Chapter one: Introduction

1.1 Introduction

The gender of a person can have detrimental consequences to their health outcomes. Conversely it
is women, especially in Africa who disproportionately bear the burden of morbidity due to
restricted access to educational, health and economic facilities. There are numerous inter-related
factors that exacerbate this phenomenon, particularly gender and cultural norms that can lead to
inequalities in education, employment, inadequate legal protection, poverty, economic
dependency and very little room for sexual negotiation. The common denominator is the
subservient status of women in many African societies. Often women are subjected to health risk
factors that are outside their control and under the remit of masculinity. The Amsterdam
declaration in 1995 acknowledged that women’s health is a fundamental pillar that underpins
sustainable human development (Sherr et al, 1996). Women are more likely than men to be
economically and educationally disadvantaged, belong to minority groups and have less access to
health care. (Sherr et al, 1996). Because of the above issues ‘empowering women’ socially, sexually
and economically became the buzz word in development. If women are empowered there would
be a rise in household incomes, more educated workers, and thus a reduction in poverty, an
increase in health, economic and human resources and an overall improvement in the health of
both men and women. Effectively this could also raise the social status of women in communities.
Recently debates are ongoing regarding the participation or partnership of men in female
empowerment. It has been argued that men are gatekeepers to the current social order and
without their partnership female empowerment programs are only a partial solution to
development (Women’s commission for refugee women and children, 2005). Increasingly evidence
has pointed to sustainable success and higher social, sexual and economic empowerment levels of
women when men are involved (Sternberg, P and Hubley, J 2004, Leonard et al, 2002, Jackson et
al’s 1999, Drennan, 1998 and White, et al, 2003). Further research is essential to understand and
mitigate potential gaps in female empowerment programs, one of which could be male

1
involvement. Successful empowerment programs have the potential to lift entire communities out
of poverty and poor health.

1.2 The Zambian Context

Over 70% of Zambians live in poverty with 7.5 million living on less than $1 a day; this places
Zambia among the world's poorest nations, with a GDP OF $890 per capita (DFID, 2007). The
overall impact of Zambia’s socio-economic, cultural and health issues are deeply disaggregated by
gender. Social indicators continue to decline, particularly in measurements of life expectancy at
birth which are currently 38 for men 37 for women, compared to 40 in the 2000 and in measures
of maternal mortality, 729 per 100,000 pregnancies in 2006 compared with 649 in 1996
(Population Reference Bureau, 2007). The overall literacy rates stood at 67.9% in 2006 (WHO Fact
sheet, 2006). Yet 59.7% of women are literate compared to 76.1% of men (Human Rights Watch,
2007). Unemployment is also a significant problem for the people of Zambia (Bureau of African
Affairs, 2008). 76% of Zambian women are engaged in agricultural work yet 63% receive no
payment (Human Rights Watch, 2007). Zambian women face multiple forms of discrimination
including gender based violence (GBV) and ineffective legal protection (Human Rights Watch,
2007).

In the Global Gender Gap Report (GGG) (2006), Zambia ranked 85 out of 115 countries in gender
equality indicators1. The GGG Report highlighted significant differences between men and women
in terms of access to education, employment, literacy rates and contraceptive use. Women are less
visible than men in schools, have fewer employment opportunities and only 34% use
contraceptives (Population Reference Bureau, 2007). The indicators demonstrated male privilege
in the aforementioned areas and overall the GGG Report concluded that Zambian social and
economic structures are still heavily based on patriarchal values (Gender Gap Report, 2006), that
increase women’s vulnerability. In a study of male youths in Zambia (Dahlbäck, E et al, 2003) a
number of interesting concepts relating to gender norms and roles were discussed. In the area of

1
Gender equality indicators measure the degree to which men and women are equally represented in social,
educational, economical and political spheres of life
2
gender roles in the households it was shown that men must never been seen doing ‘women’s jobs’
such as household domestics, additionally it was thought that a women could never be a household
head. In the area of economic independence, worries were expressed, if a woman becomes
economically independent, it would threaten the male position of power. This was also reflected in
decision making and boys felt that if you allow a girl to make decisions she is making a fool of you.
On issues of sexual relations some boys felt that a man should have multiple girlfriends and some
expressed the opinion that they can force a girl into marriage. The boys expressed an
understanding that they are the privileged sex in Zambia, in that they get more respect, education
and jobs, overall many shared the opinion of one boy who stated; ‘I am happy God made me a boy’
(Dahlbäck, E et al, 2003:56). Due to these issues in Zambia and many parts of Africa, development
actors viewed empowering women as imperative to the future of development.

1.3. Defining Empowerment

To be disempowered is to be socially excluded. Sociologist Burchardt (1999) empirical definition of

social exclusion was ‘If an individual is (i) geographically resident in a society (ii) cannot participate
in the normal activities of citizens in that society (iii) would like to participate, but are prevented
from doing so by factors beyond their control’ (Richardson and Le Grand, 2002:498). The process of
social exclusion serves to exclude social groups from benefits and rights that are considered
normal. Often social exclusion operates from above, yet women’s disempowerment stems from
patriarchal structures and norms at the community level. Empowerment has been defined as ‘the
expansion in people’s ability to make strategic life choices in a context where this ability was
previously denied to them’ (Kabeer, 2004:18). In this sense empowerment is about the
transformation of power relations between men and women at four distinct levels; the household,
the community, the economy and the state (Odutolu et al, 2003). In summary empowerment is
taken to mean a process by which women may have the opportunity to access educational,
economic and health resources, to engage in decision making on an equal basis, participate in
social spaces, and over all the ability to exercise agency over their lives without their sex being
viewed as a disadvantage.

3
1.4. The Missing Component of Gender in Development: Male Inclusion

Research shows that men not only acted as gatekeepers by constraining women access to health
services, but also through abuse, men’s actions directly impact the health of their partners
(Sternberg, P and Hubley, J, 2004). Thus the role of health promoters was seen as protecting
women from the negative impact of men’s behaviour on their lives, by working directly and solely
with women. In the age of Women in Development (WID), programs were launched in Africa that
sought to empower women through education to increase access and knowledge of health and
economic facilities. Many of these programs focused on behavioural change interventions (BCI)
such as programs on sexual risk behaviours and safe sex negotiation skills; others focused on
empowering women economically and reducing the dependency on men via micro financing. The
BCI’s aim to increase knowledge on high risk sexual behaviours and promote skills to reduce risky
sexual behaviours while the economic empowerment programs understand that women lack
training, financial support and options in the economic sector. Yet these empowerment programs
often failed to understand the real factors of culture and gender power dynamics that are
preventing women from gaining economic independence and acting upon knowledge of safe sex
negotiation. The missing component of these programs is that they address women who are
already tied to culturally binding systems of patriarchy. By excluding men and thus a partnership
for change, they are risking failure.

In the 1990’s there was a conceptual shift from WID to Gender in Development (GAD). The Cairo
Conference on Populations and Development in 1994 and the Fourth International Conference on
Women in Beijing in 1995 were platforms from which there was a revolution in thought about the
role men can play in the health status of women (Sternberg, P and Hubley, J, 2004). This
international decade of rhetoric of the involvement of men brought to the fore new
understandings of the crucial role men can play. It was recognized that men have been missing
from the conversations on gender and as the gatekeepers of the current gender order, where they
are not involved, efforts to empower women may be ignored and thwarted (Women’s commission
for refugee women and children, 2005). The behaviour, attitudes and perceptions of men towards

4
women and thus the specific discourses of masculinity2 is now recognized to not only impact the
health status of women but also of men, especially men who may be measuring themselves against
a hegemonic masculine ideal3 (Brown, J et al, 2005). Gender roles, for example, that equate
masculinity with sexual prowess, multiple sexual partners, physical aggression, dominance over
women and an unwillingness to access health services or seek emotional support, impose a terrible
burden on men, a burden that, due to trying to live up to masculine constructs, puts them, their
sexual partners and children at high risk (Women’s commission for refugee women and children,
2005).The development community has looked to women to change, develop and be empowered
while assuming these changes would be welcome within all communities (WHO, 2001). Conversely
while the theory of male inclusion has long been recognized it is only in recent times that internal
and external actors have begun to design programs with this understanding of male inclusion. But
such programs are limited as funds remain dedicated to programs that directly support women and
children’s health (Sonfield, 2002). Deconstructing the problematic ideology of masculinity is
imperative to the improved health status of entire populations.

2
Masculinity is defined as a set of role behaviours that men are encouraged to perform.
3
Hegemonic masculinity is the culmination of what it is to be a man in a particular society.
5
 Chapter two: Literature Review

2.1. Literature Review

Numerous studies exist on the topic of men’s negative behaviour and its impact on the health and
economic outcomes of women (WHO, 2001, Green, C et al, 1995, Mbizvo, M and Bennett, M, 1996,
Ntseane and Preece, 2005, Gupta, R, 2000, Women’s commission for refugee women and children,
2005, Flood, 2007 Greig, A, Kimmel, M and Lang, J 2000, Brown, J Sorrell, J and Raffaelli, M, 2005).
What was apparent throughout the literature was, when men adhere to the gender script of
hegemonic masculinity, they increased both their own risk of poor health and women’s. Literature
regarding male involvement in programs designed to challenge hegemonic masculinity and
decrease women’s vulnerability via empowerment was notably limited in the African context. The
literature found however, did demonstrate that when men are involved in programs to improve
their health outcomes and the outcomes of women, there was a change in negative attitudes
towards women’s and less regard for the problematic tenants of masculinity (WHO, 2001).

2.2. Men and Sexuality

Family Planning (FP) is crucial to women’s reproductive health, yet this is an area often placed
within the male decision making domain. Women are the recipients of male decisions regarding
use of contraceptives and family size (Osirim, 2001), whereas it is women who bear the burden of
numerous pregnancies and risk of sexually transmitted diseases (STDs). It is currently estimated
that one-third of the world’s couples are using a male dependant method such as condom,
withdrawal, abstinence or other traditional methods (Green, C et al, 1995). However, for Zambian
women the most used contraceptive method is the contraceptive pill (Population Reference
Bureau, 2007) this can be taken in secret and often it avoids the need for the discussion of FP with
partners, yet is ineffectual regarding STD and HIV transmission, which are both rampant in Zambia.
Therefore it is fundamental that men are educated to understand the health risks they place
themselves and their partners under, as it is men who often determine the type of contraceptive
used. It was found that male attitudes are fundamental to the use of FP (WHO, 2001). Often it is
6
men who decide when and how many children a couple should have (WHO, 2001). A study on male
influences on FP in Ghana (Mbizvo, M and Bennett, M, 1996) concluded that spousal influence,
rather than being mutual, was an exclusive right exercised by the husband. A woman in the study
reported 'When I wanted to do FP my husband did not allow me, so I did not do it'. A man further
commented 'In my view, the women has no legitimate right . . . it is God who grants children, the
woman has no right to choose the number of children she prefers . . . it is you the man, who decides
to have sex with her' (Mbizvo, M and Bennett, M, 1996:88). These are consistent with attitudes
and practices of FP in Zambia. A 2007 survey in the Ndola district of Zambia stated that four out of
five people did not use contraceptives the last time they had sex and only 30% of men, and 18% of
women said they had used a condom with a casual partner (The Times of Zambia, 2007). Reasons
cited for not using a condom, included trust, dislike, lack of availability and partner objection, the
data highlighted that it was the man that disliked and objected to use of condoms.

Male dominated decision making on FP was further exacerbated by cultural discourses of

femininity. Motherhood and fertility is considered to be a feminine ideal; using contraceptives may
present a significant dilemma for women (Gupta, R, 2000). As illustrated from this extract of a
woman in Botswana: ‘We can’t stop having children. With or without AIDS the pressure from
husband and extended families is beyond the women’s control in this culture’, (Ntseane and Preece,
2005:9). Furthermore it was proposed that women may be unable to share their opinions with
their partners and are unable to participate on an equal basis (Women’s commission for refugee
women and children, 2005). They may be excluded from decision-making processes, too intimated
to contribute or too busy with domestic responsibilities to allow for meaningful participation
(Gupta, R, 2000).

In Zambia traditional polygamy has given way to an informal version, where men’s right to more
than one wife is often interpreted as their right to several girlfriends. In a study on male
adolescents in Zambia it was found that multiple sexual partners and sexual experimentation was
crucial to becoming a man (Dahlbäck E, et al, 2003). The need for men to engage in sex with
multiple partners, combined with negative attitudes towards condoms and the primacy of fertility,
place men’s sexual health at risk (MacPhail, C and Campbell, C 2001 and Brown, J et al, 2005). The
7
need to empower men to the negative consequences of their high risk sexual behaviour is a
principal concern (Gupta, R, 2000).

While many studies focused on the attitudes, practices and implications of men in regards to FP
and contraceptive use, a selection examined the barriers that may inhibit men from meaningful
involvement in FP. (WHO, 2001, The Ministry of Health, 1995, Gupta, 2000 and The Times Of
Zambia, 2007). One study stated that men are both irresponsible and uninformed when it comes to
contraceptive use (WHO, 2001). While men make the decision on contraceptive use, they
contradictorily see themselves as peripheral to the responsibility of FP on the ground that they do
not produce. A male respondent in a Zambian survey stated: “Why should I be sterilized when I
don't produce, the woman is the one who gets pregnant and goes through labour she should be the
one to be sterilized” (Ministry of Health, 1995:29). Prevailing norms of masculinity that expect men
to be more knowledgeable and experienced about sex, place men and their partners at risk
because such norms prevent them from seeking information or admitting their lack of knowledge
and encourage them to experiment with sex in unsafe ways, to prove their manhood (Gupta, R,
2000). To further aggravate the situation, research stated that African men value women’s silence
in sexual issues because silence and sexual passivity are viewed as the attributes of a good woman.
This is the case in Zambia where often there is a dual sexual standard. Dual standards negatively
affect both men and women, preventing husbands and wives from discussing their sexual needs
with each other and from adopting measures that they both agree would protect them both (The
Times of Zambia, 2007). These beliefs are particularly stronger among less-educated men. (Gupta,
R, 2000 and WHO, 2001). Thus it is both masculine and feminine ideals that place the populations
of many African countries at risk. Such assumptions limit both men and women’s ability in making
informed reproductive health decisions even when the risks are apparent.

2.3. Men, GBV and Economic Dependency

GBV may denote physical, sexual and verbal abuse of a person based on their gender. Physical and
sexual violence towards women is male domination and female disempowerment personified. In
some cultures male physical domination over women may be inscribed in the unwritten doctrine of

8
masculine beliefs. Beliefs such as men have the right to women, whereas women have the duty to
be subservient. This type of behaviour has negative consequences on both the physical and mental
health of women and because of cultures of stigma and silence surrounding domestic violence and
rape this type of behaviour is indirectly permitted. Additionally women are often economically
dependent on men thus often in abusive partnerships, silence may be needed for the women’s
economic survival.

