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The U.S. National Security Agency (NSA) may have taken some fairly extreme liberties when it
comes to collecting user data, but the organization hasn't acted on a whim. Call
the NSA's surveillance unethical or unconstitutional or dangerous, but it has a responsibility to protect the
United States with every tool at its disposal. If you haven't been keeping up with the issue, Americans and Britons are very angry with their
governments right now. Reports from The Guardian and The New York Times indicate that the NSA and its British counterpart, Government
Communications Headquarters (GCHQ), have the capacity to intercept just about everything their citizens do online, from social media information to
encrypted emails. While this anger is both understandable and justifiable, relatively few people have stopped to consider the other side of the coin.
You can have total privacy or total national security, but you cannot have
both. A modern democratic society requires a compromise between the two extremes. The most
important thing to keep in mind is that there is, at present, absolutely no indication that the
NSA has done anything illegal or outside the parameters of its mission statement. The NSA monitors
external threats to the U.S., and, in theory, does not turn its attention to American citizens without probable cause. There is
no evidence to the contrary among the documents that Edward Snowden leaked. "How do we protect our nation? How do we defend it?" asked Gen. Keith
Alexander, the NSA's director, at the Black Hat 2013 security conference, held in Las Vegas in July. "[This information] is not classified to keep it from you:
talked about that, but presumably there have been some successes there, too. A lot of times when you see things and there doesn't appear to be any
As an example of how
domestic surveillance can unearth international plots, Lewis pointed to
the North Korean ship stopped in Panama in August 2013. The vessel turned
out to be smuggling illegal arms from Cuba. "The Panamanians just woke up one day and decided to look in
explanation of how we seemed to magically know about it, it might very well be espionage."
their ship? I think not," Lewis said. The NSA is not the only government in the world that runs surveillance programs. In fact, if the NSA is keeping tabs on
you, there's a good chance that other countries are as well. If you're lucky, they'll be Germany and Australia; if not, then Russia and China may have you
under the microscope. Robert David Graham, founder and chief executive officer
leverage surveillance data. "There are two parts
to the information," he said. "Information about foreigners and information about your own citizens.
The information you get about your own citizens affects political processes
within your own country." He went on to explain that if you stir up negative sentiment about Germany, for example, the
Germans can hoard your emails just the same as the NSA. Just like the NSA, though, they are unlikely to do anything with those emails unless you
represent some kind of clear threat. "The Russians and the Chinese don't have anything to learn about how to do surveillance from us," Lewis said. He
fierce proponents like Lewis agree: The U.S. government must be clear and open with its citizens regarding the need for security, even when that security
Going Dark DA
1NC
Current NSA has control of deep web by using existing
backdoors to bypass encryption methods.
Franceschi 07/15/15 (LORENZO FRANCESCHI-BICCHIERA is a staffwriter at
motherboard, The FBI Hacked a Dark Web Child Porn Site to Unmask Its Visitors
http://motherboard.vice.com/en_uk/read/the-fbi-hacked-a-dark-web-child-porn-siteto-unmask-its-visitors)
Its no secret that the FBI hacks into suspects computers during its investigations.
But the bureau is certainly not a fan of publicizing its methods. A recent case
involving two frequent users of an unnamed dark web child pornography site is no
different. Last week, two men from New York were indicted on child pornography
charges, and in court documents, the prosecutors and the FBI were careful not to
reveal too many details about the investigation. But a passage in the court
documents, spotted by Stanford computer science and law expert Jonathan Mayer,
reveals that the feds deployed a Network Investigative Technique to unmask the
two men and obtain their real IP address. That's the agency's current euphemism
for hacking, Mayer told Motherboard in an email. While the court document stops
short of explaining exactly what hacking technique the FBI used, the description
seems to point in the direction of a watering hole attack or a drive-by download,
techniques where hackers hijack a website and subvert it to deliver malware to all
the visitors. On February 20, 2015 the FBI seized the server hosting what the FBI
refers to only as Website A, according to court documents. That allowed the
bureau to use a Network Investigative Technique, or NIT, to monitor the electronic
communications of all visitors of the site until March 4. The NIT was designed was
designed to trick the computers of the more than 200,000 visitors of the site into
sending the FBI a host of information about the target, such as his or her actual IP
address, the computers operating system, and its MAC address, a computers
unique identifier, according to court documents. Given the way the FBI describes
how it unmasked the two suspects, Alex Schreiber and Peter Ferrell, for Mayer,
theres no other technical explanation that this was a case of hacking and use of
malware.
