic conference or collatio were being skilfully blended
with those ofwritten discourse, Vincent was among the earliest
thinkers to project aplenary text ofthe Christian Fathers,
understanding the latter to be approved teachers providentially
spread throughout the Church in time and space (in ecclesia
dei divinitus per tempora et loca dispensatos), whose teachings
had been, or would be, transmitted in writing to persons living
in other places and times.2
1
Vinc. Lirin., Comm.1,1 ed.R.Demeulenaire, CCSL 64, p.147:
Dicente scriptura et monente: Interroga patres tuos et dicent tibi, seniores et
adnuntianbunt tibi [...]; 2,5, p.149: In ipsa item catholica ecclesia magnopere
curandum est, ut id teneamus quod ubique, quod semper, quod ab omnibus
creditum est.
2 Vinc.Lirin., Comm.38,10(CCSL 64, p.188); H.J.Sieben, Die Konzilsidee der Alten Kirche, Paderborn,1970, p.149-170 (Der Konzilsbegriff des
Vincenz vonLerin).
10.1484/J.BAIEP.5.107530
443
M. VESSEY
444
ofour hosts has gathered from around the world for acollatio
or conference on the Fathers in (of all places) Jerusalem.
445
M. VESSEY
That survey ofde Ghellinks being then ofrecent date, this sentence by itself already effortlessly reunited the present company
in Oxford with fifth-century collatores ofthe Fathers like Vincent
ofLrins. Thequotation that followed now fills apage, ending
with de Ghellincks last words in1947:
What is beyond doubt [he had written] is that the continuation ofthis research, and a fortiori ofthe progress of these
studies, is only possible at the price ofindefatigable labour
and ofatechnical mastery, the necessity ofwhich makes itself
ever more keenly felt with the expansion of the field to be
cultivated and the multiplicity of new disciplines of knowledge called upon to exploit it with sober competence.11
Steady, well-coordinated professional expertise was the prerequisite for any patristic science that would not sooner or later
overflow its own measure, asalready in1947this science
promised and threatened to do.It was almost as if, speaking
ofthe immediate post-War crise de croissance in patristic studies,
446
447
M. VESSEY
448
16
449
M. VESSEY
450
451
M. VESSEY
452
the living memories ofmany here but one that already saw our
scholarly fathers and mothers hard at work.Some ofthem
were among the zealous young whom Peter Brown speaks ofas
being everywhere at that years Oxford patristic conference.21
Brown was there himself, though you would not know it
from perusing the Augustiniana ofthe published proceedings.
His paper on Augustines attitude to religious coercion appeared
the next year in the Journal ofRoman Studies, alongside an article by Alan Cameron on The Roman Friends ofAmmianus
and another by Ramsay MacMullen on Social Mobility and
the Theodosian Code.22 That should strike us in retrospect as
adisciplinary alibi ofthe same order as Mandouzes rhetorical
othering ofpatristics alustrum earlier.
Mandouze, we have noted, was aclassical (Latin) philologist,
one whose personal avocation for late Roman social and religious
history was consecratedas he himself poignantly relates in the
first volume ofhis Mmoiresby the experience ofliving in
the land ofAugustine. Brown, his younger by ageneration and
ahistorian by training, was already in1963 ahighly innovative
historian ofthe religions and societies ofthe later Roman Empire,
unawed by classical (or any other) philology but appreciative
ofthe intermittently useful labours ofphilologists. In1967,
Faber and Faber published his Augustine ofHippo, alife as lively
as any ever written so long after its subjects death and awork
raised on so airy ascaffolding offootnotes as almost to bely the
solidity ofits authors erudition.23 Mandouzes Saint Augustin.
Laventure de la raison et de la grce appeared the next year from
Etudes Augustiniennes: 800 densely printed, large-format pages,
many ofthem trailing only the slenderest thread ofnarrative
across acarpet mosaic ofsecondary reference.24 The contrast,
453
M. VESSEY
which few scholars ofAugustine can have missed but fewer seem
to have marked, conceals apowerful complicity ofpurpose even
as it reveals adeep-seated difference in approach. With good
reason, Browns scholarly oeuvre as awhole has lately been an
object ofintense methodological reflection on the part ofhis
fellow historians, who have been encouraged in this by his own
occasional retractationes ofparts ofit.Mandouze, whose complementary thesis, defended alongside his Saint Augustin in1968,
was aRectratatio retractationum sancti Augustini, and whose mentor
and friend Henri-Irne Marrou inaugurated the genre ofthe
modern scholarly (Augustinian) Retractatio with his1949 postscript to the reimpression ofhis Saint Augustin et la fin de la culture
antique(1938), was an instructively reflexive scholar from early in
his publishing career. He also wrote two extraordinary volumes
ofmemoirs before his death in2006.25
Reading or rereading Brown and Mandouze on Augustine
and late antiquity,26 in the light ofeach other, almost fifty
years after their Augustine-books appeared, may help us define
the present scholarly epoch with respect to long traditions
ofthe Fathers as scriptores.27 What, in particular, can Mandouzes
Augustine tell us about our times in the history ofthe books
ofthe Fathers?
25
See n.7 above.Mandouze first met Marrou on the day ofthe latters
oral defence ofhis thesis on Augustine: Mandouze, Saint Augustin, p.38;
Mmoires, I, p.43. His own Retractatio retractationum S.Augustini remains unpublished; Mmoires, II,p.81-82.
26Mandouzes adoption oflantiquit tardive as aperiod-concept postdates his1968 thesis on Augustine, where the latter still appears as un enfant
de cette fin de sicle qui, en un certain sens, est aussi la fin dun monde et
lannonce de cet ge nouveau quon appelle le Moyen Age(p.50). Athreshold
for the new usage among French scholars is marked by H.-I.Marrou,
La civilisation de lantiquit tardive, in Tardo Antico e Alto Medioevo. La forma
critica nel passagio dellantichit al medioevo(Roma, 4-7 aprile1967), Accademia
Nazionale dei Lincei, Quaderno, no.105, Rome,1968, p.384-394; repr.in
H.-I.Marrou, Christiana Tempora. Mlanges dhistoire, darchologie, dpigraphie
et de patristique, Rome,1978, p.67-77.
27For fuller discussion ofBrowns early work, in this connection, see
M. Vessey, The Demise ofthe Christian Writer and the Remaking of
LateAntiquity. From H.-I.Marrous Saint Augustine(1938) to Peter Browns
Holy Man(1983), JECS, 6(1998), p.377-411.
454
455
M. VESSEY
456
Like all such tropes ofeditorial plenitude, this one opened itself
to its own questions.Mandouzes sense ofthe literary quality
ofAugustines Confessions may indeed have been theoretically
inseparable for him from Augustines sense ofGodand, more
particularly, from Augustines sense ofGod speaking in him.
That did not, however, make his essay acontribution to the history
ofdoctrine.How could it have been? Abstracting Augustine
from the latter-day historyor histories ofdoctrine, releasing
him from the competing Augustinianisms ofaftertimes, replacing
him and his texts in their own place and time, so that they could
be known and read again in the present, with as much as possible
oftheir original dmesure still intact... that was the scholarly wager
ofMandouzes personal aventure de la raison et de la grce and the
rationale for the formidable mise en page ofthe work published
under that sub-title by Etudes Augustiniennes.33
The speaker who summoned Cocteau to his aid in Oxford
did indeed bring adistinctly mid-twentieth-century literary
sensibility to bear on the writings ofAugustine. While no text
ofRoland Barthes or Grard Genette could have found its
way into the bibliography ofthe theses that he defended in the
summer of1968 in aSorbonne under siege from anti-government protesters, Mandouzes remarks on the Confessions at the
beginning ofhis Saint Augustin would already have primed his
reader for awork ofstructuralist literary theory such as Philippe
Lejeunes Le Pacte autobiographique.34 Bibliographical presuppositions and methodological postulates was the impeccably
precautionary sub-title for the introduction to this aventure
augustinienne, and in no time its author was shoulder-to-shoulder
again with de Ghellinck, not only for that scholars view ofthe
laicisation ofpatristic studies but also for his account ofthe
Maurist edition ofthe works ofAugustine, in the eventual third
33 The first side heading in Saint Augustin(p.12) is Mesure et dmesure
des tudes augustiniennes.Three pages later the author observes that pure
patristicsin the sense ofascience that would be entirely disinterestedmust
be as elusive as pure poetry.
34P.Lejeune, Le Pacte autobiographique, Paris,1975.Lejeune finds no
autobiography before Rousseau, though his bibliography includes E.Vance,
Le moi comme language.Saint Augustin et lautobiographie, Potique, 14(1973),
p.163-177. Mandouze proposes his own pacte autobiographique in Mmoires,I, p.7-14 (Entre de jeu).
457
M. VESSEY
458
39
40
459
M. VESSEY
460
461
M. VESSEY
462
463
M. VESSEY
which Brown would locate the same issues.53 And yet for all
that, there is astriking affinityindeed, asymmetryin the
two mens respective senses ofthe perceptual limits imposed
by apre-constituted dossier ofthe histoire littraire de lAfrique
chrtienne.
One need expect very little from [...] the ecclesiastical sources
ofthe Latin Empire [...] in terms ofintellectual content, Brown
cheerfully affirmed in the article encompassing his1963 Oxford
paper, as apreliminary to re-reading some ofthose sources in
search ofAugustines attitude to religious coercion. Attitude to,
not doctrine of.... For, he suggested,
we may make some progress in understanding Augustines
ideas if we treat them as an attitudethat is, as placed
alittle lower than the angels ofpure Augustinian theology,
and alittle higher than the beasts ofthe social and political
necessities ofthe North African provinces.54
There in anutshell was the almost infinite space that the same
author would open for fellow students oflate Roman history
in Augustine ofHippo: ABiography.It was also the space-time
of Saint Augustin.Laventure de la raison et de la grce, even if
the author ofthat work took asomewhat steeper flight-path
through it.
In the essays in Part 3(Africa) ofReligion and Society, in the first instance.
Brown, Religion and Society, p.261.
55 E.g.A.Murray, Peter Brown and the Shadow ofConstantine, Journal
ofRoman Studies, 73(1983), p.191-203, in partic.p.202.
53
54
464
56
Mandouzes own term in Mmoires, I, p.341, used with reference to his
La Rvolution Algrienne par les textes.
57Vinc.Lirin., Comm.4,2(CC SL 64, p.150).
58 Brown, Augustine ofHippo, rev.edn., p.483: Here we have nothing less
than the collective biography ofAfrican Christianity in the age ofAugustine.
Ihad barely dared to dream ofsuch awork in1961. Prosopographie chrtienne du
Bas-Empire, I: Prosopographie de lAfrique chrtienne(303-533) ed.A.Mandouze,
Paris,1982; for the relation ofthe prosopography to Monceauxs Histoire
littraire, see the editors remarks on p.15.
465
M. VESSEY
59
A.Mandouze, Augustin et Donat, in Saint Augustin.Africanit et universalit, Actes du colloque international Alger-Annaba, 1-7avril2001(Paradosis: tudes
de littrature et de thologie anciennes, 45.1-2) ed.P.-Y.Fux, J.-M.Roessli,
O.Wermelinger, 2vols., Fribourg,2003, I, p.125-139, addressing une erreur
de perspective concernant la transformation dune impossibilit purement
contingent de coexistence en un antagonisme fondamentalement irrmissible
(p.125).
60 De Ghellinck, Patristique et Moyen Age, II, p.45.
61 Monceaux, Histoire littraire, VII, p.3.
62 Monceaux, Histoire littraire, V, p.99(my italics).
466
63
64
467
M. VESSEY
for which fine language (le bien dire) was now nothing other
than aform ofaction.65 As he further explained in his preface:
Historical documents occupy afairly large place in our work.
Our thought in expanding its framework in this way was not
only to render service to archaeologists and other scholars
who often have to cite these items without always being
able to ascertain their value beforehand.Indeed, we initially
meant to confine ourselves to literary works in the strict sense.
However, we quickly realized that one cannot, without misrepresenting it, arbitrarily isolate aliterature ofaction, since
in this case the insertion ofcontemporary documents is necessary
for an understanding ofliterary works, and the most literary
ofthose works are at the same time documents ofhistory. Anonymous treatises, letters, transcripts ofproceedings, conciliar
acts, inscriptions, martyr actswe have omitted nothing,
since all ofthis serves to illuminate the literature (puisque de
tout cela sclaire la littrature).66
There is more than alittle irony in Monceauxs special pleading for apresent-minded, forward-looking literature ofaction,
when so much ofthat reputed literature, at least from the midfourth century onwards, takes the form ofadogged contestation ofdisputed pasts.If the strictly literary texts ofthis African
Christian corpus were indissociable from their contemporary
(datable, placeable) documents, was that not because it waslike
other ancient Christian literatures, even if pre-eminently so
among themalso aliterature oftradition?
There is no need for us to resolve that dilemma at this date.
There may be some value, however, in recognizing how skilfully it was managed by Monceaux at the time. As de Ghellinck
would show in1947, the romantic-historicist classical philology
ofthe late nineteenth and early twentieth century (as represented
supremely by Wilamowitz) created formidable problems for
students ofancient Christian writings, not least because ofthe
freight ofdocumentsthat is, oftexts not manifestly literary
according to aesthetic criteriathat were transmitted as part
of patristic tradition. Thenon-appearance ofthe third volume
Monceaux, Histoire littraire, I, p.i-ii.
Monceaux, Histoire littraire, I, p.iii(my italics).
65
66
468
ofAdolf vonHarnacks history ofpre-Nicene Christian literature, which was to have traced the internal development ofthe
literature whose extant documents were inventoried and
dated in the first two, was only the most graphic symptom
ofageneral difficulty.67 Since Monceauxs Histoire littraire de
lAfrique chrtienne also remained incomplete, arrested at the point
at which it would have had to absorb the oeuvre ofAugustine
from beyond his direct dealings with the Donatists, it is impossible to say what model it might ultimately have provided for
an extended literary history ofChristian writings that could
no longer be mistaken for apropaideutic to theology. By stopping where he did, in the immediate aftermath ofthe heavily
documented events at Carthage in June411, Monceaux left
later historians and literary scholars with an invitingly open
literary dossier.
Alittle over fifty years ago, by separate routes, Andr Mandouze and Peter Brown came back to that juncture at the end
ofMonceauxs unfinished narrative ofthe literature ofearly
Christian Africa, near the beginning ofVincents projected
plenary discourse ofthe Fathers aplace and time close to
the practical limits ofboth patristics and literary history as they
have been known. Guided by the lights ofthese two modern
scholars among others, we have our own chance to intervene in
the same zone. Theoutstanding challenge can perhaps be put as
follows: Is there alanguage, existing this side ofpure poetry and
the ineffable philology ofGod, in which patristic philologists
could now at last speak without equivocation about texts/documents that, from the moment oftheir genesis in late antiquity,
have also been documents/texts?
Could we invent it, that might still be something else again.
Bibliography
1.Primary Sources
Augustinus, De Genesi ad litteramed.J.Zycha, CSEL 28.
Hieronymus, Epistulae ed.I.Hilberg, CSEL 54-56.
See De Ghellinck, Patristique et Moyen Age, II, p.149-172.
67
469
M. VESSEY
2.Secondary Sources
B.Altaner, Der Stand der patrologischen Wissenschaft und das
Problem einer neuen altchristlichen Literaturgeschichte, in Miscellanea Giovanni Mercati, I=Studi eTesti, 121, Citt del Vaticano,
1946, p.483-520.
Augustinus Magister.Congrs international augustinien (Paris, 21-24septembre1954), 3vols., Paris,1954-1955.
H.C.Brennecke, Patristik oder altchristliche Literaturwissenschaft? Eine historische Leitwissenschaft der protestantischen
Theologie in Deutschlands am Beginn der20.Jahrhunderts,
ZAC/JAC, 15(2011), p.7-46.
P.Brown, Augustine ofHippo: ABiography, London,1967; new edition with an epilogue, Berkeley, Los Angeles,2000.
P.Brown, Introducing Robert Markus, Augustinian Studies, 32(2001),
p.181-187.
P.Brown, Religion and Society in the Age ofSaint Augustine, London,1972.
P.Brown, St.Augustines Attitude to Religious Coercion, Journal
ofRoman Studies, 54(1964), p.107-116; repr.in his Religion and
Society in the Age ofSaint Augustine, p.260-278.
J.De Ghellinck, Patristique et MoyenAge: tudes dhistoire littraire
et doctrinale, II: Introduction et complments ltude de la patristique; III: Une dition patristique clbre, Brussels, Paris,1947-1948
[repr.1961].
G.Dpardieu, A.Mandouze, Approches et lectures de saint Augustin
[videocassette], Paris,2004.
G.Dpardieu, A.Mandouze, Lire Saint Augustin, Paris,2004.
P. Lejeune, Le Pacte autobiographique, Paris,1975.
A.Mandouze, Augustin et Donat, in Saint Augustin.Africanit et
universalit, Actes du colloque international Alger-Annaba, 1-7 avril2001
(Paradosis: tudes de littrature et de thologie anciennes, 45.1-2)
ed.P.-Y.Fux, J.-M.Roessli, O.Wermelinger, 2vols., Fribourg,
2003, I, p.125-139.
A.Mandouze, Cohabiter avec Augustin?, in Saint Augustin
ed.P.Ranson, [Lausanne,Paris], 1988, p.11-21.