With regards to the credo of masculinity, studies reiterated that culturally bound versions of
masculinity sometimes use GBV as a means of establishing and maintaining power relationships.
(Greig, A, et al, 2000, WHO, 2001, Flood, 2007 and Gupta, 2000). These masculine norms limit men
and women’s choices and safety (Women’s commission for refugee women and children, 2005).
The incidence of GBV towards women is high in Zambia. In 2006, The Young Women’s Catholic
Association (YWCA) in Zambia estimated that almost half of married women aged over 15 years
have been physically abused by their husbands, and 53% of women in Zambia experienced physical
violence (The Times of Zambia, 2007). Men who behave this way believe that control of women’s
lives is an essential element of masculinity. Anger is common when men feel they are losing
control. This is a question this study seeks to answer: if men whose wives have undergone
empowerment programs retaliate by reasserting themselves in other ways i.e. through abuse of
their partner. Unfortunately many people in Zambia, women as well as men, think that it is
acceptable for a man to use violence to control their wives and families, as often there is a limited
choice but to accept it.

The impact of violence towards women in a physical sense is self explanatory. Yet this violence or
even threat of violence towards women can be manifested in other areas. As one Zambian woman
testified, ‘When I ask for a condom, or go to the clinic to get treatment, he starts beating me. In
January 2006 I went for Voluntary Counselling and Testing. He was refusing (to receive an HIV test).
The results came out positive after two months he chased me away’ (Human Rights Watch Report,
2007:22). Men are using violence to control the bodies and lives of women. Men’s control over
women by using the threat of violence is often strengthened by women’s economic dependency on
the man. Males are consistently favoured within education. When poverty forces families to
9
choose, they favour sons because historically boys have had the best job prospects, so their
educational chances are better (CAMFED, 2005). There are few jobs beyond subsistence for women
who are illiterate and innumerate. A lack of education can be a sentence to a lifetime of poverty
and a weakened capacity to raise a healthy, educated family (CAMFED, 2005). Research has shown
that economically vulnerable women are more likely to exchange sex for money or food, less likely
that they will succeed in negotiating protection, and less likely that they will leave an abusive
relationship (Gupta, R, 2000). Within the field of development and in line with the conceptual shift
from WID to GAD there is a growing consensus to involve men to end violence against women.
Flood (2007), states that first and foremost it is men who are the perpetrators of these crimes. This
also means that men themselves must take responsibility for preventing violence against women.
Berkowitz (2002) states in Flood (2007:1), ‘Even though only a minority of men may commit sexual
assault, all men can have an influence on the culture and environment that allows other men to be
perpetrators’. Accordingly in societies based on patriarchal structures it is necessary for a change in
attitudes and practices and their negative impact are acknowledged and accepted within the wider
community. However while the theory of male involvement is acknowledged it has yet to be
substantially initiated in the form of programs or campaigns.

The above studies on GBV and economic dependency of women helped the study further
formulate some key questions. The review raised questions regarding both female and male
attitudes to violence towards women in Zambia. Due to the belief that abuse towards women may
be justifiable, the study would like to further address this situation by asking how and in what
context it is justifiable. Additionally a women’s limited access to health and economic resources
was reiterated within this review, this study will also examine women’s access to health and
economic resources and men’s attitudes towards women’s access

2.4. Involving Men in Educational and Social Empowerment Programs

The interventions that involved men focused on FP, promoting fatherhood, violence prevention
and increasing awareness of sexual risk. However the issue was that although strategies were
detailed, few were evaluated to measure program impact (Drennen, 1998, White et al, 2003). This

10
is a problematic occurrence to the future success of empowerment programs and to further inform
additional programs. Additionally programs involving men were limited in Africa when compared to
South America and Asia where there was more emphasis on male involvement (White et al, 2003).

Programs that included men and were evaluated were based in Senegal and Kenya. A two year
study of Senegalese male transport workers used a peer education program on HIV prevention and
condom promotion (Leonard et al, 2002). At the post intervention evaluation the study found an
increase in men’s HIV knowledge and use of condoms; to validate this it was also found that sex
workers in the area reported an increase in men wishing to use condoms. The study concluded that
the program was successful in both increasing HIV knowledge and use of condoms and thus there
should be a new emphasis to the inclusion of men in health programs. In Kenya, Jackson et al’s
(1999) study of a trucking company, a BCI was applied to male workers to reduce HIV transmission.
At the evaluation stage it was found that there was an increase in condom use and a decrease in
the number of men who had sex outside of marriage, in addition to a decline in the percentages of
men who engaged in sex with a sex worker.

The Challenge CUP (Caring, Understanding Partners) was launched in Ghana, Kenya, Uganda, and
Zambia. This initiative encouraged men who attended football games to become sexually
responsible, reduce STDs, increase reproductive health knowledge and promote discussion with
their sexual partners. Role models such as football players were counselled on positive sexual
health behaviour. Yet no information was given on its success (Drennan, 1998). Conscientizing Male
Adolescents Program (CMA) in Nigeria was operated by male community members aimed at
adolescent boys. CMA consisted of weekly meetings at secondary schools to gender sensitize
adolescents. To date, CMA has yet to conduct a post intervention evaluation. Separate interviews,
however, provide subjective evidence of positive changes in attitudes and behaviour. Yet a
redefinition of masculinity has not occurred as many boys still blame the women for rape (White et
al, 2003). In several Africa and Asian countries a workshop called Stepping Stones has been
introduced to transform gender relations and targets the entire community. So far a formal
evaluation has only been conducted in The Gambia but informal evaluations through FGDs suggest
improved shared decision-making and communication skills applied to sexual and nonsexual issues
11
and reduced occurrence of GBV (White et al, 2003). A systematic review (Sternberg, P and Hubley, J
2004) examined data on the involvement of men in fatherhood. The review stated that only two
reports on programs in Africa were found and while these were not evaluated it was stated that
men do want to be included in the welfare of their family (Sternberg, P and Hubley, J, 2004).
Several promising programs that are widely recognized as being innovative and influential in their
work to change perceptions of gender roles have not been evaluated in ways that would make
their replication possible.

Following an examination of interventions involving men, it was found that when they are included,
success often follows. However because of the lack of evaluation at post intervention it is felt that
this study is further justified as it will add to an area where there is limited research and where
further research is essential to formulate program design to health benefits of both men and
women.

12
 Chapter Three: Research Methodology

3.1 Research objectives

The broad objectives of this research are to:

• Identify if the exclusion of men from women’s empowerment programs inhibits their success.

• Determine the extent of female empowerment that has been achieved through the programs
and the areas that may still be barriers to empowerment.

• Relate the attitudes and practices of men whose wives have participated in empowerment
programs to those of men whose wives have not participated in such empowerment programs to
determine if there are any significant differences.

• Identify attitudes from the male viewpoint that may be barriers to women’s empowerment.

• To extrapolate from the results potential areas for further program intervention and further
research to inform the wider public and program (re) design.

3.2 Research question

The overall question that this research would like to answer is whether the exclusion of men from
programs focusing on the social, economic and sexual empowerment of women is acting as an
inhibiting factor to the goal attainments of such empowerment programs. To achieve this a number
of additional questions must be addressed. Questions must address men’s attitudes and practices
in a number of areas that are essential to women’s empowerment. The general areas that could
demonstrate levels of women’s empowerment and in addition act as indicators of impact or non
impact towards men’s behaviour are:

1) Economic: measuring women’s control over income, contributions, access to and control over
family resources, women’s access to employment and markets.

13
(2) Socio-cultural: measuring women’s freedom of movement, women’s visibility, access to social
spaces, participation in other social networks, and a shift in patriarchal norms (i.e. son preference).
(3) Familial and interpersonal: measuring participation in domestic decision making, ability to make
childbearing decisions, use contraceptives, control over partner selection, marriage timing,
freedom from GBV, couple communication, negotiation and discussion of sex, child related issues
and domestic division of labour.

Views on women’s empowerment and possible barriers to empowerment will also be explored.
Thus the research will be asking if first and foremost if the women who have participated in
women’s empowerment program are actually empowered. This will be answered via the men’s
responses to the empowerment indicators just mentioned. These will also be correlated to the
responses from men whose wives have not participated in women’s empowerment programs to
examine if there are significant differences in empowerment levels between these two groups of
women. The research will then be asking what areas (if any) is there resistance from men or what
areas are still acting as barriers to full empowerment of women. The fundamental question of why
these areas present themselves as barriers will be addressed and correlated with the group of men
whose wives have not participated in women’s empowerment programs. Overall the attitudes and
practices of both groups of men will be compared to see if there are or are not significant
differences in responses to female empowerment indicators to examine if women’s involvement
alone in empowerment programs is sufficient or if there was an identified area where men need to
be included and addressed to contribute to the full empowerment and acceptance of
empowerment for women in Zambia.

3.3 Research Methodology

This is an exploratory piece of research to evaluate the effectiveness, impact, and efficiency of a
specific women’s empowerment program in Zambia to be undertaken post intervention. The
objectives and aims of this research are to identify if (1) the empowerment program was
successful, (2) if there are specific areas which still remain barriers to full empowerment and (3) to

14
investigate if these barriers are due to male attitudes and practices and thus could be overcome
with the inclusion of men into women’s empowerment programs.

Men whose wives have undergone empowerment programs are the target participants for this
study. Men have been chosen because men and their attitudes and practices regarding both the
role of women and the role of men have been identified from the literature review as barriers to
the full empowerment of women. It is believed that the central locus of female disempowerment
begins at the household; it is here that men most often exercise their dominant role and it is the
area where power dynamics are most evident and measurable. More specifically this research
targeted men who are married to women who have participated in women’s empowerment
programs. A control group of men whose wives have not participated in an empowerment program
were also sampled. Prior to the interviews a FGD (Annex eight) took place in Chongwe district to
further identify attitudes and practices that may not have been included in the interview scripts.
The participants for the FGD were married men whose wives have not participated in any
empowerment program.

The research sample was generated via an alumni association of women who have participated in
women’s empowerment programs. The Campaign for Female Education (CAMFED) an international
NGO which endorses women’s empowerment programs in Zambia and has an alumni association
named CAMA. CAMFED registered in 1993 in the UK and began work in Zambia in 2002 and is now
present in seven out of the nine provinces. The Chinsali district of Zambia was chosen as it had a
greater proportion of CAMA members who are married resided. A sample of eight participants who
are married and willing to participate in the research were contacted via CAMFED and participant
information leaflets distributed prior to the interviews taking place. The sample was purposive as
the sampling frame was small. Six men whose wives have not participated in a women’s
empowerment program were recruited in Chongwe district. This sample of men was recruited via a
contact made in the Ministry of Agriculture, who informed the community of the research taking
place, the interested eligible participants came forward on the date of the research. Qualitative
research was used utilizing in depth interviews with men whose wives have undergone

15
empowerment programs. A similar interview was conducted with men whose wives have not
undergone any empowerment program (Annex seven).

3.4 Analysis of data

The analysis had to be viewed from the Zambian context i.e. in transition due to increasing poverty
and HIV/AIDS. Immediately following the FGD and the interviews, the recordings were transcribed
verbatim for manual thematic analysis. A brief summary of each interview/FGD content and
themes was initially written to aid final analysis. Themes were then recognised and coded in line
with the research question and sorted using a copy and paste method under the research
questions and instruments. Indirect concepts also played a significant part in the analysis. Concepts
were ranked according to occurrence and a comparison made with the control group. There was
also small quantitative analysis achieved using SPSS which focused on frequency and percentages
between the CAMA and Control group.

3.5 Ethical considerations

The main goal of this research was to gain insight while ensuring that individual involvement was
voluntary. To that end, participants had the study aims and objectives explained to them, they
were given an information sheet to read, questions were answered before their written consent
was given. Participants were not allowed participate without the consent form. Another goal was
to ensure the anonymity and comfort of interviewees. Anonymity was guaranteed to all
participants, as participant numbers were used on the data collection forms. Participants were
informed that if they did not wish to answer a question or did not wish to continue that they were
under no obligation to do so. The interview was pilot tested before research commenced, to note
if there are incidences of discomfort with any questions, none were noted. Additionally interviews
were held in the neutral environment of empty classrooms to remove inhibition and ensure further
privacy for the individual. Ethical approval was obtained from the University of Zambia (UNZA) and
Trinity College Dublin (TCD).

16
 Chapter Four: Results
4.1 The Field Setting

This research was conducted in May 2008 in two districts, Chongwe and Chinsali. The control FGD
and interviews were conducted in a classroom in Njovah Village in the district of Chongwe.
Chongwe is a large and relatively rural district south of Lusaka district. Njovah village relies heavily
on farming as a livelihood. The interviews with the CAMA participants were held in Chinsali.
Chinsali is situated in the Northern Province of Zambia near to the Tanzanian border. The
interviews were held in a class room in Chinsali Boma a small town slightly less rural than Chongwe
which relies on small trade. In both districts inhabitants are engaged in low income generating
activities and unemployment is extremely high. Both in CAMA and the control group no participant
was employed in a formal sector but relied on the informal sector. Unlike the control group whose
main source of income was framing (66.7%) the CAMA participants relied heavily on a trade i.e
carpentry (25%) and market trading (50%). 12.5% of the control group and 16.7% of CAMA were
not in employment. Six participants were interviewed in a day in Chongwe and eight in Chinsali.
The interviews were conducted in English.

The results are presented under four major themes that emerged during the analysis (Table 4.1)
namely (1) Sex and Selection: Men have the Key (2) Societal Pressures: Real or Imaginary (3)
Masculinity and Violence and (4) Empowerment: A Society struggling with Gender. These are then
sub-sectioned under the general question focus area.