The FBI believes Ulbricht is a criminal known online as the Dread Pirate
Roberts, a reference to the book and movie The Princess Bride. The Dread Pirate Roberts was the
building.
owner and administrator of Silk Road, a wildly successful online bazaar where
people bought and sold illegal goodsprimarily drugs but also fake IDs, fireworks and
hacking software. They could do this without getting caught because Silk Road was
located in a little-known region of the Internet called the Deep Web. Technically the Deep Web
refers to the collection of all the websites and databases that search engines like Google
dont or cant index, which in terms of the sheer volume of information is many times larger than the Web as
we know it. But more loosely, the Deep Web is a specific branch of the Internet thats
distinguished by that increasingly rare commodity: complete anonymity. Nothing you do on the Deep
Web can be associated with your real-world identity, unless you choose it to be. Most people never see it,
though the software you need to access it is free and takes less than three minutes
to download and install. If theres a part of the grid that can be considered off the grid, its the Deep Web.
The Deep Web has plenty of valid reasons for existing . Its a vital tool for intelligence
agents, law enforcement, political dissidents and
their online affairs in privatewhich is, increasingly, everybody. According to a survey published in
September by the Pew Internet & American Life Project, 86% of Internet users have attempted to delete or conceal
their digital history, and 55% have tried to avoid being observed online by specific parties like their employers or
But the Deep Web is also an ideal venue for doing things that are
unlawful, especially when its combined , as in the case of Silk Road, with the anonymous,
virtually untraceable electronic currency Bitcoin. It allows all sorts of criminals who, in
bygone eras, had to find open-air drug markets or an alley somewhere to engage in bad activity to do it
openly, argues Preet Bharara, U.S. attorney for the Southern District of New York, whose office is bringing
a case against Ulbricht and who spoke exclusively to TIME. For 2 years Silk Road acted as an
Amazon-like clearinghouse for illegal goods, providing almost a million customers
worldwide with $1.2 billion worth of contraband , according to the 39-page federal complaint
the government.
against Ulbricht. The Dread Pirate Roberts, the Deep Webs Jeff Bezos, allegedly collected some $80 million in fees.
Earlier today, FBI Director James Comey implied that a broad coalition of technology
companies, trade associations, civil society groups, and security experts were either
uninformed or were not fair-minded in a letter they sent to the President
yesterday urging him to reject any legislative proposals that would undermine the
adoption of strong encryption by US companies. The letter was signed by dozens of organizations and
companies in the latest part of the debate over whether the government should be given built-in access to
encrypted data (see, for example, here, here, here, and here for previous iterations).
The comments were made at the Third Annual Cybersecurity Law Institute held at Georgetown University Law
Center. The transcript of his encryption-related discussion is below (emphasis added).
Increasingly,
But we have a collision going on in this country thats getting closer and closer to an
actual head-on, which is our important interest in privacy which I am passionate about
and our important interest in public safety. The logic of universal encryption is inexorable that our
authority under the Fourth Amendment an amendment that I think is critical to ordered liberty with the right
predication and the right oversight to obtain information is going to become increasingly irrelevant. As all of our
lives become digital, the logic of encryption is that all of our lives will be covered by strong encryption, therefore all
of our lives I know there are no criminals here, but including the lives of criminals and terrorists and spies will
be in a place that is utterly unavailable to court ordered process.
And that, I think, to a democracy should be very, very concerning. I think we need to have a conversation about it.
Again, how do we strike the right balance? Privacy matters tremendously. Public safety, I think, matters
tremendously to everybody. I think fair-minded people have to recognize that there are tremendous benefits to a
society from encryption. There are tremendous costs to a society from universal strong encryption. And how do we
think about that?
A group of tech companies and some prominent folks wrote a letter to the President yesterday that I frankly found
depressing. Because their letter contains no acknowledgment that there are societal costs to universal encryption.
Look, I recognize the challenges facing our tech companies. Competitive challenges, regulatory challenges
overseas, all kinds of challenges. I recognize the benefits of encryption, but I think fair-minded people also have to
recognize the costs associated with that. And I read this letter and I think, Either these folks dont see what I see or
theyre not fair-minded. And either one of those things is depressing to me. So Ive just got to continue to have the
conversation.
I dont know the answer, but I dont think a democracy should drift to a place where suddenly law enforcement
people say, Well, actually we the Fourth Amendment is an awesome thing, but we actually cant access any
information.