470
471
M. VESSEY
Abstract
Patristics, being defined by writings attributable to Church Fathers,
has in recent times been pursued as aphilological science. Philology,
however, is adivided house and its divisions are writ large in patristic
and para-patristic scholarship. Whereas philology always deals with
written texts in the broad sense ofthat word, some ofthose texts
prove in practice more literary (hence, even, more textual), others
more documentary. Seventy years ago, the most lucid methodological reflection on patristics as adiscipline left its fate suspended
between literary and theological vocations. While that dilemma is
long past, the ambivalence ofpatristics between literary/textual
and historical/documentary regimes ofphilology continues to be felt.
Theworks oftwo exemplary scholars who intervened in the Oxford
patristic conferences of1959 and1963 offer insights into the methodological problem and, between them, avantage-point from which we
might yet respond to it.
472
DOMINIQUE CT
Universit dOttawa
LES PSEUDO-CLMENTINES
ET LE CHOIX DU ROMAN GREC
Introduction
Oscar Cullmann considrait les Pseudo-Clmentines comme tant
le premier roman d la plume dun auteur chrtien1.Voil
un nonc qui pose au moins trois problmes: celui des PseudoClmentines, dont lorigine et la formation restent encore, aprs
plus de 150 ans de recherche, difficiles expliquer, celui du genre
romanesque dans lAntiquit, qui fait toujours lobjet de dbats
et celui du caractre chrtien des Pseudo-Clmentines, qui est loin
de faire lunanimit2.
Le problme de la formation des Pseudo-Clmentines3 et celui
de leur caractre chrtien ou judo-chrtien ne seront pas directement abords dans cet expos4.Nous nous en tiendrons ici
au problme du genre romanesque ou plus prcisment au problme que pose le choix du genre romanesque par les auteurs
des Pseudo-Clmentines.Depuis E.Rohde5, en effet, la question
1O.Cullmann, Le problme littraire et historique du roman pseudo-clmentin,
Paris,1930, p.vii.
2Cfr. T.Whitmarsh, Narrative and Identity in the Ancient Greek Novel:
Returning Romance, Oxford,2011.
3 Voir ce sujet le livre rcent de B.Pouderon, La gense du roman pseudoclmentin. tudes littraires et historiques, Paris,Louvain,2012.
4
Sur la question du judo-christianisme des Pseudo-Clmentines, on consultera A.Yoshiko Reed, Jewish Christianity after the Parting ofthe Ways.
Approaches to Historiography and Self-Definition in the Pseudo-Clementines,
in The Ways that Never Parted: Jews and Christians in LateAntiquity and the Early
Middle Ages ed.A.H.Becker, A.Yoshiko Reed, Tbingen,2003, p.189-231.
5E.Rohde, Der griechische Roman und seine Vorlafer, Leipzig,1914(3e d.),
p.476.
10.1484/J.BAIEP.5.107531
473
D. CT
de lappartenance des Homlies et des Reconnaissances pseudoclmentines au genre du roman grec at souleve plusieurs
reprises, notamment, ces dernires annes, par M.Vielberg6 et
I.Czachesz7, alors que la question du choix dun tel genre, celui
du roman, na pas t aussi souvent tudie.Cest pour combler
en partie cette lacune que nous proposons, dans le cadre de cette
communication, dexpliquer la stratgie littraire des PseudoClmentines. La possibilit mme de lexercice peut justement
sembler faire problme en raison de la nature pseudpigraphique
de luvre. Il est vrai que nous ne connaissons pas les auteurs
des Homlies et des Reconnaissances.Ce que nous connaissons, en
revanche, cest leur dcision dutiliser la forme du roman pour
donner vie des traditions apostoliques et des rcits apocryphes
qui taient en circulation aux iiieet ivesicles.Pour notre part,
nous avons choisi dexpliquer cette dcision en utilisant une
approche nouvelle dans le domaine des tudes pseudo-clmentines, mettant contribution la sociologie et plus particulirement la notion de champ littraire, telle que dfinie par
Pierre Bourdieu8. Nous avons pris pour modle, mutatis mutandis, ltude mene rcemment par Isabella Sandwell sur Jean
Chrysostome et Libanios, tude dans laquelle la notion dhabitus,
galement emprunte Pierre Bourdieu, fournissait lauteur
son cadre danalyse9.
Il sagira donc de montrer, dans un premier temps, comment
deux textes rdigs dans la Syrie du ivesicle, les Constitutions
apostoliques et les Pseudo-Clmentines, ont accord au mme noyau
narratif un traitement diffrent, dans un deuxime temps, comment sest traduit le choix pseudo-clmentin de la forme romanesque et, dans un troisime temps, comment peut sexpliquer
le choix pseudo-clmentin la lumire de la notion de champ
littraire.
M.Vielberg, Klemens in den pseudoklementinischen Rekognitionen.Studien
zur literarischen Form des sptantiken Romans, Berlin,2000.
7I.Czachesz, The Clement Romance: Is It aNovel?, in The PseudoClementines ed.J.Bremmer (Studies onEarly Christian Apocrypha,10), Louvain,
2010, p.24-35.
8P.Bourdieu, Les rgles de lart.Gense et structure du champ littraire, Paris,
1992.
9I.Sandwell, Religious Identity in LateAntiquity.Greeks, Jews and Christians
in Antioch, Oxford,2007.
6
474
475
D. CT
476
477
D. CT
21
M. Metzger, Introduction, in Les Constitutions apostoliques tr.
M.Metzger, Paris,1992, p.12.
22 Ibid. videmment, comme le note Metzger, les aptres sont censs
sexprimer eux-mmes, collectivement ou individuellement.
23 Ibid., p.13.
478
479
D. CT
quont lieu la rencontre de Pierre et de Mattidie et la reconnaissance de Mattidie et Clment)29.Pierre Geoltrain, pour sa
part, observe quen gnral, aussi bien dans les Homlies que
dans les Reconnaissances, on retrouve les ressorts du roman grec
suivants: sparation initiale, voyages aventureux, naufrages,
magie, merveilleux, mtamorphoses, quiproquos, interventions
divines, retrouvailles30.
Il existe toutefois une diffrence notable entre la forme romanesque des Pseudo-Clmentines et le roman grec et cest le rle
quy joue ros. Comme la not Sophie Lalanne, les 5romans
grecs conservs dans leur intgralit, Callirho de Chariton,
les phsiaques de Xnophon dphse, Daphnis et Chlo de
Longus, Leucipp et Clitophon dAchille Tatius et les thiopiques
dHliodore, suivent un schma narratif unique31: des jeunes
gens tombent amoureux, se voient spars, prouvs (naufrage,
pirates etc.) et se trouvent finalement runis nouveau32.
Lamour constitue clairement le moteur de lintrigue. Dans les
Pseudo-Clmentines, cest une toute autre histoire. Il yabien,
dans les Homlies, un loge dros, qui sinscrit dans un loge de
ladultre33, mais le thme de lamour ne possde pas, dans les
29 Ibid., p.112-113. Sur lle dArados, voir M.-A.Calvet-Sebasti, Une
le romanesque: Arados, in Lieux, dcors et paysages de lancien roman, des origines
Byzance. Actes du Colloque de Tours, 24-26octobre2002 ed.B.Pouderon,
Lyon,2005, p.87-99.
30P.Geoltrain, Introduction(Roman pseudo-clmentin), in crits apocryphes chrtiens II(Bibliothque de la Pliade) ed.P.Geoltrain, J.-D.Kaestli,
Paris,2005, p.1176.
31
S.Lalanne, Une ducation grecque.Rites de passage et construction des genres
dans le roman grec ancien(Textes lappuiSrie histoire classique), Paris, 2006,
p.12. Cfr. R.F.Hock, The Rhetoric ofRomance, in Handbook ofClassical Rhetoric in the Hellenistic period 330 bcad400 ed.S.E.Porter, Boston,
Leiden,2001, p.445-446.
32 Sur limportance de la dimension rotique dans le roman, voir Lalanne,
Une ducation grecque, p.47 et R.Brethes, De lidalisme au ralisme.Une tude du
comique dans le roman grec(CARDO, 6tudes et Textes pour lIdentit Culturelle
de lAntiquit Tardive), Salerno,2007, p.69.
33 En effet, le thme de lamour se retrouve aussi dans les Homlies(Livre 5)
sous la forme dun loge du dieu ros qui fait partie dun loge de ladultre,
attribu au grammairien Apion.Voir, ce sujet, W.Adler, Apions Encomium ofAdultery: AJewish Satire ofGreek Paideia in the Pseudo-Clementine
Homilies, Hebrew Union College Annual, 64(1993), p.15-49 et D.Ct, La figure
dros dans les Homlies pseudo-clmentines, in CopticaGnosticaManichaica,
Mlanges en lhonneur de Wolf-Peter Funk ed.P.-H.Poirier, L.Painchaud
480
481
D. CT
482
littraire, les Homlies et les Reconnaissances auraient ensuite organis la matire de faon diffrente41. On peut donc penser que les
auteurs du Grundschrift ont fait le choix des procds romanesques
et que les auteurs des Homlies et des Reconnaissances ont assum
ce choix en yapportant des modifications de part et dautre.
Comment alors sexplique le choix de la forme romanesque
par les auteurs des Pseudo-Clmentines? Pourquoi cette forme
littraire et non pas une autre? Pourquoi le roman au lieu de
lhistoire, du discours ou encore du trait? Sil fallait user de fiction pour complter les vangiles et les Actes canoniques42,
pourquoi ne pas avoir emprunt la voie de la littrature institutionnelle, comme les auteurs des Constitutions apostoliques43?
Pourquoi, dailleurs, avoir fait le choix du roman, un genre
sans genre? Sils avaient fait le choix du discours ou de la posie,
comme Grgoire de Nazianze44, ils auraient eu leur disposition
mune), mais la question de son appartenance lcrit de base est loin dtre
admise.
41 Par exemple, lpisode des discussions entre Apion et Clment Tyr sur
les dieux de la mythologie et linterprtation allgorique des mythes (Homlies
IV-VI) na aucun parallle direct dans les Reconnaissances, mais les thmes qui
ysont abords(mythologie et allgorie) se retrouvent partiellement en ReconnaissancesX, 15-41, dans un contexte diffrent(Laodice) avec des personnages
diffrents: Clment et ses frres dun ct, Faustinianus, leur pre(et non
Apion), de lautre. Cfr. Geoltrain, Introduction, p.1183.
42
Comme le font les auteurs des vangiles et des actes dits apocryphes. Pour
une dfinition des textes apocryphes chrtiens et propos de leur relation avec
le Nouveau Testament, cfr. Junod, Apocryphes du Nouveau Testament:
une appellation errone et une collection artificielle.Discussion de la nouvelle
dfinition propose par W.Schneemelcher, Apocrypha, 3(1992), p.26-27:
Textes anonymes ou pseudpigraphes dorigine chrtienne qui entretiennent
un rapport avec les livres du Nouveau Testament et aussi de lAncien Testament,
parce quils sont consacrs des vnements raconts ou voqus dans ces livres
ou parce quils sont consacrs des vnements qui se situent dans le prolongement dvnements raconts ou voqus dans ces livres, parce quils sont centrs
sur des personnages apparaissant dans ces livres, parce que leur genre littraire
sapparente ceux dcrits bibliques.Sur la frontire entre canonique et apocryphe, cfr. J.-C.Picard, Le continent apocryphe: Essai sur les littratures apocryphes
juive et chrtienne(Instrumenta Patristica, 36), Turnhout,1999, p.9.
43 Sur la pseudpigraphie apostolique pratique par les auteurs des Constitutions apostoliques, voir Metzger, in Les constitutions apostoliques(SC, 320),
p.34-46.
44Au sujet de Grgoire de Nazianze et de ses rapports avec la culture
grecque, voir louvrage de S.Elm, Sons ofHellenism, Fathers ofthe Church. Emperor
Julian, Gregory ofNazianzus, and the Vision ofRome, Berkeley,Los Angeles, 2012.
La thse principale de lauteur consiste dire que luvre entire de Grgoire
483
D. CT
484
hellnisme, ce fait en lui-mme devrait nous permettre de comprendre le choix de la forme romanesque.Cest ici quintervient
Bourdieu et son champ littraire.
485
D. CT
486
487
D. CT
est exclu, par exemple, des lectures considres comme moralement acceptables par Julien, philosophe, empereur et adversaire
du christianisme: Ilnous convient de ne lire que des histoires
tires de faits rels. cartons les fictions rapportes sous forme
dhistoire chez les anciens, affaires damour ( )
et absolument tout ce qui yressemble58. En choisissant la forme
du roman, mais en lexpurgeant de sa dimension rotique pour
la remplacer par une dimension familiale, les auteurs, diteurs
des Pseudo-Clmentines prennent l encore position. Ilsinnovent
par rapport un genre qui peut lui-mme passer pour novateur.
Ilsinnovent en restant dans ce que Bourdieu appelle lespace
des possibles59. Enchoisissant la forme du roman, ils prennent
position galement vis--vis de ceux qui choisissent la rhtorique, lhistoire, le trait, le dialogue ou mme la posie, bien
que lon trouve dans les Pseudo-Clmentines des discours, des dialogues et des lettres, le genre romanesque nayant pas de canon.
Enchoisissant la forme du roman, ils prennent de mme position
vis--vis des autorits juives et chrtiennes parce que le genre
romanesque, n dans la foule de la Seconde Sophistique est
le vhicule dune certaine affirmation hellnique60, le vhicule
de la paideia que plusieurs auteurs chrtiens, dont les auteurs
mmes des Pseudo-Clmentines, cherchent neutraliser. Prendre
position dans le champ littraire, cest encore, et finalement,
prendre position dans le champ du pouvoir. Sur le fond, les
Pseudo-Clmentines affirment clairement, au milieu du ivesicle,
que Rome est subordonne Jrusalem (Pierre, Clment, Jacques),
que Paul est lennemi de la vrit, que Mose et Jsus dispensent
galement le salut61, que les critures contiennent des passages
errons etc.
58
Jul., ep.89(301 b) ed.J.Bidez(Collection des Universits de France),
Paris, 1924: ,
,
. Cfr. Brethes, De lidalisme au ralisme, p.69.
59 Bourdieu, Les rgles de lart, p.384-387.
60S.Swain, Hellenism and Empire: Language, Classicism, and Power in the
Greek World, ad 50-250, Oxford,1996, p.101-131.
61Cfr. Yoshiko Reed,
Jewish Christianity after the Parting ofthe
Ways, p.213-224.
488
Conclusion
Les Pseudo-Clmentines revendiquent une marginalit de forme
et de fond. Autrement dit, le choix de la forme romanesque
est cohrent avec le choix des ides souvent juges htrodoxes mises de lavant dans les Homlies et les Reconnaissances,
surtout dans les Homlies. Ce nest pas seulement une affaire
desthtisme littraire. Cest dabord et avant tout une prise de
position. Larception des Pseudo-Clmentines, sous une forme
ou une autre, est ce sujet loquente. Au livre IIIde lHistoire
ecclsiastique, Eusbe de Csare parle dcrits longs et verbeux...qui ne conservent pas le caractre pur de lorthodoxie
apostolique62 et piphane, dans son Panarion, associe les Periodoi Petrou (le Grundschrift?) aux enseignements des bionites,
accusant ces hrtiques de les avoir corrompus, de sen tre
approprier et davoir menti au sujet de Pierre et de ses bains
quotidiens63.
Le cas de Rufin et de sa rception des Pseudo-Clmentines
est intressant. Lui-mme Origniste et brouill avec Jrme
sur ce point, donc dans une relation difficile avec une certaine orthodoxie (comme les Pseudo-Clmentines)64, il traduit et
transmet les reconnaissances de Clment dans le but ddifier
62
Eus., h.e., III, 38, 5 ed.G.Bardy(SC, 31), Paris,1952: Dautres
crits, verbeux et longs, ont t tout rcemment prsents comme tant de lui
[Clment]: ils renferment des dialogues de Pierre et dApion, dont il nexiste
absolument aucun souvenir chez les anciens et qui dailleurs ne conservent
pas le caractre pur de lorthodoxie apostolique=
,
, .
Pour une comparaison entre lHistoire ecclsiastique dEusbe et les Homlies, voir
A.Reed, Jewish Christianity as Counter-history? The Apostolic Past in Eusebius Ecclesiastical History and the Pseudo-Clementine Homilies, in Antiquity in
Antiquity: Jewish and Christian Pasts in the Greco-Roman Worlded.G.Gardner,
K.L.Osterloh(Texts and Studies in Ancient Judaism, 123), Tbingen,2008,
p.173-216.
63 Epiph., haer., XXX, 15 ed.K.Holl(GCS, 25), Leipzig,1915. Sur le
lien entre les bionites dpiphane et les Pseudo-Clmentines, voir Pouderon,
La gense du roman pseudo-clmentin, p.161-185 et S.C.Mimouni, Le judo-christianisme ancien.Essais historiques, Paris,1998, p.277-286.
64 Cfr. C.M.Chin, Rufinus ofAquileia and Alexandrian Afterlives: Translation as Origenism, Journal ofEarly Christian Studies, 18(2010), p.617-647.
489
D. CT
Toutefois, il se montre bien conscient du caractre peu orthodoxe ou problmatique de certains passages sur le Dieu non
engendr et le Dieu engendr, ainsi que sur quelques autres
sujets, passages, avoue-t-il, qui ont dpass son entendement,
et quil prfre rserver dautres66. Autrement dit, Rufin se
montre ouvert un crit problmatique, mais ressent le besoin
de le rendre acceptable pour lestablishment en ne traduisant pas
les passages difficiles. Par ces corrections, Rufin modifie la prise
de position initiale des Pseudo-Clmentines au sein du champ du
pouvoir. En occupant la position de traducteur, Rufin fait passer
du grec au latin les trsors cachs de la sagesse (occultos sapientiae
thesauros). Il restitue au monde romain et la langue latine le Clment dont les Grecs staient empars. Usant des termes butin
(praeda) et dpouilles de la Grce (Graeciae spolia)67, il pr65
Ps.Clem., rec., prol., 2 ed.G.Strecker(GCS, 51)1965: nos...opus quod
olim venerandae memoriae virgo Silvia iniunxerat, ut Clementem nostrae linguae redderemus, et tu deinceps iure hereditario deposcebas, liceaas post moras, tamen aliquando restituimus, praedamque, ut opinor, non parvam, Graecorum bibliothecis direptam, nostrorum
usibus et utilitatibus convectamus, ut quos propriis non possumus, peregrinis nutriamus
alimoniis. Traduction dA.Schneider(voir supra note11).