17
Table 4.1 Summary of Themes

Question focus Concepts Categories Themes

A) Marriage timing and Stigma to unmarried women Paradoxes

spousal selection
No marriage age limit to men Gender norm shift

Positive and negative opinions on longer Gender norms remain

courting times
Sex and selection men have the key
Women as recipients of marriage

B) Contraceptive use
Dislike Trust Promiscuity Male dominated rejection
Myths Religion FP female space/obtainment
Men Both open and not open to change Gender norms shift
Women responsible to obtain contraceptives Gender norms remain

1.75 Vs 5.3 children

C) Discussion of family Economy factor in family size

size
Pressure/no pressure to have the first child

Economics as family transformativeS Societal pressures real or imaginary

Societal pressures real or not

D) Dividing the
domestics Domestics /child care women’s domain Society setting roles

Connivance and tradition Connivance as ill disguised tradition

Open to fatherhood Barriers to fatherhood

Societal judgement

Never justified Regularly occurs Problematic Masculinity Masculinity and violence

E) Violence against Masculine traits Sexual desire Power dynamics

women
Jealously Power dynamics Lack of knowledge

F) Views on social and Men as providers Women as helpers

economic Fears of divorce Permission
empowerment Low opinion of women’s ability and Empowerment: struggling with gender
intelligence
Lack of trust in women Selective association
Threatening male position
Men, education and economy as barriers
Empowerment with limits and
In consultation with men Rules governing
governance
access

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4.2 Sex and Selection Men have the Key

The overall theme emerged that within spousal selection, marriage timing and contraceptive use
men remain the decision makers. They can choose who to marry and when. Furthermore it was
found that men’s feelings regarding different methods of contraceptives are indicative to the type
of contraceptive a couple will use.

4.2.1 Spousal Selection and Marriage Timing

Within Zambian society it is considered normal for a woman to be married young with the age of
marriage ranging from 16-23 years in the control group and from 18-22 in the CAMA group. Men’s
marriage age ranged from 21-31 in the control and 23-26 in the CAMA group. Both groups
displayed a stigma to unmarried women, men might think she is infertile, sick or behaving
inappropriately, in contrast it is acceptable or even preferable for men to delay marriage as they
have to ‘get responsibility’. A considerable difference between the two groups was courting time
and spousal selection. The shortest time a couple had known each other before marriage in the
CAMA group was two years and the longest was ten years. Three of the control group were
recipients of arranged marriages; two had known each other a short time (a week) and one had
courted for two years. Additionally, while three participants in the control group had arranged
marriages, there was only two cases where the family suggested the marriage in the CAMA group
and even then the couple had known each other for ten and three years respectively. The control
group viewed arranged marriages positively and the concept of courting was viewed negatively; it
was believed that longer courting time promotes deviant sexual behaviour, in that men can lure a
girl into sexual intercourse with empty promises of marriage. On the other extreme one control
participant expressed the benefits of courting before marriage such as lowering STD risk. In the
CAMA group issues of courting were not commented on. Excluding cases of arranged marriages in
the control group and the parent’s suggestions of marriages in the CAMA group it was always the
man who suggested the marriage. A woman cannot suggest marriage or love to a man. She must
remain a passive of the decision from either the parents or the man. This attitude was not as
strongly evident in the CAMA group.

19
‘We were not starting marriage to say you are my friend. You just get to say I want to marry and
she accepts’ (Control).

4.2.2 Use of Contraception Within Marriage

*Table 4.2

The CAMA group differ greatly from the control group regarding negotiation of contraceptives but
contraceptives still remain a complex issue for men in each group (Table 4.2). 100% of the CAMA
group uses some method of FP. The most popular method in the CAMA group was the pill (50%),
followed by the condom (25%), injection (12.5%) and abstinence (12.5%). However three of the
men had used condoms at one time before settling on another method. The pill was also the most
popular method in the control group (33.3%), others were withdrawal (16.7%) abstinence (16.7%)
while 33.3% use no method. 100% of the control group had never used a condom.

The reasons for not using the condoms in the CAMA group were dislike, trust, misconceptions, and
unavailability. A similar account was heard in the control, quoting dislike, trust, religion and beliefs
that condoms promote promiscuous behaviour. While only 25% of the CAMA group use condoms,
62.5% were open to using them and 12.5% citied that condoms will never be used even if their
partner insisted. In the control group 50% would not entertain negotiation of condoms.

‘No I wouldn’t accept that’ (Control).

20
Others reluctantly stated that they might compromise if their wives insisted. 100% of the women in
both groups were responsible for obtaining the chosen method of FP.

4.3 Societal Pressures: Real or Imaginary

When discussing household issues such as ‘discussion of family size’ and ‘domestic division of
labour’ the majority of men cited societal norms as a barrier to an active role in childcare and
household chores. Participants often stated that society will judge them if they act outside their
gender norms, yet paradoxes existed with men who chose to act outside their male gender norm
and help within the household for example and society failed to ‘frown’ upon them for doing so.
Thus the theme emerged if such societal norms were actually real or if they were a façade in which
men who are content with the present gender norms can hide behind.

4.3.1 Discussion of Family Size

Table 4.3 Number of Children

Control CAMA

None 0% (n=0) 12.5%% (n=1)

One 0% (n=0)
62.5% (n=5)
Two 0% (n=0) 12.5% (n=1)
Three 16.7% (n=1) 0% (n=0)
Four 16.7% (n=1) 0%(n=0)
Five 16.7% (n=1) 0% (n=0)
Six 33.3% (n=2) 0% (n=0)
Seven + 16.7% (n=1) 12.5% (n=1)
Total 100% (n=6) 100% (n=8)

A notable difference between the CAMA and control group is family size (Table 4.3).The average is
1.75 children per family in the CAMA group in comparison to 5.3 in the control group. The
emerging theme for smaller families was economic. This reason was cited in the CAMA group, the
control group and the control FGD.

‘Am just finding money to do something before going to college because am not employed’ (CAMA
participant with no children).
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‘You see the economy is biting we don’t produce children like you are a pig…I have to provide food I
have to provide this and that, where would I get all the money from?’ (Control FGD).

66.7% of the control group stated they had discussed family size with their partners whereas 100%
of CAMA stated that they had. A control participant who did not discuss family size cited the reason
as religious.

‘When you get married you cannot decide on children it is Gods wish as you meet’ (Control).

In the initial FGD it was found that there was a pressure to have the first child immediately after
marriage. This pressure was from the extended family and community expectations to be seen as a
strong family and also to assure the community that as a man you ‘work proper sexually’ (Control
FGD). Six of the CAMA group did have their first child immediately after marriage with two
participants waiting for two years and one participant has no children. Five in the control group had
children immediately with only one waiting for a period of time before beginning a family. As
opposed to the majority of the control group only two participants in the CAMA group felt a
pressure from the external family to have children immediately after marriage with the reason to
be viewed as a strong family. The CAMA participants however felt that they could negotiate with
their family.

‘Because to us Zambians particularly, when you just get married those two families start counting
you as a strong marriage when they see a child…but if there is no communication of the decision it
can bring a problem within the families even to us, as partners’.

While the rest of the CAMA participants felt no pressure this is in contrast to the control group and
FGD who felt problems would ensue if a married couple delayed the first child.

‘You just get married and from then you say I need to have a child within, eh maybe within a year
and your wife says me I can’t have a child not at two after three years, meanwhile you are the man
and you want the baby, it’s always a problem’ (Control).

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 Table 4.4 Responsible for domestics chores
Control group CAMA group

Women 66.7%(n=4)
37.5%(n=3)

Both 33.3%(n=2) 37.5%(n=3)

Man occasionally 0%(n=0) 25%(n=2)

assists wife

Total 100%(n=6) 100%(n=8)

4.3.2 Responsibility for Domestic Chores

66.7% of women in the control group are solely responsible in the domestic domain with 37.5%
responsible in the CAMA group. 33.3% in the control claimed it was both their responsibility and
37.5% agreed in the CAMA group (Table 4.4). Overall the control felt that domestic duties were the
responsibility of a woman arguing that it is ‘organic’ and ‘customary’. Within the CAMA group
domestic chores are still in the domain of a woman yet there is a slight shift. Three of the
participants claimed that their wives are solely responsible in the domestic domain but two of the
participants within this stated that they would have no problem occasionally assisting the wife.
Granted the reasons for assisting their wife in the CAMA group was if she was away for a long
period of time or sick.

‘No I only assist her sometimes cooking, not always if she is not feeling well’ (CAMA).

Although in the CAMA group it was understood that there are gender specific jobs in society. When
the CAMA and control men contributed to the domestics their reasons displayed an understanding
of a women’s busy role.

‘Yes we do assist each in working, because sometimes she may be busy doing something there, like
in our society there are works for men and works for ladies… I do assist her’ (CAMA).

‘Yea you know in the countryside 80% of the job is being done by women… they wake up at 4, they
prepare breakfast for the children…then from there they go to field they can work up to 8 hours.
23
Now when she comes back home she is responsible to cook, fetch water, firewood and otherwise.
So usually the job is being done by our wives’ (Control).

When asked what men do while the wife is doing all this it was stated that ‘We just wait for food’
(Control).

The men in both groups who help their wives burden the domestics were also battling with societal
prejudices which frown upon men acting within a female role. The men said that it is stressing and
are subject to community gossip regarding their status as a man in that society.

‘Society thinks…he is doing not the duties, he is doing the duties of the lady’ (CAMA).

‘Even that, you know even carrying a bucket of water on your head….you feel you are ah
downgraded by a women sort of thing…So that would have adversary problems’. (Control FGD).

4.3.3 Care Giving Within the Household

*One CAMA participant had no children but still gave

his opinion which is included in the table.
Table 4.5 Main Care Giver
Control group CAMA group
Wife 50% (n=3) 50% (n=4)
Equally 33.3% (n=2) 25% (n=2)
Man assists 16.7% (n=1) 12.5% (n=1)
Husband 0% (n=0) 12.5% (n=1)
Total 100% (n=6) 100% (n=8)

In 50% of the control and the CAMA group care giving was the women’s responsibility. 33.3% of the
control and 25% of CAMA divided the care giving. 16.7% of the control and 12.5% of CAMA men
occasionally assist the wife and 12.5% of the CAMA group the man is the main caregiver compared
with 0% in the control (Table 4.5). When it is a women’s sole responsibility to care for the children
the reasons in the control group was tradition and convenience in that the women is most often at
home. The CAMA group also noted convenience as a reason for women to be the main caregivers
but not reasons of tradition as in the control.

‘Well it’s the organic way of living, mostly the madam is supposed to do that. But the man is happy’
(Control).
24
‘No men are not supposed to be, often cos mostly they are busy….So since the madam is staying at
home she can very much mind the children’ (Control).

No man in CAMA or the control displayed aversion to a more active role in parenting. The majority
of men in the control group did however quote a number of barriers that inhibit men from an
active role in fatherhood such as alcohol consumption, carelessness, in addition to community’s
perceptions of gender roles. CAMA participants also felt that society still thinks that gender roles
should remain unaltered.

‘Yeah, men would not be happy because, because they will always think women are the only ones
who are responsible for that changing nappies and so forth’ (CAMA).

‘They think something is wrong in the sense that to us like Africans…the charms they give to give
men so that they become the way, women want them to become…so when they see that, they will
automatically rush to that and think that she has also’ (CAMA).

4.4 Masculinity and violence

When analysing the occurrence of violence against women it was established that men who behave
violently towards women did so due to masculine trait assumptions i.e. sexual desire, dominance
and physical aggression. Thus the theme emerged that these men felt justified in behaving violently
towards women as it is enshrined in their masculine role.

4.4.1 Freedom from Violence

100% of the participants in the control and CAMA group were against the use of violence towards
their wives and never felt it is justifiable. 100% of the control group agreed that GBV is still a
common feature in Zambian society. Furthermore three of the control participants gave
testimonies to the regular occurrence of GBV and one participant’s daughter had died at the hands
of a man just prior to the interview.

‘For instance we you had eh we had eh my daughter. She was battered by a certain man. We
buried my daughter yesterday, the man he, he killed her’ (Control).

25
The participants in each group expressed a number of opinions on what may encourage men to act
violently towards women. The motivating factors for men to abuse was similar in both groups
which were courting time, with the CAMA emphasising that shorter courting time led to violence
when people do not take the time to know their partner and the control group had the opinion that
long courting times contribute to violence as ‘sex waits for no one’. Thus in this respect the control
group highlighted elements of masculinity, where men’s sexual urges dominates rationale. Alcohol
was another factor cited in both groups. The most cited reason in both groups that encourages
men to act in a violent manner towards their partner was due to masculine trait assumptions such
as jealously, suspicion, sexual desire and also reasserting their superior status in the household.

‘According to our culture it is said to be a man is the head of the house...The other men they took
that as advantage that since am the head I can do whatever I want’ (CAMA).

‘They still have the old feeling. The old feeling of our culture our tradition they used to do that’
(Control).

The participants, when discussing the problematic tenets of masculinity also intertwined this with
men’s lack of knowledge. Menial situations were quoted as instigating violence from a man such
household misunderstandings over money, food and children.

‘I think there are a lot of mistakes, like late home, food ready not in time, like lunch you find at 13
hours. These are some of the mistakes’ (Control).

The participants of both groups contributed recommendations to mitigate the violence; some
were directed at the women and others at the husband. Women were advised to be silent and
apologise to avert the threat of violence. One participant in the control group and most of the
CAMA group felt that education directed at the husband rather than the wife was vital to violence
prevention.

‘If I say ‘here you are wrong’ and she say ’ah no’ the man he is going to slap her. But if she says ‘oh
sorry sorry I didn’t mean’ then it’s ok I forgive my wife’ (Control).

26
‘Mostly the women they are told to be silent’ (CAMA).

‘It is because of the ignorance, they don’t have more knowledge on family planning and the do’s of
having sex, they feel because the if the partner doesn’t want to have sex they are not seen the
impact as long them they have fulfilled their sexual desire…but maybe somebody has been hurt, and
they won’t worry much’ (CAMA).

‘They just want to education. To educate them I think. To tell them this woman which you married
is your second mother’ (Control).

4.5 Empowerment: A Society Struggling with Gender

Through discussion of economic and social empowerment indicators such as women’s access to
social and economic spaces and men’s attitude to women’s access, it was found in the analysis that
both sets of participants were struggling with the concept of women’s empowerment. Participants
showed an understanding of women’s need to be in employment, yet expressed fears if a woman
might earn more and essentially threaten the male position of power.

Table 4.6 Women’s Employment

Control group CAMA group
No job 16.7%(n=1) 12.5% (n=1)
Assists husband 50% (n=3) 25% (n=2)
Yes has job 33.3% (n=2) 62.5% (n=5)
Total 100%(n=6) 100% (n=8)

4.5.1 Economics Outside and Within the Household

In the control group 33.3% of women are in employment, 50% assist their husbands and 16.7% are
not in employment. In the CAMA group 62.5% of women are in employment, 25% assist their
husbands and 12.5% have no employment (Table 4.6). The division in women’s employment rates
is in part due to the grant CAMA women received as part of their economic training, thus 37.5% %
of the women have not been fully economically empowered as was the objective of the CAMA
program.