Weve got to have a conversation long before the logic of strong encryption takes us to that place. And smart
people, reasonable people will disagree mightily. Technical people will say its too hard. My reaction to that is:
Really? Too hard? Too hard for the people we have in this country to figure something out? Im not that pessimistic. I
think we ought to have a conversation.
of life of citizens, most particularly the poor, women and children. The 2005 World Summit Outcome Document expressed Member States grave concern at the negative effects on
development, peace and security and human rights posed by transnational crime, including the smuggling of and trafficking in human beings, the world narcotic drug problem and the
illicit trade in small arms and light weapons. (A/RES/60/1 at 111). The General Assembly has most recently reiterated this concern and noted the increasing vulnerability of states to
such crime in Resolution A/Res/66/181 (Strengthening the United Nations Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice Programme, in particular its technical cooperation capacity). The
Assembly has also recognized that despite continuing increased efforts by States, relevant organizations, civil society and non-governmental organizations, the world drug problem
undermines socio-economic and political stability and sustainable development. See A/Res/66/183 (International cooperation against the world drug problem). A number of
international conventions on drug control, and more recently the UN Convention against Transnational Organized Crime (UNTOC) and its protocols on human trafficking, migrant
smuggling and trafficking of firearms, as well as the UN Convention against Corruption (UNCAC), constitute the key framework for a strategic response. Such instruments call upon State
Parties to take into account the negative effects of organized crime on society in general, in particular on sustainable development, and to alleviate the factors that make persons,
especially women and children, vulnerable to trafficking, such as poverty, underdevelopment and lack of equal opportunity. See article 30 of the UNTOC and article 9 of the Trafficking
Protocol. See also article 62 of the UNCAC. They also commit parties to respect fundamental human rights in countering organized crime and drug trafficking. The Secretary
Generals 2005 "In Larger Freedom report highlighted that We will not enjoy development without security, and we will not enjoy security without development". The SecretaryGenerals 2010 Keeping the Promise report (A/64/665) recognized that in order to achieve the Millennium Development Goals, integrity, accountability and transparency are crucial
for managing resources, recovering assets and combating the abuse, corruption and organized crime that are adversely affecting the poor. Par. 57. As we move towards 2015, and
As
economic development is threatened by transnational organized crime and illicit
drugs, countering crime must form part of the development agenda, and social and economic
development approaches need to form part of our response to organized crime . If we are to ensure that the MDGs are
achieved, we must strengthen strategies to deliver these goals , including stepping up efforts to address
issues such as money laundering, corruption and trafficking in wildlife, people and arms, and drugs. Organized crime and drugs impact
every economy, in every country, but they are particularly devastating in weak and
vulnerable countries. Weak and fragile countries are particularly vulnerable to the effects of transnational organized crime. These countries, some devastated
by war, others making the complex journey towards democracy, are preyed upon by crime. As a result, organized crime flourishes,
successes in development are reversed, and opportunities for social and economic
advancement are lost. Corruption, a facilitator of organized crime and drug
trafficking, is a serious impediment to the rule of law and sustainable development . It
can be a dominant factor driving fragile countries towards failure. It is estimated that up to US$40 billion annually is lost through corruption in developing countries. Drugs
and crime undermine development by eroding social and human capital . This
degrades quality of life and can force skilled workers to leave, while the direct
impacts of victimisation, as well as fear of crime, may impede the development of
those that remain. By limiting movement, crime impedes access to possible employment and educational opportunities, and it discourages the accumulation of
assets. Crime is also more expensive for poor people in poor countries, and disadvantaged households may struggle to cope with the shock of victimisation. Drugs and
crime also undermine development by driving away business . Both foreign and
domestic investors see crime as a sign of social instability , and crime drives up the cost of doing business. Tourism
is a sector especially sensitive to crime issues. Drugs and crime, moreover, undermine the ability of the state
to promote development by destroying the trust relationship between the people
and the state, and undermining democracy and confidence in the criminal justice system. When people lose confidence in the
criminal justice system, they may engage in vigilantism, which further undermines
the state.
take stock of the Millennium Development Goals, there is a growing recognition that organized crime and illicit drugs are major impediments to their achievement.
Link
Backdoors key to solving for encryption on the Internet
Kravets 07/08/15 (David Kravets, July 8, 2015, FBI chief tells Senate committee
were doomed without crypto backdoors https://www.benton.org/headlines/fbichief-tells-senate-committee-were-doomed-without-crypto-backdoors)
Comey, the director of the FBI, told the Senate Judiciary Committee that the
government should have the right to lawfully access any device or electronic form of
communication with a lawful court order , even if it is encrypted. Director Comey and Deputy
Attorney General Sally Quillian Yates briefed the committee and complained that keys necessary to
decrypt communications and electronic devices often reside "solely in the hands of
the end user"-- which they said is emblematic of the so-called "Going Dark problem ."