66 Ibid., 10-11: sunt autem et quaedam in utroque corpore de ingenito deo genitoque disserta et de aliis nonnullis, quae, ut nihil amplus dicam, excesserunt intellegentiam
nostram.haec ergo ego, tamquam quae supra vires meas essent, aliis reservare malui quam
minus plena proferre.
67 Ibid., 5: et nescio quam gratus me civium vultus accipiat, magna sibi Graeciae
spolia deferentem et occultos sapientiae thesauros nostrae linguae clave reserantem=
Etje ne sais pas avec quelle expression de reconnaissance me reoivent mes
concitoyens, moi qui leur apporte de riches dpouilles de la Grce et qui leur
ouvre les trsors cachs de la sagesse grce la cl de notre langue. Traduction
dA.Schneider.
490
Bibliographie
1.Littrature premire
Const.apost.=Les Constitutions apostoliques ed.M.Metzger
(SC, 320), Paris,1985.
Eus., h.e.=Eusbe de Csare, Histoire ecclsiastique. Livres I-IV
ed.G.Bardy (SC, 31), Paris,1952.
68 Ibid., 4-5:Suscipe igitur, mi anime, redeuntem ad te Clementem nostrum, suscipe iam Romanum...peregrinas ergo merces multo in patriam sudore transvehimus.
69 Ibid., 3: Nam et solent suaviora videri peregrina, interdum vero et utiliora.
Denique peregrimun est paene omne quod medelam corporibus confert, quod morbis occurrit, quod venena depellit=Car, les produits trangers, non seulement, paraissent
dordinaire plus doux, mais parfois aussi plus profitables.En un mot, est tranger presque tout ce qui apporte la gurison aux corps, tout ce qui soppose
aux maladies, tout ce qui expulse les poisons.Rufin donne ensuite lexemple
de la larme de balsame, en provenance de Jude, de la chevelure de dictamne, de la Crte, des fleurs daromates, de lArabie et du nard dpices,
de lInde.
491
D. CT
2.Littrature secondaire
W. Adler, Apions Encomium ofAdultery: AJewish Satire of
Greek Paideia in the Pseudo-Clementine Homilies, Hebrew Union
College Annual, 64(1993), p.15-49.
M. Bakhtine, Esthtique et thorie du roman (tr.du russe par Daria
Olivier), Paris,1978.
R. Bauckham, James and the Jerusalem Community, in Jewish
Believers in Jesus, ed.O.Skarsaune, R.Hvalvik, Peabody, MA,
p.55-95.
P.Boulhol, La conversion de lanagnorismos profane dans le roman
pseudo-clmentin, in Nouvelles intrigues pseudo-clmentines. Actes
du deuxime colloque international sur la littrature apocryphe chrtienne,
LausanneGenve, 30aot2septembre 2006 ed.F.Amsler,
A.Frey, C.Touati (Publications de lInstitut romand des sciences
bibliques, 6), Lausanne,2008, p.151-175.
P.Bourdieu, Les rgles de lart.Gense et structure du champ littraire,
Paris,1992.
R. Brethes, De lidalisme au ralisme.Une tude du comique dans le
roman grec (CARDO, 6tudes et Textes pour lIdentit Culturelle
de lAntiquit Tardive), Salerno,2007.
M.-A. Calvet-Sebasti, Une le romanesque: Arados, in Lieux,
dcors et paysages de lancien roman, des origines Byzance.Actes
du Colloque de Tours, 24-26 octobre2002 ed.B.Pouderon,
Lyon,2005, p.87-99.
M. Chin, Rufinus ofAquileia and Alexandrian Afterlives: Translation as Origenism, Journal ofEarly Christian Studies, 18(2010),
p.617-647.
L.Cirillo, Introduction, in Les Reconnaissances du pseudo-Clment.
Roman chrtien des premiers siclestr.A.Schneider (Apocryphes, 10),
Turnhout,1999, p.13-65.
L. Cirillo, Jacques de Jrusalem daprs le roman du PseudoClment, in La figure du prtre dans les grandes traditions religieuses.
492
493
D. CT
494
495
D. CT
Abstracts
Cette tude apour objet la question des rapports entre les PseudoClmentines et le roman grec considre sous langle de la stratgie
littraire. Au lieu de chercher savoir en quoi les Pseudo-Clmentines ont t influences par la forme du roman grec, il sagit plutt
de dterminer pourquoi les Pseudo-Clmentines ont choisi dutiliser
la forme du roman grec. Lanalyse compare du traitement accord
au mme noyau narratif par les Constitutions apostoliques et les PseudoClmentines permet tout dabord de constater loriginalit de la stratgie pseudo-clmentine dans le contexte culturel des IIIe et ivesicles.
Lanalyse compare de lutilisation des motifs de la reconnaissance
et de lamour par le roman pseudo-clmentin et par le roman grec
met galement en relief loriginalit des auteurs pseudo-clmentins
dans leur emploi de la forme romanesque. Le recours la notion de
champ littraire, telle que dfinie par Pierre Bourdieu, dans son
ouvrage Les rgles de lart. Gense et structure du champ littraire, donne
lieu finalement une explication de la stratgie littraire des PseudoClmentines en termes sociologiques.
This paper considers the relationship between the Pseudo-Clementines and the Greek novel from the point ofview ofliterary strategy.
Instead ofresponding to the question ofhow the Pseudo-Clementines
were influenced by the Greek novel, it is rather why the Pseudo-Clementines have decided to use the Greek novel that is here investigated.
Comparative analysis ofthe Apostolic Constitutions and the PseudoClementines in their treatment ofthe same narrative allows to assess at
the start how original is the pseudo-clementine strategy in the cultural
context ofthe IIIrd and IVth centuries.Comparative analysis ofthe
pseudo-clementine romance and the Greek novel in their use ofthe
love and recognition motives also highlights the originality ofthe
pseudo-clementine writers in the way they used the novel form.
Finally, resorting to the concept ofchamp littraire, as defined by Pierre
Bourdieu in his work Les rgles de lart.Gense et structure du champ
littraire, leads to an explanation ofthe Pseudo-Clementines literary
strategy in terms ofsociology.
496
TINA DOLIDZE
Iv.Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University
PATRISTICSAS REFLECTED
IN GEORGIAN SPIRITUAL
AND INTELLECTUAL HISTORY1
10.1484/J.BAIEP.5.107532
497
T. DOLIDZE
498
499
T. DOLIDZE
Apocryphal books are included already in the fifth- to seventhcentury palimpsest fragments (e.g.Protoevangelium Jacobi, Acta
Andreae et Matthiae, an unidentified text with aconventional
title Acts ofthe Apostles). Theearliest available Georgian versions ofthe Old Testament apocrypha are: Assumptio Mosis, Vita
Adam, Historia Melchizedek, Caverna thesauri (an exegetic compendium ofthe Old and New Testament). Georgian literature is
especially rich in New Testament apocrypha about the birth, life,
and dormition ofthe Mother ofGod; Christs childhood and
various episodes ofhis life; holy reliquiaries ofthe crucifixion
(cross, nails, robe ofJesus); apocryphal gospels (Evangelium Nicodemi, Protoevangelium Jacobi); apocryphal acts ofapostles, apocalypses, and epistles; apocryphal lives ofsaints; etc. Themain part
ofthis literature has been rendered in the fifth to ninth centuries
from Greek, Armenian, or Syriac.Some ofthe Georgian versions merit research because they preserve an early redaction
ofatext or are the only remaining witness to atext.7
500
501
T. DOLIDZE
3.Hagiography
The Old Georgian ecclesiastic literature was very prolific in
hagiographic writings. Theearly translations, until the end ofthe
tenth century, were rendered from initial versions (so-called
keimena, i.e., the first plain narratives).Georgians started to
render the collection ofSymeon Metaphrastes within his lifetime. Inthe eleventh and twelfth centuries metaphrastic literature was almost completely translated into Georgian, covering
the whole twelve-month cycle.Valuable information about
the life ofSymeon Metaphrastes, the character ofhis literary
activity, and the content ofhis collection is given in the writings
ofthe Georgian ecclesiastics Ephrem Mtsire (d.1103)9 and Theophilus Hieromonachos (11th-12thc.), the representative ofthe
Athonite school, who rendered many metaphrastic hagiographic
works from Greek.According to Georgian manuscript tradition,
Symeons work was continued by the Byzantine philosopher and
writer John Xiphilinos, whose Menologion, evidently not preserved in Greek, is almost fully extant in Georgian.10 Along with
9 Ephrem Mtsire was the leading person ofthe Black Mountain Georgian
literary and educational centre(near Antioch) in the second half ofthe eleventh
century.He was an excellent theologian, philologist, and scholar, the initiator ofthe so-called hellenophile trend, which in addition to sharing the ideas
ofscholarly orientated contemporary Byzantine erudition, endeavored to introduce capabilities of expression found in Greek into Georgian language.Ephrem
Mtsire and Antiochene Georgian translators created the system ofestablishing
critical texts and elaborated methodological principles for humanistic erudition.
10 K.Kekelidze, [Symeon
Metaphrastes According to Georgian Sources], in Id., Studies in the History of
Georgian Literature,V, Tbilisi,1957, p.212-226; K.Kekelidze, ,
[John Xiphilinos, Successor ofSymeon
Metaphrastes], ibid., p.227-247.
502
metaphrastical collections, other kinds ofhagiographic or semihagiographic collections were also compiled, such as martyrologia,
paterika, materika, enkomia, and synaxaria.Most Georgian translations were made from Greek, but some early ones were rendered from Syriac, Armenian, and Arabic.11 Several keimenic
and metaphrastic hagiographic works preserved in Old Georgian
translations have not survived in Greek or even in other languages; anumber ofthem are extant in other languages, but not
in the same redaction as in Georgian.
Apart from translations ofhagiographic writings, Georgians
produced their indigenous hagiographic literature.It covers
aperiod from the fifth to the eighteenth century.12 In addition,
it should be noted that Euthymius the Athonite, who was avery
prolific translator ofGreek hagiographical works into Georgian, in
his turn contributed to the history ofGreek language hagiography.
According to Greek, Latin, and Georgian sources, he rendered
from Georgian into Greek the well-known medieval novel
ascribed to John ofDamascus, Vita Barlaam et Joasaph (in Georgian, The Wisdom ofBalahvar) which soon after Euthymiuss time
appeared in Latin (in 1048) and thereafter in many other European languages. Moreover, his biographer, George the Athonite,
refers to another narrative, called Abukura, which Euthymius also
must have rendered from Georgian into Greek.Both spiritual
stories were apparently translated from Arabic into Georgian at
the turn ofthe tenth century.13
11
E.Gabidzashvili, Hagiographic Works Translated into Georgian, Tbilisi,
2004 (in Georgian); T.Pataridze, Christian Literature Translated from Arabic into Georgian: AReview, Annual ofMedieval Studies at CEU,19(2013),
p.47-65; T.Pataridze,
? [Are there Translations from Syriac into Georgian?], in Miscellanea
Orientalia.Ruhr-Universitt Bochum.Seminar fr Orientalistik und Islamwissenschaft
ed.N.Seleznev, U.Aranov, Moscow,2014, p.185-206.
12 For Georgian manuscripts and respective bibliography: E.Gabidzashvili,
Hagiographic Works.For the corpus ofGeorgian hagiographic writings: Monuments ofOld Georgian Hagiographic Literature ed.I.Abuladze, M.Shanidze, et al.,
6vols., Tbilisi,1964-1980(in Georgian).
13See the discussion on the identification ofthis text in Georgian Literature in European Scholarship, p.16-19; M.Nanobashvili, The Development
ofLiterary Contacts between the Georgians and the Arabic Speaking Christians
in Palestine from the 8thto the 10thCentury, Aram,15(2003), p.269-274;
T.Pataridze, Christian Literature, p.60-62.
503
T. DOLIDZE
4.Ascetic literature
The earliest samples ofascetic literature reveal how closely
the Georgian ascetic ideal was linked with Near Eastern
monastic life. Inthe first period oftheir literature Georgians
were acquainted with the works ofAnthony the Great (seven
epistles, sayings, teachings), Evagrius ofPontus (seven orations
and one epistle), Ephrem the Syrian (more than forty ofhis
works were rendered before the tenth century), John Moschus
(Pratum Spirituale, translated in the ninth century from Arabic
or Greek), John Sinaites (Scala Paradisi, later translated several
times), Pseudo-Macarius (two epistles), Abba Amona (sixteen
orations), Mark the Hermit (ascetic writings), Dorotheus the
Egyptian (some Teachings for monks; Euthymius later translated
more Teachings), Nilus ofSinai (also retranslated later by Euthymius, as well as in the twelfth century), and others. Georgian
translations include authors and works that have not been yet
identified, such as Monk Abrahams Teachings and one oration
to monks, Pimens Teachings, Monk Martyrs On Remorse and
Humility, Sahak the Monks Teachings on Virtue (Euthymiuss
translation), and Simon ofMesopotamias Teaching on Death
(Euthymiuss translation).
Especially prolific in rendering ascetic literature were the
prominent ecclesiastic figures ofthe classical period.Apart from
translations noted above, Euthymius translated and retranslated John Sinaites Scala Paradisi, Ephrem the Syrians writings,
Pseudo-Macariuss Spiritual Teachings, forty-two Teachings by
Isaac the Syrian, Teachings ascribed to St.Zosimus ofPalestine,
and more. It is symptomatic that along with Egyptian, Palestinian,
and Syrian fathers, Euthymius rendered such authors as Basil the
Great (Ethics), Gregory ofNazianzus (Spiritual Teachings, acompilation ofhis homilies) Gregory ofNyssa (De virginitate, De vita
Macrinae, De vita Mosis), Asterius ofAmasea (In principium jejuniorum, which Euthymius took to be Nyssas work), Maximus the
Confessor (three collections ofTeachings and ascetic excerpts
from different works), Gregory the Great (Dialogues), and John
Cassian (De octo principalibus vitiis from the Institutiones) from Greek.
He compiled an ascetic collection according to the Book of Holy
Men, and himself was the author ofone original work written in
Greek, How to Live in the Kelliotic or Anchoretic Way.George the
504
5.Homiletics
The number ofhomiletic writings translated into Georgian greatly
exceeds the heritage ofother literary genres. Thefirst samples
14 John Petritsi is the founder ofthe intellectual stream ofthe Gelati Academy
(established in the first half ofthe twelfth century).It was aspecial branch
of hellenophile scholarship, distinguished by its authentic rigorous linguistic
insights, which went even further in the adoption ofGreek linguistic norms
and the formation ofaspecial philosophical and metaphysical language targeted
at the highly intellectual reader.
15 E.Gabidzashvili,Translated Works ofAncient Georgian Literature.Bibliography,II: Ascetics and Mystics, Tbilisi, 2006(in Georgian).
505
T. DOLIDZE
506
6.Exegetical works
Translation ofexegetical works started in the early Middle
Ages.18 From the very beginning issues ofcreation must have
been ofspecial interest. Theearliest translated exegetical texts
are Severian ofGabalas In Genesim and the Physiologos (both
mid-5thc.); thereafter, no earlier than the eighth century, Basils
In Hexaemeron and Gregory ofNyssas De hominis opificio were
rendered, apparently from Arabic. Theearliest preserved translations ofcommentaries on the Psalms are those ofTheodoret
ofCyrrhus (rendered from Armenian) and Athanasius ofAlexandria (Epistula ad Marcellinum). Thecommentary on the Canticum canticorum by Hippolytus ofRome must have been the
first interpretation ofthat book rendered into Georgian before
the tenth century.This text is also interesting for being afully
preserved version ofHippolytuss work.To the early translations
belong as well Hippolytuss De benedictione Mosis, The Benediction
ofJacob, OnDavid and Goliath (fully available only in Georgian),
and Deantichristo, as well as Epiphanius ofCypruss De XIIgemmis (translated from Armenian) and De mensuribus et ponderibus
(excerpts; translated from Syriac or Greek). Indue time the
earliest translations done from Greek, Armenian, Syriac, and
Arabic were included in the collections compiled at the turn
ofthe ninth to tenth century.Particularly noteworthy is the
early-tenth-century Shatberdi Collection, compiled in the southwest Georgian monastery ofthe same name, which illustrates
the character ofmonastic erudition at that time.
However, the greatest part ofpatristic exegesis was rendered
from Greek between the second half ofthe tenth century and
the thirteenth century. Inthis regard, the contribution ofthe
Iveron monastery is especially significant: Andrew ofCaesareas
In Apocalypsim belongs to Euthymiuss earliest translations. Later
he initiated the systematic rendering ofByzantine interpretations
ofthe Gospels with his translations ofJohn Chrysostoms Homiliae
Translated Works ofAncient Georgian Literature. Bibliography,III: Homiletics, Tbilisi,
2009.
18 T.Dolidze,A.Kharanauli, The Bible in Georgian Christianity.
For further information on manuscript tradition and research: Gabidzashvili,
Translated Works,IV: Bibliology, Exegetical, Apocryphal, p.219-362.