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 Table 4.7 Main Provider in the Household

Control group CAMA group

Husband 100% (n=6) 62.5%(n=5)
Wife 0% (n=0) 25%(n=2)
Equal 0% (n=0) 12.5% (n=1)
Total 100% (n=6) 100% (n=8)

Upon discussion of main providers masculine role concepts resurfaced. 62.5% of the CAMA group
stated that they were the main provider; 12.5% stated equal contribution and 25% very reluctantly
quoted women as the main providers (Table 4.7). In comparison to 100% of the control group
asserting their status as the main provider. Yet how the men expressed themselves as the main
provider was more complex. In the control, it was evident by the lack of employment, higher
number of children and designation of housewife status that men were most probably the main
earner. However with 62.5% of CAMA women also working and 25% assisting their husbands it
requires a closer examination. One CAMA participant expressed that even though his wife also
worked he was the main earner because his ‘madam is under’ him .Disregarding who actually
contributed more but relying on cultural stereotypes in his assertion. When it was acknowledged
that the woman was the main provider in the CAMA group it was done so reluctantly and with
accompanying insecurity. One participant expressed fears that his wife will leave him if he is not
living up to his role as a main provider to his family.

‘In marriages, some people in our country they do ran away from their husbands if he is not
contributing very much…this is what am feeling’ (CAMA).

This fear can be defined as masculine role stress which is a man’s inability to live up to the defined
hegemonic masculinity in their respective societies. In general all other participants in both groups
were happy that their wives were either working themselves or assisting the men in their work but
the reasons seem to be economic not gender equality.

‘Yes cos what we are having in this society, we don’t have much in finance’ (Control).

‘We are helping each and when I have got no work, at least she can contribute’ (CAMA).

28
 Table 4.8 Reactions to women as the main providers
Control Group CAMA Group
fear of loss of household 'head' status 50%(n=3) 75%(n=6)
will put women at risk of abuse 16.7%(n=1) 0% (n=0)
no comment 16.7%(n=1) 0%(n=0)
ok with it 16.7%n=1) 0% (n=0)
fear of divorce 0%(n=0) 25%(n=2)
Total 100% (n=6) 100% (n=8)

4.5.2 Reactions to Women as Household Heads

When discussing how society feels about women as the main earner, the men in both groups
reacted against this proposition, they quoted cultural stereotypes and subtly expressed their
insecurities. 50% of the control group and 75% of CAMA group cited fears regarding their position
as the household head, such as women will control the husband and also the idea of woman’s
subordination was reinforced (Table 4.8). Participants in both groups expressed the idea of the
man as head of the household with a CAMA participant quoting that a woman could never be head
of a household.

‘You can find that even a house wife can be controlling, when you say I want to do this, she will
simply no… because she is the only provider’ (CAMA).

‘Because she’s the wife she can’t surpass thee, they think they can be taken over’ (Control).

‘Because even God said that the head of the house must should be a man’ (CAMA).

The second major theme but only coming from the CAMA group was fear of divorce if a woman
become the main earner or became empowered to an extent that they do not rely on their
husbands.

‘If a wife becomes more empowered than a man…themselves later on you find that maybe in their
houses they end up divorcing…you find that a woman went to the college after that she is employed
as a teacher, you find that she leaves her husband’(CAMA).

29
Another concerning concept arising from the control group was that if a woman was a main earner
it will put her at risk of abuse, as the wife is still expected to be a housewife and if she fails in her
housewife role there will be negative consequences. Regarding access to household finances no
major issues emerged. Women were often given responsibility with the finances as they are more
responsible and know the household needs. However in the control group a participant felt that
women risk abuse if a woman refuses to give her husband money for drinking ,raising the question
if women really do have the control.

‘When a man asks for money for drinking smoking and she says no, they start battering the women’
(Control).

Table 4.9 Cited Barriers to Women’s Employment

Control Group CAMA Group
Husband 33.3% (n=2) 37.5%(n=3)
lack of education 33.3%(n=2) 0%(n=0)
no comment 16.7%(n=1) 25%(n=2)
no barriers 16.7%(n=1) 0%(n=0)
Lack of Job Opportunity 0.0%(n=0) 25 (n=2)
Early Marriages 0.0%(n=0) 12.5%(n=1)
Total 100.0%(n=6) 100%(n=8)

4.5.3 Barriers to Women’s Employment

When asked if there are still barriers to women gaining employment the greatest theme arising was
the husband as a barrier in 37.5% of the CAMA and 33.3% of the control group. This was expressed
directly in the CAMA group and indirectly in the control group (Table 4.9). The theme of losing
control over the household was reiterated again, men want their wives to serve the man in the
home. It was feared that if a woman has a job she could start controlling the man and in the control
group it was felt that women were not organised for employment as it is not a requirement for a
housewife. The second most cited barrier was lack of education (33.3%) in the control and lack of
opportunities (25%) in the CAMA group. Lack of opportunities was raised irrespective of sex;
education was not mentioned in the CAMA group as a barrier to employment.

30
‘This district it is rarely for both of them, there is no employment in this district, unless someone is
educated like I have said maybe he has to gone college’ (CAMA).

One participant from the control group suggested that there are no barriers as women could
regardless of education level offer sex to the employer.

4.5.4 Women’s Freedom of Movement

100% of the CAMA group wives are presently allowed access to CAMA and 100% of the control
participant’s wives are presently or have in the past participated in activities outside the home. Five
of the control women are active in a ‘women’s club’ where they learn to cook, knit and sew and
one is a HIV caregiver. Additionally 100% of the control group were happy that their wives are
taking part in these activities, however, these activities were centred on traditional female roles
which also pleased the participants.

‘Yes its good its right’ (Control).

Overall when questioning women’s freedom of movement the CAMA and control group were still
resistant to it with the men placing down rules or explanations to inhibit women’s access. What
governs women’s access to social spaces is the attitudes and trust of her husband. A man can
prevent or permit a women’s access and if permitted, rules governing her access can be
established. Two major themes emerged which were trust and selective association in the CAMA
and control group. Both participants explained that they cannot allow a woman much freedom as
women will forget their family if they see what is on offer outside the realm of the household.
Additionally it was put forward that women will do this because they are not as intelligent as men.

‘Because women you are not, brain you are not, (demonstrates brain being smaller) you are not ah,
you know what?’ (CAMA).

‘Because housewives, or women, if the husband is not there, maybe because some women they are
very weak in brain…whereby wherever she goes, she will be thinking about what she found that
forgetting where she has come from’ (CAMA).

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’It will eh bring a lot of misery to the family cos my wife I fear, it’s better to be doing business…Eh
she, sometimes a woman becomes loose’ (Control).

Men are still exercising control over the women and maintaining the gender roles because of this.
Others participants would allow movement of women but only if it was with other married women
as again the married women might get bad ideas from the single women. In the control group and
FGD social empowerment was the concept where men reacted very strongly to in a similar manner
to the CAMA group. Where both trust issues and selective association arose but the CAMA groups
statements are the harshest. While the majority of the CAMA group expressed gender equity ideas
throughout the interview they rapidly backtracked when it came to social empowerment and
began expressing chauvinist remarks regarding women’s intelligence and capacity of self-control.

4.5.5 Overall Views on Women’s Empowerment

In the discussion of female empowerment, attitudes from both groups of men were disaggregated
between positive and negative. In the control group empowerment was always translated as
economic. Furthermore in the control with the exception of one participant all the participants
viewed economically empowering women as a progressive and positive step and would be happy if
it were to be conducted in their community. Why they were so pleased centred mostly around the
poor economy and the way in which a women can contribute to living costs and also the theme
that men are careless with money was reiterated in this section.

‘Cos we are too careless men are very careless, but women are not. Because whatever you
empower them they contribute a lot from what you have given them’ (Control).

Conversely one CAMA participant explained what empowerment meant to him as ‘power is not
suppose to be shared’. It was then elaborated that a man should always be head in the household
and thus if a women became empowered it is an attempt to upset the power balance, something
the participant prefer to maintain.

32
‘Well here because the man always be the head of the house so that’s why I’m saying he should be
much more than the women, the wife’ (CAMA).

Overall the both groups seemed accepting of women’s economic empowerment however an
ominous theme seem to indicate that this was not for reasons of gender equality but rather for
economic gain.

4.5.6 Views on the CAMA Program

When we spoke of the CAMA program and their views on empowerment the CAMA group
responses were confused, often citing positive ideas and then proceeded to speak of
empowerment negatively. 100% of participants had negative response to CAMA and
empowerment and 6 participants then also had positive statements. The participants viewed the
empowerment as positive as it creates employment and opportunities for the family. Similar to the
control group, who would be happy with their wives contributing economically as long as they
knew their place in the household. The negative comments were regarding male exclusion from
empowerment programs, the men felt they were sidelined. Others spoke of suspicion intertwined
with a lack of understanding about the objectives of empowerment and the confusion this can
cause men, which can impact if a women is permitted to attend CAMA.

‘Actually, am not happy because she is going alone, unless if I was included we go together’
(CAMA).

‘There is a my friend he is married, my wife went to his wife and lets join CAMA okay she has always
joined, so she wanted her to join as well. She agreed but the husband (MOD: disagreed?) INF: yeah’
(CAMA).

The men then proceeded to talk about the subservient status of women in particular a woman’s
inability to become heads of household or display any control over a man.

33
‘To make like you and me, you are starting from me it not it is not good, women must be submissive
to men…they have to understand because in the house there is the head and the vice you cant all be
the head’ (CAMA).

While again the majority of CAMA men had expressed progressive ideas on gender throughout the
interviews on family and household issues in particular, when it came to empowerment even
though technically their wives had been empowered, they were clearly battling with it and what it
now meant for them as men. When asked if they would make any changes to the CAMA program
100% of the men asked to be included at the most or even briefed about what the women will
learn at CAMA. Even the control group felt to be successful things need to be ‘in consultation with
men’.

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 Chapter Five: Discussion

The research question sought to investigate whether the exclusion of men from female
empowerment programs could inhibit the success of women’s empowerment. Some questions
needed to be answered before any conclusions took place. Firstly what were the levels of
empowerment of the women in each group, secondly what are the barriers to empowerment from
the male viewpoint and why do these barriers exist.

5.1 Levels of Empowerment Between the CAMA and Control Women

A number of variables were used in this study to determine the levels of empowerment among the
women. These indicators were marriage timing, spousal selection, contraceptive use, discussion of
FP, domestic division of labour, freedom from violence, access to income, employment and social
spaces.

5.1.1 Marriage Timing and Spousal Selection

It was found that the age at which a woman marries can be linked to her empowerment levels, for
example, if she is married young she may not have the opportunity to complete her education due
to early childbearing immediately after marriage. Poverty often justifies early marriages; an
impoverished household can obtain quick money or assets from the dowry payment. The impact of
early marriages is that women are denied an equal start in life regarding reproductive health,
education, employment and it increases likelihood of economic dependency on others. The process
in which a woman enters marriage is equally important; if a woman is chosen by a man without
consultation then this pertains to an unequal relationship from the beginning which can then be
carried on throughout married life. Within the CAMA and control group this is an area of greater
distinction. While both groups of women were relatively young when married, in the CAMA group
they had all completed their education whereas this was not true for the control group. Within the
control group, women were ‘chosen’ by the men and with one exception had only known their
partner for very short periods of time. The entire CAMA group on the other hand, had courted for
an extended period of time. The issue of longer courting time before marriage could be attributed

35
to CAMA’s effect as all the women waited until completing education to get married. In this sense
the empowerment levels are much higher in the CAMA group. Yet it needs to be noted that the
CAMA women were still acting within societal norms regarding marriage timing, as societal norms
in both groups displayed a stigma attached to women who delayed marriage.

5.1.2 Contraceptive Use

Zambian studies from the literature review have shown that the pill was the most common method
of FP, while reasons for not using condoms were trust, dislike, lack of availability and partner
objection. This is validated in this research. The pill was the most popular method in CAMA
whereas in the control group both the pill and no method were equally popular. Furthermore the
cited reasons for not using condoms in both groups were also trust, dislike and unavailability. High
levels of discomfort were noted in the control group on the use of condoms and to a lesser extent
in the CAMA group. The promising aspect is whereas using condoms in the control group was
unheard of; the CAMA group stated that they could be open to using them with only one CAMA
participant maintaining that he would never use condoms. Also noted from previous studies in the
literature review was while men decide which FP method to use it is the women’s responsibility to
obtain it. 100% of women in both groups are responsible to obtain the chosen FP method while it is
still a male decision. One CAMA participant explained this as ‘gender balance’ in that he can give
her ‘responsibility to do everything’. It is problematic in the sense that the concept of gender
balance this person may have internalized is quite the opposite in which CAMA may want to
promote. Overall the empowerment level for women in the control group is low because condoms
are not used and she is unprotected from STDs, and because women cannot discuss the use of
condoms. Levels of empowerment for women in the CAMA group are higher in regards to sexual
negotiation and couple communication, all are using contraception and two are using dual
protection i.e. condoms. The condom has been used at least once by three CAMA participants and
with the exception of one participant all are open to using it at the request of the wife. But caution
must be taken in the approach of the subject when it is associated with mistrust.

36
5.1.3 FP Discussion

A women’s control over her reproductive life is essential in empowerment. When women are
subjected to continuous pregnancies it becomes a health concern as well as a social concern if she
is unable to negotiate her reproductive life. The CAMA group had significantly less children than
the control group (1.7/5.3 mean). However the reasoning in both groups was related to the
economy and not to gender equality. There is an understanding that a family should only produce
children if they can provide for them. This could be a sign of a shift in family norms, a shift which
could also reduce the burden of child care from a woman. However due to the fact that the
economy was cited as a reason in the control group and control group FGD, the CAMA program
cannot be accountable to this shift in attitudes. The majority of the participants in both CAMA and
the control had children immediately after marriage. The control group stated that this was due to
a societal pressure to be seen as a strong family. While most CAMA participants stated that they
felt no such pressure they still acted within society’s expectations. The overall majority in both
groups claimed that they discussed FP with their wives. This is more than likely true for the CAMA
group as they are all using FP, however the wives input into these discussions is not known.
Regarding child spacing empowerment levels are much higher in the CAMA group, although this
may be attributed to the economic situation, and quite possibly that the main income in the CAMA
group is small trade whereas in the control group it was farming where more children are helpful
rather than a hindrance.