Companies should bake encryption backdoors into their products to allow lawful
access, they said. "We are not asking to expand the government's surveillance authority, but rather we are
James
asking to ensure that we can continue to obtain electronic information and evidence pursuant to the legal authority
"Mr. Chairman,
the Department of Justice believes that the challenges posed by the Going Dark
problem are grave, growing, and extremely complex ." To counter this, the duo said the
government is actively developing its own decryption tools. The remarks said, " We should also continue to
invest in developing tools, techniques, and capabilities designed to mitigate the
increasing technical challenges associated with the Going Dark problem . In limited
that Congress has provided to us to keep America safe," read the joint prepared remarks.
circumstances, this investment may help mitigate the risks posed in high priority national security or criminal cases,
although it will most likely be unable to provide a timely or scalable solution in terms of addressing the full
spectrum of public safety needs.
the pressure on the companies is going to shift. And it may shift fast
and hard. Whereas the companies now feel intense pressure to assure customers
that their data is safe from NSA, the kidnapped kid with the encrypted iPhone is going
to generate a very different sort of political response . In extraordinary circumstances,
extraordinary access may well seem reasonable. And people will wonder why it doesn't exist. Which of these
approaches is the right way to go? I would pursue several of them simultaneously. At least for now, I
would hold off on any kind of regulatory mandate , there being just too much doubt at this stage
concerning what's doable. I would, however, take a hard look at the role that civil liability
might play. I think the government, if it's serious about creating an extraordinary access scheme, needs to
significant threats,
generate some public research establishing proof of concept. We should watch very carefully how the companies
respond to the mandates they will receive from governments that will approach this problem in a less nuanced
Uniqueness
http://blog.acton.org/archives/71950-deep-dark-web-like-cockroaches-humantraffickers-prefer-dark.html
we have
demonstrated that, together, we are able to efficiently remove vital criminal
infrastructures that are supporting serious organised crime. And we are not 'just' removing these
services from the open Internet; this time we have also hit services on the Darknet
using Tor where, for a long time, criminals have considered themselves beyond reach .
We can now show that they are neither invisible nor untouchab le. The criminals can run but
they cant hide. And our work continues...., says Troels Oerting, Head of EC3. Our efforts have
disrupted a website that allows illicit black-market activities to evolve and expand,
and provides a safe haven for illegal vices , such as weapons distribution, drug
trafficking and murder-for-hire, says Kumar Kibble, regional attach for HSI in Germany. HSI
and infrastructure, carried out by EC3 and our colleagues in EU Member States and beyond.
Today
will continue to work in partnership with Europol and its law enforcement partners around the world to hold
criminals who use anonymous Internet software for illegal activities accountable for their actions. Working
closely with domestic and international law enforcement, the FBI and our partners have
taken action to disrupt several websites dedicated to the buying and selling of
illegal drugs and other unlawful goods. Combating cyber criminals remains a top priority for
the FBI, and we continue to aggressively investigate, disrupt, and dismantle illicit
networks that pose a threat in cyberspace , says Robert Anderson, FBI Executive Assistant Director
of the of the Criminal, Cyber, Response and Services Branch.
.terror impact
Bioweapons are easily accessible by terrorists and lead to mass deaths
Wilson 13 (Grant, 1/17/13, University of Virginia School of Law, MINIMIZING
GLOBAL CATASTROPHIC AND EXISTENTIAL RISKS FROM EMERGING TECHNOLOGIES
THROUGH INTERNATIONAL LAW, professor @ University of Virginia School of Law,
http://lib.law.virginia.edu/lawjournals/sites/lawjournals/files/3.%20Wilson%20%20Emerging%20Technologies.pdf, 7/15/15, SM)
ii. Risk of bioterrorism The threat of the malicious release of bioengineered organisms (i.e., bioterrorism) poses a
attempted to use or successfully used biological weapons. One unsophisticated example of bioterrorism occurred
when an individual contaminated salads and dressing with salmonella in what apparently was an attempt to
publish their results of their bioengineered airborne H5N1 virus in the widely read journals Nature and Science, the
NSABB determined that the danger of releasing the sensitive information outweighed the benefits to society,
advising that the findings not be published in their entirety.82 The main risk is that either a state or non-state
actor could synthesize a weaponized version of the H5N1 virus to create a disastrous pandemic.83 There is
precedent of outside groups recreating advanced bioengineering experiments, such as when many scientists
immediately synthesized hepatitis C replicons upon publication of its genetic code. 84 However, the NSABBs
recommendation was nonbinding, and there is nothing to stop other scientists from releasing similar data in the
future. Furthermore, while the NSABB merely asserts that the blueprints of the virus should not be printed, other
biosecurity experts argue that the virus should never have been created in the first place because of risks that the
viruses would escape or be stolen.85
Split-Key CP
(I argue in this article that such demands have nothing to with catching criminals, and everything to do with
are still reeling from the damage done (to the tune of billions of dollars) by Edward Snowdens revelations about
their cooperation with the NSA in spying on their customers, and desperately need to regain their trust.