507
T. DOLIDZE
19
508
509
T. DOLIDZE
22
According to K.Kekelidze, it resembles the fifth chapter ofPhotiuss
epistle to Pope NicholasI; cfr. K.Kekelidze, History ofGeorgian Literature,I:
Old Literature, Tbilisi,1960, p.225 (inGeorgian).
23 It is also revealed by his answer to Constantine(X) Doukas question about
the difference between communion in Orthodox and Catholic churches; see
the Life ofSt.George the Athonite in Monuments ofOld Georgian Hagiographic
Literature, II, Tbilisi,1967, p. 179-180.
24 For editions ofcreeds, see E.Kochlamazashvili, The Symbol ofthe
Faith in Old Georgian Translation, Studies in Christian Archaeology, 3(2010),
p.11-45(in Georgian; abstract in English, p.798).
511
T. DOLIDZE
512
513
T. DOLIDZE
Afew more words about polemics.Old Georgian literature includes treatises against pagans, Jews, Catholics, Muslims,
and various Christian heresies, such as Arianism, Origenism,28
Nestorianism, various monophysite trends (against Armenians,
Jacobites and Severians),29 monothelitism, iconoclasm (represented by John ofDamascuss orations), Paulicianism (represented by just one treatise ofEuthymius Zigabenos), and one
treatise against Augustines theory ofpredestination.30 Especially
rich in this genre are the polemics against Muslims, Armenians,
and, in the eighteenth century, Catholics.31
8.Conclusion
In the quest for insights into Byzantine-Georgian patristic culture,
one has to operate within the paradigmatic contexts ofinterculturality and identity, tradition and innovation, as well as the
cultural dynamics oftransmission, appropriation, and transformation.Language, as the most significant cultural phenomenon,
played akey role in these processes. Theeighth-to-ninth-century
reformation ofliterary language under the auspices ofGeorgian
community at St.Sabass Laura, aresult ofmultilingual literary
interactions, marks anew stage in the development ofGeorgian
cultural identity. Several statements by those who implemented
major national projects in the eleventh and twelfth centuries
illustrate the goals they pursued.There was amove from the
ability ofadding to and taking out from the original (according
to Ephrem Mtsires assessment ofEuthymiuss selective method
28
Apart from the anonymous polemical treatise To Them Who Say That
Human Souls are Prior to Body, which entered the Dogmaticon, two polemical
collections contain The Story of aMiserable Philosopher Origen(in fact an excerpt
from George Hamartolos Chronicon) and The Answer ofthe Blessed Theodore AbuQurrah to Origen(both evidently translated at the juncture ofthe11th and12thc.).
29 The earliest sample is arelatively large fragment ofthe anti-monophysite
collection, apparently rendered in the fifth to sixth century; it contains excerpts
from pre-chalcedonic Greek and Latin(Pope CelestineI, Ambrose, Augustine)
fathers.
30 On the Creation and That There is No Determination by God ofGood and Bad
in Man.This extensive pseudoepigraphic work(attributed to John Chrysostom)
is included in the early tenth-century Sinai collection.
31 E.Gabidzashvili, Translated Works,VI: Canonical, Dogmatic, and Polemical,
p.151-330.
515
T. DOLIDZE
516
Bibliography
1.Primary sources
Arsen Saphareli, On the Split ofGeorgia and Armenia ed.Z.Alexidze,
Tbilisi, 1980 (in Georgian).
Gr.Nyss., In Cant.=St.Gregory ofNyssa, The Commentary on the Song
ofSongs (Canticum canticorum) ed.G.Kiknadze, N.Melikishvili,
Tbilisi, 2013(in Georgian).
Monuments ofOld Georgian Hagiographic Literature ed.I.Abuladze,
M.Shanidze, et al., 6vols., Tbilisi, 1964-1980 (inGeorgian).
Nik.Steth., Opera=Dogmaticon II: Niketas Stethatos, Five Polemic
Speeches, Epistles, On the Soul, On Paradise ed.M.Raphava,
M.Kasradze, Tbilisi, 2013 (in Georgian).
[From the Shores ofBosphorus
to the Shores ofEuphrates]tr.S.S.Averintsev, Moscow, 1987.
E.Kochlamazashvili, The Symbol ofthe Faith in Old Georgian
Translation, Studies in Christian Archaeology,3(2010), p.11-45
(in Georgian; abstract in English, p.798).
2.Secondary literature
Ancient Christianity in the Caucasus (Iberica-Caucasica,1) ed.T.Mgaloblishvili, Richmond, 1998.
T.Dolidze, Overview ofthe Georgian Research into Byzantine and
Medieval Georgian Patristic Theology, Phasis.Greek and Roman
Studies,15-16(2012-2013), p.397-426.
T.Dolidze, Foundation ofKartvelianByzantine Studies in Georgia, Annual ofMedieval Studies at CEU, 18(2012), p.126-136.
T.Dolidze, AReflection ofAlexandrian Tradition in the Old
Georgian Literature and the Modern Georgian Research,Adamantius.Notiziario del Gruppo Italiano di Ricerca su Origene ela
tradizione alessandrina, 7(2001), p.154-172.
T.Dolidze,A.Kharanauli The Bible in Georgian Christianity,
The Encyclopaedia ofthe Bible and Its Reception, X, Berlin, 2015,
col.83-89.
E.Gabidzashvili, Translated Works ofAncient Georgian Literature.
Bibliography, II:Ascetics and Mystics; III:Homiletics; IV:Bibliology,
Exegetical, Apocryphal; V:Liturgy, Hymnography; VI:Canonical,
Dogmatic, and Polemical, Tbilisi,2006-2012 (in Georgian).
E.Gabidzashvili, Hagiographic Works Translated into Georgian, Tbilisi,
2004 (in Georgian).
517
T. DOLIDZE
Abstract
One can loosely say that Georgian ecclesiastical literature is ascion
ofeastern patristics. Thehistory ofits reception goes back to the
early Byzantine period.Since that time the grand eastern Christian
miracle became an inherent part ofGeorgian cultural identity and,
particularly, its literature. Two literary ways ofadoptiontranslation
and incorporation ofByzantine Christian thought in indigenous
literaturewere applied together. As far as the attitude towards Latin
518
519
YONATAN MOSS
Hebrew University, Jerusalem
10.1484/J.BAIEP.5.107533
521
Y. MOSS
churches, namely the Syrian and the Coptic Orthodox communities, revere Severus in two main capacities: as afounding
father and as a saint. This second aspect, Severus traditional
image as saint, will be this papers actual point ofdeparture, but
Iwant to preface with afew words about the first aspect.
Modern scholarship has, by and large, eagerly accepted Severus
capacity as the chief-church-father, the institutional pioneer,
ofthe anti-Chalcedonian churches.5 Irecently compared this
image ofSeverus to the ideological profile that emerges from
his own writings.6 Idiscovered that contrary to his subsequent
reputation, Severus was in fact very much opposed to the creation ofan institutional rival to the imperial church. Throughout
his many years ofexile he advocated remaining within the given
depth study ofSeverus years as patriarch, see F.Alpi, La route royale: Svre
dAntioche, 2vols.(Bibliothque archologique et historique, 188), Beirut,2009.
Alpi, Route royale, vol.2 is also helpful for its comprehensive overview ofthe
sources by and about Severus, in the various linguistic traditions ofthe ancient
church.
5
The expression chief-church father(Hauptkirchenvater) is used by
W.De Vries, Sakramententheologie bei den syrischen Monophysiten,(OCA, 125),
Rome,1940, p.19. For an introduction to the reception ofSeverus in the Greek,
Syriac, Coptic, Armenian, Arabic and Ethiopic traditions, see L.VanRompay,
Severus, Patriarch ofAntioch(512-538), in the Greek, Syriac, and Coptic
Traditions, Journal ofthe Canadian Society for Syriac Studies, 8(2008), p.3-22.
See also Alpi, Route royale(vol.2, p. 19-39) for detailed information on the
Greek, Latin, Syriac, Arabic, Ethiopic and Coptic, sources pertaining to Severus.
Regarding Severus image as institutional pioneer ofthe anti-Chalcedonian
churches, see R.Darling, The Patriarchate ofSeverus ofAntioch, 512-518,
unpublished doctoral dissertation, Chicago,1982, p.109. See the full development ofDarlings argument in ibid., p.126-155; W.H.C. Frend, Severus
ofAntioch and the Origins ofthe Monophysite Hierarchy, in The Heritage ofthe Early Church: Essays in Honor ofGeorges Vasilievich Florovsky on the
Occasion ofhis Eightieth Birthday ed.D.Neiman, M.Schatkin(OCA,195),
Rome,1973, p.261-275.Other, more recent expressions ofthis view, can be
found in R.Roux, Notes sur la fonction piscopale selon Svre dAntioche,
in Eukosmia: Studi miscellanei per il 75 di Vincenzo Poggi S.J.ed.V.Ruggieri,
L.Pieralli, Soveria Mannelli,2003, p.427-441, in partic.p.440-441; Menze,
Justinian, p.12-14; 177-178;191-192. For earlier scholarship along these lines,
see J.Lebon, Le monophysisme svrien: tude historique, littraire et thologique sur
la rsistance monophysite au Concile de Chalcdoine jusqu la constitution de lEglise
Jacobite, Louvain,1909, p.501; 526; W.A.Wigram, The Separation ofthe Monophysites, London,1920, p.63-64; A.Van Roey, Les dbuts de lEglise jacobite, in Das Konzil vonChalkedon: Geschichte und Gegenwart ed.A.Grillmeier,
H.Bacht, 3vols., Wrzburg,1951-1953, II, p.339-360, in partic.p.339.
6Yonatan Moss, In Corruption: Severus ofAntioch on the Body ofChrist,
unpublished doctoral dissertation, NewHaven,2013.
522
ecclesial structures.Rather than breaking away from the Chalcedonian controlled imperial church, Severus hoped to bring the
Roman administration and population over to anti-Chalcedonian theology.7
The purpose ofthe present paper is to apply the methodology
Iused with regard to Severus image as founding father to his
image as saint. Iwish to compare posteritys version ofSeverus
saintliness with the picture that emerges from his writings taken
on their own terms.Naturally, my business is not to challenge
the patriarchs holiness per se.What Iwish to do is to examine
to what degree the later traditions conception ofSeverus as saint
correlates with Severus own attitude to the holy man type and
to the charismatic authority that type embodies. Inorder to do
this Iwill begin by analyzing one Severus miracle story recounted
in the medieval tradition. Iwill then proceed to analyze Severus
own attitude to charisma. Iwill propose that contrary to rival
trends in his day, Severus sought to distance religious authority
from the charismatic powers ofthe individual. Iwill argue that
in lieu ofcharisma, which Severus was ideologically opposed
to, and in lieu ofecclesiastical power, which Severus had lost
access to in his exile, the former patriarch stressed anew locus
ofauthority: the intellectual authority ofthe mediators ofthe
patristic textual tradition.8 This preference for holy texts over and
against holy men is paralleled in two other cultures ofSeverus
time: in the east Syrian and in the rabbinic academies oflearning that flourished in fifth and sixth century Mesopotamia. Iwill
conclude the paper with some preliminary thoughts about the
7 Severus rhetoric in addressing both the anti-Chalcedonian leaning Anastasius and the pro-Chalcedonian Justinian was markedly pro-imperial; his
decisions on various issues ofecclesial regulation, like the relaxation ofcanons
regarding the ordination ofpriests, the consecration ofbishops, and the reception ofheretics, also reflect astrongly ecumenicist, pro-imperial stance. For the
full argument, see Moss, In Corruption, p.107-172.
8
Iwill be employing charisma in the sense ofauthority anchored in
direct, unmediated access to the miraculous and the divine.Severus model
ofepiscopal authority, inasmuch as it was rooted in the expertise, and therefore
control, ofabody ofknowledge, could also be called charismatic in adifferent
sense ofthe word. For one application ofthis latter sense ofcharisma to Severus,
see K.M. Hay, Severus ofAntioch: An Inheritor ofPalestinian Monasticism,
ARAM, 15(2003), p.159-171, in partic.p.167.
523
Y. MOSS
524
525
Y. MOSS
526
527
Y. MOSS
528
529
Y. MOSS
).
You hired an Ephesian, asimpleton ( ) by the name
ofMenander, to go around and take pains to confirm your
evil opinion, and to lead the simple folks astray with the
narration ofhis dream ( ) . How, then, would Inot
thank, with ten-thousand tongues, God who alone is wise,
who allowed for this error ( ) to be appropriately
( ) refuted by the very same elements that wrought
the error to begin with. For it was truly fitting that dreams
) should provide support for your
and visions (
dreamy, phantastical heresy () .
Theresult is that those who hold these, unfortunate phantastical, opinions have as their support nothing more than
aphantasm (!) 24
Severus does not deny the divine origin ofthe dreams that supported Julians position.On the contrary, he affirms it. But
what Severus does do in this passage is challenge the relevance
ofsuch revelations to the determination oftheological truth.
For Severus, it is demonstrations based on scriptural and patristic texts that must be used to prove theological statements; not
dreams, however divine.25 This is the stuff that Severus own
24
Severus ofAntioch, Contra Additiones Iuliani, Chapter 37 ed.R.Hespel,
Svre dAntioche: La polmique antijulianiste, 3vols., in 4(CSCO, 244-245; 295296; 301-302; 318-319), Louvain,1964-1971, II.1, p.139(text), 116-117(tr.).
25See Brown, Authority and the Sacred, p.73, for an intuition ofthis point
with regard to Severus.
530
531
Y. MOSS
Daniel Boyarin has put it in another context, between divination and dialectic.31 In the story in question, the Bavli recounts
aheated disagreement concerning the laws ofpurity that two late
first-century rabbis, Rabbi Eliezer and Rabbi Joshua, had within
the academy:32
On that day, Rabbi Eliezer used every imaginable argument ( ) ,33 but they [i.e.the members
ofthe academy] did not accept them from him.He said to
them: Ifthe law is as Isay, let the carob tree prove it.
The carob tree uprooted itself from its place one hundred
cubitsand some say four cubits.34 They said to him:
Onedoes not bring proof from the carob tree. The carob
tree returned to its place.He said to them: Ifthe law is
as Isay, let the aqueduct prove it. The water began to
flow backwards. They said to him: One does not bring
proof from water. The water returned to its place. He said
to them: Ifitisas Isay, let the walls ofthe academy
( ) proveit. The walls ofthe academy inclined
to fall. R.Joshua rebuked them [i.e.the walls ofthe
academy]. He said to them: When sages defeat each other
in law, what is toyou? Itwas taught: They [i.e.the
walls ofthe academy] did not fall because ofthe honor
ofR.Joshua, and they did not stand because ofthe honor
ofR.Eliezer, and they are still inclining and standing.
He[i.e.R.Eliezer] said to them: Ifitis as Isay, let it
be proved from heaven ( ) . Avoice came
31 D.Boyarin, Dialectic and Divination in the Talmud, in The End ofDialogue in Antiquity ed.S.Goldhill, Cambridge,2008, p.217-241. Boyarin makes
the interesting observation that the Bavlis endless dialectic was tantamount to
another form ofdivination. Iam not sure Iagree with Boyarins analysis but
Ihave borrowed his terminology.
32 Babylonian Talmud, Bava Metzia 59a.English translation adapted from
J.L. Rubenstein, Talmudic Stories: Narrative Art, Composition, and Culture, Baltimore,London,1999, p.37.The text is based on the version found in MS
Munich Hebr.95. As noted, above, much has been written about this passage
and this is not the place to enter into adetailed discussion ofall its elements. For
asurvey ofsome ofthe relevant literature, see T.Novick, ALot ofLearning
is aDangerous Thing: On the Structure ofRabbinic Expertise in the Bavli,
HUCA, 78(2007), p.91-107, in partic.p.91, n.1.
33 For adiscussion ofvarious possible meanings ofthis phrase, see D.Steinmetz, Agada Unbound: Inter-Agadic Characterization ofSages in the Bavli and
Implications for Reading Agada, in Creation and Composition ed.J.L.Rubenstein, p.293-338, in partic.p.316.
34
Other manuscripts read four hundred cubits, astock expression ofTalmudic hyperbole.
532
This story gives powerful expression to the prioritization oftextual argumentation above direct, charismatic communications.
All ofR.Eliezers wondrous signs are ofno avail to him. Themore
he tries to prove his case by direct appeals to the divine, the
more the text conspires to rebuff him.First his colleagues
flatly deny the relevance ofproof in the natural world; then,
when R.Eliezer elicits adirect communication from heaven,
his chief opponent, R.Joshua, tautologically cites textual evidence to prove that the only evidence that counts is textual evidence. Once the divine message had been delivered at Sinai,
the authority ofits interpretation belongs exclusively in human
hands. Finally, God himself personally deals the coup de grace to
the validity ofcharisma in interpretation, by explicitly endorsing
the position ofR.Eliezers opponents.
All this has been abundantly illustrated in earlier discussions
ofthis famous tale.As mentioned before, the tendency in recent
scholarship has been to view the story as acharacteristic expression ofthe scholastic, dialectic-centered culture ofthe Bavlis
redactors. Building on this approach Iwould like to make two
further observations, relevant to our issue ofthe source and
nature oftheological authority and evidence.36
35
Ihave only cited the middle part ofthis story.The lead-up and continuation are no less important to the story in its original context, which is primarily
about interpersonal relations.For this point, see Rubenstein, Talmudic Stories,
p.40-63. Nevertheless, for the question ofmiracles as asource ofproof and
authority, only the section cited here is relevant.
36 Given the volume ofscholarly treatments ofthis passage, it is likely that
these points have been made already and Ihave simply not encountered them.