5.1.4 Household Domestics and Childcare

Often women are burdened with domestic and child care in addition to helping their husbands in
their respective jobs; this is seen as the traditional role of a woman in African society. This
designated role severely hinders women’s educational attainment, formal job prospects and
freedom of movement tying her solely to the families needs and not her own. Previous studies had
stated that men should never be seen doing ‘women’s jobs’. The control and CAMA men also
empathise with this concept. However it was the control group who emphasised this and put it into
practice by preferring to adhere to set masculine roles. The control group felt societal norms are

37
not flexible enough for men to break easily out of their prescribed roles. The CAMA group also felt
this, but to a lesser extent and emulated more progressive notions regarding gender roles and
fatherhood such as equality in division of childcare. Empowerment levels for women in the arena
of domestic and child related issues are in transition in the CAMA group while they are lower in the
control group. The control group all stated that they would like to contribute more but it was
nonsensical as women stay at home and men work. Although the CAMA men quoted society as
having certain prejudices against men who perform tasks normally under the feminine remit none
of them actually experienced such prejudices when they performed ‘feminine’ tasks. The majority
of the child and domestic tasks do fall upon CAMA women but not without some assistance or a
level of understanding from their partners.

5.1.5 Freedom from Violence

Violence against women is disempowerment personified reinstating the concept of male

dominance and female subservience. The review stated that often both Zambian men and women
consider violence justified in certain contexts. Conversely this is not the case with both groups
reacting strongly against using violence against their wives. Thus in this sense empowerment levels
are high in both groups. According to both groups of participants however this is not the case for
other women, particularly within the control group’s district. This could be possibly attributed to
the economic settings of farming and trade in each district, where many of the CAMA women are
active in trading which may give them more independence whereas on the farms the majority of
women were housewives and fully reliant on their partners, which in turn may increase their
vulnerability. The most cited reason for GBV is assertion of masculinity and power dynamics. Other
research has shown that when men feel that their masculinity is threatened they use violence to
reassert themselves. The participants when noting the problematic tenets of masculinity also
intertwined this with lack of knowledge on the part of such men who commit GBV, informing us
that such men need to be educated on the wrongs of violence and the belief that being the ‘head’
of a household also translates to treating the wife in an abusive manner. Alcohol was cited by
participants in both groups as a factor in the incidence of GBV. Alcohol can affect a man already
38
suffering ‘masculine role stress’. In opposition to the control group where it was stated that
delaying marriages may cause a man to abuse, a CAMA participant felt that a problem is with
limited courting time where a couple do not take the time to know each other. In comparison to
the control group this is a much more empowered concept and overall the CAMA group displayed a
deeper understanding and dismay as to why such men react in such a violent manner to their
wives.

5.1.6 Social and Economic Empowerment

The defining concepts of empowerment relate to social and economic empowerment. It was noted
from the participants that even though a women may be in employment this does not mean she is
empowered, her subordinate role persist when she re-enters her household. Thus social
empowerment needs to be applied in conjunction with economic empowerment. However social
and economic empowerment was also the concept which both sets of participants reacted against.
Regarding social empowerment and freedom of movement in both groups empowerment levels
are high when social spaces are associated with traditional gender roles yet when the mould begins
to change the men become anxious and unsettled. Permission still needs to be obtained in both
groups for women to access social spaces. The men are highlighting their fears associated with
social empowerment. It is clear that women cannot have as much freedom as men and the men
are content with this. In the control group and FGD, social empowerment was the concept where
men reacted very strongly against in a similar manner to the CAMA group. Both trust issues and
selective association arose in each group yet, the CAMA group’s statements are the harshest. The
CAMA men reacted against social empowerment believing it make the women ‘loose’ and ‘forget
her duties’.

The literature review stated that Zambian men felt threatened with the concept of economic
empowerment and reserved the idea that women should never be a household head. These
concepts were also reiterated in the study. While both groups expressed happiness that their wives
are in employment or may be in the future, it was indicated this was for economic reasons. If we
take into consideration the men’s views of women’s access to social spaces the men were still in

39
control and could still permit or not permit their wives to do an activity. Thus this positive view of
women’s economic empowerment must be taken lightly as it was expressed that regardless of a
women’s employment status no change should be made to the current gender order

‘They say I have just been empowered at this level, when I’m at home I respect my husband’
(Control FGD).

Women can earn income but this does not translate to becoming a household head, a position
reserved for the men. Furthermore the CAMA group expressed fears over loss of control. Fear of
divorce provided a different reaction than that of the control group where divorce was not
mentioned. It presented an element of powerlessness on the part of the men. The men who did
not earn more than their wife and whose wives were in employment expressed more liberal
gender equity ideas where it was power together rather than power over another. Empowerment
levels for the CAMA women are medium and in transition. There seems to be a battle occurring in
the minds of men; at times they express progressive statements on gender equality and then
backtrack on these statements when it calls into question their status as a man or their role as a
provider. While others seem to express defeat and plead for equality rather than a women having
more power over a man in an economic sense. It has been demonstrated that economics is almost
key to power relations in a setting where it is limited as the men associated their power over their
wives with economics.

5.2 Barriers to Women’s Social and Economical Empowerment: The Male Viewpoint

Overall the results from women’s empowerment indicators (marriage timing, spousal selection,
contraceptive use, discussion of FP, domestic division of labour, freedom from violence, access to
income, employment and social spaces) were analysed to examine the most significant barriers
that are inhibiting women’s successful empowerment.

5.2.1 Barriers to Sexual Negotiation and Shared Domestic Responsibility

In the various measures of women’s empowerment in marriage timing, domestic division of labour,
employment, access to social spaces and over all equality within the household a consistent barrier
40
was reiterated: the men. Furthermore masculinity was reinforced by societal and traditional norms
as the second most cited barrier. Freedom in spousal selection was related to societal norms which
expressed distaste towards unmarried women and traditional customs which mute the opinion of
the women on her choice of husband and give voice to the opinion of the women’s parents and the
men. None of the men in the control group thought that marriage timing or spousal selection was a
negative issue, as they are in the privileged position of choosing and suggesting it. Contraceptive
use is still a male dominated decision. It was also demonstrated in the literature review that
misconceptions of men towards contraceptives is crucial to their sustained use. This is true with the
CAMA group who quoted a number of misconceptions regarding both the pill and the condom.
Barriers to discussion of safer contraceptives are in the domain of the man. It is evident that when
the issue of condom use is raised it is immediately equated with distrust thus it is a major barrier to
women to openly discuss safer contraceptive use. The men control the decision to have the first
and crucial child and they seem to need it as a stamp of masculinity. This is further pressurized by
community norms and coupled with men’s fear of non-adherence to masculine tenets. The control
group stated barriers to an active male role in parenting, were dominated by community norms
and perceptions. Firstly was the issue that men are ‘busy’ and women stay at home and that is the
natural gender order. However the most significant barrier to further advancement in the
empowering of women or shared responsibility of family tasks lies with community norms.
Although both groups were not averse to aiding their wives they feared repercussion from the
community. While both groups stated that society feels you are being charmed by a woman or a
woman has the upper hand on a man, experiences of a CAMA participant seem to counter this
notion. It may be that society’s acceptance of a renewed involved notion of fatherhood has
advanced but due to limited communication between men the idea of a distant father remains
stagnant until openly challenged. Thus it is society’s constructions of gender norms that pose a
barrier rather than the men themselves who sometimes perform to their gender script and
sometimes step outside their prescribed role. To overcome these barriers it is necessary to create a
dialogue between men regarding how they really feel about domestic activities and fatherhood and
allow them to understand their own inhibitors to further aid with the de-burdening of women in
this arena.
41
5.2.2 Barriers to Freedom from Violence

GBV is heavily associated with problems of masculinity. The CAMA men state that this is due to lack
of knowledge on the part of the men which in turn suggests that these men consider themselves at
the higher end of the knowledge spectrum. As a CAMA participant stated ‘it is a problem of men’
and thus needs to be solved by men. Such men should be the instigators of open discussion with
other men. This may translate to the inclusion of men in female empowerment programs as
partners to mitigate the impact of problematic masculine tenants that are contributing to women’s
own vulnerability in society. This is emphasised when we consider some of the control and CAMA
group’s suggestions to mitigate GBV which were to target the women rather than the male
perpetrators.

5.2.3 Barriers to Accessing Social and Economic Spaces

Overall the barriers to social empowerment lie with the men and the communities’ perception of
moral and gender conduct. What govern a woman’s access to social spaces are the attitudes and
trust of her husband, a man can prevent a women’s access and if the wife is permitted rules
governing her access will be established. It seems to remove the last shackles of exclusion, social
empowerment needs to be worked on and reemphasised in program design. The main barrier to
achieving this is to mitigate men’s lack of trust. Men need to learn to trust their partners and
question why they are preventing them from partaking fully in society, is it really because they
think women are less intelligent or is it that they are having difficulty accepting changing societal
norms on gender roles? They may feel they have limited choice but to accept economic
empowerment due to poor economic conditions but they cannot see economic gain in social
empowerment. Regarding economic empowerment the control group felt the barriers were lack of
education while the CAMA group saw men as the barriers. The reasoning is that they see that their
wives have been educationally empowered but are not reaping the benefits which probably forced
them to look elsewhere for an explanation, which they found by reflecting on themselves. The
continuing barriers to further women’s empowerment lie with mitigating the concept of a man as
42
head of a household and a woman inability in that position, a theme that still emerged from the
CAMA group. Thus education is needed on what gender equality actually is and that gender
equality does not translate to women having more power over a man but an equal discussion
making in all household and societal matters and similar economic opportunities as men. From
CAMA we see that when a woman obtains an education and monetary assistance it does not
automatically translate to empowerment, either social or economic. To overcome these barriers
men’s attitudes do need to be understood. Empowerment does not occur in isolation of the sexes,
it needs to be a collective effort resulting from community mobilisation. If the men were ‘gender
empowered’ they could contribute to the overall well being of the household and examine the
ways they are contributing to their family demise by limiting their wives social and economic
activities.

43
 Chapter Six: Conclusions, Limitations and Suggestions for Further Research

6.1 Strengths and Limitations of the Study

The major strength of this study is that research has been limited in the area of women’s
empowerment programs and even more limited in the area of involving men in these programs.
Thus it serves as a strong preliminary to further research. Additionally the research tools used to
measure empowerment were very satisfactory to glean the require information and respondents
were comfortable with all the questions. Thus the tools can be replicated for further research.

The sample size is small and this limits generalisability and representation of attitudes between the
groups of participants. Different economic settings of the two areas were also limiting factors. The
interviews were conducted in English which created a bias in that the participants had a higher
level of education for them to communicate in English. The biggest limitation of this study is that
FGDs and interviews were not conducted with the partners of the participants to provide a sound
basis for comparison and to strengthen results. It would be advantageous to include the women in
the study to verify what the men have said. Key informants within empowerment program
initiatives should also be included to triangulate the data. Further research is essential to this
preliminary and should cover a significantly larger sample size, of both control and men whose
wives have participated in empowerment programs, the wives should also be sampled in both
groups and the setting of the field i.e. urban/rural should be similar in each sample. Furthermore it
is recommended that research be conducted in the local language to capture a wider sample and
allow for more ease in the expression of views and opinions, in which a second language may not
be adequate.

44
6.2 Conclusion

While the majority of CAMA men had expressed progressive ideas on gender throughout the
interviews regarding family and household issues in particular when it came to empowerment even
though technically their wives had been empowered, they were clearly struggling with it. The
results have highlighted that men can assist women in their daily tasks and are pleased if their wife
is earning an income for the household, but men still need to be acknowledged as the household
head and the main provider; they still need to know that they can control their wives on some
level. While the aura of gender equality resonates in the CAMA group more than it did in the
control group, there are still fundamental issues to be addressed. When asked if they would make
any changes to the CAMA program 100% of the men asked to be included or even briefed about
the program.

It has been assured in numerous academic literatures that when you empower a woman, you are
empowering a community. But problems are encountered when half a community consist of men
who are excluded and neglected. We note a progression of ideas is occurring among men, they are
slowly acknowledging the burden of women and the benefits education and employment of
women can bring to the household. But they are not willing to let go of their ‘head’ position. It is
true a woman can bring extra money and even discuss how to spend it but she will still be a
housewife, she still needs consent from her husband and she still is subservient. The men are
asking for inclusion without any probes this was their consistent recommendation, the economy is
not benefiting them either and they are confused as to why they are neglected which is fuelling
suspicion with negative consequences for women.

‘Those people who are married, those men’s who are married those who are in town, you train
them together with their husbands so that they have one focus…such that I would like this
programme to come up in a good way…. we are the men who have married those women in CAMA
so we would like, at least find a way to at least include us’ (CAMA).

If this is not the way we will be continuing to empower women with limits, as the men have
dictated.
45
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 Female empowerment research
Appendix one
Participant information leaflet for men participating in FGDS

Name of researcher: Niamh Barry

Working title of study: Is the exclusion of men from empowerment programs that seek to empower
women socially, sexually and economically at the cost to the goal attainments of such programs?

Description of study: The aim of this study is to explore the views of men whose wives have taken part in a
women’s empowerment program. This study proposes to conduct research via both Focus group discussions
and interviews to examine the relationships between the women who have under gone empowerment and
their husbands, and to correlate these findings with men whose wives have not undergone empowerment
programs. With an overall view to observe the attitudes of men towards the position of women within
society in general and the household and to examine if there are differences in the general attitudes of men
with wives who have undertaken empowerment programs to attitudes of men whose wives have not. Areas
that will be explored more specifically are (1) Economic: measuring women’s control over income,
contributions, access to and control over family resources, women’s access to employment, ownership of
assets, and access to markets, (2) Socio-cultural: measuring women’s freedom of movement, lack of
discrimination against daughters, commitment to educating daughters, women’s visibility and access to
social spaces, participation in other social networks, and shift in patriarchal norms (i.e. son preference), (3)
Familial and interpersonal: measuring participation in domestic decision making, control over sexual
relations, ability to make childbearing decisions, use contraceptives, control over partner selection, marriage
timing and freedom from domestic violence, acceptability of divorce, couple communication, negotiation
and discussion of sex, child related issues, domestic division of labour. With a view to understanding if male
exclusion from female empowerment programs is inhibiting factor to such programs success. Within the
focus group discussion five topics will be explored: of household roles, education of children, couple
communication, women’s access to social spaces and a final topic on women’s empowerment.

Procedures: You have been asked to participate in this study because your personal views as married man
in Zambian society are of great interest and will be very valuable in o answer helping answering the research
questions. Your contribution would be to attend a focus group discussion to discuss your views and
experiences. The focus group discussion will last no longer than an hour and will take place in somewhere
private and convenient for you. If you wish you may have access to the transcripts of this discussion. The
results of the study will be used for a Masters thesis in University of Dublin, Trinity College.

Benefits: The benefits from this study will be the opportunity to share your experiences and to be able to
contribute to knowledge. In time this may be used to inform further program design that may have positive
effects on the health and knowledge of men and women in Zambia.