According to The Washington Post, NSA chief Mike Rodgers recently gave
a rare hint at what he considers might be a technical solution to the
problem, suggesting that companies be forced to create a digital crypto
key that can be used to decrypt their customers data, but that this keys be
split into different parts that single entity (except presumably the owner of the data) would
have full access to without court orders, subpoenas, warrants etc. This would require the government
and tech companies to work together to access the data. I dont want a back door. I want a front
door. And I want the front door to
The NSA might get the headlines, but the US intelligence community is
actually composed of 17 different agencies. Theres the CIA, of course. You
AT Cyber Sec
Under closer
examination, however, a more complicated picture emerges. The localization movement is
in fact a complex and multilayered phenomenon, with the objective not
response. For policymakers, data localization offers a seemingly simple and effective solution.
and to stir up populist enthusiasms for narrow political ends. Direct evidence of
these other objectives for which privacy seems to be a pretext is by its nature difficult to uncover: rarely to policymakers admit to seeking protectionist goals, to spying on their populations, to suppressing dissent or to exploiting
populist emotions. Yet, by viewing the localization movement in the context of other state and corporate interests
business interests
undoubtedly see data localization as an effective and convenient strategy for
gaining a competitive advantage in domestic IT markets long dominated by
U.S. tech firms. To localization proponents of this stripe, the NSA programs serve as a
powerful and politically expedient excuse to pursue policies protective of
domestic businesses. As an illustration, data localization in Germany presents clear economic benefits
and activities, it is possible to uncover these other, less exalted ends. Powerful
for a most powerful industry advocate for localization, Deutsche Telekom (DT). Whether by way of its email made
in Germany system or the Schengen area routing arrangement, DT looks poised to gain from efforts to reduce the
prominence of American tech firms in Europe. It is no wonder that the company has been spearheading many of the
localization proposals in that country. As telecommunications law expert Susan Crawford has noted, DT has been
seeking to expand its cloud computing services for years, but has found its efforts to appeal to German consumers
stifled by competition from Google and other American firms. 79 T-Systems International GmbH, DTs 29,000employee distribution arm for information-technology solutions, has been steadily losing money as a result.80
Moreover, Crawford suggests that DT would not be content with gaining a greater share of the German market; she
points out that through a Schengen routing scheme, Deutsche Telekom undoubtedly thinks that it will be able to
collect fees from network operators in other countries that want their customers data to reach Deutsche Telekoms
customers.81 Similarly, companies and their allies in government in Brazil and India look to profit from data
localization proposals. Indeed, the governments of both nations have for years sought to cultivate their own
domestic information technology sectors, at times by protecting homegrown industries with import tariffs and
preferential taxation. Brazilian President Rousseff has on numerous occasions stated that her government intends to
make Brazil a regional technology and innovation leader; in recent years the government has proposed measures to
increase domestic Internet bandwidth production, expand international Internet connectivity, encourage domestic
content production, and promote the use of domestically produced network equipment.82 India, more
controversially, has at times required foreign corporations to enter into joint ventures to sell e- commerce products,
and has compelled foreign companies to transfer proprietary technology to domestic firms after a predetermined
amount of time.83 Brazil and India are, of course, not alone in this respect. Indonesian firms are constructing
domestic cloud service facilities with the help of government grants, 84 while Korea is offering similar support to its
The era of cyber conflict is upon us; at least, experts seem to accept
that cyberattacks are the new normal. In fact, however, evidence
suggests that cyberconflict is not as prevalent as many believe.