533
Y. MOSS
The first observation is that R.Eliezer is not the only person who performs miracles in this text.His opponents, both the
anonymous members ofthe academy and R.Joshua himself, also
perform counter-miracles.Following the academys declaration
that no proof can be brought from the self-locomotive carob
tree, the tree returns to its original position. Thetrees movement in this second instance is no less amiraculous interruption ofthe regular patters ofnature than its first translocation.37
Similarly, the fact that the walls ofthe academy cease from falling once rebuked by R.Joshua is no less wondrous than their
initial decline at the behest ofR.Eliezer. Like Severus ofAntioch, R.Eliezers opponents do not deny the reality ofmiracles.
Like the patriarch, they are indeed able to perform miracles
themselves.But, also like Severus, although they are able to
engage in these charismatic activities, they consider them irrelevant to the determination ofGods law.
Clarification ofthis point allows us to better appreciate the
differences displayed in the parallel version ofthis story in the
Palestinian Talmud (the Yerushalmi).This brings me to my
second observation.If, as current scholarship has claimed, the
Bavlis version ofthe story reflects the particular concerns ofits
sixth-century redactors, then we would expect the story told by
the Yerushalmi, edited in late-fourth century Palestine, to reflect
very different concerns.38
Indeed, acomparative analysis ofthe two versions ofthis
story fulfils this expectation. Icite the passage, beginning with
R.Eliezers address to the carob tree:
O carob,ocarob, if the law is according to their words,
uproot yourself, but it did not uproot itself.If the law is
according to my words, uproot yourself, and it uprooted
itself. If the law is according to them, return, and it did
not return.If the law is according to my words, return,
and it returned. All this praise [asks the Yerushalmi] and the
37The second miracle, with the aqueduct is more complicated. Unlike
the tree and the walls, which are naturally stationary, waters natural state is in
motion. Thus, the fact that after the academys comment, the aqueduct goes
back to flowing in its original direction does not involve an additional miracle,
beyond the initial one performed by R.Joshua.
38 Ithank Reuven Kiperwasser for pushing me on this point.
534
535
Y. MOSS
536
537
Y. MOSS
538
539
Y. MOSS
generations Muslims came to venerate their own miracle-working holy men, following the late antique and medieval Christian
model.51 The Quranic image ofMuhammad as atransmitter
oftext with no further mandate to perform supernatural miracles
came to be updated in post-Quranic literature. On the basis
ofcertain hints in the Quran itself, subsequent tradition attributed awhole host ofmiracles to the seal ofthe prophets.52
Needless to say, the late antique model ofthe charismatic holy
man did not go away with the advent ofIslam or the dawn ofthe
Middle Ages. Indeed, the very story with which we began, clearly
demonstrates that it did not. TheSeverus ofAntioch ofmedieval
tradition had become afull-fledged wonder-worker. Thepoint
ofthis study has been to show that alongside the enduring model
ofthe holy man, the final centuries oflate antiquity brought with
them an alternative model. Theworks ofSeverus, the Bavli,
and the Quran offer us glimpses into this alternative. These
three sixth and seventh-century corpora demonstrate, each in its
own way, asubtle transformation ofthe imprimatur oftheological truthfrom human acts, divinely endowed, to divine texts,
humanly interpreted.
540
HUCA Hebrew Union College Annual, Cincinnati,1924JECS Journal ofEarly Christian Studies, Baltimore,1993JQR Jewish Quarterly Review, Philadelphia,1909OCA Orientalia Christiana Analecta, Rome,1935OLA Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta, Louvain,1975PG
Patrologia Graeca, ed.J.P.Migne, Paris, 1857-1886.
PO
Patrologia Orientalis, Paris,1903REJ
Revue des tudes juives, Paris, 1880-
2.Primary Sources
Evagrius Scholasticus, Historia Ecclesiastica ed.J.Bidez and
L.Parmentier, The Ecclesiastical History ofEvagrius with the Scholia,
London, 1898.
John of Beth Aphthonia, Life ofSeverus, Patriarch ofAntioch
ed.M.-A. Kugener (PO, 2), Paris,1907, p.203-264.
Leontius of Jerusalem, Testimonia Sanctorum ed.P.Gray, Leontius
ofJerusalem: Against the Monophysites: Testimonies ofthe Saints and
Aporiae, Oxford,2006, p.46-161.
Liberatus, Breviarium Causae Nestorianum et Eutychianorum
ed.E.Schwartz (ACO, 2.5), Berlin,Leipzig,1932, p.98-141.
Severus of Antioch, Select Letters in the Syriac Version ofAthanasius
ofNisibis ed.E.W.Brooks, London,Oxford,1902-1903.
Severus Of Antioch, Contra Additiones Iuliani ed.R.Hespel, Svre
dAntioche: La polmique antijulianiste (CSCO, 295-296), Louvain,
1968.
Synaxarium Alexandrinum ed.J.Forget (CSCO, 67), Beirut,
Paris,1905.
Talmud, Babylonian, Munich hebr.95, Jerusalem,1971.
Talmud, Palestinian, Leiden Or.4720, Jerusalem,2001.
3.Secondary Literature
P.Allen, C.T.R.Hayward, Severus ofAntioch, London, NewYork,
2004.
F.Alpi, La route royale: Svre dAntioche, 2vols.(Bibliothque archologique et historique, 188), Beirut,2009.
A.H.Becker, Beyond the Spatial and Temporal Limes: Questioning the Parting ofthe Ways Outside the Roman Empire, in
541
Y. MOSS
542
W.H.C.Frend, Severus ofAntioch and the Origins ofthe Monophysite Hierarchy, in The Heritage ofthe Early Church: Essays in
Honor ofGeorges Vasilievich Florovsky on the Occasion ofhis Eightieth Birthday ed.D.Neiman, M.Schatkin (OCA,195), Roma,
1973, p.261-275.
E.Gibbon, Decline and Fall ofthe Roman Empire, 3vols., NewYork,
1930.
D.Gril, Miracles, EQ, vol.3, p.392-398.
A.Grillmeier, T.Hainthaler, Christ in Christian Tradition
tr.P.Allen, J.Cawte, London,Louisville,Kentucky, 1995.
K.M.Hay, Severus ofAntioch: An Inheritor ofPalestinian Monasticism, ARAM, 15(2003), p.159-171.
J.Howard-Johnston, P.A.Howard ed. TheCult ofSaints in
LateAntiquity and the Middle Ages: Essays on the Contribution ofPeter
Brown, Oxford,1999.
J.Howe, Revisiting the Holy Man, Catholic Historical Review,
86(2000), p.640-644.
A.Jacobs, Remains ofthe Jews: The Holy Land and Christian Empire in
LateAntiquity, Stanford,2004.
R.Kalmin, The Formation and Character ofthe Babylonian Talmud, in The Cambridge History ofJudaism: vol.4: The Late RomanRabbinic Period ed.S.T.Katz, Cambridge,2008, p.840-876.
J.Lebon, Le monophysisme svrien: tude historique, littraire et thologique
sur la rsistance monophysite au Concile de Chalcdoine jusqu la constitution de lEglise Jacobite, Louvain,1909.
J.Levinson, Enchanting Rabbis: Contest Narratives between Rabbis
and Magicians in LateAntiquity, JQR, 100(2010), p.54-94.
V.Menze, Justinian and the Making ofthe Syrian Orthodox Church,
Oxford,2008.
Y.Moss, In Corruption: Severus ofAntioch on the Body ofChrist,
unpublished doctoral dissertation, NewHaven, 2103.
Y.Moss, Packed with Patristic Testimonies: Severus ofAntioch
and the Reinvention ofthe Church Fathers, in Between Personal
and Institutional Religion: Self, Doctrine, and Practice in Late Antique
Eastern Christianity ed.B.Bitton-Ashkelony, L.Perrone, Turnhout,2013, p.227-250.
T.Novick, ALot ofLearning is aDangerous Thing: On the Structure
ofRabbinic Expertise in the Bavli, HUCA, 78(2007), p.91-107.
J.Patout Burns, The Eucharist as the Foundation ofChurch
Unity in North African Theology, Augustinian Studies, 32(2000),
p.1-23.
543
Y. MOSS
544
G.Von Blow, Hadthe ber Wunder des Propheten Muhammad, insbesondere in der Traditionssammlung des Buhar, unpublished doctoral
dissertation, Bonn,1964.
M.Wallraff, Kodex und Kanon: Das Buch in frhen Christentum, Berlin,2013.
D.Weiss Halivni, Peshat and Derash: Plain and Applied Meaning in
Rabbinic Exegesis, Oxford,1991.
A.T. Welch, Kuran, EI, vol.5, p.400-429.
A.J. Wensinck, Mudjiza, EI, Vol.7, P.295.
W.A. Wigram, The Separation ofthe Monophysites, London,1920.
Y.N. Youssef, AContribution to the Coptic Biography ofSeverus
ofAntioch, Coptic Studies on the Threshold ofaNew Millennium:
Proceedings ofthe Seventh International Congress ofCoptic Studies,
Leiden, 27August2September2000 ed.M.Immerzeel,
J.Van derVliet, 2vols., (OLA, 133), Leuven, Paris,Dudley, MA,
2004, I, p.407-422.
Abstract
Ever since Peter Browns famous essay on his rise and function,
the holy man ofthe fifth and sixth centuries has received volumes
ofscholarly attention.Less noticed, however, has been the parallel,
contemporary challenge to this concept, manifestations ofwhich we
witness in later antique culture.Evidence to this effect is examined
from the works ofSeverus ofAntioch.Severus contests the authority ofdreams, prophecies and miracles. Thechallenge to charismatic
authority goes hand in hand with aparallel phenomenon characteristic ofSeverus works: his valorization ofintellectual authority.
This intellectual authority lies, as it does in the Babylonian Talmud
(possibly redacted during Severus lifetime), in an expert knowledge
ofones revered textual tradition and in ones exegetical ability to
harmonize contradictions within this tradition. Thecomparative
example ofthe Babylonian Talmud, as well as evidence from the
Quran, conspire with the material from Severus to demonstrate that
alongside the late antique holy man, there was also acontemporary,
cross-cultural current that prioritized holy messages and intellectual
argumentation above holy people and miraculous deeds in the determination oftheological truth.
545
ROBIN M.JENSEN
Vanderbilt University
INTEGRATING MATERIAL
AND VISUAL EVIDENCE
INTO EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES:
APPROACHES, BENEFITS,
AND POTENTIAL PROBLEMS
Introduction
The study ofphysical remains has enriched and expanded our
work as historians ofancient Christianity.Although to some this
turn toward visual and material evidence may seem like anew
development, many scholars have long recognized the limits
ofpurely text-based studies while acknowledging the benefits
ofincorporating the study ofmaterial data into their research.
The methods as well as discoveries ofarchaeologists, art historians,
and epigraphers (among others) have recently promptedor
even requiredus to reassess many ofour conclusions about the
character ofearly Christianity in certain regions or eras. Along
with amore comprehensive and culturally nuanced perspective
ofthe movement and its adherents, these discoveries also have
provided abasis for theorizing about the daily lives and religious
commitments ofcertain classes ofindividuals who produced no
surviving written documents.The massive number ofimportant
artifacts housed in the worlds major museums alone has made
it eminently clear that visual culture was an essential dimension
ofancient religious practice, whether Christian or non-Christian.
For example, liturgical historians have pursued amore grounded understanding ofcertain ritual practices through analyzing
and comparing extant examples oftypical facilities (e.g., basilicas,
graves, baptisteries, and shrines) with relevant documentary evidence. Access to these remains has prompted them to reconstruct
rites in space and to assess the possible connections (and disconnections) between often idealized verbal descriptions and actual
lived experiences.
10.1484/J.BAIEP.5.107534
549
R.M. JENSEN
Social historians, for their part, have found that the study
ofmaterial remains can undermine long-standing assumptions
and generalizations.The visual evidence has shown that the distinction between Christians and their non-Christian neighbors
was less unambiguous than was once believed; that Christians
were fully embedded in their culture and reproduced its signs
and symbols just as they spoke the local language.At the same
time, analysis ofartifacts also has revealed adiverse set ofrelated
subgroups or sects among Christian communities, and allowed
historians to attend more fully to regional characteristics, interlocking identities, or shifting dynamics through time.
As important as material evidence is to our work, its incorporation is not without pitfalls.The study ofmaterial evidence
is no more or less scientific or straightforward than the study
oftexts.Just as scholars have always produced various interpretations ofidentical literary documents, they have constructed
divergent analyses ofthe same material artifacts.Although these
divergent analyses sometimes arise from different levels ofexperience in working with non-textual materials, they also result
when researchers embark with particular goals or perspectives
that guide their conflicting construals ofthe evidence.
Generally, historians ofearly Christianity ask different types
ofquestions than art historians or archaeologists, and those questions guide their selection, sorting, and analysis ofthe available data.Most ofthe time this selection, sorting, and analysis is
aproductive and illuminating endeavor, but occasionally things
go awry, especially when historians who focus mainly on ideas
are insufficiently aware ofthe potentially contentious import
ofreligious or theological questions into fields that may regard
them with some suspicion.Although these kinds ofproblems
can arise with almost any kind ofhistorical research, art historians
or archaeologists are particularly sensitive to what they sometimes see as misuse or even abuse ofwhat they view as theirs.
They seek what one ofthis conferences speakers (Prof.Ritter)
described as the emancipation ofartifacts from theology.1
550
Hamburgers cautionary assessment also points out the problem ofscholarly interpreters finding abalance that respects the
integrity ofboth types ofevidence, subjecting neither to the
other, but bringing them into dialogue with one another. When
the scale tips one way or the other, some important insights are
inevitably lost.So long as an artifact emerges from aculture that
includes religion (and, thus, theology), it would seem to bear
some level ofcongruence or relationship to the cultic, religious,
or belief systems ofthose who made it.The difficulty may lie
in the process ofinterpretation: how much can we assume that
an art object reflects on or illuminates some knowable historical
reality or actual religious activity versus asomewhat idealized
projection that might have very little correlation to either lived
practice or religious belief? As one prominent scholar has asserted,
Only very rarely does art function as adocumentary description
ofan actual event.3
The converse can be said oftexts, ofcourse.Only rarely
does atext explain or even fully correspond to awork ofart.
The textual evidence that scholars may call upon to reconstruct
religious belief or practice is often based on an idealized version ofhow things should be, and may reflect the specific circumstances or perspective ofonly asmall minority.Documents
from theological treatises to church orders are therefore ofqualified use for reconstructing what people actually did or believed.
2 J.Hamburger, St.John the Divine: The Deified Evangelist in Medieval Art
and Theology, Berkeley,2002, p.1.
3 J.Elsner, Imperial Rome and Christian Triumph, Oxford, 1993, p.27.
551
R.M. JENSEN
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554
Once this particular painting was assumed to depict aeucharistic banquet and, further that the figure on the left is both
the presider and female, it became regularly cited as convincing archaeological evidence for women priests (or even bishops)
in the second and third centuries.Furthermore, according to
some historians, it demonstrated that women shared some kind
ofritual meal separately from men (a practice not described in
any surviving documents).10 For example, in her book Private
Women, Public Meals: Social Conflict in the Synoptic Tradition(1993)
Kathleen Corley asserts:
In this fresco, seven women are sharing aeucharistic celebration.Six women are reclining at the table, with arms outstretched over the eucharistic elements.The seventh woman
is sitting up, undoubtedly because she is meant to be pictured as breaking the eucharistic bread being distributed
to the others. There are no men in this scene, only women;
the group is not amixed one.11
555
R.M. JENSEN
556
R.M. JENSEN
558
ance. This approach has long been associated with the venerable
Roman school ofChristian archaeology, characterized by the
writings ofthe nineteenth- and twentieth-century luminaries,
Giuseppe Marchi, Josef Wilpert, and Pasquale Testini, and continued in the writings ofAldo Nestori.
While this approach illuminates the connection between
iconography and scripture or dogmatic writings, the search for
texts too often bypasses analysis ofan object on its own terms
and in its own context.The approach often tends to categorize
images or objects too fixedly, seeing them as one kind ofthing
or as reflecting the beliefs ofasingle religious community. Often
such scholars seek material evidence as secondary or supporting
data, or simply as illustration.Other data deemed irrelevant or
unhelpful may be ignored or sidelined.Moreover, when texts
and artifacts diverge, the written document is preferred and the
artifact assumed to be atypical.The assumption that texts are less
ambiguous than visual images or physical objects dominates this
approach. Images are perceived as silent and thus malleable.
In his responses to essays evaluating his major work on Christian baptism, Everett Ferguson recently articulated this privileging oftexts over material evidence in straightforward prose:
Ijudge archaeological evidence to be confirmatory ofliterary
sources, and where it appears contradictory or ambiguous, Igive
priority to the written texts, which are both earlier and clearer.16
Of course, whether texts are in fact earlier is debatable. Agood
many early Christian artifacts may pre-date existing texts.
They may even have influenced them.Nevertheless, this approach
certainly grants texts alevel ofclarity and trustworthiness not
accorded to material remains.
1.2. Physical/Material Evidence as Contradictory
This approach may be the flipside ofthe former in that it allows
material evidence to challenge or disprove long-standing suppositions rather than validating them.In an instance when texts and
objects contradict or diverge from one another, this approach
normally grants independentor at least parallelauthority to
16E.
Ferguson, Response to Contributors, Journal ofEarly Christian Studies,
20.3(2012), p.472(in response to Robin M.Jensen).
559
R.M. JENSEN
560
Snyders assertion raises another important issue for our consideration: who determined the content, context, or character
ofawork ofart or the design and decoration ofachurch or
As one may see in MacMullen, The Second Church.