51
Risks: There are no risks involved in being part of this study.

Exclusion from participation: You cannot participate in this study if any of the following are true:

• You are under the age of 18

• You are unmarried
• You are female

Confidentiality: Your identity will remain confidential. Your name will not be published and will not be
disclosed to anyone outside the study group. Any information will be locked away and only the researcher
and his supervisor will have access.

Voluntary Participation: You have volunteered to participate in this study. You may withdraw at any time. If
you decide not to participate, or if you withdraw, you will not be penalised and will not give up any benefits
that you had before entering the study.

Stopping the study: You understand that the investigators may withdraw your participation in the study at
any time without your consent.

Permission: Permission has been sought from Trinity collage Dublin and the relevant body in Zambia.

Consent: To take part in this study you must read and sign the consent form.

52
 Female empowerment research
Appendix two
Participant consent form for men participating in FGDs.

Project: The evaluation of the exclusion of men from women’s empowerment programs.

Principal Investigator: Niamh Barry

Background: The aim of this study is to explore the views of men whose wives have taken part in a women’s
empowerment program. This study proposes to conduct research via interviews to examine the
relationships between the women who have under gone empowerment and their husbands, and to
correlate these findings with men whose wives have not undergone empowerment programs. With an
overall view to observe the attitudes of men towards the position of women within society in general and
the household and to examine if there are differences in the general attitudes of men with wives who have
undertaken empowerment programs to attitudes of men whose wives have not. Areas that will be explored
more specifically are (1) Economic: measuring women’s control over income, contributions, access to and
control over family resources, women’s access to employment, ownership of assets, and access to markets,
(2) Socio-cultural: measuring women’s freedom of movement, lack of discrimination against daughters,
commitment to educating daughters, women’s visibility and access to social spaces, participation in other
social networks, and shift in patriarchal norms (i.e. son preference), (3) Familial and interpersonal:
measuring participation in domestic decision making, control over sexual relations, ability to make
childbearing decisions, use contraceptives, control over partner selection, marriage timing and freedom
from domestic violence, acceptability of divorce, couple communication, negotiation and discussion of sex,
child related issues, domestic division of labour. With a view to understanding if male exclusion from female
empowerment programs is inhibiting factor to such programs success. Within the focus group discussion
five topics will be explored: of household roles, education of children, couple communication, women’s
access to social spaces and a final topic on women’s empowerment.

Procedures: You have been asked to participate in this study because your personal views as a married
man in Zambian society are of great interest and will be very valuable in helping to answer the research
questions. Your contribution would be to attend a FGD to discuss your views and experiences. The FGD will
last no longer than an hour and will take place in somewhere private and convenient for you. If you wish you
may have access to the transcripts of this interview. The results of the study will be used for a Masters
thesis in University of Dublin, Trinity College

DECLARATION:

I have read, or had read to me, this consent form. I have had the opportunity to ask questions and all my
questions have been answered to my satisfaction. I freely and voluntarily agree to be part of this research
study, though without prejudice to my legal and ethical rights. I consent to possible publication of results or
use of data in other future studies without the need for additional consent. I understand I may withdraw
from the study at any time.

53
I have received a copy of this agreement.

PARTICIPANT’S I.D NUMBER: ………………………………………………………..

PARTICIPANT'S SIGNATURE/ FINGERPRINT: ………………………………………………………..

DATE: ….…………………………………………………….

Statement of investigator's responsibility: I have explained the nature and purpose of this research study,
the procedures to be undertaken and any risks that may be involved. I have offered to answer any questions
and fully answered such questions. I believe that the participant understands my explanation and has freely
given informed consent.

INVESTIGATOR’S SIGNATURE:……………………………………… Date:……………

54
 Female empowerment research

Appendix three
Participant information leaflet for men whose partners have participated in CAMA women’s
empowerment program.

Name of researcher: Niamh Barry

Working title of study: Is the exclusion of men from empowerment programs that seek to empower
women socially, sexually and economically at the cost to the goal attainments of such programs?

Description of study: The aim of this study is to explore the views of men whose wives have taken part in a
women’s empowerment program. This study proposes to conduct research via FGDs and interviews to
examine the relationships between the women who have under gone empowerment and their husbands,
and to correlate these findings with men whose wives have not undergone empowerment programs. With
an overall view to observe the attitudes of men towards the position of women within society in general and
the household and to examine if there are differences in the general attitudes of men with wives who have
undertaken empowerment programs to attitudes of men whose wives have not. Areas that will be explored
more specifically are (1) Economic: measuring women’s control over income, contributions, access to and
control over family resources, women’s access to employment, ownership of assets, and access to markets,
(2) Socio-cultural: measuring women’s freedom of movement, lack of discrimination against daughters,
commitment to educating daughters, women’s visibility and access to social spaces, participation in other
social networks, and shift in patriarchal norms (i.e. son preference), (3) Familial and interpersonal:
measuring participation in domestic decision making, control over sexual relations, ability to make
childbearing decisions, use contraceptives, control over partner selection, marriage timing and freedom
from domestic violence, acceptability of divorce, couple communication, negotiation and discussion of sex,
child related issues, domestic division of labour. With a view to understanding if male exclusion from female
empowerment programs is inhibiting factor to such programs success.

Procedures: You have been asked to participate in this study because your personal views as a partner of a
woman who has undergone a female empowerment program are of great interest and will be very valuable
in o answer helping answering the research questions. Your contribution would be to attend an interview
to discuss your views and experiences. The interview will last no longer than an hour and will take place in
somewhere private and convenient for you. If you wish you may have access to the transcripts of this
interview. The results of the study will be used for a Masters thesis in University of Dublin, Trinity College.

Benefits: The benefits from this study will be the opportunity to share your experiences and to be able to
contribute to knowledge. In time this may be used to inform further program design that may have positive
effects on the health and knowledge of men and women in Zambia.

Risks: There are no risks involved in being part of this study.

55
Exclusion from participation: You cannot participate in this study if any of the following are true:

• You are under the age of 18

• You are unmarried
• You are female

Confidentiality: Your identity will remain confidential. Your name will not be published and will not be
disclosed to anyone outside the study group. Any information will be locked away and only the researcher
and his supervisor will have access.

Voluntary Participation: You have volunteered to participate in this study. You may withdraw at any time. If
you decide not to participate, or if you withdraw, you will not be penalised and will not give up any benefits
that you had before entering the study.

Stopping the study: You understand that the investigators may withdraw your participation in the study at
any time without your consent.

Permission: Permission has been sought from trinity collage Dublin and the relevant body in Zambia.

Consent: To take part in this study you must read and sign the consent form.

56
 Female empowerment research
Appendix four
Participant consent form for men whose partners have participated in CAMA women’s empowerment
program.

Project: The evaluation of the exclusion of men from women’s empowerment programs.

Principal Investigator: Niamh Barry

Background: The aim of this study is to explore the views of men whose wives have taken part in a women’s
empowerment program. This study proposes to conduct research via interviews to examine the
relationships between the women who have under gone empowerment and their husbands, and to
correlate these findings with men whose wives have not undergone empowerment programs. With an
overall view to observe the attitudes of men towards the position of women within society in general and
the household and to examine if there are differences in the general attitudes of men with wives who have
undertaken empowerment programs to attitudes of men whose wives have not. Areas that will be explored
more specifically are (1) Economic: measuring women’s control over income, contributions, access to and
control over family resources, women’s access to employment, ownership of assets, and access to markets,
(2) Socio-cultural: measuring women’s freedom of movement, lack of discrimination against daughters,
commitment to educating daughters, women’s visibility and access to social spaces, participation in other
social networks, and shift in patriarchal norms (i.e. son preference), (3) Familial and interpersonal:
measuring participation in domestic decision making, control over sexual relations, ability to make
childbearing decisions, use contraceptives, control over partner selection, marriage timing and freedom
from domestic violence, acceptability of divorce, couple communication, negotiation and discussion of sex,
child related issues, domestic division of labour. With a view to understanding if male exclusion from female
empowerment programs is inhibiting factor to such programs success.

Procedures: You have been asked to participate in this study because your personal views as a partner of a
woman who has undergone a female empowerment program are of great interest and will be very valuable
in helping to answer the research questions. Your contribution would be to attend an interview to discuss
your views and experiences. The interview will last no longer than an hour and will take place in somewhere
private and convenient for you. If you wish you may have access to the transcripts of this interview. The
results of the study will be used for a Masters thesis in University of Dublin, Trinity College

DECLARATION:

I have read, or had read to me, this consent form. I have had the opportunity to ask questions and all my
questions have been answered to my satisfaction. I freely and voluntarily agree to be part of this research
study, though without prejudice to my legal and ethical rights. I consent to possible publication of results or
use of data in other future studies without the need for additional consent. I understand I may withdraw
from the study at any time.

I have received a copy of this agreement.

57
PARTICIPANT’S I.D NUMBER: ………………………………………………………..

PARTICIPANT'S SIGNATURE/ FINGERPRINT: ………………………………………………………..

DATE: ….…………………………………………………….

Statement of investigator's responsibility: I have explained the nature and purpose of this research study,
the procedures to be undertaken and any risks that may be involved. I have offered to answer any questions
and fully answered such questions. I believe that the participant understands my explanation and has freely
given informed consent.

INVESTIGATOR’S SIGNATURE:……………………………………… Date:……………

58
 Female empowerment research
Appendix five
Participant information leaflet for men whose partners have not participated in any women’s
empowerment program.

Name of researcher: Niamh Barry

Working title of study: Is the exclusion of men from empowerment programs that seek to empower
women socially, sexually and economically at the cost to the goal attainments of such programs?

Description of study: The aim of this study is to explore the views of men whose wives have taken part in a
women’s empowerment program. This study proposes to conduct research via FGDs and interviews to
examine the relationships between the women who have under gone empowerment and their husbands,
and to correlate these findings with men whose wives have not undergone empowerment programs. With
an overall view to observe the attitudes of men towards the position of women within society in general and
the household and to examine if there are differences in the general attitudes of men with wives who have
undertaken empowerment programs to attitudes of men whose wives have not. Areas that will be explored
more specifically are (1) Economic: measuring women’s control over income, contributions, access to and
control over family resources, women’s access to employment, ownership of assets, and access to markets,
(2) Socio-cultural: measuring women’s freedom of movement, lack of discrimination against daughters,
commitment to educating daughters, women’s visibility and access to social spaces, participation in other
social networks, and shift in patriarchal norms (i.e. son preference), (3) Familial and interpersonal:
measuring participation in domestic decision making, control over sexual relations, ability to make
childbearing decisions, use contraceptives, control over partner selection, marriage timing and freedom
from domestic violence, acceptability of divorce, couple communication, negotiation and discussion of sex,
child related issues, domestic division of labour. With a view to understanding if male exclusion from female
empowerment programs is inhibiting factor to such programs success.

Procedures: You have been asked to participate in this study because your personal views as a married man
in this society are of great interest and will be very valuable in o answer helping answering the research
questions. Your contribution would be to attend an interview to discuss your views and experiences. The
interview will last no longer than an hour and will take place in somewhere private and convenient for you.
If you wish you may have access to the transcripts of this interview. The results of the study will be used for
a Masters thesis in University of Dublin, Trinity College.

Benefits: The benefits from this study will be the opportunity to share your experiences and to be able to
contribute to knowledge. In time this may be used to inform further program design that may have positive
effects on the health and knowledge of men and women in Zambia.

Risks: There are no risks involved in being part of this study.

59
Exclusion from participation: You cannot participate in this study if any of the following are true:

• You are under the age of 18

• You are female
• You are unmarried

Confidentiality: Your identity will remain confidential. Your name will not be published and will not be
disclosed to anyone outside the study group. Any information will be locked away and only the researcher
and his supervisor will have access.

Voluntary Participation: You have volunteered to participate in this study. You may withdraw at any time. If
you decide not to participate, or if you withdraw, you will not be penalised and will not give up any benefits
that you had before entering the study.

Stopping the study: You understand that the investigators may withdraw your participation in the study at
any time without your consent.

Permission: Permission has been sought from Trinity Collage Dublin and the relevant body in Zambia.

Consent: To take part in this study you must read and sign the consent form.

60
 Female empowerment research

Appendix six
Participant consent form for men whose partners have not participated in any women’s empowerment
program.

Project: The evaluation of the exclusion of men from women’s empowerment programs.

Principal Investigator: Niamh Barry

Background: The aim of this study is to explore the views of men whose wives have taken part in a women’s
empowerment program. This study proposes to conduct research via interviews to examine the
relationships between the women who have under gone empowerment and their husbands, and to
correlate these findings with men whose wives have not undergone empowerment programs. With an
overall view to observe the attitudes of men towards the position of women within society in general and
the household and to examine if there are differences in the general attitudes of men with wives who have
undertaken empowerment programs to attitudes of men whose wives have not. Areas that will be explored
more specifically are (1) Economic: measuring women’s control over income, contributions, access to and
control over family resources, women’s access to employment, ownership of assets, and access to markets,
(2) Socio-cultural: measuring women’s freedom of movement, lack of discrimination against daughters,
commitment to educating daughters, women’s visibility and access to social spaces, participation in other
social networks, and shift in patriarchal norms (i.e. son preference), (3) Familial and interpersonal:
measuring participation in domestic decision making, control over sexual relations, ability to make
childbearing decisions, use contraceptives, control over partner selection, marriage timing and freedom
from domestic violence, acceptability of divorce, couple communication, negotiation and discussion of sex,
child related issues, domestic division of labour. With a view to understanding if male exclusion from female
empowerment programs is inhibiting factor to such programs success.

Procedures: You have been asked to participate in this study because your personal views as a married
man in this society are of great interest and will be very valuable in helping to answer the research
questions. Your contribution would be to attend an interview to discuss your views and experiences. The
interview will last no longer than an hour and will take place in somewhere private and convenient for you.
If you wish you may have access to the transcripts of this interview. The results of the study will be used for
a Masters thesis in University of Dublin, Trinity College

DECLARATION:

I have read, or had read to me, this consent form. I have had the opportunity to ask questions and all my
questions have been answered to my satisfaction. I freely and voluntarily agree to be part of this research
study, though without prejudice to my legal and ethical rights. I consent to possible publication of results or
use of data in other future studies without the need for additional consent. I understand I may withdraw
from the study at any time.

I have received a copy of this agreement.

61
PARTICIPANT'S I.D NUMBER: ………………………………………………………..

PARTICIPANT'S SIGNATURE/ FINGERPRINT: ………………………………………………………..

DATE: ….…………………………………………………….