Likewise, the severity of individual cyber events is not increasing, even
if the frequency of overall attacks has risen. And an emerging norm
against the use of severe state-based cyber tactics contradicts fearmongering news reports about a coming cyber apocalypse. The few
isolated incidents of successful state-based cyberattacks do not a trend
make. Rather, what we are seeing is cyberespionage and probes, not
cyberwarfare. Meanwhile, the international consensus has stabilized
around a number of limited acceptable uses of cyber technologyone
that prohibits any dangerous use of force. Despite fears of a boom in
cyberwarfare , there have been no major or dangerous hacks between
countries. The closest any states have come to such events occurred
when Russia attacked Georgian news outlets and websites in 2008;
when Russian forces shut down banking, government, and news
websites in Estonia in 2007; when Iran attacked the Saudi Arabian oil
firm Saudi Aramco with the Shamoon virus in 2012; and when the
United States attempted to sabotage Irans nuclear power systems
from 2007 to 2011 through the Stuxnet worm. The attack on Sony from
North Korea is just the latest overhyped cyberattack to date, as the
corporate giant has recovered its lost revenues from the attack and its
networks are arguably more resilient as a result. Even these are more
probes into vulnerabilities than full attacks. Russias aggressions show
that Moscow is willing to use cyberwarfare for disruption and
propaganda, but not to inflict injuries or lasting infrastructural damage.
The Shamoon incident allowed Iran to punish Saudi Arabia for its
alliance with the United States as Tehran faced increased sanctions;
the attack destroyed files on Saudi Aramcos computer network but
failed to do any lasting damage . The Stuxnet incident also failed to create
any lasting damage, as Tehran put more centrifuges online to
compensate for virus-based losses and strengthened holes in their
system. Further, these supposedly successful cases of cyberattacks are
balanced by many more examples of unsuccessful ones . If the future of
cyberconflict looks like today, the international community must
reassess the severity of the threat. Cyberattacks have demonstrated
themselves to be more smoke than fire . This is not to suggest that
AT ECON
International norms maintain economic stability
***Zero empirical data supports their theory the only financial crisis of the new
liberal order experienced zero uptick in violence or challenges to the central
factions governed by the US that check inter-state violence they have no
theoretical foundation for proving causality
Barnett, 9 senior managing director of Enterra Solutions LLC (Thomas, The New
Rules: Security Remains Stable Amid Financial Crisis, 25 August 2009,
http://www.aprodex.com/the-new-rules--security-remains-stable-amid-financialcrisis-398-bl.aspx)
When the
crisis struck roughly a year ago, the blogosphere was ablaze with all
sorts of scary predictions of, and commentary regarding, ensuing conflict and wars -- a rerun of the Great
global financial
Depression leading to world war, as it were. Now, as global economic news brightens and recovery -- surprisingly
led by China and emerging markets -- is the talk of the day, it's interesting to look back over the past year and
2006). Certainly, the Russia-Georgia conflict last August was specifically timed, but by most accounts the opening
ceremony of the Beijing Olympics was the most important external trigger (followed by the U.S. presidential
campaign) for that sudden spike in an almost two-decade long struggle between Georgia and its two breakaway
are both tied to one side acquiring a nuclear weapon capacity -- a process wholly unrelated to
global economic trends. And with the United States effectively tied down by its two ongoing major
interventions (Iraq and Afghanistan-bleeding-into-Pakistan), our involvement elsewhere around the
planet has been quite modest, both leading up to and following the onset of the economic crisis:
Israel v. Iran)
e.g., the usual counter-drug efforts in Latin America, the usual military exercises with allies across Asia, mixing it up
with pirates off Somalia's coast). Everywhere else we find serious instability we pretty much let it burn, occasionally
pressing the Chinese -- unsuccessfully -- to do something. Our new Africa Command, for example, hasn't led us to
anything beyond advising and training local forces. So, to sum up: No
violence or unrest (remember the smattering of urban riots last year in places like Greece, Moldova and
Latvia?); The usual frequency maintained in civil conflicts (in all the usual places); Not a single state-on-state war
directly caused (and no great-power-on-great-power crises even triggered); No
great improvement or
disruption in great-power cooperation regarding the emergence of new nuclear powers (despite all
that diplomacy); A modest scaling back of international policing efforts by the system's acknowledged Leviathan
power (inevitable given the strain); and No
challenge that Leviathan or supplant its role. (The worst things we can cite are Moscow's occasional
deployments of strategic assets to the Western hemisphere and its weak efforts to outbid the United States on
basing rights in Kyrgyzstan; but the best include China and India stepping up their aid and investments in
Afghanistan and Iraq.) Sure, we've finally seen global defense spending surpass the previous world record set in the
late 1980s, but even that's likely to wane given the stress on public budgets created by all this unprecedented