M.Miles, Image as Insight: Visual Understanding in Western Christianity and
Secular Culture, Boston,1985, p.15.
20 Snyder, Agape, Eucharist, and Sacrifice, p.53.
18
19
561
R.M. JENSEN
562
563
R.M. JENSEN
Conclusion
It probably is impossible to overestimate the value ofarchaeological discoveries for our understanding ofearly Christianity in
its many contexts and complexitiesnot to mention the simple
pleasure that fascinating and often beautiful objects add to our
work. However, no less than texts, the very nature ofart enables
various interpretations, which means that its incorporation into
our research is just as vulnerable to missteps: the tendency to read
into or manipulate the evidence to back up our hypotheses, or
to propose conclusions before considering all the available data.
The difficulty ofknowing how ancient viewers would have
regarded these objects and even realizing that only atiny portion
ofthe data has survived (without being sure that it is truly representative) adds to our caution.We also have to contend with the
wariness that at least some ofour colleagues in other fields will
feel about our work as historians ofreligion.Yet taking some
chances and then correcting mistakes is how we move forward.
We will welcome the gains from using different approaches or
methods, the challenges and corrections ofour colleagues, and
the opportunities to learn from scholars in other disciplines.
In the long run, we will all be advantaged by bringing as many
kinds ofdata as are available together and working collaboratively and constructively to advance our understanding ofearly
Christian culture.
Bibliography
K.Corley, Private Women Public Meals: Social Conflict in the Synoptic
Tradition, Peabody, MA, 1993.
N.Denzey, The Bone Gatherers: The Lost Worlds ofEarly Christian
Women, Boston, 2008.
J.Dresken-Weiland, Bild, Grab, und Wort, Regensburg, 2010.
P.Du Bourguet, Early Christian Art, NewYork, 1971.
K.Dunbabin, The Roman Banquet.Images ofConviviality, Cambridge,
2003.
J.Elsner, Archaeologies and Agendas: Reflections on Late Ancient
Jewish Art and Early Christian Art, The Journal ofRoman Studies,
93(2003), p.114-128.
J.Elsner, Imperial Rome and Christian Triumph, Oxford, 1993.
564
Abstract
Historians ofancient Christianity are now, more than ever, incorporating the study ofmaterial evidence into their research. Artifacts
that once were primarily the subjects for analysis by archaeologists
and art historians have become central to the work ofscholars
565
R.M. JENSEN
who may have been trained primarily as text-scholars. Thus the need
to expand beyond literary evidence offers challenge and promise
as well as opportunities for new insights and perspectives. Nevertheless, certain problems also arise, many ofthem parallel to the issues
that characterize the work ofliterary studies. This essay offers abrief
overview ofthe situation and summarizes some ofthe common
approaches and operating assumptions ofprimarily text historians
when incorporating the study ofobjects into their work.
566
Fig. 1.
Banquet scene, Catacomb of Callixtus, Rome.
The International Catacomb Society: Photo by Estelle Brettman.
Fig. 2.
Banquet scene, Catacomb of Priscilla, Rome.
The International Catacomb Society: Photo by Estelle Brettman.
567
R.M. JENSEN
Fig. 3.
Mosaic depicting a memorial meal, 2-4th century CE, from Antioch,
now in the Worcester (MA) Art Museum.
Photo: Wikimedia Commons.
Fig. 4.
Banquet scenes from the Catacomb of San Sebastiano, on the exterior
of the Mausoleum of Marcus Clodius Hermes.
The International Catacomb Society: Photo by Estelle Brettman.
568
Fig. 5.
Lunette painting from the Hypogeum of Vibia, Rome.
The International Catacomb Society: Photo by Estelle Brettman.
569
ANNE KARAHAN
Stockholm and Istanbul
10.1484/J.BAIEP.5.107535
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A. KARAHAN
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573
A. KARAHAN
574
575
A. KARAHAN
beyond all knowledge; the darkness ofincomprehensibility separates us from it. Lars Thunberg has pointed to how Gregory
in Devita Moisis contemplates about God in terms ofan obscure
light, or rather aluminous darkness.22 Whereas Gsta Hallonsten
has emphasized how Gregory through Moses encounters with
God teaches how religious knowledge does not turn into light
until experienced.23 To encounter God is to experience the light,
since there is no darkness () in God.24 Yet, God is not light,
since God transcends light.25 Turning to the Sermons on the
Beatitudes, Johannes Quasten concludes that to Gregory God
is purity, freedom from passion, and separation from all evil.
To make the divine beauty shine forth again, we must cleanse by
agood life the filth that has been stuck on our hearts like plaster.
Apurified in contrast to anon-purified person can perceive what
is invisible, as the darkness caused by material entanglements
has been removed from the eyes ofthe soul. The blessed vision,
Gregory stresses, is now radiant in the pure heaven ofthe persons heart.26 The purified person experiences an inner radiant
vision separated from material entanglements.
Byzantine Orthodoxy venerates God as both human and
divine, that is comprehensible as well as incomprehensible,
circumscribed as well as uncircumscribed, visible aswellas
invisible; all ofwhich identification are ofequal importance.
Yet, all church fathers emphasize with one voice the unfeasibility
ofmanifesting the divine that is what God is. John Damascene
recognizes the apophatic mystery, but also what can be said
affirmatively ofGod,
God, then, is infinite and incomprehensible, and all that
is comprehensible about him is his infinity and incomprehensibility. All that we can say cataphatically concerning
God does not show forth his nature but only the things that
relate to his nature.27
22
L.Thunberg, Man and the Cosmos.The Vision ofSt Maximus the Confessor,
Crestwood, NewYork,1985, p.34.
23 G.Hallonsten, stkyrkan frr och nu.Studier i den ortodoxa traditionen, Religio, 34(1991), p.83-108.
24 IIoh.1,5.
25 Jo.D., F.o.1,4.
26
J.Quasten, Patrology, III, p.294-295.
27 F.o. 1,4, 32-34 ed.B.Kotter, p.13:
576
As quoted above from the Damascene, all that is comprehensible about God is Gods infinity and incomprehensibility.
Yet, this does not insinuate that Gods impenetrability is anonissue, since human salvation depends on faith in Gods mystery
as well as revelations.
, , .
, .
28
A.Louth, StJohn Damascene.Tradition and Originality in Byzantine Theology,
Oxford,2002, p.90-91.
29 Imag.2,7 ed.B.Kotter, p.74:
: [Eng.trans.Louth, Treatises,
p.63-64].
577
A. KARAHAN
578
sense, the meta-image embraces faith in that Gods is is incomprehensible. It mediates apophatic knowledge about the impalpable divine. The meta-image is akind ofmetaphorical aphorism,
akind ofminimalistic pictorial or symbolic articulation to recognize that Gods divinity is as real and present as Gods humanity.
Triune divine and the economy ofsalvation is amono-reality.
The meta-image celebrates Byzantine faith in aunique God
ofdivine uncircumscribable incomprehensibility and human circumscribable comprehensibility. In many Byzantine churches,
we can experience this reciprocal mono-reality, didactically, when
figurative motifs are filled with the meta-image ofunified dazzling brilliance from light entering through atripartite window.31
To contextualize my interpretation, Irefer to the Scriptures,
we ought not to think that the deity is like gold, or silver, or
stone, an image formed by the art and imagination ofmortals.32
Inline with this, light phenomena or brilliance ofprecious metals, gems, and pearls are apophaticisms. The meta-image is not
identical, but analogous in an apophatic sense. Negative theology
is molded into abstract significations ofdivine presence. Neither
light nor brilliance, or borders, or geometric abstractions, or tripartite windows categorize the divine. The meta-image is an
apophatic attribute ofthe divine. It acts in communion with the
narratives ofthe holy drama, props, and holy persons, that is,
in communion with the affirmative () theology, the
positive statements about God, thus revealing in aparadoxical
sense the core idea ofChristian Orthodoxy.In this sense, the
meta-image affects the ways we perceive ofGod and the holy
drama.
Compare how John Damascene emphasizes that God does
not show forth his nature but the things that relate to his nature
( ).33 Molded to painted theology, Isuggest
that in an orthodox sense, Byzantine meta-images embrace the
potential to stimulate experience oftheosis, that is, deification,
aspiritual and mystical connection with virtue, particularly
579
A. KARAHAN
580
The Cross-halo
All Byzantine motifs ofJesus Christ, as achild, the Pantokrator, or in his ministry role, represent him with aradiant halo
around his head and athree-armed cross protruding out of or
behind his head38 (see Fig.4). Generally, the cross is shimmering, delineated in gold, silver, gems, pearls, and/or shining bright colors.In an apophatic sense, the unifying iridescent effect ofthe cross-halo signifies Gods divine nature
() and substance (). The three crossarms constitute
an emblematic non-identification, ameta-image offaith in the
three divine Persona () ofFather, Son, and Holy Spirit,
while the encircling halo signifies God as eternal and uncircumscribed. Triune and circular brilliance uncover asparkling
unified light phenomenon in space. In an apophatic sense,
it authenticates faith in the Trinity, only known in creation
through its divine operations, and God as the eternal light, but
also God as atriune incomprehensible mono-reality, yet, comprehensible in the anthropomorphic image ofGod. The indwelling presence ofGod in the world is both human and divine.
Protruding as avertical fourth crossarm, the anthropomorphic
image subtly validates the wooden cross. Acausal correlation
between Jesus Christ and the meta-image ofthe luminous crosshalo verifies the cross death at Golgotha and Jesus Christ as the
savior. Triune and circular luminosity, cross-form, and the image
ofGod construct adidactic fabric offaith in human salvation
resting on incarnation and passion, but also divine knowledge
and grace.
The circle, Basil ofCaesarea emphasizes, starts from itself and
ends in itself.39 In asense, the circle is kindred with eternity and
uncircumscription.Since, in theory, circles, but also luminosity
and borders lack beginning or end, such meta-images match
38 On halo and cross-halo, see A.Karahan, Byzantine Holy Images, p.123,
127-128, 179, 215, 232, 246, General Index, halo.On the Trinity in writing and image: see A.Karahan, The Issue of in Byzantine Holy
Images, Studia Patristica, 44-49(2010), p.29-30.
39 Hex. 2,8, 49C(SC, 26bis, p.180-183):
, , . ,
, .
581
A. KARAHAN
582
Two eleventh-century motifs ofthe Baptism, one in mural technique in arock-cut chapel in Cappadocia, the other in mosaic
in the Katholikon, Hosios Loukas, verify the complex import
ofthe cross.On the left hand side ofChrist, adorned with
aradiant cross-halo, standing in the river Jordan, appears the
life-giving cross on adiminutive column (see Fig.5). The
two crosses are active reminders offaith in baptism abrogating death, but also in grace and passion as prerequisite
for salvation. The principle oflife and death uncovers in the
name ofthe cross, thus, foreboding the sacred state ofevery
believer.
Christs death on the cross constitutes the judgment ofjudgment; the fallen cosmos reconciles with Gods cosmos, in
Greek denoting both order and universe.Divine grace as well as
583
A. KARAHAN
584
585
A. KARAHAN
Final remarks
To face up to patristicism is to acknowledge that divine incomprehensibility is as real and present as human comprehensibility;
Byzantine aesthetics refrains from conventional temporal representation. Apophatic meta-images form adivine stage set, akind
ofreality outside time beyond decay. Rich in divine momentum, meta-images verify didactically that God is beyond categorization. The relish is not for realism or perfected corporeality,
as corruption signifies the created exposed to intervals oftime.58 In
Byzantium, perfected temporal beauty has no rationale, because
to imitate corruption equals death, not life.59
The motif ofJesus Christ with the radiant three-armed cross-halo
constructs asacred fabric that verifies the economy ofsalvation as
well as Trinitarian theology.It supports the Nicene creed, We
believe in one God [...] Seen and unseen [...] God from God,
light from light,true God from true God,one Being with
the Father, incarnate ofthe Holy Spirit and the Virgin Mary [...].
The halos circular form and its encircling red line emphasize
further Jesus Christs double capacity ofperfect human being
and perfect God.Compare Gregory Nazianzen, who underlines how Gods incarnation restores all destroyed by the fall,
the drops ofblood shed by the Lord remodels the whole world
( )60Christ is the new Adam.61 The Son,
Gregory affirms, mediates between humankind and God thanks
to his double nature, and not, as Anne Richard has underlined,
thanks to atertium quid intermediary that is neither God nor
human.62 Compare also John Damascene, who drawing on Dionysios the Areopagite, points to the use in Scripture of,
586
587
A. KARAHAN
Bibliography
1.Primary Sources
Athanasius Alexandrinus, De incarnatione ed.C.Kannengiesser
(SC,199), Paris,1973.
Basilius Caesariensis Cappadociae, De baptismoEng.trans.
M.M.Wagner, in Saint Basil.Ascetical works (The Fathers ofthe
Church, 9) ed.R.J.Deferrari, Washington, DC.,1962, p.339430.
Basilius Caesariensis Cappadociae, Contra Eunomium ed.B.Sesbo, G.M.de Durand, L.Doutreleau (SC, 305), Paris,1983.
Basilius Caesariensis Cappadociae, Epistulae, 38 and 52 ed.R.J.
Deferrari (Epistulae, I), London,1950, p.196-226 and p.326-336.
Basilius Caesariensis Cappadociae, Homilia, 24 ed.J.P.Migne
(PG, 31), Paris, 1857.
Basilius Caesariensis Cappadociae, Homiliae in hexaemeron
ed.S.Giet (SC, 26bis), Paris,1968.
Basilius Caesariensis Cappadociae, Liber de Spiritu sancto
ed.B.Pruche (SC, 17), Paris,1947.
Dionysius Areopagita, De caelesti hierarchia ed.G.Heil (Corpus
Dionysiacum, II), BerlinNewYork,1991.
Eusebius Caesariensis, Demonstratio evangelica ed.J.P.Migne
(PG, 22), Paris, 1857.
Gregorius Nazianzenus, Carminum libri duo ed.J.P.Migne
(PG, 37), Paris, 1862.
Gregorius Nazianzenus, Epistula, 101 ed.P.Gallay (SC,208),
Paris,1998.
Gregorius Nazianzenus, Oratio, 21 ed.J.Mossay (SC, 270),
Paris,1980.
Gregorius Nazianzenus, Orationes, 27-31 ed.P.Gallay (SC, 250),
Paris,2006.
Gregorius Nazianzenus, Oratio, 37 ed.P.Gallay, C.Moreschini
(SC, 318), Paris,1985.
Gregorius Nazianzenus, Oratio, 38 ed.C.Moreschini, P.Gallay
(SC, 358), Paris,1990.
Gregorius Nazianzenus, Oratio, 45 ed.J.P.Migne (PG, 36),
Paris, 1858.
Gregorius Nyssenus, Adversus Apollinarem, 21 ed.F.Mller
(Gregorii Nysseni Opera, III-1), Leiden,1958, p.131-233.
588
2.Secondary Literature
C.A. Beeley, Gregory ofNazianzus on the Trinity and the Knowledge
ofGod, Oxford,2008.
L.D. Davis, The First Seven Ecumenical Councils (325-787).Their
History and Theology, Collegeville, Minnesota,1990.
G.Hallonsten, stkyrkan frr och nu.Studier i den ortodoxa
traditionen, Religio, 34(1991), p.83-108.
A.Karahan, The impact of Cappadocian Theology on Byzantine
Aesthetics. Gregory Nazianzen on the Unity and Singularity
ofChrist, in The Ecumenical Legacy of the Cappadocians
ed.N.Dumitrascu, London (forthcoming).
A.Karahan, Byzantine Iconoclasm: Ideology and Quest for Power,
in Iconoclasm from Antiquity to Modernityed.K.Kolrud, M.Prusac,
Surrey, England, 2014, p.75-94.
A.Karahan, The Image ofGod in Byzantine Cappadocia and the
Issue ofSupreme Transcendence, Studia Patristica, 59(2013),
p.97-111.
589
A. KARAHAN
Abstract
Based on how the Cappadocian fathers discuss Christology and
Trinitarian theology, and John Damascene argues in favor of holy
images, this article explores patristicism and the significance of
Byzantine meta-images to verify didactically not only Gods humanity,
but also Gods divinity. The author suggests that the theoretical and
methodological code ofByzantine aesthetics is Orthodox Christian
faith in God as triune and one, as well as neither exclusively divinely
incomprehensible, nor entirely humanly comprehensible. AByzantine holy image verifies the image ofGod ( ), but also
Gods triune One-essence. Since, either in writing or in painting,
to disregard either Gods humanity or divinity would deviate from
established Orthodox faith. The specifics ofByzantine aesthetics,
its meta-images, convey faith in God as both human and divine.
In this way, aByzantine holy image promotes verifications ofright
belief (). What we behold is the prerequisite oflex orandi
lex est credendi, worship must use the same terms as the profession
offaith.
590
Fig. 1.
The Church ofTheotokos Pammakaristos, early fourteenth century, Istanbul.
Photo: A.Karahan
Fig. 2.
The Crucifixion.Mural painting, eleventh century.
Karanlk kilise, Greme, Cappadocia. Photo: A.Karahan
591
A. KARAHAN
Fig. 3.
Dome ofthe parekklesion, the Chora Church, Istanbul. Mural painting, 1315-1321.
Photo: Wikimedia Commons, GNU Free Documention Licence
Fig. 4.
Jesus Christ Pantokrator.Mural painting, eleventh century.
Karanlk kilise, Greme, Cappadocia.
Photo: A.Karahan
592
Fig. 5.
The Baptism.Mural painting, eleventh century.
Elmal kilise, Greme, Cappadocia.
Photo: A.Karahan
Fig. 6.
Crux Gemmata.Mural painting, mid tenth century,
Tokal kilise, Greme, Cappadocia.