Statement of investigator's responsibility: I have explained the nature and purpose of this research study,
the procedures to be undertaken and any risks that may be involved. I have offered to answer any questions
and fully answered such questions. I believe that the participant understands my explanation and has freely
given informed consent.

INVESTIGATOR’S SIGNATURE:……………………………………… Date:……………

62
 Female empowerment research
Appendix seven
Interview Guide for both men whose wives have participated in CAMA empowerment programs
and men whose wives have not.

*The same interview will be used for men whose wives have not participated in any empowerment
program with 8.2 omitted

Introduction.

Good morning/afternoon/evening, my name is [insert] and I am working on this research based at

Trinity College, Dublin Ireland. We are conducting interviews on selection male partners of CAMA
members, like yourself, in an attempt to assess the empowerment program your partners have
undergone, measure changes in attitudes and to understand if there is a need for more male
involvement within such empowerment programs. The results of these interviews will be used in a
master’s thesis in Trinity Collage Dublin Ireland and possibly used as evidence for advocacy efforts
that could benefit you and your partner. The interview will take approximately one hour. It will be
recorded and I may take some notes. The audiotape or notes cannot be linked to you and your
anonymity is guaranteed, as you read when signing your consent form. There is no way anything
that you say can be linked to you. Your name or any identifiable information will not be marked on
any of the data collection forms. If at any time you want to discontinue the interview you are free
to do so. If you are uncomfortable with any questions you do not have to answer them. Is this ok?

Section A: Familial and interpersonal: measuring participation in domestic decision making, control
over sexual relations, ability to make childbearing decisions, use contraceptives, control over
partner selection, marriage timing and freedom from domestic violence, acceptability of divorce,
couple communication, negotiation and discussion of sex, child related issues i.e. health and
education, domestic division of labour.

1: Determining progress in spouse selection, marriage timing

1.1 Warm up question: What age were you when you got married to your partner?

• Follow up: do you think (insert response) is an average age to get married in your
society?

• Follow up: had you known your partner long before you decided to get married?
(Continuation probe) so you courted for a short/long time before it was decided?
63
 1.2 Main question: who suggested the marriage?

o (Elaboration probe) so was this a decision you were happy with?

o (Elaboration probe) can you tell me how that made you feel?

• Follow up: if it was in or not in the men’s control: do you feel that this start makes your
equal partners in marriage?

2: Determining sexual negotiation, couple communication

2.1 Main question: do you have any children with your current partner?

• Follow up if yes: how soon after you were married did you decide to have children?

• Follow up if no: was it a mutual decision not to have children?

o (Continuation probe) was this a decision you made together?

o (Elaboration probe) if made alone: so it was solely your decision/your wife

decision? Move on to next main…

2.2 Main question: do you and your partner currently regularly use contraceptives?

• Follow up if yes: what contraceptives are you currently using?

• Follow up: Who is responsible for getting and using the contraceptives?

• Follow up: Are you happy with the decision to use contraceptives?

• Follow up if no contraceptives are used: are there any reasons why you do not use
contraceptives?

o (Elaboration probe) you emphasised (insert response) a lot is there any other
reasons?

• Follow up: was it both you and your wife’s decision not to use contraceptives?

o Continuation probe if solely was the mans decision) did your wife want to use
contraceptives?

• Follow up: are you happy with the decision not to use contraceptives?

o (Elaboration probe) can you tell me a little bit more as to why you feel that way?

64
3: Determining domestic decision making: chores, child related issues

3.1 Main question: do you and your wife both contribute to household work like the cooking
and cleaning?

• Follow up if yes: so you divide the daily chores equally or do you do certain chores
about the house?

• Follow up if no: so who mostly does the chores, you or your wife?

o (Elaboration probe) so was this something you both agreed to do?

3.2 Main question: who is most often the primary care giver of your children, is it you, your
wife or perhaps someone else?

o (Continuation probe) and this is a situation you are content with?

• Follow up if man names wife or family as caregiver: would you like to look after your
children a bit more?

o (Continuation probe) why was it decided that (insert response) would be mostly
responsible for the children?

3.3 Main question: do you think men may be unhappy if they were asked to take full responsibility
for the children?

• Follow up if has stated he is not the caregiver: are you happy not to be as involved in
care giving?

o (Elaboration probe) why is that?

4: Determining freedom from violence and abuse in a marriage

4.1 Main question: how do you feel about men who physically or sexually abuse their wives? By
physically abuse we mean hit, punch, kick, slap, etc. By sexually abuse we mean raping their
wives, that is when the woman does not want to have sexual intercourse and the man
forces her against her will.

• Follow up: Do you personally know of any men that physically and/or sexually abuse
their wives?

• Follow up: do you think certain situations ever justify wife beating?

o (Elaboration probe) ok so could you give some examples of when it might be

justified? / So in your opinion hitting a wife is never justified?

65
Section B: Economic: measuring women’s control over income, contributions, access to and control
over family resources, women’s access to employment, ownership of assets, and access to markets.

5. Determining economic attitudes and practices in the household and community

5.1 Main question: are you currently in full time or part time employment?

• Follow up if yes: what is it you do?

• Follow up: How many hours a week on average do you work?

• Follow up if no:

o (Clarification probe) is that just you don’t work in the formal sector or simply not
at all? Are you content to do that?

• Follow up: do you personally know men that are happy not to work?

o (Elaboration probe) could you tell me a little bit more about that?

5.2 Main question: is your wife in employment at the moment?

• Follow up if yes: what is it that she does?

• Follow up: How many hours a week on average does she work?

• Follow up: are you happy that she is working and contributing to the family income?

5.3 Main question: Who contributes more to the family income, you or your wife?

• If the wife contributes more:

o (Probe), how does that make you feel?

• Follow up if no, wife is not in employment: would you like your wife to be working?

o (Elaboration probe) why do you feel that way?

5.4 Main question: do you feel you are the main provider for your family/ or you and your wife
are both equally contributing?

• Follow up: if you are not uncomfortable with the question could you don’t need to
answer but could you tell me, how much you and your wife earn a week/month?

5.5 Main question: in your household is there a single person who looks after the household
finances/resources?

o (Elaboration probe) who is that person?

66
 • Follow up: what is the reasoning for (insert response) taking care of the household
financing?

5.6 Main question: do you think that the majority of men in this society would be content with
their wife as the main earner?

o (Elaboration probe) could you tell me a little bit more about that please?

• Follow up: do you feel there are still barriers to women gaining employment in the
formal sector?

5.7 Main question: Do you think that you and your partner have an equal share in making
household decisions on purchasing things for the household/family?

• Follow up If not:

o (Probe) why not?

Section C: Socio-cultural: measuring women’s freedom of movement, lack of discrimination against

daughters, commitment to educating daughters, women’s visibility and access to social spaces,
participation in other social networks, and shift in patriarchal norms (i.e. son preference).

6. Determining if there is a preference in educating boys over girls

6.1 Main question: are any of your children of school going age going to school?

• Follow up if yes:

o (Clarification probe) so are all your children of school age attending school?

• Follow up if no: are there any reasons as to why there are not all in school?

o (Continuation probe) could you tell me a little more about that?

6.2 Main question: do you think your society favours sending boys to school over sending girls?

o (Elaboration probe) why do you think (insert response) is true?

7. Determining women’s freedom of movement and access to social spaces

7.1 Main question: does your wife participate in any social groups or clubs?

• Follow up if yes: what kind of clubs or groups are these?

67
 • Follow up: are you pleased she is taking part in activities outside the home and
workplace? (Continuation probe) could you tell me a little more about how it makes you
feel?

• Follow up if no: would you like your wife to participate in other activities outside the
home and workplace?

7.2 Main question: do you think it is becoming more acceptable for women in your society to
partake in activities outside the home?

• Follow up: do you think many other men in your society share your opinion?

• Follow up: could you think of anything that may prevent women from taking part in
social activities outside the home?

8. Determining attitudes to female empowerment programs

8.1 Main question: what do you understand women empowerment to mean to you? (Possible
elaboration probe) could you talk a little more about that? /do you think it’s a positive or
negative step?

• Follow up: do you think many other men may share your opinion on women
empowerment?

8.2 Main question: so how do you feel that your wife has undergone the program with
CAMFED/empowerment program?

• Follow up: has your wife’s involvement in CAMFEDS programs changed you in anyway?

• Follow up: can you think of anything that might prevent women empowerment even
after a women has participated?

8.3 Main question: what do you think of the opinion that men also need to be educated before
women can be truly empowered? Is this valid, do you think?

• Follow up: do you think men may resist this idea?

Closing the interview

68
Cool-off questions: In summary, you would describe your feelings/attitude towards as [reiterate
the general feeling obtained in the interview] (clarification probe) Do you have any last things you
would like to add?

Thank you very much for taking the time out to do this interview, it has been both insightful and
pleasant.

69
 Female empowerment research
Appendix eight
Focus group discussion guide for men whose wives have not participated in any women’s
empowerment programs

Good morning/afternoon/evening, my name is [insert] and I am working on this research based at

Trinity College, Dublin Ireland. We are conducting some focus group discussions on selection of
married men, like yourself, in an attempt to understand your view and opinions on gender roles in
Zambia and to examine your view on women’s empowerment to understand if there is a need for
more male involvement within such empowerment programs. The results of these FGDs will be
used for a master’s thesis in Trinity Collage Dublin and hopefully used as evidence for advocacy
efforts that could benefit you and your partner. Is it ok if we record it take some notes (Wait for
response)…thank you very much. The audiotape or notes cannot be linked to you and your
anonymity is guaranteed, as you read when signing your consent form. There is no way anything
that you say can be linked to you thus I will ask you all to think of a alias for yourself so that your
real name or any identifiable information will not be marked on any of the data collection forms. If
at any time you want to discontinue this session you are free to do so. If you are uncomfortable
with any questions you do not have to answer them.
There are five topics for discussion in this session in the areas of household roles, education of
children, couple communication, women’s access to social spaces and a final topic on women’s
empowerment. I will begin by asking a general question on that topic and you can then respond.
All your opinions are equally valuable and I would encourage discussion among the group rather
than answering to me. Please respect the opinions of all the other participants.

Shall we begin with some introductions? If you could all introduce yourselves to the group, maybe
your name, not your real name please, and maybe tell us a little bit about your family life?...(ice-
breaker)

That was great, thank you. Now lets move on to some topics for discussion…

Topic A, household roles, economics

Do you think that when a couple gets married there are certain expectations to adhere
to certain roles? For example a women must stay at home, cook, clean, have children,
whereas a man must go out and provide for the family?

70
Possible probes: how would you feel about this situation if it was reversed and the man stayed at
home while the women went out and provided

How do the others feel about this role reversal?

Topic B couple communication, negotiation of contraceptives

If your wife said to you that she would like to begin to use a contraceptive such as a
condom, because she would like to wait before having more children, how would you
react to that?

Possible probes: whose decision is it to decide on family size?

Why do you think your wife would like to use contraceptives?

How do others feel?

Topic C children’s education

Could you imagine that you have two children, a boy and a girl, if you could only afford
to send one of them to secondary school, which child would you choose and why?

Possible probes: who would make that decision to choose, both you and your wife or just you?

Would others make a similar decision?

Topic D women’s access to social spaces

What is your views on women who might belong to social groups or be in involved in
activities outside the home, for example women who attend women’s meetings, meet
with their friends often, go dancing, go to bars?

Possible probes: would you be happy if your wife went out?

Does she need to ask your permission?

Why is that?

71
How do others feel?

Topic E women’s empowerment

When you hear people talking about women’s empowerment, what dose this mean to
you?

Possible probes: do you think this is a good thing or a bad thing?

Why do you think that?

Would you be happy if your wife wanted to become empowered?

Closing the FGD

‘Ok thank you very much we are going to finish up soon, let’s just go over a few things……’

Summarise the main points that were brought up in FGD, identify areas of agreement and areas of
different perspectives

‘Does any one have any final comments or questions?.....thank you very much for your time, it has
been extremely valuable.’

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Moderator Observations and Comments Response Sheet

Name of moderator:

Date:

Number of participants:

Non-verbal cues and their context:

Group dynamics/interaction:

- What did you observe in the group interaction?

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- Did this influence response?

- Were the participants in dispute or in agreement or both?

Problems:

Comments:

74
 SCHOOL OF MEDICINE
TRINITY COLLEGE FACULTY OF HEALTH SCIENCES

Trinity College, Dublin 2, Ireland

Professor Dermot Kelleher, MD, FRCPI, FRCP, F Med Sci Tel: +353 1 896 1476

Head of School of Medicine Fax: +353 1 671 3956

Vice Provost for Medical Affairs email: medicine@tcd.ie

Ms Fedelma McNamara email: medschadmin@tcd.ie

School Administrator

Ms Niamh Barry,

43 Harolds Cross Road, Harolds Cross, Dublin 6W

Friday, 16 May 2008

Study Title

Is the exclusion of men from female empowerment programs acting as an inhibiting factor to the goal
attainments of such programs?

Dear Applicant

Further to a meeting of the Faculty of Health Sciences Research Ethics Committee, February 2008,

I am pleased to inform you that the above project has been approved without further audit.

Yours sincerely

pp._______________________________________

Dr. Orla Sheils

Chairperson

Faculty of Health Sciences Ethics Committee

cc. Ms Posy Bidwell, Global Health, Foster Place

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76
 Research proposal submitted

Preliminary title: is the exclusion of men from women’s empowerment programs acting as an
inhibiting factor to the goal attainments of such programs?

1. Background

The gender of a person can have detrimental consequences to their health outcomes. Men and
women have different rates of illness, access to resources, and sexual and health seeking behavior.
Conversely it is women, especially in Africa who disproportionately bear the burden of morbidity
due to restricted access to educational, health and economic facilities. There are numerous inter-
related factors that exacerbate this phenomenon, particularly societal expectations of women that
can lead to inequalities in education and employment opportunities, inadequate protection within
the law, expectations towards child bearing, poverty, economic dependency on the man and very
little room for sexual negotiation. The common denominator is the subservient status of women in
many African societies. Thus women are subjected to many health risk factors that seem to be
outside their control and under the remit of discourses of masculinity. The gender dynamics within
the household are a central locus of women’s disempowerment in a way that is not true for other
disadvantaged groups (Malhotra et al, 2002).