insulate economies from immediate damage (in effect, as much protectionism as allowed under current trade
rules), but there was no great slide into "trade wars." Instead, the World Trade Organization is functioning as it was
designed to function, and regional efforts toward free-trade agreements have not slowed. Can we say Islamic
radicalism was inflamed by the economic crisis? If it was, that shift was clearly overwhelmed by the Islamic world's
growing disenchantment with the brutality displayed by violent extremist groups such as al-Qaida. And looking
forward, austere economic times are just as likely to breed connecting evangelicalism as disconnecting
fundamentalism. At the end of the day, the economic crisis did not prove to be sufficiently frightening to provoke
major economies into establishing global regulatory schemes, even as it has sparked a spirited -- and much needed,
as I argued last week -- discussion of the continuing viability of the U.S. dollar as the world's primary reserve
currency. Naturally, plenty of experts and pundits have attached great significance to this debate, seeing in it the
beginning of "economic warfare" and the like between "fading" America and "rising" China. And yet, in a world of
globally integrated production chains and interconnected financial markets, such "diverging interests" hardly
constitute signposts for wars up ahead. Frankly, I don't welcome a world in which America's fiscal profligacy goes
altering commercial products and services for intelligence, or law enforcement. Any policy that seeks to weaken
technology sold on the commercial market has many serious downsides, even if it temporarily advances the
intelligence and law enforcement missions of facilitating legal and authorized government surveillance.
cyberinfrastructure at risk . We write as a technical society to clarify the potential harm should
these strategies be adopted. Whether or not these strategies ever have been used in practice is outside the scope
Individual computer users, large corporations and government agencies all depend
on security features built into information technology products and
services they buy on the commercial market. If the security features of
these widely available products and services are weak, everyone is in
greater danger. There recently have been allegations that U.S.
government agencies (and some private entities) have engaged in a number of activities
deliberately intended to weaken mass market, widely used technology. Weakening
commercial products and services does have the benefit that it becomes easier for
U.S. intelligence agencies to conduct surveillance on targets that use the weakened
of this paper.
technology, and more information is available for law enforcement purposes. On the surface, it would appear these
motivations would be reasonable. However,
for foreign powers, criminals and terrorists to infiltrate these systems for
their own purposes. Moreover, everyone who uses backdoor technologies may
be vulnerable, and not just the handful of surveillance targets for U.S. intelligence agencies. It is the opinion
of IEEE-USAs Committee on Communications Policy that no entity should act to reduce the security of a product or
service sold on the commercial market without first conducting a careful and methodical risk assessment. A
complete risk assessment would consider the interests of the large swath of users of the technology who are not
equally advanced and ubiquitous in the United States, and the locales of many of our adversaries.
Vulnerable products should be corrected , as needed, based on this assessment. The next
section briefly describes some of the government policies and technical strategies that might have the undesired
side effect of reducing security. The following section discusses why the effect of these practices may be a
will find the vulnerability, especially when capable adversaries, who are
actively seeking security vulnerabilities, know how to leverage such
weaknesses . History illustrates that secret backdoors do not remain
secret and that the more widespread a backdoor, the more dangerous its
existence. The 1988 Morris worm, the first widespread Internet attack,
used a number of backdoors to infect systems and spread widely . The
backdoors in that case were a set of secrets then known only by a small, highly technical community. A single,
putatively innocent error resulted in a large-scale attack that disabled
many systems. In recent years, Barracuda had a completely undocumented
backdoor that allowed high levels of access from the Internet addresses assigned to
Barracuda. However, when it was publicized, as almost inevitably happens, it became extremely
unsafe, and Barracudas customers rejected it. One example of how
attackers can subvert backdoors placed into systems for benign reasons occurred in the
network of the largest commercial cellular operator in Greece. Switches deployed in the
system came equipped with built-in wiretapping features, intended only
for authorized law enforcement agencies. Some unknown attacker was
able to install software, and made use of these embedded wiretapping features to
surreptitiously and illegally eavesdrop on calls from many cell phones
including phones belonging to the Prime Minister of Greece, a hundred high-ranking Greek
dignitaries, and an employee of the U.S. Embassy in Greece before the security breach
finally was discovered. In essence, a backdoor created to fight crime was used to
commit crime.