Photo: A.Karahan
593
BERNARD J.MULHOLLAND
Queens University, Belfast
IDENTIFICATION
OFEARLY BYZANTINE
CONSTANTINOPOLITAN,
SYRIAN AND ROMAN CHURCH
PLANS IN THE LEVANT
AND SOME POSSIBLE CONSEQUENCES
1.Introduction
Twenty years ago Yoram Tsafrir observed that:
The development ofthe Christian liturgy also significantly
influenced the function and design ofparts ofthe church,
although we are as yet unable to distinguish between buildings belonging to different traditions and sects, for example
between the Arian, Nestorian, or Monophysite churches
on one hand, and those ofthe Orthodox on the other.1
10.1484/J.BAIEP.5.107536
597
B.J. MULHOLLAND
Lastly, some initial steps have already been taken towards differentiating between different types ofchurch plan by Joseph
Patrich.4 This analytical approach finds some resonance among
leading scholars such as William Adams, Stephen Hill, Miljenko
Jurkovic, and particularly Robert Ousterhout.5 In this vein
Ousterhout argues that we should be able to read abuilding,
just as we read atext, as ahistorical document, for it can tell us
much about the society that produced it.6
2.Thomas F.Mathews
These observations also resonate strongly with research conducted by Thomas Mathews.In an early paper Mathews
observed that akey characteristic oftypical three-aisled church
plans excavated in Rome is that the church sanctuary extended
across both side aisles.7 His illustration ofthis sanctuary layout
exhibits adistinctive T-shaped sanctuary configuration in which
the sanctuary also extends forward into the nave.8 Mathews associated this distinctive church plan with the early Roman liturgy
598
9 Romano thinks that Ordo Romanus I was produced under pope Sergius
and later modified during the mid-eighth century.See J.F.Romano, Ritual
and society in Early Medieval Rome, unpublished doctoral dissertation, Cambridge,MA, 2007, p.iii.
10 It is important to acknowledge that this analysis was confined to five early
church excavations within the city ofRome at San Clemente, San Marco, and
San Pietro in Vincoli, San Stefano in Via Latina, and also Sta.Maria Antiqua.
See Mathews, An early Roman chancel arrangement and its liturgical functions, p.73-95.
11 At twelve sites located at the old Hagia Sophia, Hag.Io
annes Studios,
Hag. Theotokos in Chalkoprateia, the Topkap Saray Basilica, Hag.Sergios and
Bacchos, Hag.Petros and Paulos, Hag.Polyeuktos, Hag.Ioannes Prodromos in
Hebdomon, Hag.Euphemia, Beyazit Basilica A, Hag.Eirene, and Hag. Sophia.
See T.F. Mathews, The early churches ofConstantinople: architecture and liturgy,
University Park, London,1971.
12 Mathews, The early churches ofConstantinople: architecture and liturgy, p.105.
13 Mathews, The early churches ofConstantinople: architecture and liturgy, p.98,
and 109-110.
14
Taft states that the chancel or sanctuary area was generally -shaped, and
had entrances at the front and on each side.On both sides ofthe single apse,
where one would expect side-apses serving as pastophoria, are two entrances
to the outsideand these are not just back doors or service entrances.
They are among the principal entrances ofthe church.See R.F.Taft, The Great
Entrance: ahistory ofthe transfer ofgifts and other pre-anaphoral rites ofthe liturgy
ofSt.John Chrysostom(Orientalia Christiana Analecta,200), Roma,2004, p.182.
599
B.J. MULHOLLAND
and Taft is correct, then it would seem likely that churches which
share these defining characteristics would also share the same rite.
In the same monograph Mathews observed that in northern
Syria there is achurch plan with an inscribed apse that has aroom
located to either side ofit.15 In this church plan a-shaped chancel barrier also encloses the sanctuary or, in some cases, there
are transverse barriers across the nave where the altar is located
in the apse.16
This analysis found favour with both Richard Krautheimer
and Taft.17 Mathews also thought this church plan could be
reconciled with the Syrian rite.18 If analysis by Mathews, Krautheimer and Taft is correct then it seems likely that churches
which share these defining characteristics would also share the
same rite.
From this brief introduction it is already apparent that there
has been some previous research that analysed three different
distinctive church plans found in Rome, Constantinople and
north Syria in relation to Ordo RomanusI, the Byzantine and
15 Mathews, The early churches ofConstantinople: architecture and liturgy,
p.120, 155-176, and also Figure 51.Note that Figure 51 is areproduction
ofan earlier illustration by Lassus. See J.Lassus, Sanctuaires Chrtiens de Syrie.
Essai sur la gense, la forme et lusage liturgique des difices du culte chrtien, en Syrie,
du iiiesicle la conqute musulmane(Institut Franais DArchologie De Beyrouth,
Bibliothque Archologique Et Historique, 42), Paris,1947, p.63, and Figure 32.
16In these churches the triple sanctuary is the usual pattern, whether
the side chambers and central apse are flush with aflat terminating east wall or
the three chambers are articulated on the outside ofthe church. See Mathews,
The early churches ofConstantinople: architecture and liturgy, p.106, 157, and
Figure51. This distinct church plan was previously observed by the Marquis
de Vog, Crosby Butler, Jean Lassus, and also by Georges Tchalenko.
See C.-J.-Melchior de Vog, Syrie centrale.Architecture civile et religieuse du
ierau viiesicle, Paris, 1865; H.C. Butler, Architecture and other arts.Part II
ofthe publications ofan American archaeological expedition to Syria in 1899-1900
under the patronage ofV.Everit Macy, Clarence M.Hyde, B.Talbot B.Hyde, and
I.N.Phelps Stokes, NewYork, 1903; W.M.Ramsay, G.L.Bell, The thousand
and one churches, London,1909; J.Lassus, Inventaire archologique de la rgion
au nord-est de Hama(Institut Franais de Damas), Damascus,1935; J.Lassus
Sanctuaires chrtiens de Syrie: essai sur le gense, Paris,1947; G.Tchalenko, Villages
antiques de la Syrie du Nord, le massif du Blus lpoque romaine, Paris,1953-1958.
17 R.Krautheimer, Early Christian and Byzantine architecturerevised by
R.Krautheimer, S.Curcic, NewHaven, London,1986, p.307. Also Taft,
The Great Entrance, p.182.
18 See for example Mathews, The early churches ofConstantinople: architecture
and liturgy, p.157, 163, 165-167, and 169-170.
600
3.Current research
The focus ofthis research was repeated patterns ofdeposition
ofdomestic artefacts in Early Byzantine churches that might
reflect repeated patterns ofbehaviour associated with institutional activity which occurs at more than one church site. To this
end acatalogue was originally compiled offorty-seven excavated
churches mainly from the area ofthe south Levant. This research
required like-for-like analysis between sites that shared the same
basic plan so that patterns in the deposition ofartefacts might be
identified and cross-referenced, and so these sites were restricted
to basilical plans.21 There are avariety ofbasilical church plans
in the south Levant.However J.W.Crowfoot had observed
there to be three commoner types(a) the inscribed apse plan,
(b)the external apse plan, (c)the triapsidal plan.22
19 Mathews notes: Assuming that the chancel fits the liturgy, the rationale
for this disposition ofchurch space is to be sought in the external shape ofthe ritual
ofthe Mass during this period.The task, then, is to reconstruct the external,
visible, spatial requirements ofthe early liturgy, that is, the rubrics ofthe Mass.
Curiously enough, while enormous amounts ofresearch have been devoted
to establishing the text ofthe early Mass, attempts to picture the external performance ofthe Mass have been only incidental and unsure. See Mathews,
An early Roman chancel arrangement and its liturgical functions, p.74-75.
20 B.J.Mulholland, Paraliturgical activities in the Early Byzantine basilical
church, unpublished doctoral dissertation, Queens University, Belfast,2011.
21This method has some similarities with the interdisciplinary approach
adopted by the founders ofthe Annales School, and reinforced through the
development ofEconomic History.As Burguire notes: To make sense,
serial sources require massive data collection.But because they exist in several
countries and in fairly standardized form, they more easily lend themselves to
acomparative approach.See A.Burguire, The Annales School: an intellectual
historytr.J.M.Todd, London,2009, p.91.
22 J.W. Crowfoot, Early churches in Palestine, London,1941, p.58.
601
B.J. MULHOLLAND
These three distinctive church plans were still readily recognizable twenty years ago, and they are still common today.23
For this reason they were selected to be used in this research,
and further restricted to single- and three-aisled churches.24
Initially church sites from the catalogue were each placed
into one ofthese three groups to facilitate like-for-like analysis
ofartefactual evidence between church sites that shared the
same ground plan, i.e.inscribed apse, external apse, or triapsidal
plan. However, aproblem was encountered. During the course
ofthis research it was observed that there are two different
sanctuary configurations (Fig.1) that needed to be taken into
consideration when placing church sites into groups, because
these could affect the dispersal patterns ofartefacts deposited
inside churches.
The evidence used by archaeologists to determine the location ofthe church sanctuary often consists ofwhole or fragmentary items ofliturgical furniture and supporting evidence from
the position ofpost holes in the pavement for altar tablelegs,
and also post holes for chancel posts that supported the chancel
screen and which demarcate the area ofthe sanctuary.
602
603
B.J. MULHOLLAND
604
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
605
B.J. MULHOLLAND
606
607
B.J. MULHOLLAND
608
43
Mathews observes that the Roman T-shaped chancel configuration survives from the mid-fifth century into the ninth century at S.Marco, Sta.Maria
Antiqua, and S.Stefano in Via Latina, and even later at S.Clemente.See Mathews,
An early Roman chancel arrangement and its liturgical functions, p.93-94.
44 Socrates, The ecclesiastical history ofSocrates, surnamed Scholasticus, or the
advocate. Comprising ahistory ofthe Church, in seven books, from the accession ofConstantine, ad305, to the 38thyear ofTheodosiusII., including aperiod of140 years
ed.H.deValoistr.Anon., London, 1853, p.114.
45Socrates also provides alist ofthe principal Arian and Homoousian
bishops and their disposition under emperor Gratian. Socrates, The ecclesiastical
history ofSocrates, surnamed Scholasticus, or the advocate, p.147 and 262-263.
609
B.J. MULHOLLAND
Further analysis
Where the excavation extends beyond the church walls (Fig.2)
it is apparent that in all but two sites each church is accompanied by aside chapel adjacent or attached to it.In general terms,
sites with aSyrian church plan tend to favour asouth chapel,
while the other two church plans have abias towards anorth
chapel.
As noted previously, the location ofthe sanctuary in the
church is often determined from whole or fragmentary items
ofliturgical furniture and supporting evidence from the position ofpost holes in the pavement for altar table legs and also
post holes for chancel posts that supported the chancel screen.
The same type ofevidence for altars and chancel screens
indicates that at some sites there is asecond focus ofliturgical activity located in these side chapels.If the rite ofprothesis
(rituals ofpreparation and oblation) requires an altar table set
within asacred space then, unless it takes place on the main
altar in the church, it would seem likely that this rite took place
on altars in these side chapels, especially in the absence ofany
other competing evidence from within the church building.
610
611
B.J. MULHOLLAND
612
It should be noted that some archaeologists thought the diakonikon and prothesis chapel were located in aroom to either side
ofthe apse. However, ofthe three common basilical church plans
discussed here, only the Syrian church plan with an inscribed
apse actually has aroom located to either side ofthe apse, and
so this hypothesis appears highly unlikely during the Early
Byzantine period.55 Similarly, Babic has argued that side chapels
fulfilled afunerary function instead as commemorative chapels,
but as most relics and burials are found inside churches and
not from side chapels this argument is difficult to sustain in the
absence ofsupporting archaeological evidence.56
Conclusion
At the beginning ofthis paper it was noted that Professor Tsafrir
had made some observations relevant to current research.
Of particular interest was the possibility that the function
and design ofbuildings might be influenced by the liturgy
oftraditions and sects to which they belong.In effect, there
might be adirect relationship between the layout ofachurch
plan and the liturgy performed in it. This in turn raised the prospect that archaeologists might be able to differentiate between
churches belonging to different traditions and sects wherein
the liturgy differs significantly to that used by the others. Perhaps
even between the Arian, Nestorian, or Monophysite churches
on one hand, and those ofthe Orthodox on the other.
There has been some archaeological research towards this goal.
Careful analysis ofthe archaeological record in Israel and its
immediate surroundings helped Patrich identify TypeI andII
church plans. This research is complemented by detailed analysis ofchurch excavations in Rome by Mathews to identify key
characteristics ofchurches thought to be associated with Ordo
RomanusI. This was later followed by detailed analysis ofchurch
55 For further discussion see Mulholland, Paraliturgical activities in the
Early Byzantine basilical church, p.97-100.
56 Mulholland, Paraliturgical activities in the Early Byzantine basilical
church, p.102-103.See also Patrich, The transfer ofgifts in the Early Christian churches ofPalestine: archaeological and literary evidence for the evolution
ofthe Great Entrance, p.353-355.
613
B.J. MULHOLLAND
614
However, anote ofcaution is required as Mathewss observations were predicated upon each one ofthese three church plans
being unique to either the city ofRome, Constantinople or to
northern Syria, and this in turn facilitated the analysis and linkage
in respect to Ordo Romanus I, the Byzantine rite and the Syrian
rite respectively. Furthermore, once it became evident that the
geographic range ofeach ofthese three church plans extended
elsewhere in the Byzantine Empire, then it also became apparent
that these liturgical linkages also need to be re-evaluated in light
ofthis new evidence.
There is one area ofresearch that might reconcile the available archaeological and historical data in such away that the
liturgy used in each ofthe three church plans identified in this
paper can be identified with more certainty. An overlap exists
between these two types ofdata in the form ofinscriptions that
provide the names, clerical titles and other useful historical information about the people and the liturgy associated with each
ofthe three distinct church plans.Preliminary archaeological
research to extract, tabulate and analyse names, saints or martyrs
and clerical titles from inscriptions suggests that the community
using asite with aRoman church plan chose to differentiate
themselves through the use ofnames and clerical titles unique
to their own community, and also in the choice ofsaints and
martyrs that they revered. The same can be said ofthe community associated with the Syrian and also the Constantinopolitan
church plan. Further archaeological and historical research might
1.confirm whether certain names, clerical titles, and saints or
martyrs are more prevalent in one or more ofthe three common church plans identified in this paper; 2.determine whether
certain names, clerical titles, and saints or martyrs are historically
more favoured by specific Christian traditions or sects; 3.derive
cultural information from the form these names take, e.g.in
the modern era Pietr, Peadar, and Pedro are all forms ofPeter
and each form ofthe name not only carries direct information
about the person referred to but also asubliminal ethnic or racial
image derived from cultural experience; and 4.possibly identify
any association or concentration ofChristian traditions or sects
within specific cities or regions.
615
B.J. MULHOLLAND
Bibliography
1.Primary sources
W.Y. Adams, MeinartiIV andV.The church and cemetery.The history
ofMeinarti: an interpretive overview (Sudan Archaeological Research
Society, 11), Oxford, 2003.
K.Asano, Basilica on Karacaren Ada, in The survey ofEarly Byzantine
sites in ldeniz area (Lycia, Turkey) ed.S.Tsuji (Memoirs ofthe
Faculty ofLetters, Osaka University, 35), Osaka,1995, p.85-89.
A.B.Biernacki, B.Andrzej, P.Pawlak, NovaeWestern Sector,
1995. Preliminary report on the excavations ofthe archaeological
expedition ofAdam Mickiewicz University in Poznan, Archeologia, 48(1997 [1998]), p.35-42.
C.Bouras, Zourtsa.Une basilique Byzantine au Ploponnse,
Cahiers Archoliques, 21(1971), p.137-149.
H.C. Butler, Architecture and other arts.Part II ofthe publications of
an American archaeological expedition to Syria in1899-1900 under the
patronage ofV.Everit Macy, Clarence M.Hyde, B.Talbot B.Hyde,
andIN.Phelps Stokes, NewYork, 1903.
S.Campbell, The mosaics ofAnemurium (Pontifical Institute ofMedieval
Studies, Subsidia Mediaevalia, 25), Toronto,1998.
N.Christie, C.M.Daniels, Santa Cornelia: the excavation of
an early medieval papal estate and amedieval monastery, in Three
South Etrurian churches ed.N. Christie (Archaeological Monograph
ofthe British School at Rome, 4), London,1991, p.1-209.
N.Christie, S.Gibson, J.B.Ward-Perkins, San Liberato: amedieval
church near Bracciano, in Three south Etrurian churches: Santa Cornelia, Santa Rufina and San Liberato ed.N. Christie (Archaeological
Monographs ofthe British School at Rome,4), London,1991, p.313352.
H.D. Colt, Excavations at Nessana, London,1962.
J.W.Crowfoot, The Christian churches, in Gerasa: city ofthe Decapolis.
An account embodying the record of ajoint excavation conducted by Yale
University and the British School ofArchaeology in Jerusalem (19281930), and Yale University and the American Schools ofOriental Research
(1930-1931,1933-1934)ed.C.H.Kraeling, NewHaven,1938,
p.171-262.
C.Dauphin, G.Edelstein, Lglise Byzantine de Nahariya (Isral) tude
archologique ed.C.Dauphin (Byzantina,5), Thessalonica, 1984.
P.Delougaz, R.C.Haines, AByzantine church at Khirbat al-Karak
616
617
B.J. MULHOLLAND
618
2.Secondary sources
M.V.Anastos, The emperor JustinIs role in the restoration of Chalcedonian doctrine, 518-519, Vyzantina-Thessaloniki, 13.1(1985),
p.126-139.