1.2. The Zambian context

Over 70% of Zambians live in poverty with 7.5 million living on less than $1 a day; this places
Zambia among the world's poorest nations, with a GDP OF $890 per capita (DIFID, 2007). Social
indicators continue to decline, particularly in measurements of life expectancy at birth which are
currently 38 for men 37 for women, compared to 40 in the 2000 and in measures of maternal
mortality, 729 per 100,000 pregnancies in 2006 compared with 649 in 1996 (Population Reference
Bureau, 2007). The overall literacy rates stood at 67.9% in 2006 (WHO Factsheet, 2006). The
country's rate of economic growth cannot support rapid population growth or the strain which
HIV/AIDS related issues (e.g. rising medical costs and a decline in worker productivity) place on
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government resources. Almost 50% of Zambia’s populations are concentrated in urban areas, while
rural areas are considerably under populated (Bureau of African Affairs, 2008). Unemployment and
underemployment are also significant problems for the people of Zambia. The over all impact of
Zambia’s socioeconomic, cultural and health issues are deeply disaggregated by gender.

In the Global Gender Gap Report (2006), Zambia ranked 85 out of 115 countries in overall gender
equality indicators which measure the degree to which men and women are equally represented in
social, educational, economical and political spheres of life. The Global Gender Gap Report
highlighted significant differences between men and women in terms of access to education,
employment, literacy rates and contraceptive use. Women have lower literacy rates, less access to
education above primary (although this is low all over Zambia), less employment opportunities and
only 34% use contraceptives (Population Reference Bureau, 2007). All the indicators demonstrated
male privilege in the aforementioned areas and over all the gender gap report concluded that
Zambian social and economic structures are still heavily based on patriarchal values (Gender Gap
Report, 2006), that in essence increase women’s vulnerability. In a study of male youths in Zambia
(Dahlbäck, E et al, 2003) a number of interesting concepts relating to gender norms and roles were
discussed. In the area of gender roles in the households it was shown that men must never been
seen doing ‘women’s jobs’ such as cleaning and cooking, additionally it was thought that a women
could and should never be a head of a household. In the area of economic independence, worries
were expressed, that if a woman begins to make money, it would threaten the male position of
power, this was also reflected in decision making and boys felt that if you allow a girl to make all
decisions then she is making a fool of you. On issues of sexual activity some boys felt that a man
should have multiple girlfriends and satisfy them all sexually and some expressed opinion that they
can force a girl into marriage. Overwhelmingly the boys expressed an understanding that they are
the privileged sex in Zambia, in that they get more respect, better education and better jobs,
overall many shared the opinion of one boy who stated; ‘I am happy God made me a boy’
(Dahlbäck, E et al, 2003)

Because of the above issues in Zambia and many parts of Africa, many view empowering women as
imperative to the future of development.
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 1.3. The concept of empowerment
The basis of the concept of empowerment has its theoretical foundations. To be disempowered
is often to be firstly socially excluded. Sociologists Burchardt, Le Grand and Piachaud (1999)
empirical definition of social exclusion was: An individual is socially excluded if (i) they are
geographically resident in a society (ii) they can not participate in the normal activities of
citizens in that society (iii) they would like to participate, but are prevented from doing so by
factors beyond their control (Richardson and Le Grand, 2002). In essences this process of social
exclusion serves to exclude social groups from benefits and rights that are considered normal.
However, it is argued that not only are people marginalized from society, they are marginalized
by society itself, this is especially true for women in societies that are based on patriarchal
structures. Giddens (1998) explains, ‘Exclusion is not about graduations of inequality, but about
mechanisms that act to detach groups of people from the social mainstreams’ (Richardson and
Le Grand, 2002). Often social exclusion operates from ‘above’, this is not the case regarding the
disempowerment of women, whose root cause stems from patriarchal structures and norms at
the community level. Empowerment has been defined as ‘the expansion in people’s ability to
make strategic life choices in a context where this ability was previously denied to them’
(Malhotra et al, 2002). Women are not just one group amongst several disempowered subsets
of society they are a cross-cutting category that coincide with other marginalized groups. In this
sense empowerment is about the transformation of power relations between men and women
at four distinct levels; the household/family, the community, the market and the state (Odutolu
et al, 2003). Thus in summary empowerment is taken to mean a process by which women may
have the opportunity to access educational, economic and health resources, to engage in
decision making on an equal basis, participate in social spaces, and over all the ability to
exercise agency over their lives without their sex being viewed as a disadvantage.

1.4. The missing component of gender in development, male inclusion.

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Research shows that men not only acted as ‘gatekeepers’, constraining women access to health
services, but also through abuse, men’s actions have direct impacts on the health of their partners
(Sternberg, P and Hubley, J, 2004). Thus, increasingly the role of health promoters was seen as
protecting women from the negative impact of men’s behaviour on their lives, by working directly
and solely with women to empower them. Primarily this was focused on reproductive health but
soon included social and economic empowerment. In the age of Women in Development (WID),
programs were launched all over Africa that sought to empower women through education in
negotiation of contraceptives and to increase access and knowledge of health and economics.
Many of these programs focused on behavioral change interventions such as educational programs
on sexual risk behaviors and safe sex negotiation skills; others focus on empowering women
economically and reducing the dependency on men via micro financing schemes. The behavioral
change interventions aim to increase knowledge on risky sexual behaviors and promote skills to
reduce risky sexual behaviors while the economic empowerment programs understand that
women lack training, financial support and options in the work forces. Yet they often fail to
understand the real factors of culture and gender power relations that are preventing women from
gaining economic independence and acting upon knowledge of safe sex negotiation. The missing
component of these programs is that they only address women who are already tied to culturally
binding systems of patriarchy. Well intentioned female empowerment programs that attempt to
challenge the vulnerability of women often do not engage with the women’s reality.

Thus, as an approach the empowerment of women without the participation of men is at best a
partial solution and at worst could create more conflict and result in more problems by increasing
men’s feelings of alienation (Sternberg, P and Hubley, J, 2004). Men have remained passive and
often excluded in the dissemination of health information (Mbizvo, M and Bennett, M, 1996). In
the 1990’s there was a conceptual shift from WID to Gender in Development (GAD). The Cairo
conference on populations and development in 1994 and the Fourth international conference on
women in Beijing in 1995 were the platforms from which a revolution in thought about the role
men may play in the health status of women (Sternberg, P and Hubley, J, 2004). This international

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decade of rhetoric of the involvement of men brought to the fore new understandings of the
crucial role men play in women’s health status. It was recognized that men have been missing from
the conversations on gender and as the gatekeepers of the current unequal gender order, where
they are not involved, efforts to empower women may be ignored and thwarted (Women’s
commission for refugee women and children, 2005). The behavior, attitudes and perceptions of
men towards women and thus the specific discourses of masculinity is now recognized to not only
impact the health status of women but also of men. Masculinity has been defined in a general
sense as a set of role behaviors that men are encouraged to perform (Brown, J et al, 2005). This
may involve measuring themselves against a hegemonic masculine ideal, hegemonic masculinity is
the culmination of what it is to be a man in a particular society. Adherence to the masculine role
behaviors roles compromise men’s health by encouraging them to equate risky sexual behaviors
with being “manly.” Gender roles, for example, that equate masculinity with sexual prowess,
multiple sexual partners, physical aggression, dominance over women, a readiness to engage in
high-risk behavior and an unwillingness to access health services or seek emotional support,
impose a terrible burden on men, a burden that, due to trying to live up to masculine constructs,
puts them, their spouse, partners and children at high risk (Women’s commission for refugee
women and children, 2005).
For too long we have looked to women to change, develop, liberate themselves, and be
empowered, all the while taking for granted that these changes would be welcome (WHO, 2001).
There now needs to be equality in emphasis. Conversely while the theory of male inclusion has
long been recognized it is only very recently have internal and external actors have begun to design
programs with this understanding of male inclusion. Yet these programs are limited as worldwide
funds remain dedicated to programs that directly support women and children’s health (Sonfield,
2002). Deconstructing the problematic ideology of masculinity is imperative to the improved health
status of entire populations.

This study proposes to conduct research to examine the relationships between the women who
have under gone the CAMFED (campaign for female education) empowerment program and their
husbands, and to correlate these findings with men whose wives have not undergone any
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empowerment program. The CAMFED empowerment program aims to provide women in rural
Zambia with a comprehensive education from primary level through to secondary and eventually
providing the women with micro finance and health education to give them a better start in life.
Thus this study aims to observe the attitudes of both groups of husbands towards the position of
women within society and the household, feelings to what the role of women should be within
society, attitudes practices, beliefs about women and their role as partners in sexual relationships
and the ability for a woman to negotiate within this relationship. Consequently the study seeks to
understand firstly, to what extent are these women actually empowered within the household
relations and secondly to identify the areas where men’s attitudes are acting as barriers to the
overall empowerment. The over arching objective of the study is to note if male exclusion from
female empowerment programs is detrimental to women’s full empowerment.

2.1 Research objectives

The broad objectives of this research are as follows:

o To identify if the exclusion of men from programs for the empowerment of women
inhibits the success of such programs.
o To note the extent of empowerment that the women have achieved and the areas that
may still be barriers to women.
o Relate the attitudes and practices of men whose wives have participated in
empowerment programs to those of men whose wives have not participated in such
empowerment programs, to note if there are any significant difference in attitudes and
practices.
o Identify attitudes from the male viewpoint that may be barriers to women’s
empowerment.
o To extrapolate from the results potential areas for further program intervention and
further research to inform the wider public and program (re) design.

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2.2 Research question

The overall question that this research would like to answer is if the exclusion of men from
programs focusing on the social, economic and sexual empowerment of women acting as an
inhibiting factor to the goal attainments of such empowerment programs? To achieve this number
of additional questions must be raised. Questions must address men’s attitudes and practices in a
number of areas to that are essential to women’s empowerment. The general areas that could
demonstrate women’s empowerment and in addition act as indicators of impact or non impact
towards men’s behavior are : Economic: measuring women’s control over income, contributions,
access to and control over family resources, women’s access to employment, ownership of assets,
and access to markets, (2) Socio-cultural: measuring women’s freedom of movement, lack of
discrimination against daughters, commitment to educating daughters, women’s visibility and
access to social spaces, participation in other social networks, and a shift in patriarchal norms (i.e.
son preference), (3) Familial and interpersonal: measuring participation in domestic decision
making, control over sexual relations, ability to make childbearing decisions, use contraceptives,
control over partner selection, marriage timing and freedom from domestic violence, couple
communication, negotiation and discussion of sex, child related issues and domestic division of
labour. Views on women’s empowerment and possible barriers to empowerment will also be
explored. Thus the research will be asking if first and foremost ‘are the women who have
participated in women’s empowerment program actually empowered? This will be answered via
the males responses to the empowerment indicators just mentioned. These will also be correlated
to the responses from men’s whose wives have not participated in women’s empowerment
programs to examine if there are significant differences in empowerment levels between these two
groups of women. Then the research will be asking the question ‘what areas (if any) is there
resistance from men or what areas are still acting as barriers to full empowerment of women?’ The
fundamental question of why these areas present themselves as barriers will also be addressed and
correlated with the group of men whose wives have not participated in women’s empowerment
programs. Overall the attitudes and practices of both groups of men will be compared to see if
there are or are not significant differences in responses to female empowerment indicators to

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examine if women’s involvement alone in empowerment programs is sufficient or if there was an
identified area where men need to be included and addressed to contribute to the full
empowerment and acceptance of empowerment for women in Zambia.

2.3 Proposed research methodology.

This is an exploratory piece of research to evaluate the effectiveness, impact, and efficiency of a
specific women’s empowerment program in Zambia to be undertaken post intervention. The
objectives and aims of this research are to identify if (1) there are successful, (2) if there are specific
areas which still remain barriers to full empowerment and (3) to investigate if these barriers (if they
exist) are due to male attitudes and practices and thus could possibly be overcome with the
inclusion of men into women’s empowerment programs.

Men whose wives have undergone empowerment programs are the target participants for this
study. Men have been chosen because as previous research and literature has demonstrated, men
and their attitudes and practices regarding both the role of women and the role of men have been
identified as barriers to the full empowerment of women. More specifically this research will be
targeting men who are married to women who have participated in women’s empowerment
programs. The reasons as to why this specific population was chosen were due to the view that the
central locus of disempowerment of women begins at the household and this is also the area
where men most often exercise their dominant status. Thus it is the area where gender power
dynamics are most evident and measurable. A control group of men whose wives have not
participated in an empowerment program will also be sampled. Prior to the interviews a Focus
Group Discussion (FGD) will take place to further identify attitudes and practices that may not have
been included in the interview scripts. The target participants for the FGD will be married men
whose wives have not participated in any empowerment program. This is to give further grounding
for a comparison between the two groups of participants.

The research sample has been generated via an alumni association of women who have
participated in women’s empowerment programs. The Campaign for Female Education (CAMFED)

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an international NGO which endorses women’s empowerment programs in Zambia and has an
alumni association named CAMA of beneficiaries of the empowerment program has been selected.
The Chinsali District of Zambia has been chosen as it has a greater proportion of CAMA members
who are married. A sample of maximum 10 participants who are married and willing to participate
in the research will be contacted and recruited. An equal number of men whose wives have not
participated in a women’s empowerment program will also be recruited either in the outskirts of
Lusaka or the neighboring Chongwe district. This sample of men will be recruited, possibly through
local advertisement, poster campaign or word of mouth.

Qualitative research is proposed using in depth interviews with men whose wives have undergone
empowerment programs. A similar interview will be conducted with men whose wives have not
undergone any empowerment program. The interview setting will be a neutral environment.

2.4 Analysis of data

Immediately following the FGD and the interviews, the tape recordings will be transcribed verbatim
for a manual thematic analysis with a focus on the over arching themes of the research. There will
also be a smaller quantitative analysis achieved using SPSS. Areas that the quantitative analysis will
focus on are basic demographic details, averages and correlations in attitudes between the both
sets of participants. Tables and graphs will most likely to be used to demonstrate results.

2.5 Ethical considerations

The main goal of this research is to gain insight while ensuring that all individual involvement is
voluntary and does no harm to the participants of the study. To that end, participants will have the
study aims and objectives explained to them by a member of the field team, they will then be given
an information sheet to read or be read to them. They will then be asked to give their written
consent (or finger print if they cannot read) on the consent form explaining that they have
understood process, purpose and implications of the study. Participation will not be allowed
without the consent form.

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Another important goal is to ensure the anonymity and comfort of interviewees. The study
contains references to sensitive issues regarding household financing domestic abuse and sexual
behaviour; there may be social or cultural unease, or personal risk in disclosing such information.
Anonymity will therefore be guaranteed to all participants, as names are not collected in the
interview numbers will be used on all questionnaires etc. Participants will be informed that if they
do not wish to answer a question or do not wish to continue that they are under no obligation. If
participants are uneasy during any process of the research, they are under no obligation to
continue.

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