Tech high
his administration had "tried to do to lay this foundation for long-term economic growth
is to put our investments in those things that are really going to make us more competitive
what
over the long term." "So we have made the largest investment in research and development, in basic research and
science, in our history, because that's going to determine whether we can compete with China and India and
Germany over the long term," he said.
be the United States of America," he said, "as we still have a huge competitive edge and we've got the best
workers in the world. And we've got the most dynamic economy in the world. We've got the best
universities, the best entrepreneurs in the world." he added.
Competitiveness Wrong
American primacy is also rooted in the county's position as the world's leading technological power. The United
States remains dominant globally in overall R&D investments, high-technology production, commercial first decade
of this century. As we noted in chapter 1, this was partly the result of an Iraq-induced doubt about the utility of
many assessments of
U.S. economic and technological prowess from the 1990s were overly optimistic ; by
the next decade important potential vulnerabilities were evident . In particular, chronically
imbalanced domestic finances and accelerating public debt convinced some
analysts that the United States once again confronted a competitiveness crisis.23
If concerns continue to mount, this will count as the fourth such crisis since 1945; the first
material predominance, a doubt redolent of the post-Vietnam mood. In retrospect,
three occurred during the 1950s (Sputnik), the 1970s (Vietnam and stagflation), and the 1980s (the Soviet threat
the United States lacks vulnerabilities or causes for concern. In fact, it confronts a number of significant
slowly . The United States has accounted for a quarter to a third of global output for over a century. No other
economy will match its combination of wealth, size , technological capacity, and
productivity in the foreseeable future (tables 2.2 and 2.3). The depth, scale, and projected
longevity of the U.S. lead in each critical dimension of power are noteworthy . But
what truly distinguishes the current distribution of capabilities is American
dominance in all of them simultaneously. The chief lesson of Kennedy's 500-year survey of leading
powers is that nothing remotely similar ever occurred in the historical experience innovation, and higher education
(table 2.3). Despite the weight of this evidence, elite perceptions of U.S. power had shifted toward pessimism by the
middle of the that informs modern international relations theory. The implication is both simple and
underappreciated: the counterbalancing constraint is inoperative and will remain so until the distribution of
capabilities changes fundamentally. The next section explains why.
the
some
programs
one
that
surveillance
track
the use
two
, and
Alexander promised additional information to the panel on thwarted attacks that the programs helped stop. He provided few additional details.
Alexander told the committee in a rare, open Capitol Hill hearing. Alexander got no
disagreement from the leaders of the panel, who have been outspoken in backing the programs since Edward Snowden, a 29-year-old former contractor with Booz Allen Hamilton, disclosed information to The Washington Post and the
The general counsel for the intelligence community said the NSA cannot target phone conversations between callers inside
the U.S. even if one of those callers was someone they were targeting for surveillance when outside the country. The director of national intelligence's legal chief, Robert S. Litt, said that if the NSA finds it has accidentally gathered
a phone call by a target who had traveled into the U.S. without their knowledge, they have to "purge" that from their system. The same goes for an accidental collection of any conversation because of an error. Litt said those
incidents are then reported to the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court, which "pushes back" and asks how it happened, and what the NSA is doing to fix the problem so it doesn't happen again. Rogers previewed the latest public
Obama
defended surveillance
calling them transparent
" It is
programs
transparent ,"
the
the president
added, referring to the secret court set up by the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act that authorizes two recently disclosed programs: one that gathers U.S. phone records and another that is designed to track the use of U.S.-based
Obama
has named representatives to a privacy and
civil liberties oversight board to help in the debate over just how far
government data gathering should be allowed to go
Internet servers by foreigners with possible links to terrorism.
said he
court, with hearings held at undisclosed locations and with only government lawyers present. The orders that result are all highly classified. "We're going to have to find ways where the public has an assurance that there are checks
and balances in place ... that their phone calls aren't being listened into; their text messages aren't being monitored, their
brother
some
big
somewhere," the president said. A senior administration official said Obama had asked Director of National Intelligence James Clapper to determine what more information about the two programs could be
made public, to help better explain them. The official spoke on condition of anonymity because the official was not authorized to speak publicly. Snowden accused members of Congress and administration officials Monday of
exaggerating their claims about the success of the data gathering programs, including pointing to the arrest of the would-be New York subway bomber, Najibullah Zazi, in 2009. In an online interview with The Guardian in which he
posted answers to questions Monday, Snowden said that Zazi could have been caught with narrower, targeted surveillance programs a point Obama conceded in his interview without mentioning Snowden. "We might have caught
him some other way," Obama said. "We might have disrupted it because a New York cop saw he was suspicious. Maybe he turned out to be incompetent and the bomb didn't go off. But, at the margins,
we are
," he said.
Obama repeated