619
B.J. MULHOLLAND
620
621
B.J. MULHOLLAND
622
Abstract
Twenty years ago Yoram Tsafrir observed that we are as yet unable
to distinguish between buildings belonging to different traditions
and sects, for example between the Arian, Nestorian, or Monophysite
churches on one hand, and those ofthe Orthodox on the other.
However Thomas Mathews has identified aT-shaped chancel arrangement in some early churches in Rome that he associates with
Ordo Romanus I. He later observed that Early Byzantine churches
in Constantinople uniquely had amajor entrance to either side
ofthe apse, which he and Robert Taft associate with the Byzantine
rite, whereas churches in Syria usually had an inscribed apse with
aroom to either side ofit. This paper examines agroup ofexcavated
Early Byzantine basilical churches to determine whether these three
distinct church plans can be identified elsewhere, but primarily
in the southern Levant. Also, whether churches with each ofthese
ground plans share other characteristics, and how this enhanced
knowledge can inform our understanding ofthe Early Christian
Church.
623
B.J. MULHOLLAND
Fig. 1.
Three church plans evident in the catalogue ofsites
(i)Constantinopolitan church plan with -shaped sanctuary surrounded by
chancel barrier, and amajor entrance either side ofthe apse. (ii)Syrian church
plan with -shaped sanctuary surrounded by chancel barrier, and aroom
to either side ofthe apse. (iii)Roman church plan with aT-shaped sanctuary
that extends across each ofthe side aisles and into the nave.60
60 By the seventh century the nave extension is less common in the Roman
church plan, and the sanctuary can be described as bar-shaped.In Italy the
monoapsidal church plan is common(see Table 3.3.below).The Constantinopolitan, Syrian and Roman labels are appended to reflect observations made
by Mathews. See Mathews, An early Roman chancel arrangement and
its liturgical functions, p.73-95.Also Mathews, The early churches ofConstantinople.
624
Fig. 2.
Second focus ofliturgical activity located in side chapels61
61These typical church plans and layouts are based upon St.Theodore
in Gerasa,(Constantinopolitan), see Kraeling, Gerasa, PlanXXXIII; Kursi
(Syrian), see V.Tzaferis, The excavations ofKursiGergesa(Atiqot, 16),
Jerusalem, 1983, Plan4; and also Khirbat al-Karak and SS.Peter & Paul in
Gerasa (Roman). See Delougaz, Haines, AByzantine church at Khirbat al-Karak,
Plate51A; and Kraeling, Gerasa, PlanXXXIX.
625
B.J. MULHOLLAND
Yes
Yes
Yes
St.Theodore,
Gerasa, Jordan
Yes
Yes
Yes
Synagogue
Church,
Gerasa, Jordan
Yes
Yes
Shavei Zion,
Israel
Yes
Yes
Yes
Bema Church,
Kalenderhane,
Istanbul
Yes
Yes
Yes
(North
Church)
Basilica
ofDermech I,
Carthage
Yes
Yes
(and with
solea)
Yes
4th c. Amorium,
Turkey
Yes
Yes
626
North
chapel
Propylaea
Church,
Gerasa, Jordan
South
chapel
T-shaped
sanctuary
-shaped
sanctuary
Triapsidal
Site
Monoapsidal
Inscribed
apse
Table 1.
Constantinopolitan church plan: apsidal plan and configuration
ofthe sanctuary
Yes
South
chapel
North
chapel
T-shaped
sanctuary
-shaped
sanctuary
Triapsidal
Inscribed
apse
Site
Monoapsidal
Table 2.
Syrian church plan: apsidal plan and configuration ofthe sanctuary
Cathedral
Church, Gerasa,
Jordan
Yes
Yes
Yes
Large Basilica,
Nicopolis ad
Istrum, Bulgaria
Yes
Yes
Yes
Eastern Church,
Herodium, Israel
Yes
Yes
Yes
Kursi, Gergesa,
Israel
Yes
Yes
Yes
Old Church,
Old Dongola,
Sudan
Yes
Yes
Yes
St.Stephens,
Horvat
Beer-shemca,
Israel
Yes
Yes
Yes
St.John
the Baptist,
St.George, and
SS.Cosmas
& Damianus,
Gerasa, Jordan
Yes
Yes
Ostrakine, Israel
Yes
Yes
Central Basilica,
Ostrakine, Israel
Yes
Yes
Coastal basilica,
Ostrakine, Israel
Yes
Yes
Central Church,
Herodium, Israel
Yes
Yes
Horvat Berachot,
Israel
Yes
Yes
Khirbet ed-Deir,
Israel
Yes
Yes
627
Horvat Beit
Loya, Israel
Yes
Yes
Yes
North Church,
Nessana, Israel
Yes
Yes
Yes
South
chapel
North
chapel
T-shaped
sanctuary
-shaped
sanctuary
Triapsidal
Inscribed
apse
Site
Monoapsidal
B.J. MULHOLLAND
Small Basilica,
Nicopolis ad
Istrum, Bulgaria
Monastery
ofMartyrius,
Israel
Yes
Church ofAmos
and Kasiseus,
Mount Nebo,
Jordan (Khirbat
al-Mukhayyat)
Yes
Church
ofSS.Lot
and Procopius
at Kh.alMukhayyat,
Jordan
Yes
Yes
Church ofSaint
George, Kh.alMukhayyat,
Jordan
Yes
Yes
St.Polyeuktos,
Sarahane,
Istanbul
Yes
South Church
at Hermopolis
Magna
(el-Ashmunein),
Egypt
Yes
Church ofthe
Multiplying
ofthe Loaves
and Fishes,
Tabgha, Israel
Yes
Yes
Yes,
possibly
Yes
Yes
628
?
Possibly
South
chapel
North
chapel
T-shaped
sanctuary
-shaped
sanctuary
Triapsidal
Inscribed
apse
Site
Monoapsidal
Treasure Church,
Anemurium,
Turkey
Yes
Yes
Necropolis
Church,
Anemurium,
Turkey
Yes
Yes
St.Aaron
pilgrimage centre,
near Petra,
Jordan
Yes
Yes
Yes
FJHP church,
Mount Aaron,
Petra, Jordan
Yes
Yes
Yes
Kourion, Cyprus
Yes
Yes
Yes
Western Church,
Mampsis, Israel
Yes
Yes
?
Possibly
Eastern Church,
Mampsis, Israel
Yes
Yes
Yes
North Church,
Eboda, Israel
Yes
Yes (?)
Yes
629
Yes
B.J. MULHOLLAND
Table 3.
Roman church plan: apsidal plan and configuration ofthe sanctuary.
Thirteen ofthe sixteen sites are triapsidal churches.
Evron, Israel
Yes
North Church,
Rehovot-in-theNegev, Israel*
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Porec, Croatia*
Yes
Yes
Yes
Procopius
Church, Gerasa,
Jordan
Yes
Yes (barshaped)
Yes
SS.Peter &
Paul, Gerasa,
Jordan
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Santa Cornelia,
Italy
Yes
Mola di Monte
Gelato, Italy
Yes
Yes
Yes
Haluza
Cathedral, Israel*
Yes
Yes
Petra, Jordan*
Yes
Yes
Pella ofthe
Decapolis,
Jordan*
Yes
Yes
Horvat Hesheq,
Israel*
Yes
Yes
Nahariya, Israel
Yes
Yes
Yes
Santa Liberato,
Italy*
Yes
Yes
630
Yes
South chapel
North chapel
T-shaped or
bar-shaped
sanctuary
-shaped
sanctuary
Triapsidal
Inscribed apse
Site
Mono-apsidal
St.Marys or
South Church,
Nessana, Israel
Yes
Novae, Bulgaria*
Yes
Yes
Monastery
ofEuthymius,
Israel
Yes
Yes
Karacaren,
Turkey
Yes
East Church
(Area V), Pella,
Jordan
Yes
Yes
Northern Church,
Shivta, Israela*
Yes
Yes
Deir Ain
Abata, Jordan
Yes
(?)
Yes
Yes
The Anchor
Church,
Mt.Berenice,
Tiberias, Israel
Yes
(?)
Zourtsa,
Peloponnese,
Greece
Yes
Yes
West Church,
Pella ofthe
Decapolis, Jordan
Yes
East Church,
Pella ofthe
Decapolis, Jordan
Yes
Sector
Atriapsidal
church, Abila
(Quwaylbah)
ofthe Decapolis,
Jordan
Yes
631
Yes
South chapel
North chapel
T-shaped or
bar-shaped
sanctuary
-shaped
sanctuary
Triapsidal
Inscribed apse
Site
Mono-apsidal
Yes
Yes
Yes
Sector DD
triapsidal
church, Abila
(Quwaylbah)
ofthe Decapolis,
Jordan
Yes
Khirbat Al-Burz,
Sama Al-Rusan,
Jordan
Yes
South Church,
Subeita, Israel
Yes
Yes
Yes
North Church,
Subeita, Israel
Yes
Yes
Khan el-Ahmar,
Israel
Yes
South Church,
Eboda, Israel
Yes
Emmaus, Israel
Yes
632
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
South chapel
North chapel
Yes
-shaped
sanctuary
Sector D
triapsidal
church, Abila
(Quwaylbah)
ofthe Decapolis,
Jordan
Site
Triapsidal
T-shaped or
bar-shaped
sanctuary
Inscribed apse
Mono-apsidal
B.J. MULHOLLAND
Yes
Yes
Table 4.
Diakonikon inscriptions.
Church
North
chapel
South
chapel
Other
location
Church
plan
Propylaea
Church,
Gerasa,
Jordan
Inscription
no.331:
the diaconia
Const.
Evron, Israel
Inscription
no.2:
two diaconica
Roman
Inscription
no.1:
the diaconicon
Roman
Mount Nebo,
Jordan
Inscription 6:
the sacred
diaconicon
Not known
Kursi,
Gergesa,
Israel
Partial
inscription
Horvat
Hanot, Israel
Syrian
the diaconicon Not known
633
EIRINI PANOU
Hebrew University ofJerusalem
10.1484/J.BAIEP.5.107537
635
E. PANOU
4 S.J.Shoemaker, Ancient traditions ofthe Virgin Marys dormition and assumption, Oxford,2002, p.79; O.Limor, The place ofthe End ofthe Days: Eschatological geography in Jerusalem, in The real and ideal Jerusalem in Jewish, Christian, and Islamic art: studies in honor ofBezalel Narkiss on the occasion ofhis seventieth
birthday ed.B.Kuhnel, Jerusalem, 1998, p.20.
5
J.Wilkinson, Jerusalem pilgrims before the crusades, Warminster, 2002, p.109.
6
H.Donner, Pilgerfahrt ins Heilige Land: die altesten Berichte christlicher Palastinapilger(4.-7.Jahrhundert), Stuttgart,1979, p.288.
7 Itinera et descriptiones Terr Sanct ed.T.Tobler, p.106, 137.
8 Anthologia graeca carminum christianorum ed.W.Christ, M.Paranikas, p.46;
Ioh.Damasc., De fide, 4.14 ed.B.Kotter, p.200:
.
636
637
E. PANOU
638
ofwater and the Holy Ghost can enter the kingdom ofGod.
In patristic texts, Christs Nativity is presented as an antitype for
liturgical baptism,19 and Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite in
his Ecclesiastical Hierarchy (485-518/28), characterizes Baptism as aceremony ofdivine generation ().20 In the
fourth century, female connotations ofBaptism were made by
StAugustine, who describes the newly baptized as infants who
had been agitating in their mothers womb.21 In the Coptic
CodexIIofNag Hammadi (fourth/fifth century),22 it is said
that the womb ofthe soul is reborn during Baptism,23 and in
Syria, the female association ofthe Holy Spirit derives from
the fusion ofthe spirit hovering over the primeval waters,
pictured as amother dove.24 In Ephrem the Syriacs sermon
On the Nativity, Mary says to her son: Creator ofyour
motherin asecond birth, through water,25 which reflects the
Gospel ofJohn (Ioh.3, 4).Jacob ofSerugh (fifth-sixth century)
also makes the connection between Bethesda, Baptism and
second birth in his homily On the Paralytic.26 Finally, in the
Acathist hymn (fifth century),27 a conceptual connection
between Marys womb and the baptismal font is attested,28 which
was also made in the fourth century by Didymus ofAlexandria.29
The correlation offemale fertility to water had been established
R.Deshman, Servants ofthe mother ofGod in Byzantine and medieval art,
London, 1989, p.34.
20PS.Dion., De Eccles.Hier.2.8(PG, 3, 397A).The word could also mean
reborn through God, see PS.Dion., De Eccles.Hier.2.1(PG3, 392A).
21 Serm., 228.1(PL38, 1101).
22 H.Lundhaug, Images ofrebirth cognitive poetics and transformational soteriology
in the Gospel ofPhilip and the Exegesis on the Soul, Leiden, 2010, p.8.
23 Ibid., p.94.
24
R.Murray, The characteristics ofthe earliest Syriac Christianity, in
East ofByzantium: Syria and Armenia in the formative period ed.N.G.Garsoian,
T.F.Mathews, R.W.Thomson, Washington, D.C.,1982, p.13.
25
Ephr.Syr., Nativ., 16.9(CSCO, 187, p.76).
26 S.P. Brock, The Holy Spirit in the Syrian baptismal tradition, Bronx, NY,
1979, p.87-88.
27 L.- M.Peltomaa, The image ofthe Virgin Mary in the Akathistos hymn,
Leiden, 2001, p.217-230.
28 Ibid., p.199.
29
Didym.Alex., De Trin., 2.12: ,
, (Two births occur in human
beings, one through the body, one through the Holy Spirit).(PG, 39, 669A).
19
639
E. PANOU
Constantinople:
Churches and water constructions in early Byzantium
By the sixth century, Byzantine church architecture had integrated water constructions.31 In the fifth century, water had
become an integral part ofchurch architecture due to the association ofwater to baptism and spiritual cleansing, which made
its way to the sixth-century Byzantine architecture ofSepphoris,32
Gerasa,33 Macedonia and Athens.34 The purifying element of
Itinera et descriptiones, ed.Tobler, p.19.
A.Pianalto, Martyrs, cults and water in the early Christian world(with afocus
on Thessaloniki, Corinth and Philippi), unpublished doctoral dissertation, University ofBirmingham, 1999, p.65-66.
32 Z.Weiss, A.Netzer, Sepphoris during the byzantine period, in Sepphoris in Galilee: crosscurrents ofculture ed.R.Martin Nagy, Raleigh, 1996, p.84.
33 B.Brenk, Die Christianisierung der sptrmischen Welt: Stadt, Land, Haus,
Kirche und Kloster in frhchristlicher Zeit, Wiesbaden, 2003, p.11-12.
34 K.M. Hattersley-smith, Byzantine public architecture between the fourth
and early eleventh centuriesad, with special reference to the towns ofByzantine Macedonia, Thessalonike, 1996, p.35-36,198,204-205, 235.
30
31
640
sacred waters as an imitation ofBaptism gave rise to the construction ofbuildings (baptisteries, fountains, cisterns) within
or next to churches throughout the Byzantine Empire owing
to the sacramental qualities ofwater for Christianity.
In Constantinople, water constructions and in particular
springs constitute adistinctive element ofthe citys topography.
Mango considers springs as insignificant because they played
no role in the citys water system.35 Springs lack ofpractical use
is important especially in the case ofchurches dedicated to Mary,
such as the Blachernai and Pege, because it points to the fact
that their construction was triggered by reasons other than water
provision. The significance ofwater in Marian monuments lies
in the fact that the appearance ofhaghiasmata is the architectural
expression ofthe Virgins purificational/healing role. Nevertheless, it is unclear in bibliography why only anumber of
churches dedicated to Mary were associated to water. Iwill
suggest that selectivity towards Marian monuments in their
attachment to existing water constructions in Constantinopolitan architecture is partially explained in the light ofJustinianIs
interest in healing and Marys role as healer saint.
35
C.Mango, The Water Supply ofConstantinople, in Constantinople and
its Hinterland ed.C.Mango, G.Dagron, Aldershot,1995, p.10.
36C.Mango, , in :
ed.M.Vassilaki, Athens,2000,
p.17-25, in partic.p.18(map) and p.19 for the date ofconstruction.
37Despite the fact that Theodore Lector(sixth century) attributes it to
Pulcheria, the monument was built by Verina based on Justinian Is Nov.31
and because Theodores work survives only in twelfth- and thirteenth century
manuscripts.See C.Mango, The Origins ofthe Blachernai Shrine at Constantinople, in ActaXIII Congressus Internationalis Archaeologiae Christianae, Split-Porec
(25 September1October1994), 3vols., Vatican, 1998, II, p.66.
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was often associated with healing waters and springs and Underwood refers to haghiasmata, a series ofbuildings in Constantinople serving acult ofthe Theotokos in which asacred spring
or fountain figures prominently.53 Since anumber ofMarian
monuments existed in the sixth century, how can one explain
the selectivity towards placing only but afew ofthem next
to haghiasmata? Itseems that it was not quantity that mattered, which urges us to reconsider the implications ofbestowing healing qualities to aMarian monument in sixth-century
Constantinople.
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644
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Abstract
The Virgin Mary was from the sixth century associated with the
Probatic Pool, achurch dedicated to her in Jerusalem.The fact
that the church was dedicated in the fifth century to the healing
ofthe Paralytic (the miracle performed by Jesus and which we know
from the Gospel ofJohn) and then to Mary, set the ideological
background for associating Mary and her mother Anne with healing
qualities, which in the topography ofConstantinople is expressed
in the connection ofMary to holy waters (haghiasmata). The article
addresses the elements that formed this development and discusses
factors that influenced Constantinopolitan architecture from the sixth
century onwards.
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